s&sss^ 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2011 with funding from 
 
 Research Library, The Getty Research Institute 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/royalcommentarieOOvega 
 
THE 
 
 ROYAL 
 
 COMMENTARIES 
 
 O F 
 
 I N 
 
 TWO PARTS. 
 
 THE FIRST PART. 
 
 Treating of the Original of their Incas or Kings : Of their Idola- 
 try : Of their Laws and Government both in Peace and War : Of the Reigns 
 and Conquefts of the Incas .- With many other Particulars relating to their 
 Empire and Policies before fuch time as the Spaniards invaded their Countries. 
 
 THE SECOND PART. 
 
 Defcribing the manner by which that new World was conquered 
 
 by the Spaniards. Alfo the Civil Wars between the Pi^arrifts and the Alma- 
 grians, occafioned by Quarrels arifing about the Divifion of that Land. Of 
 the Rife and Fall of Rebels ; and other Particulars contained in that Hiftory. 
 
 piufttateD toitl) Sculptures* 
 
 Written originally in Spanifb, 
 
 By the Inca GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA, 
 
 And rendred into Englijh, by Sir PAV L RTCA V T, K\ 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 Printed by Miles Flejher, for Jacob Ton/on at the Judges-Head in 
 
 Chancery-Lane near Fleetftreet, MDCLXXXV1II. 
 
Let this Book be Printed, 
 
 Auguft 3. 
 
 Middleton. 
 
THE 
 
 Royal Commentaries 
 
 O F 
 
 PERU, 
 
 IN TWO PARTS. 
 
 THE FIRST PART 
 
 Treating of the Original of their hicas or Kings, : Of their Idola- 
 try : Of their Laws and Government both in Peace and War: 
 Of the Reigns and Conquers of the lncas : With many other 
 Particulars relating to their Empire and Policies before fuch 
 time as the Spaniards invaded their Countries. 
 
 THE SECOND PART 
 
 Defcribins; the manner by which that new World was conquered 
 by the \ Spaniards. Alfo the Civil Wars between the Pic.arrifts 
 and the Almagrians , occafioned by Quarrels arifing about the 
 Divifion of that Land. Or the Rife and Fall of Rebels ; and 
 other Particulars contained in that Hiftory. 
 
 Written originally in Spanijh , 
 
 By the Inca GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA, 
 
 And rendred into Englijh , »- 
 
 By Sir P A V L RTCAVT, Knight 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 Printed by Miles Flejher , for Jacob To?ifon at the Judges-head in 
 Chancery-lane near Fleet [ireet, 1688. 
 

 : 
 
 
 Let this Book be Printed, 
 
 Augufl J. 
 
 Middleton. 
 
T O 
 
 JAMES II. 
 
 By the Grace of God, 
 
 KINGof ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, 
 
 FRANCE and IRELAND, &c. 
 
 Defender of the Faith. 
 
 May it pleafe your Moft Excellent Majefty, 
 
 THIS Translation out of Spanifh, having 
 the Name ojf Royal Commentaries, feems 
 jujily to claim a Title to Tour MAJE- 
 ST T'S gratious Favour and Protection : And lif\e- 
 wife Tour M A f EST T'S Dominions being adja- 
 cent and almofl contiguous to the Countries which are 
 the fubjetl of this Hiftory, mafy Tour MAJESTT 
 a Party concerned in the Affairs of the New World, and 
 fofupreme an Arbitrator in the Government thereof that 
 to fuffrejs the Robberies and Infolence of certain Pi- 
 rates who infejl thofe Coafts, Tour MAJESTTS 
 Royal Arms are called for , as the moft proper Means 
 and Power to reduce them. Great aljo is Tour M A- 
 J E ST T'S Fame in the Eaft as well as in the 
 Weft- Indies : And may all the World court Tour 
 Friendship and Alliance, and doe honour to Tour Roy- 
 al Standard. 
 
 ( 2 ) May 
 
The Epiftle Dedicatory. 
 
 May Tour MA JEST T be fill happy with 
 Jncreafe of Glory and Honour both at home and abroad, 
 untill fuch time as that you exchange this mortal Crown 
 for me everlafi-ing in the World to come. VVhicbtis 
 the fervent Prayer of 
 
 Dread Sovereign, 
 
 Your MAJESTY'S 
 
 mod: obedient, 
 
 moil; dutifull, 
 
 and mod loyal 
 
 Subject and Servant, 
 
 Paul Rye ant. 
 
 THE 
 
THE 
 
 TRANSLATOR 
 
 TO THE 
 
 R E A D E R. 
 
 TH E Authour of this Hiftory was one of thofe vohom the Spani- 
 ards called Meztizo's , that is , one bom of a Spanilh Father and 
 an Indian Mother. And though he was a Native of Peru , and 
 by the Mother s fide inclined to thefimple Temperament, which is natural to 
 that Count rey ; yet it feems the Spanilh humour was moft prevalent in him, 
 fo that he delighted much to tell in , as in divers places , that he was the 
 Son o/Garcjlaflb de la Vega, one of the fir ft Conquer ours of the new World, 
 who was by the direQ Line defcended from that brave Cavalier Garcipe- 
 rez de Vargas , from whom came the valiant Gomez Suarez de Figueroa , 
 the fir ft Count of Feria, his Great-grandfather, and Ynigo Lopez de Men- 
 do^a , from whom the Duke of Infantado was defcended ; who was Brother 
 to his Great-grandmother and to Alonfo de Vargas , Lord of the Black- 
 mountain , his Grand father , from whom came Alonfo de Hineftrofa de 
 Vargas, Lord of Valde Sevilla, who was Father to Garc^laflb de la Vega, 
 of whom came our Authour. Nor lefs illuftrious doth he tell you, that he 
 was by the Mother's fide , who was the Daughter of Inca Huallpa Topac , 
 one of the Sons of Topac Inca Yupanqui and of Palla Mama Occlo, his 
 lawfull Wife , from whom came Huayna Capac Inca, the lafl King 0/Peru. 
 Wherefore this Authour in all his Writings ftyles him/elf Gareilafto Inca, 
 lecau/e he derived his Pedigree from the Kings of Peru, who were called 
 Inca's , a name it feems given to none but the Royal Family. 
 
 This Hiftory is divided into two Parts. The fir ft treats of their Govern- 
 ment before the time of the Inca's, which was by the Head of their Tribes 
 % and Families called Curacas ; and then it proceeds unto the Original of the 
 Inca's, and of their Government , and in what manner that falvage People 
 was civilized and inft rutted in the Laws of Humane Nature, and to live 
 in a Political Society by Manco Capac their fir ft King ; How alfo the Men 
 were taught by him to plow and cultivate their Lands, and exercife fome 
 fort of Husbandry : and how the Women, by his Wife Coya Mama, (who 
 by their Law was to be his Sifter) were taught tofpin, and weave, and make 
 their own Garments. 
 
 It it probable that a great part of this Hiftory, as far as concerns the 0- 
 riginJ of the Inca's and the foundation of their Laws, is fabulous : howfo- 
 
 A z ever 
 
The Tranflator to the Reader. 
 
 ever, being, as our Ant hour fays, delivered by Tradition, and commonly be- 
 lieved amongft their People of the better degree , it may contain divers 
 Truths mixed with abundance of Fittions andfoolift) Inventions. But this 
 is no more than what hath happened to Nations of more refined underftan- 
 ding ; for what account can we our /elves give of Great Britain before the 
 Romans entred into it > Nay, What can France or Spain fay of the An- 
 cient Inhabitants of their own Countries , or of the manner , how they came 
 fir ft to be Chriftians ? Vnlefs it be that which ignorant men have devifed , 
 and what the Learned men are now afhamed to believe or fay after them ? 
 And then, what wonder is it that fuch poor Salvages , born in a part of the 
 World undifcovered to us , untill the year 1484 ; and of whofe Original we 
 have no certain knowledge ; nor have any light bejides fancy and conjetture, 
 from whence the Continent of America hath been peopled: How then , I 
 fay , can it be expected that thefe illiterate Creatures fhould be able to 
 give an account of their Extraction, or of Matters which puffed in 
 thofe Ages ; of which the Learned parts of the World acknowledge their 
 ignorance , and confefs themfelves to be in the dark even as to thofe 
 Matters which concern their own Hi/lories ? 
 
 But becaufe it is in the nature of Mankind to tife reflell Alls on their 
 own being , and retreat with their Thoughts back to fome beginning „• fa 
 thefe poor Souls derive the Original of their firft being from divers Crea~ 
 tures, of which they had the great eft opinion and admiration : fome living 
 near a great Lake which Jupplied them with ft ore of Fifh, called that their 
 Parent , from whence they emerged : and ethers efteemed the Mighty 
 Mountains of Antis to have been their Parent , and to have iffued out 
 of thefe Caverns , as from the Womb of a Mother ; others fanjied them- 
 felves to be defended from that great Fowl called Cuntur , which fpreads 
 a very large Wing , which pie a fed fome Nations of the Indians, that they 
 would look no farther for a Parent than to that Fowl, and in token 
 thereof, upon days of folemnity and feftival , carried the Wings thereof 
 fa fine el to their Armes. But then , as to their Inca's or Kings , whofe O- 
 riginal was to be derived from fomething higher than fublunary Creatures, 
 being of better compofition than their poor and mean Vaffals , the Sun was 
 efteemed a fit Parent for thofe who were come from Divine race : fo that 
 when they adored the Sun , whom they acknowledged for their God, they 
 gave honour to their Kings who were defended from him. Various have 
 been the opinions amongjl Hiftorians concerning the Original of this Peo- 
 ple ; of which the moft probable , as I conceive , is , that they proceeded 
 from the Race of the Northern Tartar , whom they refemble in the fhape 
 and air of their features , and in their barbarous way of living ; but 
 then we muft fanfie, as fome Geographers do , that the Weft fide of A- 
 merica is Continent with Tartary , or at leaft disjoyned from thence by 
 fome narrow ftrait ; of which I am well perfuaded we have no certain 
 Knowledge. 
 
 But to let thefe Matters pafi, and confide r the Condition in which the 
 Spaniards found the Inhabitants of Peru , when they firft came amongft them, 
 they were, I fay, a naked People , fimple and credulous, believing every 
 thing that the Spaniards told and promifed them : To which they were in- 
 duced out of an opinion that the Spaniards were Viracocha's or the Oft- 
 fpring of the Sun , whom they adored for God, and in whom they believed, 
 according to the Light of Nature , that there could be no falfity or fhadow 
 of untruth. Wherefore they were ftrangely furprized , whilft in a peace- 
 able 
 
The Tranflator to the Reader. 
 
 able manner they were treating with the good men , and whilft Friar 
 Valverde, with a Crofi in his hand, teas preaching to Atahualpa their 
 King ; that then , without any Caufe given, they fhould be killed with 
 Swords and Lances , and jive thoufand of them maffacred before the face 
 of their Prince ; And yet they would not foregoe this foolifh imagina- • 
 tion • though afterwards , contrary to the faith given , they faw their 
 King imprijbned , and his liberty promifed upon a vafl ranfome of Gold 
 and Silver ; which when paid and fully complied with , he was notwith- 
 flanding fir angled in prijon , and no other liberty given him than that 
 freedom which Death beflows upon all mankind. And yet this filly People 
 could not but entertain a high efteem of the Spaniards, as of thofe who 
 were come to teach them a better Law , and flill called them Viracocha's , 
 or People dejcended from their Father the Sun , imagining that this new Tfie Indians 
 fort of People in Beards and Ruffs had received Commiflion from that glori- Beards. 
 ota Light, which they adored, for punifhment of their Offences, to fwear 
 and lye, and violate all the Bands of humane kind. And yet that which 
 farther /hews the fimplicity and good nature of this People is, that in de- 
 fpight of all the ill ufage received from ^Spaniards, they would prove 
 flill faithfull to them, upon a principle they had received, that to whom- 
 foever they had yielded themj elves in War, they were to be faithfull, with 
 fuch uncorrupted Loyalty and Truth , that no confideration either of King , 
 Wife, Father, Family or Countrey could abfolve them from the Obligation 
 and Duty they owed to their Countrey ( vid. p. 487. j And hence it was 
 that fo many Indians fought againfl their Countrey-men in union with the 
 Spaniards, and Jerved them for Spyes , to give them intelligence of what- 
 foever was defigned in the Camp of the Indians. 
 
 But this flexible and good nature of this People did not fof ten the haugh- 
 ty mind of the Spaniards towards them , who efteeming the reft of the 
 World Slaves to them, oppreffed the Indians with fuch fervitude and fla- 
 ry as the nature of man was not able to fuflain. Of which that wife and 
 good Emper our , Charles^/'*? Fifth, taking notice , he difpatched newOr~ 
 ders to Peru , for eafe of the Natives , and to exempt them from that 
 inhumane Tyranny which one man ought not to exercife towards another : 
 But this gratiom Indulgence of the Prince ferved to raife greater Diflur- 
 bances amongji the Conquerours , who rejufing to quit their Commands and 
 exempt thejr Indians from their Vaffalage and Services, openly oppofed the 
 Governours and Officers which were fent to put the new Ordinances in execu- 
 tion : which afterwards proceeded to an open War and Rebellion , which 
 with various jucceffes continued for many years : till at length the King 
 of Spain was forced to moderate the rigour of his new regulations, and con- 
 defcend to his Subjects, by conferving to them that tyrannical Power which 
 they pretended unto by right of Conquefl over the Indians : in which they 
 'werefounmercifull, that had not King Philip the Second contrived a fup- 
 ply of Negro's out cf Africa to work in the Mountain of Potofi and other 
 Mines, the whole Indian Nation had before this been utterly extinguijhed. 
 
 But God , who is jufl and compaffionate of the Creatures which he hath 
 made , would not fuffer thefe Cruelties to pafi unpunijh'd, but caufed the. 
 Spaniards tbemfehes to be inftruments of his vengeance on each other. 
 So Francifco Pi^arro and Diego Almagro, after having conquered the Coun- 
 trey, fell at variance about flaring the Government and dividing the Spoil, \ 
 which was decided by the Sword: Then Goncalo Pi^arro pretended to the 
 Government of Peru for his Life, by virtue of the Patent which the Em- 
 
 perour 
 
The Tranflator to the R eader. 
 
 perour had given to his Brother the Marquis Picarro, and in defence there- 
 of, and in oppofition to the new Laws before mentioned , he raijed Wars 
 againfi the Juftices and the Vice-king Blafco Nunnez, whom, after feve- 
 ral Fights and Skirmifhes he killed in Battel. And though this Picarro 
 was afterwards fubdued by the wife conduct of the Prefdent Pedro de la 
 Gafca , yet things did not continue long quiet before they broke out again 
 into new difturbances. So Don Sebaftian de Cadi' la made a Rebellion 
 and headed the Male-contents , who being difappointed of the reward they 
 expelled for the fervices they had done againfi Gonjralo Picarro, endea- 
 voured to right them] "elves by their own Power , and killed the General 
 Don Pedro de Hinojofa. Then Vafco de Godinez killed Don Sebaftian 
 deCaftilla, and ' fet up for himfelf, but was foon fubdued, and put to death 
 by Alonfo de Alvarado. Then Egas de Guzman, a bold and bloudy Vil- 
 lain pretended to be the Head of a Party , but he and his Complices were 
 foon difperfed for want of Affociates to abet their Caufe. And laflly, Fran- 
 cifco Hernandez Giron , with about twelve or thirteen more began a Re- 
 bellion in Cozco, and with that/mall number killed moft of the Magijlrates 
 of the City, and put moft of the Inhabitants to flight; with whom after- 
 wards many difcontented Souldiers joining , they carryed on a War againfi 
 the Government for fever al years with much bloud, and cruelties ailed upon 
 each other ; for now the common Souldiers were become fo mutinous, for 
 want of employment , that they were ready to join with any perfon that 
 pretended to a refentment : And indeed there was not an ordinary Fellow 
 but who had fo great a value for himfelf on the honour of being a Spaniard 
 and a Souldier, that he fwallowed in his vain thoughts all the Riches of the 
 Indies , andfanfied that the whole Government and Wealth of Peru was 
 not afufficient Reward for a perfon of his high Mir it and Ex trail ion. In 
 this manner was Peru conquered , and with this fort of People hath it been 
 fince that time planted , ivhich we have reafon to believe have buried 
 themfelves infloth and luxury. How well they have improved 'that Count rey 
 and ufed thofe Riches which God hath given them , and how humanely they 
 have treated the poor Natives ; I leave to the Hiftorians of our modern 
 times : and for the Valour and Bravery which of late years they have ufed 
 in defence of that Countrey; I refer myfelf to the Relation of the Buca- 
 niers. And fo proceed on with this Hifiory. 
 
 
 
(O 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 B o o K I. 
 
 C H A P. I. 
 
 How the New World was Vifcovered. 
 
 BOUT the Yean 
 
 .. 
 
 84, a certain Pilot, Native of Helva in the 
 
 County of Niebla, called Alonfo Sanchez,^ ufually Traded in a fmall 
 Veflel from Spain to t 
 
 A 1 
 Veflel from Spain to the Canaries 5 and there Lading the Commo- 
 dities of that Countrey, failed to the Maderas, and thence freigh- 
 ted with Sugar and Conferves, returned home into Spain •? this was 
 his conftant courfe and trafick, when in one of thefe Voyages mee- 
 ting with a moft violent Tempeft, and not able to bear fail, he was forced to put 
 before the Wind for the fpace of a 8 or 29 days, not knowing where or whither 
 he went, for in all that time he was not able to take an obfervation of the height 
 of the Sun ; and fo grievous was the ftorm, that the Mariners could with no con- 
 venience either eat or fleep : At length, after fo many long and teadious days, the 
 Wind abating , they found themfelves near an Ifland, which it was, is not cer- 
 tainly known , but it is believed to have been St. Domingo, becaufe that lyes tuft 
 Weft from the Canaries, whence a ftorm at Eaft had driven the Ship, which is 
 the more ftrange, becaufe the Eafterly Winds feldom blow hard in thofeSeas, and 
 rather make fair weather, than tempeftuous. But God, who is all-fufficient, in- 
 tending to beftow his mercies, can make caufes produce effects contrary to their 
 nature •, as when he drew water from the Rock, and cured the blind with Clay ; 
 in like manner his immenfe goodnefs and compaffion defigning to tranfmit the 
 light of the true Gofpel into the new World, made ufe of thefe onufual means' 
 to convert them from the Idolatry of Gentilifm , and from their foolilh and dark 
 iuperftitions , as (hall be related in the fequel of this Hiftory. 
 
 The Mafter landing on the more , obferved the height of the Sun, and Co no-' 
 ted particularly in writing what he had feen, and what had happened in this Voy- 
 age out, and home : and having fupplied himfelf with frefh water and wood , 
 he put to Sea again •, but having not well obferved his courfe thither, his way to 
 return was the more difficult, and made his Voyage Co long, that he began to want 
 both water and provisions, which being added to their former fufferings, the peo- 
 ple fell lick, and died in that manner, that of 1 7 perfons which came out of Spain, 
 there remained but live onely alive , when they arrived at the Terceras, of which 
 the Mafter was one. Thefe came all to lodge at the Houfe of that famous Ge- 
 xocfe, called Chriftopher * Colon , becaufe they knew him to be a great Seaman and * Or ohm- 
 Cofmographer, and one who made Sea-carts to fail by $ and for this reafon he bus - 
 received them with much kindnefs, and treated them with all things neceflary, 
 that fo he might learn from them the particulars which occurred, and the difcoveries 
 they had made in this laborious Voyage : but in regard they brought a languishing 
 'diitemper with them, caufed by their Sufferings at Sea, and of which they could 
 not be recovered by the kind ufage of Colon, they all happened to dye in his houfe, 
 leaving their labours for his inheritance ■-, the which he improved with fuch readi- 
 nefs ef mind, that he underwent more, and greater, than they, in regard that they 
 
 B lafted 
 
Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 Med longer ; and at length he fo well fucceeded in his enterprize, that he be- 
 ftowed the New World , with all its riches , upon Spain , and therefore defer- 
 vedly obtained this Motto to be infcribed on his Armes : 
 
 To Caftile, and to Leon, 
 
 The New World was given by Colon. 
 
 In this manner the New World was firft difcovered, for which greatnefs Spain 
 is beholding to that little Village of Helva, which produced fuch a Son, as gave 
 Colon information of things not feen, or known before •, the which fecrets, like a 
 prudent perfon, he concealed, till under affurances of filence he firft difclofed 
 them to fuch perfons of authority about the Catholick Kings, as were to be afli- 
 ftant and ufefull to him in his defign, which could never have been laid, or chal- 
 ked out by the art of Cofmography, or the imagination of man, had not Alonfo de 
 Sanchez given the firft light and conjefture to this difcovery ; which Colon fo rea- 
 dily improved, that in 78 days he made his Voyage to the lfle of Guanatianko, 
 though he was detained fome days at Gomera to take in Provisions. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 The derivation of the word Peru , and how the Countrey came 
 to be fo called. 
 
 Since we are to treat of the Countrey of Peru, it will be requifite to enquire,' 
 how it came to be fo called, in regard the Indians have no fuch word in their 
 language : to which end we muft know, That a certain Gentleman, Native of 
 Xerez, called Bano Nunnez, having in the year 151 3, been the firft Spaniard, who 
 difcovered the Sea of Zur, or the Pacifick Sea-, in reward thereof the Kings of 
 Spain honoured him with the title of Admiral of thofe Seas, and with the go- 
 vernment of thofe Kingdoms and Countries which he (hould farther difcover and 
 conquer. During thofe few years he lived after thefe Honours (for his Son-in- 
 law Pedro Arias de Avila being Governour, in recompence of all his Services, cut 
 off his head ) his great care was to difcover, and know what that Countrey was 
 called, which from Panama runs all along the coaft of the Sea of Zur ■■, to which 
 purpofe he built three or four Veflels, and employed them in feveral quarters to 
 make their difcoveries •, every one of which did afterwards return with relations 
 of great tra&s of land running along that coaft .- one of which Veflels ftretching 
 farther than the others to the very Equino&ial line, and failing by the more, they 
 efpied an Indian, as he was fifhing at the mouth of a River, of which there are 
 many, which in that Countrey fall into the Sea; fo foon as the Spaniards faw him, 
 they landed four of their men with all privacy imaginable, fuch as could run and 
 fwim well, that fo he might not be able to efcape them either by land or water. 
 Having fo done, they pafled with their Ship, as near as was poflible before the 
 Indian, that whilft he amufed himfelf with the ftrangenefs of the objecl:, he might 
 more eafily be taken by the ambufh which was laid for him : the Indian behold- 
 ing fo unufual a fight as a Ship fwimming with all her Sails on the Sea, which he 
 had never before feen or heard of, his eyes were fo fixed , and his imagination fo 
 taken up with looking, and confidering what thing that was, which offered it felf 
 to his fight , that he was not fenfible of the fnare laid for him , untill he found 
 himfelf taken in the Armes of the Spaniards, who with great joy and fport brought 
 him to their Veflel -, the poor man was fo amazed with the furprizal, and to fee 
 the Spaniards with Beards, and in a different habit to his, and to find himfelf in 
 a Ship, and under Sails, that it is no wonder if he laboured under the greateft 
 confirmation imaginable -, but the Spaniards ufing all kind means to treat and ca- 
 refs him, he, in a (hort time, recovered himfelf from the diftra&ion of his fear: 
 and then they asked him by figns and words, what Countrey that was, and how 
 it was called ? The Indian by their motion and geftures knew that they asked him 
 ibme queftion , but could not underftand what they demanded , but anfwering 
 
 readily, 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 readily, left they fliould doe him fome hurt, faid Beru, which was his own proper 
 name, and then added Pelu 5 which was as much as to fay, if you ask me my 
 name, I am called Beru ; but if you ask me of the place, where I was, it is Pelu $ 
 for that fignifies a River in the Indian language : from which time, which was in 
 the year 1 j 1 5, the Spaniards have ever called this great and rich Countrey by the 
 name of Peru •, other Hiftorians corrupting the letters, call it PWu, inftead of Peru .- 
 and this place, where this Indian was furprized, we may certainly denote as the ut- 
 moft border of that Dominion which was under the Jurifdiction and Conqueft of 
 thofe Kings, which were called Incas •, and which was ever after named Peru from 
 that very place which is over-againft Quita to Charcas, and is the principal Domi- 
 nion of the Incas, containing 700 Leagues in length ; although their Empire did 
 reach as far as Chile, which contains joo Leagues more, and is another moft rich 
 and fertile Kingdom. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 The Definition of Peru, with the Story of Peter Serrano. 
 
 TH E four limits and borders of that Empire which the Incas poflefled before 
 the Spaniards invaded them , were thefe. To the North it was bounded 
 with the River Ancarmaya, which runs between the Confines of ^mta and Pajfau, 
 and fignifies in the common language of Peru, the Azure River, being fituated al- 
 moft perpendicularly under the Equinoctial line : to the South its limits are con- 
 fined by the River Mauli, which runs Eaft and Weft through the Kingdom of 
 Chili, before it comes to the Araucos, which is 40 degrees of South latitude from 
 the Equinoctial. The diftance between thefe two Rivers they account little left 
 than 1300 Leagues by Land. That which is properly called Peru, contains 7 so 
 Leagues in length, reaching from the River Ancarmaya to the Chkhas, which is the 
 farthermoft Province of the Choreas, and lyes North and South, as alfo doth that 
 which is called the Kingdom otchilo, which contains about ss° Leagues in length, 
 reckoning from the fartheft part of the Province Chkhas to the River Mauli. 
 To the Eaft it is bordered by that Mountain which is inacceifible for men, beafts 
 or fowls, called the Cordillera, becaufe it is always covered with Snow, and runs 
 from St. Man a to the Straits of Magellan, wliich the Indians call Ritirgu, and is as 
 much as the Countrey of Snow. To the Weft it hath the Sea oiZur for its 
 Confines, running all along the coaft to the Cape Pajfau, which is under the Equi- 
 noctial, and extends to the Mauli, which alfo falls into the Sea of Zur •, from the 
 Eaft to the Weft the Kingdom is efteemed but narrow, the broadeft place of it 
 being from the Province Mugupafa to the City Trugillo, which is fituated on the 
 Sea-coaft, and contains 120 Leagues in breadth, being in the narroweft place, 
 which is from the Port Arica , to the Province called Laricoffa, about the {pace of 
 70 Leagues. Thefe are the four bounds of that Dominion which the Incas poflef- 
 fed, the Hiftory of which we intend, by divine affiftence, for to write. But be- 
 fore we proceed forward, it will be requifite to recount the Story of Peter Serrano, 
 for which we have place fufficient in this ihort Chapter. 
 
 Peter Serrano efcaped from fhipwreck by fwimming to that defert Ifland, which 
 from him received its name, being, as he reported, about two Leagues in com- 
 pafs, and for fo much it is laid down, in the Waggoner, which pricks three little 
 Iflands in the Cart, with divers {hallow places about them •, lb that all Ships keep 
 at a diftance from them avoiding them with all poffible care and circum- 
 fpection. 
 
 It was Peter Serrano's misfortune to be loft upon thefe places, and to fave his 
 life on this difconfolate Ifland, where was neither water, nor wood, nor grafs, nor 
 any thing for fupport of humane life, at leaft not for maintenance of him for fo 
 long a time, as untill fome Ship pafling by might redeem him from periihing by 
 hunger and thirft, which languishing manner of death is much more miferable, 
 than by a fpeedy fuifocation in the waters. With the fad thoughts hereof he 
 
 B z pafled 
 
a Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 parted the firft night , lamenting his affli&ion with as many melancholy reflexi- 
 ons, as we may imagine, capable to enter into the mind of a wretch in like ex- 
 tremities •, fo foon as it grew day, he began to traverfe his Illand, and found on 
 the (bore fome Cockles, Shrimps , and other creatures of like nature , which the 
 Sea nad thrown up, and which he was forced to eat raw, becaufe he wanted fire 
 wherewith to roaft them : And with this fmall entertainment he palled his time, till 
 * a fort of obferving fome * Turtles not far from the (bore, he watch'd a convenience untill 
 Fifli. they came within his reach, and then throwing them on their backs, (which is 
 
 the manner of taking that fort of fiih ) he cut the throat, drinking the bloud in- 
 ftead of water 5 and dicing out the flefln with a knife which was faftned to his 
 girdle, he laid the pieces to be dried, and roafted by the Sun •, the iliell he made 
 ufe of to rake up rain-water, which lay in little puddles, for that is a Countrey of- 
 ten fubjecl: to great and fudden rains. In this manner he parted the firft of his 
 days by killing all the Turtles that he was able, fome of which were fo large, that 
 their (hells were as big as Targets or Bucklers ; others were fo great, that he was 
 not able to turn them, nor to ftop them in their way to the Sea , fo that in a 
 fhort time experience taught him, which fort he was able to deal with, and which 
 were too unwieldy for his force : with his leffer (hells he poured water into the 
 greater, fome of which contained 1 2 Gallons ; fo that having made fufficient pro- 
 vifions both of meat and drink, he began to contrive fome way to (hike fire, 
 that fo he might not onely drefs his meat with it, but alfo make a fmoak to give 
 a fign to any Ship, which was parting in thofe Seas •-, confidering of this invention, 
 ( for Seamen are much more ingenious in all times of extremity, than men bred at 
 Land ) he fearched every-where to find out a couple of hard pebles inrtead of 
 flints, his knife ferving in the place of a fteel 3 but the Ifland being all covered 
 with a Dead Sand , and no ftone appearing , he fwam into the Sea , and diving 
 often to the bottom , he at length found a couple of (tones fit for his purpofe, 
 which he rubbed together, untill he got them to an edge, with which being able 
 to ftrike fire, he drew fome threads out of his (birt , which he worked fo fmall, 
 that it was like cotton, and ferved for tinder - 7 fo that having contrived a means 
 to kindle fire, he then gathered a great quantity of Sea-weeds, thrown up by the 
 waves, which with the lhells of Fifb., and planks of Ships, which had been wrec- 
 ked on thofe (holes, afforded nourithment for his fuel : and left fudden thowres 
 fhould extinguifh his fire, he made a little covering, like a finall Hut, with the 
 (hells of the largeft Turtles or Tortoifes that he had killed, taking great care that 
 his fire (hould not go out. In the fpace of two months, and (boner, he was as 
 unprovided of all things, as he was at firft, for with the great rains, heat and moi- 
 fture of that climate, his provifions were corrupted 5 and the great heat of the 
 Sun was fo violent on him, having neither cloths to cover him, nor fhadow for a 
 (belter, that when he was, as it were, broiled in the Sun, he had no remedy but 
 to run into the Sea. In this mifery and care he parted three years, during which 
 time he faw feveral Ships at Sea, and as often made his fmoak 5 but none turned 
 out of their way to fee what it meant, for fear of thofe Shelves and Sands, which 
 wary Pilots avoid with all imaginable circumfpection ; fc that the poor wretch 
 defpairing of all manner of relief, efteemed it a mercy for him to dye, and ar- 
 rive at that period which could onely put an end to his miferies 3 and being ex- 
 pofed in this manner to all weathers, the hair of his body grew in that manner, 
 that he was covered all over with briftles, the hair of his head and beard reaching 
 to his wafte, that he appeared like fome wild and favage creature. At the end of 
 three years Sen-am was ftrangely furprized with the appearance of a Man in his 
 Illand, whofe Ship had, the night before, been caft away upon thofe Sands, and 
 had faved himfelf on a plank of the Veflel : fo foon as it was day, he efpied 
 the fmoak, and imagining whence it w r as, he made towards it. So foon, as they 
 faw each the other, it is hard to fay, which was the moft amazed $ Serrano ima- 
 gined, that it was the Devil who came in the (hape of a Man to tempt him to 
 defpair : the New-comer believes Serrano to be the Devil in his own proper (hape 
 and figure, being covered over with hair and beard : in fine, they were both afraid, 
 flying one from the other. Peter Serrano cried out , as he ran , fefus, fefus, dt 
 me from the Devil : the other hearing this, took courage, and returning again to 
 
 him, called OUt, Brother, Brother, don't fly from me, for I am A Chrifiian, as thou art . 
 
 and ) becaufe he faw that Serrano ftill ran from him, he repeated the Credo, or Apo- 
 ftle's Creed, in words aloud 5 which when Serrano heard, he knew it was no 
 
 Devil 
 
Book I. Koyal Commentaries. « 
 
 Devil, that would recite thofe words, and thereupon gave a flop to his flight, 
 and returning to him with great kindnefs, they embraced each other, with fighs 
 and tears lamenting their fad Eftate, without any hopes of deliverance: Serrano 
 fuppofing that his Gueft wanted refreflimeht, entertained him with fuch provifi- 
 ons, as his miferable life afforded •, and having a little comforted each other, they 
 began to recount the manner and occafion of their fad difafters. Then for the 
 better government in their way of living, they defigned their hours of day and 
 night to certain Cervices ; fuch a time was appointed to kill Fifh for eating, fuch 
 hours for gathering weeds, Fifh bones, and other matters, which the Sea threw 
 up to maintain their conflant fire ; and efpecial care they had to obferve their 
 watches, and relieve each other at certain hours, that fo they might be fure their 
 fire went not out. In this manner they lived amicably together, for certain days, 
 for many did not pafs before a quarrel arofe between them* fo high; that they 
 were ready to fight j the occafion proceeded from fome words that one gave the 
 other, that Ire took not that ca're and labour as the extremity of their condition 
 required^ and this difference foencreafed, (fortofuchmifery.doourpaffions often 
 betray us) that at length they feparated, and lived apart one from the other : how- 
 foever in a ihort time having experienced the want of that comfort which mu- 
 tual fociety procures, their choler was appeafed, and fo they returned to enjoy 
 converfe, and the affiftence which Friendthip and Company afforded, in which 
 condition they pafled four Years ^ during ail which time they faw many Ships 
 fail near them, yet none would be fo charitable or curious, as to be invited by 
 their Smoak and blame-, fo that being now almoft defperate, they expe&ed no 
 other remedy befides Death, to put an end to their Miferies. 
 
 Howfoever at length a Ship adventuring to pafs nearer than ordinary, efpied the 
 Smoak, and rightly judging, that it muft be made by fome Shipwrecked Perfons 
 efcaped to thofe Sands, hoifted out their Boat to take them in. Serrano and his 
 Companion readily ran to the place where they faw the Boat coming 5 but fo 
 fbon as the Mariners were approached fo near, as to diftinguifh the ftrange Figure 
 and Looks of thefe two Men, they were fo affrighted, that they began to row 
 back ; but the poor men cryed out, and that they might believe them too not to 
 be Devils, or evil Spirits, they rehearfed the Creed, and called aloud upon the 
 Name of Jefus-, with which words the Mariners returned, took them into the 
 Boat, and carried them to the Ship, to the great wonder of all there prefent, who 
 with admiration beheld their hairy fhapes, not like Men, but Beafts, and with 
 lingular pleafure heard them relate the ftory of their paft misfortunes. The Com- 
 panion dyed in his Voyage to Spain, but Serrano lived to come thither, from 
 whence he travelled into Germany, where the Emperour then.refided: all which 
 time he nourifhed his Hair and Beard, to ferve as an Evidence and Proof of his 
 paft Life: wherefoever he came the People preffed, as a Sight, to fee him for Mo- 
 ney ■■, Perfons of Quality having alfo the fame curioficy, gave him fufficient to de- 
 fray his charges, and his Imperial Majefty having feen, and heard his Difcourfes, 
 beftowed a Rent upon him of Four thoufand Pieces of Eight a Year, which 
 make 4800 Ducats in Peru-., and going to the Poileffion of this Income, he dyed 
 at Panama, without farther Enjoyment. All this Story was related to me by a 
 Gentleman called Garci Sanchez, de Figueroa, one who was acquainted with Serrano, 
 and heard it from his own Mouth-, and that after -he had feen the Emperour he 
 then cut his Hair and his Beard to fome convenient length, becaufe that it was fo 
 long before, that when he turned himfelf on his Bed, he often lay upon it, which 
 incommoded him fo much as to difturb his fleep, 
 
 CHAP. 
 
$ Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the Idolatry and Gods which the Ancient Iricas adored, and 
 Manner of their Sacrifices. 
 
 FOR better underftanding of the Life, Cuftoms and Idolatry of the Indians 
 of Peru, it will be neceflary to diftinguifli the times before the heat, from 
 thofe wherein their Rule and Empire began, their Gods and Sacrifices and 
 Cuftoms being much different, according to the Agesj for the Men them- 
 felves, in the firft times, were at beft but as tamed Beafts, and others were 
 worfe than the fierceft Creatures. Tp begin with their Gods, we muft know, 
 that they were agreeable to the quality of their own corrupt and abominable man- 
 ners, and every Nation, Province, Tribe and Houfe had its particular, God; 
 for their Opinion was, that one God would have bufinefs fufficient to take care 
 of one Province, or Family, and that their Power was fo confined, that It could 
 have no virtue or extent within the Jurifdi&ion of another: and becaufe their 
 Fancies were not fo fublimated, as to frame abftradled Notions of Deities, fuch 
 as Hope, Viclory, Peace, and the like, as the Romans did in the time ofGenti- 
 lifm; they adored whatfoiver they faw, fuch as Flowers, Plants, Herbs, Trees, 
 efpecially, Pines and Elmes^ Caves, Stones, Rivers j and particularly in that 
 Province, which is called the Old Port, they had a high Veneration for the Ef- 
 merald, becaufe it is the Pretious Stone of that Countrey, and the Diamond and 
 Ruby are in no efteem, becaufe they are not known to them •, they alfo wor- 
 fhipped the Lion , Tyger and Bear, for their fiercenefs, and with that fubmiffion 
 and humility, that they would hot fly from them, but offer themfelves to be de- 
 voured by them. In fine they adored any thing wherein they obferved an Excel- 
 lency ^ as the Fox and Monky for Craft, the Hart for his Swiftnefs, the Falcon 
 for his Agility and Courage, and the Eagle for the Acutenels of his Sight : fuch was 
 the vanity aud folly in the imagination of this favage People, who had no Scrip- 
 tures to teach and enlighten them, nor Prince to govern and protect them. 
 
 Howfoever there were other Nations more confiderate in choice of their 
 Deities, adoring none but fuch as afforded them benefit and advantage ^ as Foun- 
 tains, and cool Springs which yielded them Drink, Rivers that watered their Pa- 
 ftures^ the Earth they called their Mother, and worfliipped, becaufe it yielded 
 them Food, the Air, becaufe they breatked in it, and was their Life, the Fire, 
 becaufe it warmed them, and drefled their Meats fome alfo made choice of 
 Sheep, and Corn, and Cattel, and every thing that abounded moft in their Coun- 
 trey, and ferved for nourishment, to be a God, and worthy of Divine Honour. 
 The Inhabitants near the Cordillera worfliipped that Mountain for its height, thofe 
 of the Coaft made the Sea their God, which in their language they call Mam*- 
 choca, and is as much as to fay, the Mother Sea i the Whale for hs prodigious 
 bignefs was in no lefs Veneration than the reft, and every fort of Fifti which aboun- 
 ded amongft them was deified , becaufe they believe that the firft Fiih In the 
 World above them, takes always care to provide them with a number of the like 
 fort or Jpecies fufficient to maintain and nourifli them. Befides thefe there are 
 two Nations which are Cbirihuanas, and others living about the Cape of Pajfau, 
 (which are die North and South Borders of Peru,) that have no thoughts or incli- 
 nations to Religion, and worfliip nothing either above or below •, but giving them- 
 felves over toftupidity and ilotb, neither having fear nor love, live with the fame 
 ienfuality that Beafts do, becaufe they have not as yet had the happinefs to receive 
 the ipftru&ions, dodtrine and government of the Incas, who are the Indian Kings. 
 The Sacrifices which they made to thefe Gods were as cruel and barbarous as the 
 Gods were ftupid arid fenfelefs, to whom they offered them •, for befides Beafts, and 
 Fruits, and Corn, they facrificed Men and Women of all ages, which they had 
 taken in the War : And fome Nations of thefe exceeded fo far in their inhuma- 
 nity, that they offered not onely their Enemies, but on fome occafions their very 
 
 Children 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 i ! 
 
 Children to thefe Idols. The manner of thefe Sacrifices were to rip open their 
 breafts whilft they were alive , and fo tear out their Heart and Lungs , with the 
 Bloud of which, whilft warm, they fprinkled their Idols: then they infpe&ed 
 the Lunus and Heart, to take an omen of good or bad, and know whether the 
 Sacrifice had been acceptable to the Idol •, then they burnt the Entrails, and ate 
 the Flelh themfelves with great joy and feftivity, though it were of their own 
 Child, or other Relation of the fame bloud. 
 
 Bias Valera a certain Authour who in loofe Papers wrote of the indies, defctibes 
 thole Nations by diftinguilhing the former from the latter ages, and faith. That 
 thofe who live in Antn eat Mens Flelh , and are more brutith than the Beafts 
 themfelves, for -they know neither God, nor Law, norVertue, nor have they Idols, 
 or any Worlhip •, unlefs fomerimes when the Devil prefents himfelf to them in 
 the form of a Serpent, or other Animal , they then adore and worfhip him. 
 When they take any in the War* if he be an ordinary Fellow, they quarter him, 
 dnd divide him to be eaten by their Wives, Children and Servants, or perhaps 
 fell him to the Shambles-, but if he be of Quality, or Noble, they call their 
 Wives and Children together, and like Officers of the Devil, they (trip him of 
 his garments, and tye him to a ftake, and then alive as he is, they cut him with 
 Knives, and fharp Stones, paring oft dices from the more flefhy parts, as from 
 the Buttocks, Calves of the Legs, and the brawny places of the Arme; then with 
 the Bloud they fprinkle the principal Men and Women, and the remainder they 
 drink, and eat the Flelh as faft as they can, before it is half broiled, left the re- 
 ferable Wretch fhould dye before he hath feen his flefh devoured, and intombed 
 in their bowels: The Women, more cruel and inhumane than the Men* wet 
 the nipples of their Breafts with the bloud, that fo the Infants which fuck them 
 may take a lhare of the Sacrifice. All this is performed by way of a religious 
 Offering with mirth and triumph, till the Man expires \ and then they complete 
 the Feaft in devouring all the remainder of his Flefh and Bowels, eating it with 
 filence and reverence, as facred, and partaking of a Deity. If in execution of all 
 this torment the Patient was obferved to figh and groan, or make any diftoited 
 feces, then they broak his Bones, and with contempt threw them into the fields 
 and waters-, but if he appeared ftout, and enduring the anguifh and pains without 
 (blinking at them, then his Bones and Sinews were dryed in the Sun, and lodged 
 On the tops of the higheft Hills, where they were deified, and Sacrifices offered 
 to them. Such are the Idols and manner of living of thefe Brutes, becaufe the 
 Government of the Inca* was never received into their Countrey, nor hath it any 
 Power there at this day. This Generation of Men came out from the parts about 
 Mexico, and fpread themfelves from Panama and Darien, over all thofe great moun- 
 tains which run as far as the new Kingdom of Granada, and on the other fide as 
 far as the Cape of St. Martha. All which particulars we have received from Fa- 
 ther Bias Valera, who in the Narrative he gives of their Lives and Manners much 
 more aggravates their diabolical Pradices, than by any thing we have here re- 
 lated. 
 
 But other Indians lefs cruel , and of a more mild Nature, though they mingled 
 humane Bloud with their Sacrifices, yet they did it not with the death of any 5 
 but drew it from Veins of the Arme or Leg, or from the Noftrils, in cafe of 
 pains in the Head, and from other parts, as the nature or folemnity of the Sacrir 
 fice required. Others offered Sheep, and Lambs, Conies, Partridges, and all 
 forts of Fowl, Herbs, and the Cocar-Nut, fo much in efteem amongft them 4 
 with their Mayz, which is a fort of Wheat, as alfo Pulfe, Annife and Cummin, 
 and fweet Woods, which rendred a perfume } the which were feverally facrificed 
 according to the nature of the Deity they adored. And thus much fhall be fuffi- 
 cient to have been delivered concerning their Sacrifices, and Gods of the Ancient 
 Genrilifm, 
 
 C i CHAP, 
 
8 Royal Commentaries*, Book I. 
 
 ■ I 
 
 CHAR V. 
 
 Of the Government i Viet and C loathing of the Ancient 
 Indians. 
 
 THefe People were as barbarous in their manner of living in their Houfes and 
 Habitations, as they were in the Worfhip of their Gods, and Sacrifices ; 
 fuch of them as obferved any thing of a Political Government, lived in a kind of 
 Society, having houfes near together, placed without order of Streets or Paflages, 
 appearing rather like Pens or Sneepfolas, than humane Habitations: Others, by 
 reafon of the Wars and Variances amongft themfelves, lived on Rocks and Moun- 
 tains, and places inacceffible for their Enemies 5 others dwelt in little Cottages, 
 fcattered over the fields and vallies-, and every one feated himfelf as well as he 
 thought convenient for commodioufnefs of Vi&uals and Water, whether it were 
 in Caves under ground, or in the hollow of Trees, the neceffities, rather than the 
 conveniences of living being provided for-, and of this fort of People there are 
 fome yet remaining about the Cape of Pajfau, as the ChWihmr.M and other Nati- 
 ons, whom the hcas have conquered, and who ftill continue their ancient barba- 
 rity, and favage manners: and thefe are the mod difficult of any to be reduced to 
 the fubjection of the Spaniards, or the Chriftian Religion ; for having never had 
 Learning, or fcarce Language fufficient to underftand each other, they live like 
 Beads, without Communication, Friendmip or Commerce. 
 
 Thofe amongft them who had mod of Understanding , or of a Spirit moft 
 daring, took the privilege to Rule, and govern the others, whom he treated as 
 his Slaves, with fuch Tyranny and Cruelty, that he made ufe of their Wives and 
 Daughters at his pleafure, all things being confounded with War and Ruine. In 
 fome Provinces, they flead the Captives taken in War, and with their Skins co- 
 vered their Drums , thinking with the found of them to affright their Enemies 5 
 for their opinion was. that when their Kindred heard the rumbling noife of thofe 
 Drums, they would be immediately feized with fear, and put to flight. For the 
 mod part they lived by Robberies, and the Spoils each of other ; the ftronger 
 preying upon the weaker was the caufe of feveral petty Kings ■-, fome of which per- 
 haps being of a more gentle nature than others, and who treated their Subjects 
 with lefs rigour and cruelty, were for that reafon adored by them for Gods, fra- 
 ming to themfelves fome reprefentation of Divinity in the good actions of fuch 
 men, who had fome allays in their cruel and tyrannical Government. In other parts, 
 they lived without Lords, or order of a Common-wealth-, but like fo many Sheep 
 pa fled together in all fimplicity, not that Vertue moderated their malice, but 
 their ftupidity and ignorance made them fenfelefs and uncapable of good or 
 evil. 
 
 Their manner of Cloathing, or covering their Bodies, were in fome Countries 
 as immodeft as they were ridiculous ■■, their Diet alfo was fo foul and barbarous, 
 that we, who know better, may wonder at the beaftiality. In the hot Coun- 
 tries, which were moft fruitfull, they fowed little or nothing, but contented 
 themfelves with Herbs, and Roots, and wild Fruits, and with that which the 
 Earth produced of it felf, for they, requiring no more than natural fuftenance, li- 
 ved with little, and created no accidental necefTities for fupport of Life. In fome 
 Countries they were fuch great lovers of Man's Flefh, that when they were kil- 
 ling an Indian, they would fuck his bloud at the Wound they had given him 5 and 
 when they quartered his body, they would lick their fingers, that not one drop 
 of bloud mould be wafted : in their Shambles they commonly fold Mens Bodies, 
 making Saufages of their Guts, fluffing them with flefh, that nothing might be 
 loft. Peter oiCieca in the 26th Chapter of his Book, declares fb much, and af- 
 firms, that he faw it with his own Eyes-, and that fo far their gluttony pro- 
 voked them in this kind, that they did not fpare thofe very Children, which they 
 
 begoc 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries, 
 
 begot upon thofe Women whom they had taken Captives in the War, but bree- 
 ding them with fuch care and diet as might make them fat 5 to foon as they came 
 to be twelve years of age, and that they were plump and tender, they dreffed them 
 for their Table, and devoured them with their Mothers, unlefs they were with 
 Child •■> for then they referred them till they were delivered, and had nurfed up 
 their brood. Moreover to thole Men whom they took in the War they gave 
 Women, and their breed they nourilhed and fatned, with intent to eat them, as 
 we do Lambs, and Calves, and the young ones of our heards and flocks, without 
 regard to Bloud or Parentage, which even in brute beafts hath fome effecT: of love 
 and tendernefs. But what was moft abominable above.aH, was a cuftome amongft 
 fome Indians toeat the Flefli of their Parents, (b foon as they were dead; accoun- 
 ting it a part of their relpeft and duty to bury and intomb them within their own 
 Entrails , which they boiled , or roafted , according to the quantity ; if the body 
 was lean, and extenuated , they boiled the fleih to make it the more tender , and 
 if it were grofs and flelhy, then it was roafted •, and for the bones , they buried 
 them with fome Ceremony, either in the holes of Rocks, or the hollow Trees: 
 but this fort of People know no Gods, nor adore any thing, and inhabit for the 
 moftpart in the hotter, and not in colder Regions of this Continent. In the more 
 cold and barren Countries, where the earth is noc fo fruitful!, neceflity compel Is 
 them to fovv Mayz, which is their Indian Wheat, and other forts of pulfe or grain, 
 but they diftinguiih neither times, nor feafons for it -, and in their filhing and 
 fowling, and in all other things the like barbarity of manners predominates. 
 
 As to their manner of Cloathing, the modefty' of an Hiftorian obligeth me ra- 
 ther to pafs it by, than to defcribe it, left I mould feem offeniive to chaft and 
 modeft Ears: but to exprefcit with as much decency as I am able; we are to 
 know, that the Indians in the firft ages wore no other covering than the Skins 
 ■which Nature gave them. Some perhaps of them for curiofity, or affectation , 
 girt themfelves about the Wafte with a clout of courfe thread, which they eftee- 
 med a Cloathing fufficient for them. I remember, that in the Year 1 570. when 
 
 I came into New Spain, that I met in the ftreetS of Cartagena with five Indians, all 
 
 naked, walking one after the other, like fo many Cranes, fo little had the conver 
 lation and fociety of the Spaniards in fo long a time prevailed to the alteration of 
 their Humours, Manners or Barbarity. 
 
 The Women wear no other garments than the Men •, onely the married Wives 
 girt a firing about them to which they faften a clout of Cotton, a yard fquare, 
 like an Apron, and where they cannot or will not learn to .weave, they cover 
 their nakednels with the rine or broad leaves of trees. The; Maidens^ alio wear 
 fomething girt about them, to which they add fom'e other mark, as a fign of their 
 Virginity. Modefty forbids us to enlarge farther on tins Subject, it being fuffici- 
 ent what we have declared , that in hot Counnies they went naked , without 
 other covering , or ornament , than that which Nature furnilhes to brute Beafts ; 
 whence we may imagine how barbarous thofe Indians were before the times in 
 which the Mas gained a Sovereignty over them. 
 
 In colder Countries they ufed Garments, not for modefty, or decency, but for 
 neceflity to defend them from the cold : their cloathing was commonly with the 
 Skins of beafts, and with a fort of Matt, which they wove with ftraw or rufhes. 
 Other Nations of them, who had more ingenuity, wore a fort of Mantles , ill- 
 made, and fpun with a courfe thread, and worfe woven with wool, or wild hemp, 
 which they call Chahuar ■., and fome ornament about their necks , and a covering 
 about their waftes, was all the cloathing which their cuftoms and manners required * 
 and in this habit the Spaniards found tnofe Indians, over whom the Incas had not 
 extended their Dominion-, and which even to this day continues amongft them; 
 for they have fuch an averfion to garments, that even thofe who live familiarly 
 with the Spaniards, and are their domeftick Servants, are rather forced by im- 
 portunity to ufe them, than that they chufe them out of inclination, or any confi- 
 deration of decency or modefty •, the like humour is alfo common to the Women •, 
 fo that the Spaniards ufe in jeft to tell them that they were bad Spinfters, and to 
 ask them whether they would not doath themfelves becaufe they would not fpin, 
 qr would not fpin, because they would not be cloathed.- 
 
 CHAE 
 
io Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the different ways of Marriages , and diver fity of Lan- 
 guages amongft them. And of the Poifons and Witch- 
 crafts that they ufed t 
 
 SUch as thefe Indians were in their eating and cloathing, fuch were they in 
 their Marriages, in which they were as beftial , as in their other manners, 
 exercifing coition in the fame way as Beafts ; for having not Wives in property, 
 they ufed their Women as Nature incited, or as accidentally they occurred; 
 without regard to Mothers, Daughters, or Sifters, or the neareft proximity of 
 bloud- In fome Countries, where a certain fort of Marriage was ufual, thofe 
 Women that were free of their Bodies, were moft efteemed, and obtained the 
 beft Husbands, becaufe they were accounted adive, and bufie in their calling, 
 when others of a more chaft and cold Nature, were rejeded as drones, dull and 
 unfit for love. In other Countries they obferved a different cuftome 5 for the 
 Mothers preferved their Daughters with great refped and care, till the time of 
 their Marriage, when bringing them into publick, they fhewed the Tokens of 
 their Virginity. In other parts the Father, or near of kindred, claimed a title to 
 the Maidenhead of the Bride by conditions of the Marriage, before (he was given 
 to the Husband. Peter de Cieca in the 24th Chapter of his Book affirms the fame ; 
 and that Sodomy was ufed amongft them, but yet in fecret, and as a crime: 
 though the Devil perfuaded them to it in their Temples, as a pleafure which their 
 Gods delighted in, that fo under the guife of Religion he might take off that veil 
 of Modefty, which covered humane nature. 
 
 There were fome, both men and Women, that pradifed the art of Poifoning, 
 fo that they could kill with it immediately, or in a certain time, or could make 
 mad, or fools, disfigure the countenance, make the body leprous, and the Limbs 
 to wither and pine away. 
 
 Every Province, and every Nation had a different Tongue, or Dialed; thofe 
 who fpake the fame Language they efteemed Friends and Kindred, and with them 
 they kept peace and confederacy , all others were accounted Enemies and Stran- 
 gers, with whom they maintained a perpetual War, eating thofe whom they 
 took, as if they had been Animals of another [pedes. 
 
 Witchcraft was more commonly ufed by the Women, than by the Men, who, 
 to gain a reputation to themfelves of Wifedom, of Prophecies and Predictions of 
 things to come, like Pythoneffes, or Sibyls, treated familiarly with the Devil. Thefe 
 Women , out of malice or Envy pradifed this Art moft commonly on the 
 Men, and which operated the fame effed as their Poifons-, fuch was the conftitu- 
 tion of thefe Indians in the firft age , and in the time of their Gentilifm , when 
 they had no other guide but the Devil and their own Natures-, and hereof we 
 fhall more particularly treat in the fequel of this Hiftory, when coming to difcourfe 
 of the Nations apart, we fhall have occafion to mention the barbarifms and be- 
 ftialities which are refpedively appropriated unto the feveral People. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. i i 
 
 CHAP. VIL 
 
 The Original of the InCas, who were Kings of Peru. 
 
 THefe People living and dying in that manner, as we have before declared, it 
 pleafed God at laft that fome little light mould dawn from the morning, 
 and through the dark clouds of Ignorance and Stupidity dart a fmall ray of the 
 Law of Nature into their hearts, that learning fomething of that refpeft which 
 one man ought to bear unto another, they might by degrees improve in morality, 
 and from Beads be converted into Men, and made capable of Reafon and Under- 
 ftanding •, that fo, when the fame God, who is the Sun of Juftice, mould think 
 fit to ifnie out the light of his Divine Rays on thofe poor Idolaters, they might 
 be found more docible, and eafily difpofed to receive the principles of the Chri- 
 ftian faith* the which will plainly appear in the progrefs of this Hiftory ; and that 
 thofe, whom the lncat had fubje&ed , and reduced to fbme terms of Humanity 
 and Political Government, were much better and eafier to receive the Evangelical 
 Doctrine preached unto them, than thofe ignorant wretches who lived in their na- 
 tural ftupidity, and who to this day, after the fpace of 71 Years, that the Spani- 
 ards have been Matters of Peru, have made no ftep or improvement towards the 
 Doftrine of Morality, or a rational Life. And now that we may proceed for- 
 ward, to relate thefe obfcure matters, I muft acquaint the Reader, that having 
 considered with my felf of the ways and methods whereby I might moft clearly 
 make known the beginning and, original of the Incas, who were the Natural 
 Kings of Peru, I have determined with my felf, that there is no more expedite 
 courfe, nor means hereunto, than to repeat thofe (lories which in my youth I re- 
 ceived from the relation of my Mother, and my Uncles, her Brothers, and others' 
 of my Kindred, touching this fubjeft, which certainly will be more authentick 
 and fatisfadtory than any account we can receive from other Authours, and there- 
 fore mall proceed in this manner. 
 
 My Mother, redding at Cozco, which was her own Countrey, thofe few Kin- 
 dred and Relations of hers which furvived, and efcaped from the cruelties and 
 Tyrannies of Atanhualpa , (as (hall be related in the Hiftory of his life) came al- 
 moft every week to make her a vifit* at which their ordinary difcourfe was con- 
 cerning the Original of their Kings, the Majefty, and greatnefs of their Empire, 
 their Conquefts, and Policies in Government, both for War and Peace, together 
 With the Laws they inftituted for the good and benefit of their fubje&s; in fhort, 
 there was nothing great or profpefous amongft them, which they omitted in the 
 Series of their Difcourfe. 
 
 From their pad Happinefs they defcended to their prefent condition , and be- 
 wailed the death of their Kings, by whofe deftru&ion the government fell, and 
 the Empire was transferred. Thefe, and fuch like difcourfes, the lncat, and the 
 Ladies of quality, which we Call P allot, entertained us with at their vifits, which 
 they always concluded with tears and fighs in remembrance of their loft happinefs, 
 faying, that from Governours they were now become Slaves, &c During thefe 
 Difcourfes , I , that was a Boy , often ran in and out, pleafing my felf with fome 
 pieces of the ftory, as Children do with the tales of Nurfes. In this manner days, 
 and months, and years paffing, till 1 was come to fixteen or feveriteert years of age, 
 being one day prefent with my Kindred, who were difcourfing of their Kings and 
 Anceftours, it came into my mind to ask the moft elderly Perfbn amongft them , 
 and interrupt his Difcourfe in this manner. . Inca, [aid I, and my Vncle, how it it 
 
 foffible, ftnct you have no Writings , that you have been able to conferve the memory of 
 things fafi, and of the Original of our Kings? I obferve that the Spaniards, and their 
 fuighbouring Nations, have their Divine and Humane Hiftories , -whereby they learn the 
 Ume that their own Kings, and the Princes of other Countries began their Reigns, when and 
 how Empires were altered and transferred, nay, fo far they proceed, as to tell hs how many 
 tkwfand years are fafi, ftnce God ere at id Heaven and Earth 1 all which, and much more, 
 
 ■ they 
 
12 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 they have learned from their hooks ; but at for your farts, in what manner can you retain 
 the memory of your Anceftors, or be informed of the Original of your Incas ? as who was the 
 firfi of them , or what was his name ? of what lineage , or in what manner he began 
 to reign ? what Nations he conquered, and when he gave a being to this great Empire, and 
 •with what Exploits our Ancefiors atchieved their greatnefs ? 
 
 The Inca was much pleafcd to hear me make thefe enquiries, becaufe he took a 
 delight to recount thole matters, and turning himfelf to me, Coufin, (aid he, / 
 
 mofi willingly comply with your requeft ; for it concerns you to hear them, and keep them 
 
 in your heart, (which is a phrafe that they ufe, when they mean that it fhould be 
 
 committed to Memory.) You mufi know therefore, that in ages pafi all this Region and 
 Count rey you fee round us, was nothing but mountains , and wild fore ft , and the People in 
 thofe times were like fo many brute Beafts , without Religion or Government; they neither 
 /owed, nor ploughed, nor cloathed themfelves, becaufe they knew not the art of weaving with 
 Cotton or I fool: They dwelt by two and two, or three and three together, as they happened 
 to meet in Caves, or holes in the Rock,s and Mountains ; their food was Herbs, or Grafs, 
 Roots of Trees, and wild Fruits, and Man s Elefh ; all the coverings they had were Leaves 
 or Barks of Trees, and Skins of Beafis: Infhort, they were altogether favage, making ufe 
 of their Women as they accidentally met , under ft anding no property , or fngle enjoyment of 
 them. 
 
 And now 1 pray obferve me with due attention, for I would not be troubled to make repe- 
 tition of what I have faid. Our Father the Sun, (for this is the language ofthe Incas, 
 which is a tide of Reverence and Refpeft, which they always adjoin, fo often as 
 they name the Sun •, for they avail themfelves much of the Honour of being de- 
 fended from him , and his Name is fo pretious, that it is blafphemy for any, and 
 by Law he is to be ftoried, who dares to take this Name into his mouth, who 
 is not an Inca, or defcended from that Lineage. ) Our Father the Sun ( (aid the 
 
 Inca) beholding Men fuch as before related, took compaffion of them, and fent a Son and a 
 Daughter of his own from Heaven to Earth, to inftrutl our people in the knowledge of Our 
 father the Sun, that fo they might worfhip and adore him, andefteem him for their God: 
 giving them Laws and Precepts , whereunto they might conform their Lives , like Men of 
 Reafon and Civility ; that they might live in Houfes and Society, learn to fow the Land t 
 cultivate Trees, and Plants , feed their Flocks , and enjoy them , and other Fruits of the 
 Earth, as rational Men, and not as brute Beafts. With thefe Orders and InftruBions 
 Our Father the Sun placed his two Children in the Lake Titicaca , which is about eighty 
 Leagues from hence, giving them liberty to go, and travell which way they pleafed, and that 
 in what place foever they ft aid to eat, or jleep x they fhould ftrike a little wedge of Gold into 
 the ground, (which he had given them,) being about half ayard long, and two fingers thick^, 
 and where with one ftroke this wedge fhould fink, into the Earth, there fhould be the place of 
 their Habitation, and the Court unto which all People fhould refort. Laftly, he ordered them, 
 that when they fhould have reduced People to thefe Rules and Obedience, that then they fhould 
 conferve and maintain them with Reafon, Juftice, Piety, Clemency and Gentlcnefs, performing 
 all the good Offices of a pious Father towards thofe Children which he loves with tendernefs 5 
 and that in imitation of him, and by his example, who doeth good to all the World, affording 1 
 them light to perform their bujinefs, and the allions of Life, warming them when they are 
 cold, making their paftures, and their feeds to grow, their trees .to fruBifie, and their flocks 
 to increafe, watering their Lands with dew from above, and in its feafon be ft owing chearfull 
 andfavourable weather : and to manifeft his care of all things, faid, I every day take a turn round 
 the World, to fee and difcover the necejjities and wants of all things, that fo as the true Fo- 
 ment er and Parent of them, I may apply my felf to their fucc our and redrefs. Thus after my 
 example, and as my Children, fent upon the Earth, I would have you to imitate me, and to 
 infill fuch DoBrine into this People , as may convert them from Beafts unto Men : and 
 from henceforth I conftitute and ordain you Lords and Princes over this People, that by your 
 InftruBions, Reafon and Government, they may be conferved. Thus Our Father the Sun, 
 having declared his pleafure to thefe his two Children, he difpatched them from him , and 
 they taking their journey from Titicaca Northward, at everyplace where they came to repofe, 
 they tryed with their wedge to ftrike it in the^Nund, but it tookjio place, nor would it enter ; 
 at length they came to a poor Inn, or place to reft in, about fieven or eight Leagues South- 
 Ward from this City, which to this day is called Pacaiec Tampu, which is as much as to 
 
 fay, the Shining or Enlightned Dormitory. Tl^s is one of thofe Colonies which this 
 
 Prince planted, the Inhabitants whereof boafl of this Name and Title which our Inca be- 
 flowed upon it ; from whence he and his ^ueen defcended to the Valley of CoZCO, which was 
 then onely a wild and barren Mountain, 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 13 
 
 Chap. viii. 
 
 The Foundation of the Imperial City of Cozed. 
 
 HE fir ft flop ( proceeded the Inca) which they made in this Valley } wds in the De- 
 fart called Huanacauti , which is to the feuthward of this City , and there they 
 again ftruck_ their wedge of Gold into the Earth, which received it with great facility, and 
 which fucked it in with fo much eafe, that they faw it no more. Tlicn faid the Inca to his 
 Sifter, and Wife, in this Valley Our Father the Sun hath commanded that we fhould ft ay, 
 and make our abode, and in fo doing we (hall perform his Pleafure ; in pur fiance whereof it 
 is neceffary that we now fcparate each from the other, and take different ways, that fo we 
 may nffemble and draw the People to us, in fuch manner as we may be able to preach and 
 propagate the doblrine among/} them, which he hath committed to us. Accordingly our firft 
 Govemours proceeded by divers ways from the Defirt of Huanacauti to convocate the Peo- 
 ple, which being the prft place , of which we had knowledge, that they had hallowed by their 
 Feet, andfiom whence they went to doe good unto Men, we have defervedly (as is manifeft) 
 eretJed a Temple, wherein to adore and worfhip our Father the Sun, and remember this good 
 and benefit he hath done unto the World. Our Inca the Prince took_ his way northward, and 
 the Princefs to the Southward, and to all the Men and Women which they met in the wild 
 thickets, and uncultivated places, they declared to them, that their Father the Sm hadfent 
 them to be Teachers and Bcnefatlours to thofe Inhabitants, and to draw them from that rude 
 andfavage Life, and to another method of living, more agreeable to Reafon and Humane So- 
 ciety; and in farther purfuance of the Commands of their Father the Sun, they came to ga- 
 ther them from thofe Mountains, and rude places, to more convenient Habitations, where 
 they might live in Humane Society, and to affign them fuch food, as was appropriated to Men, 
 and not to Beafts. Thefe, and fuch like matters, thefe Princes declared to thofe fav ages, 
 whom they found in Dc farts and Amount ains , who beholding thefe two perfuns cloathed, and 
 adorned with fuch Habit as Our Father the Sun had vefted them in , and obferving that 
 their Ears were bored through, for wearing jewels , and more large and open than ufual^ 
 that they might hear and receive the Complaints of the oppreffed; (in which we alfo are like 
 them, who are of their Offsfring and Family^} and that by the gentlenefs of their words, and 
 grace of their Countenance, they manifeft ed themfelves to be Children of the Sun, and fuch 
 as were employed to affemble People into focieties, and political ways of living, and to admi- 
 nifter fuch forts of food as were wholfome and appropriated to Humane Suftenance, they were 
 ft-'uck^ with fuch admiration of their figure and Perfons, and allured with the promt fes they 
 made them, that they gave entire credence to their words, adored them as Children of the Sun, 
 and obeyed them as their Princes : And thefe poor wretches relating thefe matters one to the 
 other, the fame thereof fo encreafed, that great numbers, both of Men and Women, flocked 
 together, being willing to follow to what place foever they fhould guide them. 
 
 Thus great multitudes of People being affembled together, the Princes gave order that 
 Provifon fhould be made of fuch fruits , as the Earth produced for their fuftenance , left 
 being fcattered abroad to gain their food , the main body fhould be divided, and the number f 
 etiminifhed: others in the mean time were employed in building houfes, of which the Prince 
 gave them a model and form. /// this manner our Imperial City be^an to be peopled, being- 
 divided into two parts, one of which was called Hanan Co7.CC», which is as much as the Up- 
 per COZCO, and the other Hurin COZCO, which is the Lower CoZCO} thofe which were 
 affembled under the King were of the Upper Town, and thofe under the Queen were of the 
 Lower : Not that this difference wa: made out of any refpetc to Superiority, for that they 
 were to be Brothers, arid Children of the fame Father and Another, and in the fame equality 
 of Fortune ; but onth it fefved to diflinguifh the followers of the King from thofe of the 
 fffjieen; and to remain for an ever la fling Aiemorial of their fir ft Beginning and Original ; 
 with this difference onely, that the Upper CoZCO fhould be as the Elder, and the Lower as 
 the younger Children. And this is the reafon that in all our Empire this diverfity of lineage 
 hath remained, being ever fince diftinguijhcd into Hanan Ay llll, and Hurin Ayllu, which U 
 the upper and the lower Lineage, and Hanan Sliyo, and HuiinSuyU, which is the upper 
 and the lower Tribe. 
 
 D the 
 
i a Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 The City being thus Peopled; Our Inca taught his Subjects thofe Labours which apper- 
 tained unto the Men, as to plough and fow the Land with divers forts of Seeds, which were 
 ufefull, and for food; to which end he inftrutJed them how to make Ploughs and Harrows, 
 and other Inftruments, fit and necejfary for that purpofe •■, he (hewed them alfo the way of 
 cutting chanels for the Water, which now runs through this Valley of CoZCO, and to make 
 Shoes for their Feet. On the other fide the fflucen inftrucled the Women in good Hufwifery, 
 as how to (pin and weave Cotton and wool, and to make garments for their Husbands, their 
 Children , and themfelves , -filth other Offices appertaining to the Houfe. In fum, nothing 
 was omitted conducing to humane Wellfare, which the King did not teach his Men, and the 
 Jgueen her Women, making them both their Scholars and their Subjects. 
 
 CHAR IX. 
 
 The Allions of the fir ft Indian Ring, called Manco Capac 
 
 THefe Indians being in this manner reduced, looked on themfelves much bettered in con' 
 dition ; and with fingular acknowledgments of the benefits received, and with great 
 joy and fatisf action travelled through the Rocks and Thickets to communicate the happy news 
 of thofe Children of the Sun, who for the common good of all appeared on the Earth, recoun- 
 ting the great good and benefits they had received from them ; and to gain belief amongft them 
 they Jhewed them their new Habit, and C loathing, and Diet, and that they lived in Houfe s 
 and in political Society. This relation induced this wild People to fee thofe wonders, of which 
 being fully fatisfied by their own Eyes, they ranged themfelves amongfi the refi to learn, and 
 obey ; and thus one calling and inviting the other , the fame fpread far and near, and the 
 people increafed in finch manner, that in the fir fl fix or feven years the Inca had compofed 
 an Army fit for War •■, and having taught them how to make Bows and Arrows, and Lances, 
 and finch Weapons as we ufe to this day, they were not oneTy capable to defend, but alfo to of- 
 fend an Enemy , and to compell thofe by force whofe beftial nature detained from Humane 
 Affociation. 
 
 And that I may not be tedious in the relation of what this Our fir ft Inca ailed, you muft 
 knowj that he reduced all Eaftward, as far as the River called Paucartampu, and eighty 
 Leagues Weftward, to the great River called Apurimac, and to the Southward nine Leagues 
 to Quequelana. To thefc feveral quarters Our Inca fent out particular Colonies, to the 
 large ft a hundred Families, and to the leffer according to their capacity. Thefe are the be- 
 ginning; of this our City, and of this our rich and famous Empire, which your Father, and 
 his Adherents have defpoiled us of Thefe were our fir ft Incas, and Kings in the fir ft aves 
 of the World, from whom the fucceeding Princes, and we our felves are defcended: but how 
 many years it may be Jincc our Father the Sun fent his Offspring amongft us, I am not able 
 frecifely to declare, becaufe my Memory may fail me in it, but I imagine, they may be about 
 400 Tears. This our Inca was named ManCoCapac, and his ^ueen Coya Mama 
 of Huaco, who were, at I have fiaid , Brethren of the Sun and Moon. And thus having 
 at large fatisfied the requeft you made to me, in relation of which , that I might not incline 
 you tofadnefs, I abftained from venting tears at my Eyes, which notwithftanding drop with 
 bloud on my Heart, caufied by that inward grief I feel, to fee our Ir.JUS, and their Empire 
 ruined and defrayed. 
 
 This large Relation of the Original of our Kings , I received from that Ma 
 which was my Mothers Brother , from whom I requefted it , and which I have 
 caufed faithfully to be tranflated out of the Indian into the Spar&fh Tongue ^ which 
 though it be not written with fuch Majefty of words as the Inca fpake it, nor with 
 that "(ignificancy of termes as that Language bears, nor fo large and particular (to 
 avoid tedioufnefs) as it was delivered to me, howfoever it may ferve to give 
 
 iufficienc 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. i 5 
 
 fufficient light to the nature and knowledge of this our Hiftory. Many other 
 things of like fort, though of no great moment, this he a often recounted in his 
 "~Vlwts and Difcourfes he made me, the which I (hall declare in their due places , 
 being now troubled that I made no farther enquiries into other matters, for which 
 I have room here to place them with good authority. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Wherein the Authour alledges the Authority he hath for the 
 Trial) of his Hiftory. 
 
 HAving thus laid the firft Foundation whereon to build our Hiftory, though 
 as to the Original of our Kings of Peru, it may feem fomething fabulous 5 
 it now follows, that we proceed forward to relate in what manner the Indians 
 were reduced and conquered , enlarging the particulars which the he a gave me, 
 with divers other additions concerning the Natural Indians, and their Kings, 
 which the firft hca, Mamo Capae, reduced under his Government, with whom I 
 was educated, and converfed -untill I arrived to the age of twenty years-, during 
 Which time I became informed of all the particulars concerning which I write, 
 for in my youth they related thefe ftories to me, as Nurfes doe tales, or fables to 
 their Children. Afterwards, in my riper years, I took a more particular notice 
 of their Laws and Policies, comparing this new Government of the Spaniards , 
 with that of the Inou , namely, what were efteemed faults and trefpafies, and 
 what feverities and punimments were proportioned to the fame: they informed 
 me alfo of the Methods which their Kings ufed in War and Peace, how they trea- 
 ted their Vafials, and what feryices they required from them. They inftru&ed 
 me alfo in their Idolatries, Ceremonies and Sacrifices, teaching me to diftinguifti 
 between their more folemn feftivals, and the ordinary holy-days, and how they 
 were to be obferved and celebrated ; they told me alio what was efteemed fuper- 
 ftitious, and of abufe in their Religion, what Omens there were of good and bad 
 luck j in fhort, there was nothing either relating to their Government or Man- 
 ners, of which they gave me not a diftincl: Account , fo that mould I defcribe 
 every matter received from them, the particulars would be too large to be con- 
 tained within the volume of this Hiftory. Befides what I have heard , I have 
 been an Eye-witnefs for the moft part of their Idolatrous Worfhip, Feafts, and 
 other fuperftitious Cuftoms, which untill the twelvth or thirteenth year of my 
 age were not wholly abolifhed amongft them. For in regard 1 was born eight 
 years after the Spaniards became Mafters of my Countrey , and that, as I laid, I 
 was educated amongft the Indians till I was twenty years old, I had opportunity in 
 all that time to obferve, and be well acquainted with their Cuftoms , befides all 
 which, fo foon as I took a refolution to write this Hiftory , I acquainted my 
 Schoolfellows, fuch as were taught the art of Grammar, of this my intention, de- 
 firing them to fearch into the Archives and Regifters of their Countries , and to 
 fend me the various fucceffes of them -, the which purpofe of mine they fo well 
 approved, that every one moft readily contributed to this work, fending me the 
 Hiftory of the Exploits and Actions of their refpective heat , and is the fame 
 which the Spanijk Hiftorians relate on this Subject, though not fo particularly, and 
 largely as we have done. And in regard the Beginning and Foundation of this 
 Hiftory confifts of the actions of this firft Inca, it will be very pertinent to this 
 matter to particularife them diftinctly, that fo we may not be obliged to repeat 
 them in the Lives of his Succeflburs , who having a great value for his Perfon 
 and Vertues, made it their chief aim and intention to imitate the Humour, Acti- 
 ons and Cuftoms of this their firft Prince Manco Capac -, fo that we (hall endeavour 
 
 D S TO 
 
1 6 Royal Commentaries, Book I. 
 
 to reprefent the moft important matters, which he acted, omitting things left per- 
 tinent and material. And though many things herein contained may feem fabu- 
 lous, yet becaufe they are fuch as the Indians make the Foundation of their Hifto- 
 ry, and of thofe greatnefles which the Spaniards do now in reality enjoy, I cannot 
 pafs them by, without injury and prejudice to the Beginning, Progrefs and Pe- 
 riod of this Monarchy : Howfbever having fucked in a fincerity with my Milk, 
 I (hall give a true Account of all that I heard, and received from my Parents, 
 promiling, that neither favour nor affe&ion to my People and Bloud (hall encline' 
 me either to conceal the bad, or beyond Reafon applaud the good or natural Ver- 
 mes of them-, for though Gentilifm be fuch a Sea of Errours, that every thing 
 may be believed of it, which is new and prodigious 5 yet I (hall deliver nothing 
 but what the Spanijh Hiftbrians have before intimated of thofe Kings and 
 Countries ^ and that I may not feem to obtrude any thing out of partiality 
 to my Kindred, I (hall confine my felf within the bounds of the Spanijh Writers, 
 intending that thefe Papers (hall fervefor a Comment to theirs, and to redifie the 
 Errours they have made, as to Times, Perfons and Countries : which indeed is no 
 wonder, if confidering the little knowledge they have in the language, they 
 have been guilty of many miftakes relating to that People. 
 
 In fine, whatfoever I (hall relate of thefe People, who were deftroyed, before 
 they were known * either in reference to their ancient Idolatry, Government, 
 Laws and Cuftoms , it (hall be clearly laid down , without comparing it with' 
 divine or humane Hiftories, or the Governments of our time •-, becaufe all compari- 
 sons are odious •, but rather leave thofe reflexions to the Reader , who finding 
 fomething of (imilitude herein to the ftories of Holy Writ, and to the Fables of 
 Ancient Gentilifm , may apply them according to his own fancy and humour. 
 For my part, I having been a natural Indian born, and educated in Arms, have little 
 or no abilities or ftrength of my own, and therefore have need of the favour and 
 afliftence of the Candid Reader. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of thofe People which the firji Inca fent to inhabit divers 
 Countries. 
 
 BUT to return now tothe/w4, MancoCapac: After he had founded the 
 City of Cozco, and divided it into two parts, (as we have already declared) 
 he planted many other Colonies. . To the Eaftward of this City he placed thofe 
 People, which now extend themfelves over that tract of Land which runs to the 
 River called Paucar tampu; and thirteen feveral other Nations he feated on both 
 fides of the Royal way , called Antifityu , which for brevity fake we omit parti- 
 cularly to nominate, being all or the moft part of the Lineage, or Tribe called 
 Poqucs. To the Weftward in the fpace of eight Leagues in breadth, and about 
 nine or ten in length, he planted thirty feveral Villages, which ipread themfelves 
 on one hand , and the other as far as the Royal way oiCtmtifitju. Thefe People 
 formed three different Nations, namely Majca^ Chillqui, Paperi. To the North 
 of this City were feated twenty Villages, which were diftinguifhed by four 
 names, w. Mayu, Cancu, Chinchapucyu, Rimac tampu; the remainder of the Peo- 
 ple feated themfelves in the pleafant valley of Sacjahuanna , where the famous 
 Battel was fought, wherein Gongak Piqarro was taken Prifoner. To the South- 
 ward of the City thirty eight or forty other Villages were planted, eighteen of 
 which were of the Nation of Ajarmana , and extended themfelves on one fide 
 and the other ofthe Royal high way of Collafnjn, for the fpace of thirty Leagues 
 in length, beginning from thofe parts which are overagainft the Salinas, and reach 
 
 within 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. \n 
 
 within a little League of the City, where that fatal Battel was fought of Bon 
 Diego of Almagro the Elder, and Hernando Piqarro •, all the other Nations have five 
 or fix different denominations, which are J>uefpicancha, Muyna, Vrcos, Jguehuar, 
 Huaruc, Cavima. This Nation of Cavinna boaft themfelves much of being de- 
 scended from Parents, who proceeded from a certain Lake, where they report 
 that the Souls offuchwho dye do enter, and thence return again to animate 
 other Bodies. Thefe People adored an Idol of a prodigious figure, and offered a 
 ftrange fort of Sacrifice to it^ but the Inca, Manco Capac, deftroyed the Idol, and 
 abohlhed their rites, and compelled them as he did all his other fubje&s to adore 
 the Sun. 
 
 Thefe People, who were not much above a hundred in number, were but 
 fmall in the beginning, the greateft not exceeding a hundred families, and 
 the lefler confiding of about twenty five or thirty , which afterwards by 
 the privileges and encouragements, which the inca, Manco Capac, beftowed upon 
 them , (as we (ball hereafter declare) they increafed exceedingly, many of them 
 extending themfelves into a thoufand Families, and the lefler to three or four hun- 
 dred at leaft-, the which immunities and favours being confirmed, and augmented 
 by Manco Capac and his Succeflburs, the people increafed and flourimed, till all 
 was deftroyed by the barbarous Tyranny of ' Atauhualpa. Now in thefe our times, 
 and about twenty years paft thofe Colonies which Mam Capac planted on this 
 fide, and almoft all the People of Peru do not now poflefs their ancient dwellings ■-, 
 becaufe a Vice-Roy, as we (hall (hew in its proper place, joined them afterwards, 
 uniting five or fix into one, and fometimes feven or eight, as was moft agreeable 
 to his purpofe, from whence many inconveniences accrued to that People, which 
 we omit, becaufe they are grievous and ungratefull to repeat. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 In what manner the Inca taught and infirutied his 
 Subjeffs* 
 
 THE Inca, Manco Capac, as he planted his Colonies, lb every where he taught 
 them to plow, and cultivate the Land, how to make Aqueducts and Con- 
 fervatories for their Water, and all other matters tending to the more commodi- 
 ous well-being of humane Life-, he gave them alfo fbme rules of Civility necefla- 
 ry in fociety for maintenance of Friendfhip and Brotherhood , as the Laws of 
 Nature and Reafon dictated ; that laying afide all animofities and paffions one 
 againft the other, they ihould'doe as they would be done by, maintaining without 
 partiality the fame Law for others which they allow for themfelves: but above 
 all he recommended to them a refpedt which they ought to bear towards the Bo- 
 dies of their Wives and Daughters, for in that vice they were the moft blameable 
 and barbarous •, and in order hereunto he made Adultery, Murther and Robbery 
 mortal crimes , and punilhable with death. He ordered that no man fhould 
 have more than one Wife at a time, and that in their Marriages they mould con- 
 fine themfelves to their Tribes, that they might not make a confufion in the Line- 
 age, and that from twenty years and upwards they might marry, becaufe before 
 that time their prudence was not ripe enough to manage their Affairs, nor. go- 
 vern their Families. He employed others to gather the more gentle fort of Cattle 
 into flocks, which ran difperfed and wild through the Woods and Fields, caufing 
 them to make garments of their Wool , according to the Art which the Queen 
 Mama Ocllo Buaco had taught them for fpinning and weaving-, he (hewed them 
 alfo how to make that fort of Shoes which they now wear, and which they call 
 Vfuta. Over every one of thefe Colonies he ordained a Chief, which they called 
 
 Curded 
 
 9 
 
I 
 
 18 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 Curacn, and is the fame which Cacique figmfies in the Language oiCuba, and 
 SanBo Bom'mgo, which is as much as a Ruler over Subjects : and thefe were chofen 
 for their merits-, for when any one was more gentle, affable, pious, ingenious 
 and more zealous for the publick good than others, he was presently advanced to 
 Government, and to be an Inftructor of the ignorant Indians, who obeyed him 
 with as much reverence, as Children do their Parents-, and till thefe things could 
 be put into execution, and till the Earth could produce thefe fruits, which by la- 
 bour and art of Cultivation might be expected, a general ftore of Provisions 
 were collected into a common place, to be diftributed agreeable to the neceflt- 
 ties and largenefs of Families. And that they might not live without Religion, 
 t he prefcribed the Rites and Ceremonies for their Idolatry : he appointed out the 
 place and defign where and how to erect a Temple to the Sun , that they might 
 facrifice to him 5 for in regard they efteemed him the great God of all, by whole 
 heat and light they lived, the Fields produced their Fruits, and their Cattle mul- 
 tiplied, andthat they received a thoufand favours and benefits from him; it was 
 but natural reafon for them to acknowledge thefe benefits , and efpecially they 
 efteemed themfelves obliged to render fervice and adoration to the Sun and Moon, 
 for having fent their own Children to them, who had reduced them from a Life 
 of Beafts, to- the preterit condition and ftate of humane Reafon. It was like wife 
 ordained, that a Houfe (hould be built for Virgins dedicated to the Sun, and thac 
 the fame mould be pofTefled by none, but fuch as were of the Royal Bloud and 
 Family, and fupplied from thence, fo foon as the number of the Royal Race was 
 fufficiently increafed. All which he ordained and appointed to his People, thac 
 they mould inviolably obferve in gratefull acknowledgment of the benefits recei- 
 ved 5 promifing on the other fide, that in reward thereof they might expect per- 
 petual additions of good to them from the bleffings of the Sun who had revealed 
 thefe fecrets, and fent his Meflengers to the Indians to inftruct and guide them in 
 the ways'ofWlfedom: all which matters, and much more, the poor Indians be= 
 lieved, and by tradition have conferved to thefe our days ; it being the main point 
 of their belief, that the Inca was a Child of the Sun-, of which and of fuch like 
 fables they greatly boaft, and that none but fuch as was of Divine progeny was 
 able to have directed or prefcribed things of fuch fublime and elevated an under* 
 ftanding, as thefe. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of the Titles, and Dignities which the Inca for diftintlion 
 fakf? , and to procure greater Honour and Reverence be- 
 fiowedon hh own Family. 
 
 THE Inca, AfancoCapac, having employed himfelf for many years in the mat- 
 ters before related, for the good and benefit of his Subjects, and percei- 
 ving that thereby he had produced in their minds a real fenfe of gratitude towards 
 him, and a readinefs to yield to him and his, who were Children of the Sun, all" 
 due Honour and Reverence ■, he judged it requifite for the more effectual impref- 
 fion of this Awe and Refpect, to dignifie himfelf, and thofe defcended from him,, 
 with noble Titles, and Habits different from others. Wherefore firft he ordered, 
 that after his Example all his Pofterity mould go with their Heads fliorn, wearing 
 onely one lock of Hair; but this {hearing was performed with great difficulty,' 
 for they had not yet arrived to the invention of Scifiors , but with a fharp flint 
 cut the Hair, as well as they were able; whence it was, that a certain young Inca 
 faid to one of my Schoolfellows, with whom he was taught to write and reade, 
 
 that 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. io 
 
 that Had the Spaniards introduced no other invention amongft us than the ttfe of Scijfors , 
 Looktng-Glaffes and Combs , they had deferved all that Gold and Silver which our Countrey 
 produces. 
 
 The other Mark of Diftin&ion, was to have their Ears boared through, which 
 tke Women commonly did , with a lharp bramble, and by fome art made the 
 hole fo wide, (as we lhall hereafter defcribe) that it is wonderfull to conceive 
 how it is voluble for fo fmall a piece of fleih, as the Velvet of the Ear, to be ex- 
 tended fo far, as to receive an Ear-ring as big as the frame of a pulley, for it was 
 made in the form of thofe with which we draw up Pitchers from a Well ; and of that 
 compafs, that in cafe it were beaten ftreight , it would be a quarter of a Yard 
 long, and a finger in thicknefs ■-, and becaufe the Indians wear them thus big, the 
 Spaniards call them Orejones, or flap-eared Luggs- 
 
 For theDrefs of their Heads, the /was wear a Wreath of divers Colours, which » 
 they call Llautu, and is the breadth of a finger, but not quite fo thick, which they 
 "bind about their Heads four or five times, inform of aTulbant. Thefe three 
 particulars of cutting the Hair, boaring the Ears, and binding the Head with this 
 Llautu, were the diftinctions which Aianco Capac appropriated to his family ; for 
 though the Subject might wear this Wreath, or Llautu, about their Heads, yet it 
 was tobeofblackonely, and not of divers colours, which appertained onely to the 
 Royal Bloud. This having been the Falhion for fome time , the Inca indulging 
 farther favours to his People, permitted them alio to cut their Hair, but in a dif- 
 ferent manner to thofe of his Family, and of one from the other $ that fo the 
 divers Lineages and Nations might be diftinguiihed by their Heads. And that 
 the Falhion of the Inca might not be very different to that of his Subjects , he or- 
 dered that their Hair ihould be rounded , and clipped clofe on the top of their. 
 Heads, as far as their Temples, and that their Locks ihould hang on each fide to 
 the bottom of their Ears-, others he ordered to clip their Hair as far as might reach 
 to the middle of their Ears, and others (liorter, but none was to wear it in falhion 
 of the Ma. And thus thefe Indians kept themfelves conftant to their falhion, 
 not to appear fantaftical or varying, left they ihould either feem to difapprove the 
 Precepts of their Inca , or contemn the Cuftoms of their own Lineage, which 
 they ever had in great Efteem and Honour. 
 
 In p;ocefs of time the inca, willing to enlarge the privileges of his People, gave 
 them permiiTion to boar their Ears, though not fo wide as the Inca, and that the 
 Pendents to them mould vaf y according to the diverfity of their Lineages and 
 Countries. To the Nation called Mayu , and Canctt , he gave leave to wear a 
 Twift of Straw, about the thicknefs of the little finger. To the Nation Poques he 
 ordained a Lock of white Wool to hang as big as the top of the Thumb. To 
 the Nations Muy.u, Huaruc and Chillqm, he appointed Ear-rings of the common 
 Junk or Reed, which the indiajis call Tutura. To the Nation Rimatiampu he ap- 
 propriated an Ear-ring of a certain foft wood, which in the Ifles oiBarlovento they 
 call Maguey, and in the general Tongue of Peru, Chitchat/, which, when the Bark 
 is pilled off, is gentle , and eafily bended. To the People called Vrcos, Tucay, 
 Tampu, and others inhabiting on the Banks of the River Tucay, he gave the privi- 
 lege, as a peculiar mark and note of his Favour, to wear their Ear-rings of a lar- 
 ger iize than other Nations , but left they Ihould exceed herein beyond their due 
 proportion, he gave them a meafure and compafs which they were not to pafs^ 
 the matter of them was to be the reed called Tutura ; thefe were called Ear-twifts 
 rather than Pendants, becaufe they did not hang from the Ear, but were twined 
 about it, as a rope is about the mouth of the Pitcher. 
 
 Befides thefe dift inftions, the Inca appropriated other marks to every Nation, 
 that fo they might not be confounded one with the others thofe Names and Titles 
 which fnoft nearly related to thofe which the King himfelf had aiiumed, being 
 reputed moft honourable and of greateft renown: not that the Inca was partial to 
 any, or favoured any beyond Reafon or Juftice ; but as fome were of a nature 
 more docible and tractable than others, and laboured to inftrucl: and teach the 
 rude People in the ways of Humanity-, to thofe he granted a higher teftimony of 
 his Favours, and fignal marks of honour •, all which being confirmed by Revela 1 - 
 tion from the Sun his Father, the poor Indians without envy or emulation each 
 to other, fubmkted unto, having already by good experience tafted the benefit of 
 their obedience to their Inca, 
 
 k 
 
20 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 In procefs of time the Inca finding himfelf aged , and burthened with years, 
 fummoned a general Aflembly of the chiefeft of his Subjects, at the City of Cozco, 
 and in a folemn Oration gave them to underftand, that he intended ihortly to re- 
 turn to Heaven, and take his Repofe with his Father the Sun, (which words the 
 Kings defcended from him did always after ufe before their death) and being now 
 to leave them, the ultimate teftimony of all his favours which he had to bequeath 
 to them, was die Appellation of his own Royal Name, that fo they and their 
 Pofterity might be honoured and renowned through all the world : and as a far- 
 ther evidence of this affection, he did not onely bequeath this Honour to them- 
 felves onely, but to defcend to their Pofterity, and that without difference or di- 
 ftindion they might all aflume the honourable Title of Inca*-, for having been 
 his firft Subjeds, and fuch as had fubmitted to his Will and Pleafure, he loved 
 ▼ them as Children, and therefore rejoyced to beftow upon the n his Royal Name 
 and Dignities, in hopes and expectation that they would ever after be obedient 
 to their prefent King and his SuccefTours , aftifting them to reduce under their 
 Dominion fuch other Indians as had not as yet fubmitted to their Empire; all 
 which he defired them to lay up in their Hearts and memory , as loyal Subjeds 3 
 yet notwithstanding he would not have it be underftood that he intended to be- 
 ftow the Name o{ Pallas on their Women, which was a Title ftill to be appropri- 
 ated to their Royal Bloud and Family; for that Women not being capable to 
 bear Arms, and ferve in the War againft their Enemies, were not worthy of a 
 Title fo truly magnificent. 
 
 Thofe Indians which obtained this favour, were properly thofe who inhabit 
 Peru, and were called Incas, and the Spaniards, and other Nations, out of courtefie, 
 call their Women V alias, and Coy as : For there are very few of the true Royal Bloud 
 of thofe Kings remaining-, and fuch as do, are by reafon of their poverty and ne- 
 ceftity unknown and obfcure, unlefs it be here and there one-, for the tyranny and 
 cruelty of dtafmalpahud deftroyed them wholly, and thofe few which did eicape, 
 at leaft the principal and moft famous amongft them, periftied by other diftrefles 
 and calamities, as we (hall hereafter make appear in its due place. All the di- 
 ftindion which the Inca, MancoCapac, referved to himfelf and hisSuccefiburs,wasa 
 coloured border on his Wreath, in nature of a Fringe, which bound his Head from 
 . one Temple to the other; the which was common to none, but the Inca and the 
 Prince his Heir, who wore it narrower than his Father , and of a fallow r colour. 
 What Ceremonies were ufed at the Inftalment of the Prince, and when he was 
 fvvorn, we (hall declare in its due place, when we come to fpeak of the Horfe- 
 men which the IncM armed out againft their Enemies. 
 
 Thefe Privileges and Favours proceeding immediately from the gratioufnefs of 
 their Prince, the Indians received with great Thankfulnefs and Applaufe , becaufe 
 the Ma made them to believe that it was by the appointment and order of the 
 Sun, who obferving their C ompliance, docility, and other merits, had conferred 
 thefe marks of his good acceptance on them. And when they farther confidered 
 the greatnefs of his laft Favour, which was the Title of Inca, and which was not 
 onely allotted to themfelves , but was to defcend alfo to their Pofterity , they 
 were wholly ravilVied with the Bounty and^ Liberality of his Royal Mind , not 
 knowing how to receive it with other fenfe than Tranfport of Admiration-, fo 
 that it became the common fubjed of their Difcourfe, how that their Inca had 
 not onely transformed them from Beafts into Men , and inftruded them in all 
 things neceflary to humane Life, and taught them thofe natural Laws which con- 
 duce to Morality, and the knowledge of their God the Sun, which was fufficient 
 for ever to have obliged them to remain his Vaftals and Slaves, and might juftly 
 have impofed on them Taxes and Tributes, but that inftead thereof he had con- 
 ferred on them the Majefty of his own Name, which being fo Sacred and Divine, 
 that none durft take it formerly in his mouth , without great Veneration, was 
 now made fo common, that every one might pronounce it with an audible voice; 
 by which privilege being become his adopted Sons, they did for ever after dedi- 
 cate themfelves for Slaves and Vaflals to him who was the undoubted Progeny and 
 Child of the Sun. The Indians being aftonifhed with the confideration of thefe 
 great favours and aftedion, their Inca had beftowed upon them, they returned 
 mm all the bleflings and praifes imaginable, ftudying what Names and Titles they 
 might confer on him, agreeable to the greatnefs of his Mind , and his Heroics 
 Vermes-, and on this confideration they invented thefe two Names, one of which 
 
 WAS 
 
Book I. Royal Commeiitaries. % i 
 
 was Capac, which fignifies rich, not that they meant him td be rich in Goods, or 
 Wealth of Fortune , but of Mind, fuch as Gentlenefs, Piety, Clemency, Libe- 
 rality, Juftice and Magnanimity* with a defire and inclination to communicate 
 his Benefits to all his Subjects-, and for .that Reafon they deiervedly gave him the 
 Title of Cap.it, which fignifies rich and powerful! in Arms: The other Name 
 they gave him was Huac chacuyac, which is as much as to fay, a great Friend and 
 Benefadour to the poor-, for as the firlf denomination intimated the greatnels of 
 hisMindj fo the other ipoke the benefits which he had conferred-, lb that for 
 ever after he was called the Prince Manco Capac, having been named no otherwife 
 before, than Manco the Inca; for Manco is but the proper Name of a Perfon, and 
 in the common Language of Peru hath no fignification •, though in a particular Di- 
 aled which fome of them have, (which, as fome write me from Peru, is entirely 
 loft,) it fignifies fomething, as all the other Names and Titles did, which they 
 gave to their Kings, as wefhall.in the lequel of this Story have an occahou 
 to interpret : The word Inca fignifies as much as Lord , or King, or Emperour, 
 though in its ftrid fenfe, it is one of. the Royal bloud 5 and therefore the Curacas 
 though they were great Lords, yet they were not called Ii&u .■ Polk fignifies a 
 Lady of the Royal Bloud -, and lb for diftindion of the King from other heat, he 
 was called Capa inca, which is as much as rich , fole and fupreme Lord. Here- 
 after; for the fake of the curious, we Hull declare and interpret all the Royal 
 Names of the Men and Women. Moreover the Indians gave to this firft King, 
 arid his Pofterity the Name of Tntip Churin, which is as much as Child of the Sun % 
 but this we may efteem rather a denomination , proceeding from their falfe be- 
 lief, than a true and proper addition to his Titles. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Of the laft Wilt and Tejia?nent and Death of the firfl Inca ? 
 Manco Capae. 
 
 M- 
 
 [Anco Capac reigned many Years, but how many it is not certain, fome lay, 
 thirty, others forty, employing his whole time in thebufinefs and adions 
 which we have before mentioned 5 and now finding the time of his. death nearly 
 approaching, he called his Sons together, as well thofe which he had by his Queen 
 Mama Oeilo Huaco, as thofe which he had by his Concubines, which made up a 
 great number ^ for as he told them, it was fit that the Children or Offspring of 
 the Sun fhould be many. He alfo affembled the Chief of his Subjeds, and iri 
 manner of a Teftament he made this, long Difcourfe to them. He recommen- 
 ded to the Prince his Heir, a true Love and AfFedion towards his Subjeds, 
 and to the Subjeds, Loyalty and Service to their King, and Obedience to 
 the Laws, avouching again, that this was one of" thofe Ordinances which 
 the Sun his Father had in a moft particular manner enjoined unto him. With 
 this Lefton he difmifled his Subjeds-, afterwards in private Difcourfe which 
 he made to his Children, he encharged them, that they fhould ever remem- 
 ber that they defended from the Sun, ana that therefore they, ought for 
 ever to adore him for their God and Father, and that according to his example 
 they fhould obferve his Laws and precepts, that fo their Siibjeds in imitation of 
 them might the more eafily be induced to awe and reverence this Deity I that 
 they being gentle and pious, might allure the Indians by Love, and by the force, 
 of Benefits, for that thofe can never be good Subjeds, who obey onely out of 
 fear-, in fhort, he told them that they fhould manifeft themfelves by their Ver- 
 tues to be Children of the Sun, approving their words by their adions ^ fox thofe 
 ftull never be believed, who fay one thing and perform another, In fine, he faid, 
 
 E that 
 
%% Roydl Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 that being called by the Sun, he was now going to reft with him, that they (hould 
 live in Peace and Unity together, and that he beholding their adtions from Hea- 
 ven, would take care to favour and fuccour them in their extremities and dift.efo, 
 Having uttered thefe, and other fay ings of like nature, Manco Capac dyed, leaving 
 the Prince SimhiRoca, hiseldeftSon, which he had by Coya Mama Oello Huaco, his 
 Wife and Sifter, to be his Heir and Succeflour. Thofe Sons and Daughters 
 which remained, befides the Prince, married one with the other 5 for they took 
 great care to preferve that bloud which they fabuloufly believed to proceed from 
 the Sun, clear and unmixed, becaufe they efteemed it Divine, and was not to be 
 defiled with any other humane mixture, though it were with thofe chief and 
 principal Lords, whom they termed Curacat. 
 
 The Inca, Sinchi Roca, married with Mama Oello, or Ma?na Cora (as fome will 
 have it) his eldeft Sifter , after the Example of his Father, and his Grandfather 
 the Sun, who, according to their Heathenifli Do&rine, married with his Sifter 
 the Moon. This Marriage was concluded not onely for confervation of the Bioud 
 in its pure Chanel, but likewife that the Inheritance , which came as well by 
 the Mother as the Father, might equally defcend to both Sexes. This Marriage 
 in fuch proximity of Bloud, they report, was a Command of the Sun, but that 
 no Brother could marry with the Sifter, except onely the Prince and Heir 5 for in 
 all others this nearneis was forbidden, the which was a rule always obferved, as 
 we ihall find in the fequel of this Hiftory. 
 
 The death of the inca, Manco Capac, was greatly lamented by his Subjeds % his 
 funeral rites were obferved, and celebrated for feverai Months-, his Body was 
 embalmed, that they might conferve it by them, and not loofe the fight and pre- 
 fence of it-, for they adored him for a God, and Child of the Sun, fo that they 
 facrificed Sheep and Lambs , tame Conies , Birds and Corn to him , conferring 
 him to be Lord and Authour of all thofe good things which they enjoyed. What 
 the Original of this Manco Capac might be , as far as I can guefs by the nature 
 and temper of this People, he muft have been fome Indian , of a more elevated 
 Underftanding and Prudence than ordinary, and one who had inftru&ed them in 
 the way of living, and carrying a fubtile manner of deportment towards them had 
 perfuaded them that he proceeded from the Sun, and was come from Heaven ; 
 and that his Father had fent him to inftruct and beftow benefits upon them. And 
 to gain a greater belief, and credit amongft them, he habited himielf in a different 
 faftwon to them, lugging his Ears to fuch a length, as is incredible to any but 
 thofe, who have feen them, as I have done. Nor is it ftrange, that this ignorant 
 and brutilli People mould be induced to believe his Genealogy to have been de- 
 rived from the Sun, fince we have the examples in Hiftory of a irDre refined 
 People, who taught the Doctrine of Demons, believing Men of Wit, and Art, 
 and Magnanimity, to have been the Sons offvpiter, and other Gods$ and having 
 received good and benefits from them, and obferving their Actions to correfpond 
 with their Words, have readily after their death beftowed a place on them in 
 Heaven , and without much difficulty have been perfuaded ever after to adore 
 them for Deities giving them a (hare of Worfhip with their Gods. 
 
 BOOK 
 
O?) 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CHAP. L 
 
 Of the Idolatry of the Second Age, and the Original of it. 
 
 THAT which we call the fecortd Age, and the Idolatry, which 
 was ufed in it at that time , received its firft. beginning from the 
 Jnca, Manco Capac, who was the firft that raifed the Monarchy 
 of the Incas, who were the Kings of Peru, and who in a direct 
 Line reigned for the fpace of four hundred Years, though Fa- 
 ther Bias Valero, will have it, that their Government continued 
 between five and fix hundred. We have already declared the aftions of Manco 
 Capac, how, and in what manner he reduced the Indians to live in a political way 
 of Society, teaching them to fow and plant, to build houfes, and provide all things 
 conducing to Humane Life: and how Mama Oello, his Wife, inftrufted the Indian 
 Women in the art of fpinning and weaving , and all other ways of good Huf- 
 wifery : We have declared alfo that it was this Manco Capac who taught them to 
 adore the Sun, by reprefenting to them the many benefits that he had conferred 
 on them, faying that this Pacha Chamac (which fignifies as much as the fuftainer of 
 all things) had in vain exalted them above the Stars, whom he had made their 
 Siervants, if they did not advance his Worfhip above all other Creatures, and had 
 ill conferred his benefits on them, in cafe they mould ftoop to the mean Idolatry 
 of low and bafe things, fuch as Toads and Frogs and Lizards, forfaking the fer- 
 vice of that true Deity, whofe Glory and Brightnefs (truck awe and reverence into 
 all Creatures. 
 
 The Indians, convinced by thefe arguments, and more by the fenfible benefits 
 received, acknowledged the Sun for their God, without afmming a Father, or a 
 Brother into fociety with him. Their Kings they ever ftyled to be children of 
 the Sun , and defcended from Heaven , and adored them with as much Vene- 
 ration as the ancient Gentiles, fuch as the Greeks and Romans, did their fxpiter. 
 Mars, Venus, &c. Thus the Idolatrous Worfhip of the Sun, and of the Incas, 
 as they believed, defcended from him, prevailed ■-, and even to this day they ne- 
 ver name their Kings ( the Incas ) but with wonderfull reverence and adoration •-, 
 fothat if they be asked, why they worfhip thofe for Gods whom they know to 
 be but Men, they will prefently reply 5 that it is true, they are now undeceived, 
 and can confider them no otherwife in reality than as Men-, yet having received 
 fo much good and benefit from them, they cannot efteem them lefs than of Di- 
 vine Race-, and did others appear in thefe days equal or comparable to them, 
 they would readily perform the fame Honours and Adorations towards them. 
 
 E % This 
 
z8 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 This was the fole and principal Idolatry which the Incas taught their Subje&s 5 
 and though they believed the Moon to be Wife and Sifter to the Sun, yet they 
 did not worfhip her for a Goddefs, nor offer Sacrifices, or build Temples so her 
 as they did to the Sun ■■, howfoever they effeemed her with great Reverence for 
 the Univerfal Mother, but proceeded no farther, nor gave her other Attributes 
 of Divine Honour. 
 
 Howfoever their Superftitions were many, giving heed to Fables, and Dreams, 
 and infpe&ion into the Entrails of Beafts. Thunder, and Lightenings, and 
 Thunder-bolts they judged to be Servants of the Sun, as we mall under/rand 
 hereafter, when we have occafion to name that Chamber which was built in that 
 Temple at Cozco, which was dedicated to the Sun ; but they never held them for 
 Gods, as fome of the Spanijh Writers would have it ; but rather fear and dread the 
 Houfe or Place where a Thunder-bolt chances to fall; for they have ftopt up the 
 door of that Chamber with Stones and dirt, that (b none might ever enter in 
 there again : and in that place or field where a Thunder-bolt happens to fall, they 
 fay that their Father the Sun hath marked out that place as unfortunate, and ac- 
 curfed to common ufe, and for that Reafon they cover it with heaps of Stones, 
 that none may tread or Liample on it ; the which I have feen and obferved in the 
 Palace of Huaynacapac at Cozco, in that quarter which was aligned to Antonio Aha- 
 mirano, when that City was divided amongft the Conquerors; for in the time of 
 Hftaymcapac, a Thunder-bolt had pierced through a part of that Pa'ace, the which 
 was affigned to my felf when the Spaniards had rebuilt it 3 three years after which 
 another Thunder-bolt fell in the fame place, and burnt it wholly, the which acci- 
 dent confirmed the Indians in their opinion, that places in fuch manner ftrucken with 
 Thunder, were accurfed; and therefore the Spaniards were in an Errour when 
 they rebuilt thofe places, for they ought to have remained void and neglecied. 
 And whereas the Hiftorians fay, that they efteemed Thunder and Lightning for 
 Gods, it is a miftake*, for they did indeed account thofe places for facred, fay- 
 ing that their Gods had by Thunder, and Thunder-bolts, and Lightning marked 
 out thofe places for their Worfhip, and therefore not being to be prophaned by 
 common ufe, they built their moft famous Temples thereupon. To thefe three 
 they gave the common Name oiTllapa, and for the fimilitude hereunto they called 
 all Fire-arms by the fame word. And as to thofe Names which they give to 
 * Thunder, Thunder, and to the Sun in * Trinity, they are framed by the Spaniards themfelves 
 
 Thunderbolt. as tney nave * n otner tnul 8 s > f° r no ^ ucn worc ls are compounded in the general 
 'language of Peru, nor have they any fuch fignificarion as the Spaniards fanfie, or 
 would impofe upon them. 
 
 ; 
 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 By what means the Incas came to the knowledge of the 
 True God. 
 
 BEfides the Sun, whom they worfhipped for the vifible God, to whom they 
 offered Sacrifice, and kept Feftivals, (as we fhall hereafter declare,) the 
 Incas, who were Kings, and the Amautas, who were Philofbphers, proceeded by the 
 mere light of Nature, to the knowledge of the True Almighty God our Lord, 
 Maker of Heaven and Earth, as we fhall hereafter prove by their own words and 
 teftimonies, which fome of them gave of the Divine Majeity, which they called 
 by the Name of Pachacamac, and is a word compounded of Pacha, which is the 
 Univerfe, and Camac, which is the Soul; and is as much as he that animates the 
 World. Pedro d< aria, in his ~ 6%. Chapter, fays, that they ailed the Devil 
 
 by 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. zy 
 
 by this Name-, but I, who am an Indian born, and therefore better acquainted 
 with the Language than he, know that they never took this name into.their 
 Mouths, but feldom, and when they did, it was with great Veneration, bowing 
 their Heads and Bodies, carting up their Eyes to Heaven, and then down to the 
 Earth, lifting their hands open as high as their Shoulders, and kiffing the Air, 
 which were the common manifestations of Reverence and Adorations , which 
 were in ufe amongft the Incas and his People; theSe, and fuch like demonStrati- 
 ons of Honour they ufed when they were forced to pronounce the word Pacbaca- 
 mac\ but the Name of the Sun they took in their mouths more frequently, as 
 they did alfo of their Incas, and with lefs ceremony, and of their Cm mm, who 
 were their Lords, with a more indifferent reSpect : And being asked, who this 
 Pachacamac was, they anfwered, that it was He who gave Life to the Univerfe, 
 fuftained and nourished all things; but becaufe they did not fee him, they could 
 not know him ; and for that reafon they erected not Temples to him, nor offered 
 Sacrifice, howfoever they worshipped in their Hearts, and esteemed him for the 
 unknown God. 
 
 Afguftinite Curate, in his fecond Book and fifth Chapter, reports, that Father 
 Yicemc de Vdverde telling the King Atahaalpa , that it was Chrift our Lord who 
 created the World 5 he anfwered, that he knew nothing of that, but he was fure 
 -that there was no other Noutifher but the Sun, whom they efteemed to be a 
 God, and the Earth their Mother; and that Pachacamac had created all things, &c. 
 whence it is evident, that the Indians held our invifible God to be the Creatour 
 of all things. 
 
 This TruA which the Indians had by the light of Nature difcovered, the Devil 
 •fiimfelf, though the Father of Lyes, had much againft his Will confefled and con-, 
 firmed ; for when he faw that our Holy Gofpel was preached , and that many 
 Jndians were baptized •, he told feme of his Familiars in that Vale, which is now 
 ■called theValley of Pachacamac, (fo named from that famous Temple which is 
 there dedicated to the Unknown God,) that the God which the Spaniards 
 preached and he were the fame, as Pedro de Cieca, and Geronimo Roman in their 
 "Writings of the Weft-Indies report : Howfoever they are miftaken where they 
 •fey that the Indians gave the name of Pachacamac to the Dev'A, for whom they 
 have another Word , which is Cupay, which when they utter, they fpit, with 
 other figns of DeteStation- Notwithstanding this Enemy fo far insinuated him- 
 felf amongft thefe Infidels, that he caufed himfelf to be worshipped by them by 
 entering into all thofe things, which they called facred, or Holy; for he lpake to 
 them in their Oracles, their Temples, and the Corners of their HouSes, calling 
 himfelf by the Name of Pachacamac; and by this (ubtilty the Indians worship- 
 ped every thing through which the Devil fpoke, believing it to be a Deity ; but 
 had they believed that it was the Cupay, or Devil, whom they heard, they 
 would certainly have burnt the things through which he fpoke , as they now 
 by God ; s Mercy do, who hath gratiouily revealed and made himfelf known 
 to them. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
+ 
 
 go Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Crofs which the Incas preferred in a Confecrated 
 place* 
 
 IN" the City of Cozco the Mas had a certain Crofs of white Marble, which they 
 called a CryfiaUine fafpar 5 but from what time it had been kept there, is hoc 
 certain. In the year 1 5 60 I left it in the Veftry of the Cathedral Church of that; 
 City -, I remember it was hanged upon a Nail with a Lift of black Velvet ; 
 which when it was in the power of the Indians, it was hanged by a Chain of Gold 
 or Silver, but afterwards changed by thole who removed in This Crois was 
 * fquare, being as broad as it was long, and about three fingers wide. It former- 
 ly remained in one of thofe Royal Apartments, which they call Huaca, which fig- 
 nifies a Confecrated place •-, and though the Indians did not adore it, yet they held 
 it in great veneration, either for the Beauty of it, or fome other reafon, which they 
 knew not to aflign : and fo was obferved amongft them, untill the Marquefs Don 
 Frantifco Pkarro entred into the Valley of Tumpiz, when by reafon of fome acci- 
 dents which befell Pedro de Candia , they conceived a greater efteem and venera- 
 tion for it, as we (hall declare in its due place. 
 
 The Spaniards, after they had taken the Imperial City, they erected a Church 
 in it to the Almighty God, and hanged this Crofs in the Veftry ( as we have 
 faid ) of that Church, without other ornament or ceremony, whenas they ought 
 to have placed a Reliqtte of that nature upon the High Altar, adorning it with 
 Gold and pretious Stones which abounded in thatCountrey : by which refpecl: to 
 a thing which the Indians efteemed Sacred, and by affimilating the Ordinances of 
 our Holy Religion, as ^iear as was poffible, with thofe which the Law of Na- 
 ture had taught to this People, preaching and recommending the Works of 
 Mercy in fUcn ftyk, as the Do&rine of thefe Gentiles did teach and allow -, the 
 leflons of Chriftianity would thereby have become more eafie and familiar, and 
 not feemed fo far eftrariged from the Principles of their own Gentilifm. 
 
 And becaufe we have here mentioned the Crofs, on which it is ufual for us 
 to fwear in our Courts of Judicatory , we mail take this occafion to fay, that 
 neither the Mas themfelves, nor yet any of the Nations under their Dominions 
 did ever know the meaning of an Oath, for Swearing was not a cuftome, nor in 
 nfe amongft them. For though the Names ofPachacamac and the Sun were ta- 
 ken fometimes into their mouths, yet it was always with reverence and adora- 
 tion : For when they examined Witnefles in the moft important cafes whatfbever, 
 the Judge , inftead of an Oath , did onely ask the Witnefs , If he promifed to fpea{ 
 the Truth to the Inca ? And then his Anfwer was, That he did promlfe : Then pro- 
 ceeded the Judge , See that thou declare the Truth without any difguife of filfhood, not 
 concealing any thing that pajfed, or that which thou knorveft. This was all the formality 
 
 they ufed in giving teftimony •, the which they fo religioully obferved, that with 
 fcruple and tendernefs they uttered Truth in its nakednefs and fimplicity : And 
 in cafe any perfon did give a falfe teftimony in matter of importance, his crime 
 was punimable with Death •, not onely in confideration of the damage he had 
 done to the injured perfon, but of his fallhood to the Ma, who had made it one 
 of the Royal Commands, That he mould not lye •, and it was a common and 
 known principle , that what a perfon declared to the Judge, he wknefled to the 
 Ma himfelf, who being reverenced by them as a God, they believed it impolfi- 
 ble to conceal any thing from his fcrutiny and knowledge. 
 
 After the Spaniards had conquered this Empire, there happened a remarkable 
 cafe of this kind upon an enquiry about Murther in che Province of JZuecbuas. 
 The Chief Juftice of Cotco fent an Officer to take the teftimony of a certain Cu- 
 raca, (which is as much as a Lord over many Subjects-,) and in performance 
 hereof the Officer reached to him the top of his Staff, on which was 4 Crofs, 
 
 faying, 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. o 
 
 laying, Thou [wear eft to God and to this Crofs, to fpeakjhe Truth : To which the In- 
 diva replied> That he was not as yet Baptized, and therefore ought not to fveear after the 
 manner of the Chriftians : Then, faid the Officer, thou may ft [wear by thy own Gods, by 
 the Sun, and Moon, and the Incas : No, (aid the Curaca, we never [wear by thefe, for 
 it is not lawful!, we onely take their Names in our mouths with Adoration, and in a Religious 
 Worftjip : It is fufficient, that fine e you come to doe fuftice in the Name of your King, that 
 Ipromife to fpeai^ the Truth with as much Jincerity, as if he were perfonally prefent, whom 
 you reprefent, and no other manner of Oath do our InC3S require from us : And for your 
 farther fatisfatlion , I wifh that the Earth may fwallow me up alive, as I ft and, in cafe I 
 
 [peak not the Truth. The Officer hereupon urged no farther, but accepted his te- 
 ftimony in this form, examining him by certain Interrogatories which were moft 
 pertinent in reference to the Murther \ which when he had done, he would have 
 proceeded no farther : but the Indian could not fatisfie his own confeience with 
 the Anfwers he had made to the demands, without enlarging himfelf by a parti- 
 cular Narrative of the whole Story •, For tofpeak^the Truth (faid he) infome things, 
 
 and to be filent in others, was the fame as if he had lied in all. After which the Officer 
 
 returned to Cow, where this Dialogue between him and the Curaca gave fubjed 
 of much difcourfe; 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the things facrificed to the Sun 5 and that the Priefts, 
 Rites, Ceremonies and Laws were aU taught and deli- 
 vered by the firft. Inca. 
 
 TH E things offered to the Sun were of divers forts : the chief and principal 
 Sacrifice was that of Lambs •, but befides, they offered all forts of cattel, as 
 Sheep and barren Ewes, tame Conies, all forts of Birds which were eatable, the fat 
 of Beafts, Pulfe, all forts of Grane, the Herb Cuca, even cloths of the belt and 
 fineft forts •, all which they burnt in the place of Incenfe, rendring thanks and ac- 
 knowledgments to the Sun, for having fuftained and nourilhed all thole things for 
 the ufe and fupport of Mankind. They ufed alfo Drink-offerings, which were 
 made of Water and Mayz, which is their fort of Wheat •, and at the end of their 
 ufual meals, when drink was brought •, ( for they did never ufe to drink between 
 their eatings ) at their firft draught they dipped the tip of their finger in the mid- 
 dle of the cup, and looking up to Heaven with great reverence, with a fillip they 
 fpirted off the drop of water which wetted their finger . which was by way of 
 acknowledgment for it to the Sun, rendring him thanks for the water they drank 3 
 and giving two or three empty kifles to the Air, which ( as we have faid ) was 
 a fign of Adoration amongft the Indians -, they then drank up their liquour with- 
 out farther ceremony. 
 
 This laft Ceremony I have obferved the Indians, in my time, who were not 
 baptized to ufe , for there were many old men not then baptized •■, and for necef- 
 fity, and want of a better, I have often my felf performed that fundion. In this 
 manner we may fee that the Incas in their forms of Sacrifice differed very little 
 from thofe of the firft Age, onely they abftained from the Offerings of humane 
 fleih and bloud 5 which Inhumanity they not onely detefted, but made Laws a- 
 gainft it : And whereas fome HiftorLms charge them with this unnatural and 
 prodigious Religion , for their errour was caufed by not making a due diftin&ion 
 between the firft Age, and the times of the Incas. 
 
 I my felf can atteft, that I have heard my Father, and others of his time, in 
 their difcourfes about the Cuftoms and Government of Mexico and Pe ra to com- 
 mend 
 
; i t -r • i " i * ■■ ■ f - i 
 
 3i Royal Commentaries^ BodK IL 
 
 mend and praife the Incat of Peru for difallowing the Sacrifices of humane bloud - 
 and on the contrary^ to blame and abhor thofe o( Mexico for fuffering and making 
 lawfull fuch Diabolical Worships, and Sacrifices, both within and without their 
 Gity , as the Hiftory of the Conqueft of that Countrey doth truly aver 5 which 
 being wrote by the Pen of the General who made the Conquefts, was moft cer- 
 tainly authentick and true, and did deferve to have been owned by him, that fo 
 they might have carried as great authority with them, as the Commentaries did 
 Of ftilitu c<efar, for having his Name affixed to them. 
 
 At the entrance into their Temples, or at the time of their being there the 
 Chief amongft them clapped his hands to his eye-brows, pulling fome of the' hairs 
 from thence, which he blew towards the Idol in token of reverence : And this 
 fort of Adoration they neVer ufed towards their hcas, but onely to Idols, or Trees 
 or other tilings into which the Devil entred and fpoke to them $ the fame was' 
 pradifed by their Priefts and Sorcerers, before they entred into corners and fecrec 
 places to difcourle with the Devil, imagining that by fuch fubmiffion and refig- 
 nation of their Perfons, they obliged their Familiar to hear and anfwer them 
 And of this Idolatry I can give teftimony, becaufe I have feen it with my own 
 eyes. 
 
 All the Priefts of the Sun, in the City of Cozco, were of the Bloud-Royal 
 though for the inferiour Officers of it, fuch others were afligned, as had gained the 
 privilege of being called Incas. Their High Prieft was either to be Brother or 
 Uncle to their King, or fome other of neareft Bloud 5 their Priefts ufed no Veft- 
 ments different from others. In other Provinces, thofe which were Natives, or 
 related to the Principal men, were made Priefts, though the Chief Prieft amongft 
 them was an Pica, that matters might bear fome conformity with the Imperial 
 City 5 which rule was alfo obferved in all Offices relating to War and Peace, that 
 fo the Natives might have their fhare in the Government, and not feem to be 
 flighted or neglected. They had alfo fome Houfes for Virgins, which profefled a 
 perpetual Virginity, where they ever remained Reclufes : of which , and of the 
 King's Concubines, we (hall have occafion hereafter to treat more at large. 
 
 All thefe Laws in Government, and Rites in Religion, they pretend for the 
 greater authority of them to have received from their firft Inca, Manco Capac 3 and 
 that where Matters were imperfect, it was left to his Succeffburs to eftablifh and 
 complete : For as they affirm that thefe Laws, both in Religion and Govern- 
 ment, were derived from the Sun, and infpired by him into his Children the In- 
 cos ; fo it is hard to affirm, to whom in particular fuch and fuch Laws were to be 
 attributed. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 The Divifion of the Empire into four Parts, and of the Regi- 
 fters kep by the Decurions y and what their Office was. 
 
 TH E hcM divided their Empire into four Parts, which they called Tavxn- 
 tinfuyu, and fignifies the four Quarters of the Heavens, w*. Eaft, Weft, 
 North and South. The City of Cozxo they efteemed the Point and Centre of all, 
 2nd in the tnMtm Language is as much as the Navel of the Earth , for the Coun- 
 trey of Peru being long and narrow, in fafhion of a Man's body, and that City 
 In the middle , it may aptly be termed the Navel of that Empire. To the Eaft- 
 ward they called the Countrey Antifuyn, from the Province Ami, which extends 
 all along that great Mountain, which runs through the fnowy defert Eaftward. 
 To the Weftward they called the Countrey Cuntifuyu, from that fmall Province 
 tvhich is called Cmti 5 to the Northward lies the Province Chincha, and to the 
 
 South- 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 33 
 
 Southward the Countrey Colla, which extends it felf to the Zur. In thefe four 
 Provinces are comprehended many great Countries, and amongft the reft .the 
 Kingdom, of Chic, which contains about 600 Leagues in length towards the Zur y 
 and is within the Province of Colla 5 and the Kingdom of J>lmta, which is with- 
 in the Divifion of Colla, runs 400 Leagues to the Northward : So that to name 
 thofe Quarters, is as much as to fay, Eaft and Weft, &c according to which, the 
 principal ways leading to the City were fo called. 
 
 The Incas laid one method and rule in their Government, as the beft means 
 to prevent all mifchiefs and diforders 5 which was this, That of all the people in 
 every place, whether more or fefs, a Regifter fhould be kept , and a Divifion 
 made of ten and ten ; over whicli one of the ten, whom they called the Decu- 
 fion, was made Superiour over the other nine ■■> then every five Divifions of this 
 nature had a Decurion over them, to whom was committed the charge and care 
 of fifty ; then over the two Divifions of .fifty a Superiour Decurion was confti- 
 tuted to fupervife a hundred ; fo five Divifions of a hundred had their Captain 
 which commanded five hundred •-, and laftly, ten Divifions had their General 
 over a thoufand - 7 for no Decurion had a greater number to govern or account for •-, 
 the charge of one thoufand being efteemed a fufficient care for any that by 
 his Under-Orflcers would undertake to account for his people, and rule them 
 Weft 
 
 The Decurions of ten had a double duty incumbent on them, one was with 
 diligence and care to fuccour, and fuftain thofe which were under their Divi- 
 jfton. j giving an account to his Superiour Officer, in cafe any of them ihould be 
 in want or nec^ffity of any thing •, as of Corn to fow or eat, or Wool to cloath 
 them, or Materials to re-build their houfes, deftroyed by fire, or any other acci- 
 dent, or fhould fall into any extremity whatsoever. His other duty was to be 
 Cenfor Morum, or Monitor of their actions, taking notice, and giving information 
 of the faults and irregularities of thofe under him , which he was to report to 
 his Superiour Officer •-, who, according to the nature of the Mifdemeanour, had 
 the power of punifhment •, howfoever, the lower Officers had power to chaftife 
 the lefler defaults ^ that fo for every petty Mifdemeanour, they needed not to have 
 recourfe to the Superiour, or General of them all •-, whereby delays in Law- fu its 
 were avoided, and long procefles, which tire and confume the people, were fpee- 
 dily ended •, and litigious Caufes and vexatious Adrians determined without Ap- 
 peals from one Judge to another -, and in cafe of publick differences between two 
 Provinces, they were always decided by the definitive fentence of one Juftice, 
 which the Inca conftituted by a fpecial Commilfion. 
 
 What Officer foever, either of higher or lower degree, that was negligent or 
 remifs in his duty incurred a penalty agreeable to the nature of his default. If 
 he adminiftred not the affiftence required, or neglected to Indict an Offender, 
 though it were but the omiffion of one day without a lawfull excufe •, he was not 
 onely liable to anfwer for his own default, but to receive the puniihment due to 
 the crime of the Offendour. And in regard every one of thefe Decurions had 
 a Superiour over him, who eyed and watched his actions, they were all diligent 
 in their duties, and impartial in their juftice ; no vagabonds or idle perfons durft 
 appear, or trefpaffes were committed •, for the Accufation was readily brought in , 
 and the puniihment was rigorous, which in many fmall 'cafes was even capital •-, 
 not fo much for the fin it felf, as for the aggravation thereof, being committed 
 againft the Word and Command of the Inca, whom they refpe&ed as a God ; 
 and though the Plaintiff or the injured perfon were willing to let fall his Suit, and 
 remit the penalty to the Offendour •■, yet the courfe of the Law will ftiU proceed, 
 impofing a puniihment agreeable to the quality of the crime, either death, or 
 ftripes, or banifhment, or the like. 
 
 In Families ftricl: feverity was obferved to keep their Children within the rules 
 of modefty and decent behaviour : for there were Laws even againft the ill man- 
 ners of Children ; for whofe mifcarriages the Decurion, as well as the Father, 
 was refponfible : So that the Children of the Indians, who are naturally of a gen- 
 tle and complying temper, are educated in great awe, and made modeft by the 
 correction and example of their Parents. 
 
 In times of War the Generals and Captains afiumed the fame power over their 
 Souldiery, and took the fame care of them, as the Decurions did in the time of 
 Peace, whofe Offices (befides the* matters before 1 mentioned) obliged them to 
 
 F take 
 
54 Royal Commentaries* Book II. 
 
 - - .■■!■-■ ... ■ - .-. 
 
 take an account of the Births and Burials of all thofe that were born, or died 
 that year, under their jurifdi&ion, and of thofe who went to the War. Thofe 
 people whom they conquered, though fubdued by force of Arms, yet they did 
 never plunder or take away their goods. 
 
 This word Decurion, which is compofed from the Latin Decern, which is ten 
 and cura care --, that is, a care over ten ■-, anfwers dire&ly to the Indian word Chun- 
 ca camayu, chunca fignifying ten, and camajH care •, and by information of thefe the 
 he as came to a knowledge of the number of their Subjects in every Province, 
 that fo according thereunto they might proportion the Taxes and Impofitions fof 
 publick Works , fuch as the building of Bridges, making and repairing High- 
 ways, ere&ing Forts and Royal Palaces, with what number of Souldiers they 
 ought to ferve the Inca in his Wars. By thefe computations alfo the Inca was 
 . better enabled to fend Provifions into thofe Provinces, which by reafon of tie 
 fterility of the year occafioned by Flouds, or unfeafonable weather, were become 
 wanting of Corn, or Cottons, or Wool \ all which were adminiftred, and fent 
 with fuch readinefs and expedition, that as Bias Valera often fays, the Incas took 
 fuch care of their Subjects, providing for them in all their neceffities, that they 
 might rather be ftyled Fathers of their Countrey, and Guardians of their Pupils 
 than Kings over Subjects % and to exprefs this care in one word, the Indians gave 
 
 them the title of Lovers of the Poor. 
 
 And left the Superiour Governours mould be remifs, or negligent, in the exe- 
 cution of their Offices ; there was a Monitor or Remembrancer appointed, called 
 Tucuy-ricoc, which is as much as a Supervifor or Informer -, and his duty it was to 
 put the Officers in mind of the matters relating to their Government - 7 fo that in 
 cafe any of thefe fliould be found remifs in his charge, or guilty of any crime, 
 his punilhment was always proportioned to his quality, rather than his fault \ it 
 being an opinion amongft them, that the leaft evil was not to be tolerated in a 
 Minifter of Juftice, who was chofen by the Sun and the Inca to eradicate Evils, 
 and therefore was obliged to be more upright and obfervant of the Laws, than 
 the other Subje&s. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of certain Laws Ordained by the Incas, and of the Opinion, 
 That the Incas, and thofe of the Royal Bloud, can doe no 
 wrong, or of end contrary to Law. 
 
 PEcuniary Mulcts, or Confifcation of Goods, were never impofed by the In* 
 cas in way of punifhment for any offence, they efteeming nothing fatisfac- 
 tory to Law but that which required the extirpation of the Evils, rather than the 
 Life of the Offendour ; for that all other remedies give but onely encouragement 
 and liberty to tranfgrefs. If a Curaca, or Lord, rebelled, which was always pu- 
 nilbed with moft feverity by the Inca ; and that thereby he forfeited his life ; the 
 Eftate nctwithftanding defcended to his Son, or to his Heir, but with due admo- 
 nition, that by fuch example he fliould beware of the Treafon and Rebellion of 
 his Father ■, fo likewife if any Cacique, or Officer was deprived of his place, or his 
 Seigniory for faults committed, the next Heir fucceeded in it, whether he were a 
 Son or a Brother : the fame rule alfo was obferved amongft the Souldiery, whofe 
 Commanders were Natives of the Countrey, and their Generals, or chief Com- 
 manders, were Princes of the Bloud , under whom the Captains and Superiour 
 Officers efteemed it for a particular honour and favour to ferve. No Judge had 
 power to moderate the Sentence of Law by any Rule of Equity, but rather to 
 
 exa& 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries, 25 
 
 exact the feverity of it, for being ordained by the Wifedom of the Ikcm, and the 
 concurrence of Wife men , it ought neither t© be controlled, or rendred more 
 equitable by the fenfe and practice of particular Judges, who are capable of be- 
 ing corrupted, or overcome by favour or affection to a party. 
 
 And though it may feem very barbarous and unreafonable that every offence 
 fhould be punilhed with Death , and that there Should be no difference between 
 the crimes of a higher, and the faults of a lefler nature ; yet considering the be- 
 nefit which the Publick received thereby, and that the Evils, rather than the Per- 
 sons, were taken away ; luch a constitution ought not to be efteemed unjuft or 
 irrational : For in regard that men naturally love life, and fear and abhor death, 
 they ftudioufly fled from the appearance of any thing which might bring them 
 within the danger of it -, fo that in all this great Empire, which reaches 1 300 
 Leagues in length, consisting of divers Nations and Languages, we fcarce have 
 heard in the fpace of a whole year, fo much as of the punilhment of a Single 
 peribn : and to this obedience and fubmiffion to Law , the opinion of the 
 Sanctity of it did much avail ; and the belief, that it was delivered by the 
 Sun , who was their God , and by revelation inipired into the minds of the 
 Incas his children ^ fo encreafed the veneration and honour they had for it, that 
 none could be efteemed a breaker of the Law, but who alSo therewith was 
 guilty of facrilege or violation of the holy and divine Sanction. Hence it was, 
 that many finding a remorfe of confcience within themfelves, in fenfe of fome 
 iecret faults they had committed, have often, without accufation, presented them- 
 felves before the Tribunals of Juftice, confeffing publickly their offences •■, by rea- 
 fon of which , difeafes, deaths and diftrefles had befallen their People and Na- 
 tion ; and therefore defired that their lives might be offered to their God, as an 
 expiation, and an attonement for their fin. This fort of confeflion was the ground 
 of the miftake of certain Spanijb Hiftorians, who report that Auricular confeffion 
 was practifed amongft the Indians 5 whereas I am certain, that amongft thofe of 
 Peru, (for I treat of no other) it was never accuflomary to make other ConfeiTions, 
 than fuch as were publick. No Appeals (as we have faid ) were allowable in any 
 cafe whatfoever, for every people having its proper Judge, no Procefs was to con- 
 tinue longer than five days before it was finally determined : onely in obfcure and 
 difficult cafes the matter was brought before the Superiour Governour, who refi- 
 ded in the capital City, rather than before the common Judge of the Province. 
 The Inferiour Judges rendred every month an account to their Superiours of all 
 the Law-lints which were brought before them, and of the Sentences they gave 
 in the determination thereof } to the end, that they might fee and judge whether 
 true Sentence were given , and the Laws rightly adminift red. This information 
 from one to another came at length to the Inca % and in regard they were not as 
 yet arrived to the knowledge of Letters, they gave thefe Informations to the In- 
 cas and his fupreme Council by way of Knots of divers colours tied in a filken 
 twift, the colours being as fo many cyphers, denoting the crimes they had puni- 
 fhed, and the bignefs of them , and manner of making them up Signified that 
 Law which was executed (as we (hall hereafter more particularly declare) and 
 in this manner by way of Knots, they kept all their accounts fo exactly, and fum- 
 med them up with fuch readinefs, that to the great admiration of the Spaniards, 
 their bed Arithmeticians could not exceed them. 
 
 It is an opinion, and held for a certain truth amongft them, that diere never 
 was Inca of the Royal Bloud that was punifhed, or that any of them did ever 
 commit a crime, which incurred the penalty of the Law : For that the principles 
 they received from their Parents, the example of their Anceftours, and the com- 
 mon belief of the World, that they were the Progeny of the Sun, born to in- 
 struct others, to doe good, and to refrain the people from Vice, were confidera- 
 tions that made fuch impreffions in them, that they were rather the ornament 
 than the fcandal of Government , difdaining to ftoop to fuch bafe and mean acti- 
 ons, as were tranigrefiions of their Law : The truth is, they wanted the tempta- 
 tions which others had to offend^ for neither the defire of women, or richnefs, 
 or revenge could be motives to them : For in cafe any one of them entertained 
 a paffion for the Beauty of a Woman, it was but to fend for her ; and She could 
 not be denied, nay rather her Parents would receive the propofal with humble 
 acknowledgments, that the Inca would vouchfafe to caft his eye on his handmaid 
 that was his Slave. The like may be faid as to the defire of Wealth, they had no 
 
 F * neceffities 
 
2 6 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 neceflities but what were readily fatisfied -, for being Children of the Sun, all the 
 Wealth and Riches of their Ccuntrey was efteemed their inheritance, and their 
 occafions were fatisfied by the Mandates fent to the Juftices, and the Governours 
 of Provinces for a fupply. Nor were they liable to the unworthy paffion of Re- 
 venge, for none could provoke them to anger by injuries, who fought all ways and 
 means to pleafe and oblige them, for being adored' as Gods, it was efteemed blafphe- 
 my and facrilege to difgrace them by Words, or injure them in their Eftates ■-, and 
 therefore it may be faid, that never was Indian punilhed for difrefpecT:, or a mali- 
 tious a<ftion againft the Perfon of an /« Hence it is that the Spanifh Hiftorians 
 have reported, that an Ima was not capable of being punilhed for any Offence what- 
 ever •, which is a miftake, and is as much as to fay, that the Imas were Libertines, 
 that they might be arbitrary, and by Law ad againft it-, or that there were one 
 Law for them, and another for their People: whenas an Ima was rather expofed 
 tp the greater feverities, than any others for he forfeited his Privileges, was de- 
 graded of the Honours due to the Royal Bloud, and efteemed for Ama, which is 
 as much as a Traytor and a Tyrant. Thus when the Spaniards commended and 
 applauded the juft and generous aftions of the Imas, the Indians would make an- 
 fwer, that it was not ftrange, in regard they were Imas ; and if they difapproved 
 at any time their proceedings, as in the cafe of Atahnalpa, who by Treafon and 
 Rebellion dilpoflefTed Hxafiar, his elder Brother, and true Heir to the Monarchy, 
 (as we (hall relate in its due place,) their Reply was, that no Ima could be guilty 
 of fuch Enormities, and if lie were, he was no true born Ima, but fome Baftard 
 or Impoftour of that Family. 
 
 In every Province, according to the four Divifions, the Ima conftituted his dif- 
 ferent Councils of War, of Juftice, and of his Treafury; every one of which 
 maintained their fubordinate Officers, one under the other, even to the Decurions 
 of Ten, all which in their refpe&ive places rendred an account to their immediate 
 Officers, till the Report came to the fupreme Council. The chief Governour of 
 every Divifion had the Title of a Vice-King, and were always Imas of the true 
 Bloud, and Men approved for Prudence and good Conduct, both in the time of 
 War and Peace. And fo much fhall fuffice to have fpoken concerning their 
 Laws and Cuftoms : We fhall now proceed to the Hiftory of their Lives and 
 Actions, relating thofe matters which are moft famous and obfervable. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Life and Reign o/Sinchi Roca, [econd King of the 
 Incas. 
 
 Slwhi Roca fucceeded his Father, Mamo Capac ; this name Roca is pronounced 
 with fome afpiration at the top of the Mouthy and as Bias Vakra fays, figni- 
 fies a prudent and experienced Prince; Simhi fignihes valiant-, for though he had 
 no Wars with any, yet becaufe he was a&ive in wreftling, running, vaulting, 
 throwing the ftone and lance, and excelled all others of that age in thofe Exer- 
 cifes, he was furnamed the Valiant and Magnanimous. 
 
 This Prince having performed thofe Obfequies which were due to the folemni- 
 ty of his Father's Interment, took upon himfelf the Crown of his Kingdom, which 
 was no other than the coloured Wreath, bound about his Temples j determining 
 in the firft place to inlarge the Borders of his Dominions, he aflembled the prin- 
 cipal CuracM and Counfellours which his Father had affigned him, and in a grave 
 and ferious Oration, amongft other things, he told them, that in performance of the 
 Will of his Father, (which he declared to him at the time he was about to re- 
 turn to Heaven) he refolved to go in Perfon, and fumrnon the neighbouring Na- 
 tions 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 27 
 
 tions, to come in, and be converted to the knowledge and adoration of the Sun-, 
 and in regard they had the lame Title of Incas , as well as their King, he concei- 
 ved that the fame Obligation lay upon them, to ferve the Sun, who w as the com- 
 mon Parent of them all , and therefore required them to join with him in the 
 fame work and defign 5 that lb they might reduce thole People from their brutilh 
 and beftial courfe of living to a Life more regular and rational; for that they fee- 
 ing the improvements which the inft ructions of his Father, the Inca, had made 
 in his own Subjects, might be more eafily allured to forfake their old barbarous 
 Cuftoms, and embrace thofe which are more beneficial and refined. 
 
 Hereunto the Gtracas gave this ready and chearfull Anfwer, that they were not 
 onely willing to obey bis Commands in this particular, but even to enter into 
 the fire for his fake-, and lb ending their Dilcourfe, they prefixed a day to begin 
 their Journey: and accordingly the Inca departed with a great Retinue of his Sub- 
 jects, taking his Journey by the way o£ Collafuyu , which lies to the Southward 
 from the City Ce^a 5 and as they travelled, they perfuaded the Indians with fair 
 words to follow their Example, and to become Subjects to the Inca, and Devota- 
 ries to the Sun, uniting with them in Religion towards their God, and Allegiance 
 to their Prince. Thole Indians which are of the Nations called Puchina and Can- 
 chi, and are the next borderers, being a People very fimple and credulous, (as in- 
 deed all the Indians are,) feeing the effects which the her. had operated on his own 
 Subjects, which was the beft argument to convince them, they immediately fub- 
 mifted to his Government; and thus by degrees, during the whole courfe of this 
 Inca's Reign, without violence or force of arms, in a gentle and peaceable manner 
 he reduced all the People, as far as Chuncara, which is about twenty Leagues in 
 length, with the Inhabitants of the parts adjacent xo his Subjection, over all which 
 he prevailed fo far, as to plow and cultivate their Lands, to lead a moral Life ac- 
 cording to the Rules of the light of nature, and that forfaking their Idols, and evil 
 cuftoms which they practifed, they fhould worfhip the Sun, and obferve thofe 
 Laws and Precepts which by Revelation his Facher, Manco Capac, had delivered 
 to them ; all which the Indians readily accepted and embraced, being highly fatis- 
 fied with that benefit and improvement which the Dominion and Rule ot sincbi 
 Roca had brought unto them, who after the example of his Father , ftudied all 
 ways and means to endear that People to himfelf. 
 
 Some Authours report that this King proceeded much beyond the Countrey of 
 Chuncara, and extended his Dominions over the Nations of Cancalk, Ruruchachi, 
 Affiliu , Afancatu , Huancani , and others \ all which he gained with fuch gentle 
 treatment, that he needed not Wars, or other Arms, than perfuafions to invite 
 them 3 ufing thefe new plantations, as good Gardiners doe their Orchards , pru- 
 ning and digging about their Trees, in hopes of plenty and abundance of 
 Fruit. 
 
 Sinchi Roca having thus lived in peace and quietnefs for the fpace of many years, 
 and, as fome will have it, for about thirty, finding himfelf at length decaying and 
 aged, he declared that now after the labours and cares he had taken to reduce men 
 to the knowledge of his Father the Sun, he was now going to take his reft and 
 repofe with him. His lawfull Son, by his legitimate Wife and Sifter, Mam* Cora, 
 (or as others will have it, Mama Oc/io,) ailed LUque Tupanqui, he left to fucceed 
 him, as Heir to all his Dominions : Befides this Prince he had other Sons by his 
 Wife, and more Children by his Kinfwomen , who were his Concubines, all 
 which we may call legitimate. Moreover he had many Baftard Children by Wo- 
 men of other Families, all which was allowable according to the rule, and faying, 
 that it was fit and requifite that the Generation and Family of the Sun mould be 
 many and numerous. 
 
 CHAR 
 
a8 Royal Commentaries. Book IF. 
 
 CHAP. VIFL 
 
 Of the Third Kifig Lloque Yupanqui, and the fignificatiori 
 of his Name. 
 
 LLoque Yupanqui was the third King of Peru, called Lloque, becaufe he was left- 
 handed, and Yupanqui ferves to denote his Vermes and generous Actions. 
 The word Yupanqui (ignihes as much as an account, or reckoning , as we fay a 
 Man of Account, which is a Cypher, or Hieroglyphick , in that language, for a 
 film of Vermes, as Clemency, Piety, Gentlenefs, &c. all which were qualities 
 inherent in that Perfon, and is as comprehenfive as the word Capac, which con- 
 tains the Riches of Fortune , and the Wealth of Vermes, inherent in the mind, 
 which Apellations, or rather Titles, they gave to none of their chiefeft Lords, 
 but to the King onely, it being efteemed a kind of Sacrilege to attribute (uch 
 facred Titles to any other : for as the Romans gave the name o^Auguflw to their 
 Emperours, in a particular diftinction to all others •■> fo it would have been a di- 
 minution to their Majefty to have made this peculiar Name common to their 
 Subjects. 
 
 Lloque Yupanqui having taken a furvey of his Dominions, refolved to extend his 
 Jurifdiction farther than the Pofleflions of his Fathers , and being now the Lord 
 of an Empire which had been eftablifhed and radicated for the fpace of feventy 
 years, he thought it a more expedite way by force of Arms to reduce that People, 
 than by the flow infinuations which arguments and perfuafions made upon them. 
 To this end having raifed an Army of about fix or feven thoufand men, under the 
 conduct of his two Uncles, and of his other Kindred, whom he made Captains, 
 and Commanders over them, he took his march towards the Countrey of Oreo- 
 fuyu, leaving that of Llmafnyu, which his Father had already conquered, (thefeveral 
 ways to which divide in the Province of Chuncara) he palled through the divifion 
 ofCo/lafuyu, which contains the great Lake olTitkaca. 
 
 The inca having parted the frontiers of his own Dominions, entered the Coun- 
 trey called Cana; and immediately difpatched MefTengers to the natural Inhabi- 
 tants thereof, requiring them to leave their beftial Sacrifices and fuperff itious man- 
 ners, and with all readinefs to fubmit unto the Obedience and Service of him 
 who was defcended from the Offspring of the Sun : The People of Cana defired 
 time to inform themfelves of all the particulars which the Inca commanded them, 
 as what were his Laws, and what were the Gods which he enjoined them to wor- 
 fliip •, in all which when they had been well inftructed, they readily confefled 
 that their Religion and Laws were better, and more rational than their own, and 
 therefore with a general confent they yielded and fubmitted to them, and fb went 
 forth to receive their King with Joy, and acknowledge themfelves his obedient 
 Subjects. The Inca leaving Perfons with them to inftruct them in his Idolatry, 
 and to teack them the way of manuring and cultivating their Land •, he proceeded 
 forward to that Nation which is called Ayviri: but thefe being a ftuidy anditub- 
 born fort of People, were not to be wrought upon by perfuafions, and pr^-nifes, 
 or by the example of others ^ but obftinately perfiired in a refolution to dye in 
 the defence of their Liberties , which was a new difficulty and oppofition that 
 the Incat had never as yet encountred. Thus both fides preparing for War, they 
 came to an ingagement, which lafted long, there being many killed both on one 
 fide and the other; and being at length as it were a drawn Battel, and the Victo- 
 ry doubtfull, both Armies retreated into fart places, which they had fortified after 
 their own manner, fallying out every day to Skirmifhes and fingle Combats. The 
 People of the Inca avoided fighting what they were able, defiring rather to over- 
 come them with reafons and perfuafions, than by force of Arms ; but the Ayviri 
 interpreting tlris backwardnefs of the Inca to be an effect of Cowardife, became 
 more obftinate , and encouraged to prefs harder upon him , fo as almoft to enter 
 
 his 
 
Book If. Royal Commentaries. 39 
 
 his Royal Tents-, but their force was repelled with force, and were always repul- 
 fed with loft and difadvantage. The Inca confidering well the (name and dilho- 
 nour it would be to him to be foiled by this People 5 for that others by their 
 Example might take courage to rebell and refift him 5 he<!ifpatched immediate 
 Orders for new recruits to be fent him ; but thele he defigned rather for terrour 
 and oftentation, than neceflity, and in the mean time he ftraitned the Enemy fo, 
 that there being a great fcarcity ofallProvifions amongft them, they were com- 
 pelled at length to make their way by force of Arms ■-, the Battel was very . hot 
 and bloudy, many being killed and wounded on both fides, till at length the Aya- 
 viri being worded, never dilrft (hew their Faces any more in Battel. The foot, 
 not being willing to take this advantage to deftroy them utterly endeavoured ra- 
 ther by Famine to reduce them to his Obedience. During which Siege the re- 
 cruits which the Inca had fent for, arrived in his Camp, the Report of which fo 
 difmayed the Enemy , that they immediately furrendred and fubmitted to the 
 Mercy of the fwwg who firft having feverely reproved them with bitter termes, 
 for having refifted the Offspring of the Sun, he pardoned their Contumacy and 
 Rebellion •, and leaving Officers and Inftru&ours to teach them in the ways of Re- 
 ligion and humane Living, and to require from them that riches which they had 
 forfeited to the Sun and the Inca, he proceeded againft that People which they 
 call Pucara. In this Countrey he built a Fortrefs, for better defence of his Frontiers 
 and confcrvation of his Conquefts-, and the rather, becaufe the fituation of the 
 place being by nature ftrong, was by Art and Induftry rendred impregnable, and 
 ferved to reduce the People of Pucara, which were by no other means to be fub- 
 dued, but by a War 5 which having done, and furniihed his Fortrefs with a 
 ftrong Garrifon, he returned with great Joy and Triumph unto Cozco, 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 The Conquejl of Hatun Colla , and the Fables which thofe 
 of Colla report concerning their Original. 
 
 MAny Years had not pafled before Lloque Tupanqul returned again to the fron- 
 tiers of his Conquefts, that he might make a farther progrels in reducing 
 the Indians , and enlarging his Dominions. The Report which the Incxt had 
 fpread from their beginning* of being fent from the Sun to inftrudt and reduce 
 Mankind from a beftial way of living to Rules of Morality and Political Society, 
 had made preparation in all places for reception of their Doctrine, and became 
 moft plaufible and prevalent in the minds of thofe People, who knew not how to 
 difcover that ambition of the Incat, which they had concealed under the fpecious 
 principle of the Sun's Commands : with this pretence the Inca. fent to raife eight 
 or nine thou find men well armed 5 and having fet Officers over them, and chofen 
 Counfellours for himfelf, he pafled the Countrey of Co/lafiyu, and at length arri- 
 ved at his Fortrefs called Pucara, where afterwards that great overthrow was given 
 
 tO Francifco Hernandez Giroit\ which is fince Called the Battel of Pucara: from 
 
 thence he fent Am afladours to Paucar colla , and Hatun colla, (which are Coun- 
 tries of a large extent, containing divers Nations) requiring them to yield ready 
 Submiffion and Obedience to him •, and that being admonifhed by the example 
 of the Ayavirl) they fhould fear to oppofe the Progeny of the Sun, left the like 
 punifliments of Famine and Slaughter fhould be the rewards of their Rebellion. 
 The People of Colla gave ear to this admonition, and aflembling their Chiefs or 
 moft principal Men amongft them in Hatun Colla, which is Colla the great j they 
 generally concluded, that all thofe Plagues and Mifchiefs which had befallen 
 
 the 
 
40 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 the Ayaviri, and thofe of Pwara, was fent from Heaven, as a judgment for ha- 
 ving refilled the Children of the Sun •, and therefore with unanimous confent 
 they declared themfelves Vaflals of the l»ca y that they would adore the Sun, 
 and obferve and keep all thofe Laws and Ordinances which he ihould impofe 
 upon them •■, and with this intention they went out to meet the hca, and received 
 him with Acclamations, and with new Songs, and Muiick, which they had fra- 
 med and compofed for this occafion- 
 
 The Ma received their Curacy with many kind and obliging Expreflions* and 
 to evidence the efteem he had of them, he beftowed on every one of them gar- 
 ments which belonged to his own Perfon, with other Prefents, very acceptable ; 
 and in procefs of time afterwards thefe two People, and their Pofterity, were 
 ever highly favoured by the A«f, efpecially thofe of Hatun ColU, both for the 
 readinefs with which they embraced the Worfliip of the Sun, and for their doa- 
 ble and gentle Nature, which encouraged the Incat to build magnificent Temples 
 in their Countrey, and found Monafteries for Virgins , which were matters of 
 high admiration amongft the Indians t 
 
 The Colin confift of many and divers Nations, and report that their firft Pa- 
 rents iflued from the great Lake Titkaca, which they eft eemed to be their Mother 5 
 and before the times of the Ami, amongft other Gods, they offered Sacrifices to 
 this Lake upon the Banks of it. Some of them report that their Parent proceeded 
 from a great Fountain, others that their Anceftours iiTued from Caves, and the hol- 
 low of Rocks, and accordingly at certain feafons they offered their Sacrifices to them 5 
 others that they originally iflued from a certain River, and therefore held that the 
 Fifh of it were facred, and that it was a fin to eat them. In this manner fbme adored 
 one Deity, and fome another, howfoever becaufe that that People abounded much 
 in flocks of Sheep, they had one God common to them all, which was a white 
 Ram, faying, that there was a great fheep in the higher World, for fo they call 
 Heaven, which had a particular care of them, giving them a greater increafe and 
 number of Sheep, than to any other of the neighbouring People of Pm*; and for 
 that reafon they offered up Lambs, and the fat of Mutton to this Sheep-faced Deity. 
 But this God, and all others, the Inck took from them, allowing them no other 
 but the Sun, whom he encharged and commanded them without any other Rival 
 to adore and worfliip^ befides which he altered that infamous Cuftome of Diflb- 
 lutenefs and Incontinence amongft finale Women, to whom it was lawfull, and 
 a laudible quality to be common Whores before their Marriage, though after- 
 wards they were obliged to be true and faithfull to one Husband. But as to thofe 
 Fables which relate the Original of thefe People, the Incas took no pains or care 
 to confute them^ for as they were obliged to believe the defcendence of the Incas 
 from the Sun •, lb the Incas in like manner would not feem to difapprove the 
 Fables and Reports they made of their own Original. 
 
 Having laid thefe foundations of Government and Religion the Incx returned 
 again to Cozeo, giving a flop for the prefent to his Conquefts and Proceeding 7 for 
 it feemed to be the moft reafonable Policy to give time and fpace for thefe new 
 Subje&s to tafte the fweetnefs and lenity of the Ma, and by their own experi- 
 ence to make report of it, and publifti it to the neighbouring Nations , that fe 
 they might be more eafily induced to embrace the like advantage: rather than 
 overpowering all by cruel and hafty conque.'ls, their Government lhould appear 
 tyrannical, and partaking of an ambitious and covetous Spirit. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 41 
 
 ,_, ,, ■■ — " ■ ■ ■ ■-■■■■■ II! ■ I I I I M „_^^ ,, ,■■— , - 
 
 - 
 
 CHAR X. 
 
 
 The great Province of Chucuytu fur rentiers on terms and 
 conditions of Peace, and after the example thereof many 
 other Provinces [ubmit. 
 
 TH E Ixca was received at Cozco with all the demonftrations of joy and tri- 
 umph imaginable ■■, where having rqfided fa- the fpace of fome years, which 
 he employed towards the advancement of the common good and benefit of his 
 people ■, he re-aflumed his intentions of vifiting again the Confines of his Domi- 
 nions, that fo he might afford his people the contentment of feeing his Perfort, 
 and rectifying the corruption and negligence of his Minifters by his own perfonal 
 appearance. With this occafion he raifed an Army of ten thoufand Men, and 
 with them marched to Hatun Colla, and the Confines of Chacuytu, which is fo fa- 
 mous a Province, and fo abounding with people, that when the Spaniards divided 
 that Countrey, they prefented that parcel of ground to the Emperour. So foon 
 as the lnca was entred into Chacuytu, he fent Meflengers to the Inhabitants, that 
 leaving their ancient cuftoms, they (hould receive the Laws and Commandments 
 of the Sun, and (hould worfhip and adore him for their God : And they, in due 
 compliance hereunto, anfwered, That they were ready and willing with all affec- 
 tion and cordiality to receive his Injunctions •, for that he being defcended from 
 the Sun, they were well allured of his gentlenefs and vermes, and therefore with 
 ail joy they received him for their Sovereign, under whofe ihadow and protecti- 
 on they promifed to themfelves all happinefs and fecurity. . 
 
 The I»ca, according to accuftomed goodnefs, received them gratioufly, pre- 
 fenting them with fuch gifts as were in efteem amongft thofe Indians .- And 
 finding the fuccefs of thefe mefiages to anfwer his expectations, he was encoura- 
 ged to fend the like Summons to all the Neighbouring Nations, as far as that 
 place, where the Lake T'ticaca empties it felf ■-, all which, after the example of 
 Hatun Co/la and Chucuytu fubmirted themfelves ■-, the moft principal of them were 
 HUlavi, Chulli, Pumata and Cipita ^ all which furrendred on the fame terms, and 
 with the fame formalities that the others did ■■, fo that there is no need to make 
 repetition of the queftions formerly demanded, nor the anfwers thereunto. 
 
 Having in this peaceable manner fubjecled thefe people, he disbanded his Ar- 
 my, giving them leave to return unto their refpedtive homes •-, onely lie retained 
 fb many Souldiers as ferved for a guard to his Perfon, and as many as became the 
 dignity and honour of his State •-, together with fuch as were fit to teach and in- 
 ft met. them in the Religion and Laws they were to obferve •, and that he might 
 yield more vigour and encouragement to this work, he was pleafed to attend and 
 affift herein with his own prefence -, which being accounted a particular demon- 
 ftration of his favour to thofe principal Provinces, proved afterwards of great ufe 
 and benefit, as we (hall hereafter make appear in the. fequel of this Hiftory. And 
 what did farther oblige the Curacas and others to the lnca, was his perfonal refi- 
 dence amongft them for the whole Winter-feafon, during which time his employ- 
 ment was to fettle and eftablifh himfelf in the affection and good will of hi? 
 people •, having now by his own experience learned, that the beft expedient to 
 invite and allure ftrangers to his fubje&ion was Love and Beneficence to his own 
 people : For by thefe means the Indians did every-where extoll the Excellencies of 
 their Prince, and proclaim him to be a true child and off-fpring of the Sun. And 
 now whilft the lnca refided in Coliao, and that the Spring was returned, he again 
 raifed an Army of ten thoufand Men, over which he conftituted four Colonels, 
 and appointed his Brother to be their General, ( whofe name is not certainly 
 knowR> to all five of which, he gave fpecial order not to ufe violence, or break 
 
 G peace 
 
4% Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 peace with the people, unlefs in cafe of abfolute neceifity ■■, defiring rather, accor^ 
 aing to former examples, to reduce them by gentle and moderate terms, than by 
 war and feverity, mewing themfelves rather companionate Parents, than Martial 
 Captains. Accordingly this General and Officers proceeded in their defign Weft- 
 ward, as far as that Province which is called Hurin Pacajfa , and with profperous 
 fuccefs reduced all thofe they met for the fpace of 20 Leagues, as far as to the 
 foot of the Mountain Cordillera, and the fiiowy defarc. In reducing thefe Indians, 
 there was little or no difficulty, becaufe they were a people which lived at large, 
 without Political Society or Government, the weaker giving way to the pride 
 and power of him that was ftrongeft 5 and being by nature fimple and credulous, 
 fo foon as the fame was fpread of the Miracles which were performed by this 
 Child of the Sun, they all flocked in to be received for Vaflais to this great and 
 wonderfull Monarch : Howfoever, three years were fpent in the reducing Of thefe 
 people, for they were of fo dull and ftupid a genius, that, like beafts, they were 
 not capable to comprehend or learn thofe eafie rudiments and principles which 
 were inftilled into them. Having completed this conqueft, Officers were placed 
 for their better government, with Inftrudors to teach them, and fuch Comman- 
 ders and Souldiers as might ferve to protect and defend them 5 and fo the Gene- 
 ral and four Captains returned to render an account to the he a of their Ads and 
 Negotiations, who all that time was employed in vifiting feveral Countries of 
 his Dominions, where he encouraged their induftry, improved them in their 
 Arts, and in cultivating Lands --, railing publick Edifices, and making Aqueducts, 
 Bridges and High-ways for the better communication of one Nation with ano- 
 ther. After which he returned with his Captains, whom he gratioufly received 
 unto his Imperial Court, with intention to fix a term and limit to his proceedings, 
 for having enlarged his Dominions 40 Leagues to the Northward, and more 
 than 20 towards the Eaft, he judged this addition a fufficient encreafe for his 
 Reign. 
 
 His reception into Cozco was with wonderfull joy, for his liberality and gentle 
 nature was generally obliging •, the remainder of his life he patted in quietnefs and 
 repofe, performing actions of Juftice and Beneficence towards his Subjeds 5 du- 
 ring which time, he fent Mayta Capac his eldeft Son and Heir twice to vrfit his 
 Dominions, accompanied with Wife and Aged men, that fo he might know and 
 be known to his people, and might have fome trial and pradke in affairs before 
 he came to handle the Government. And now the foca finding himfelf weak, 
 and near his end, he called his eldeft Son, with his other Brethren, and in man- 
 ner of his laft Will and Teftament, he earneftly recommended to them the ob- 
 feiration of thofe Laws and Ordinances which their Anceftours had prefcribed ; 
 that they fhould take care of their Subjeds, and in every thing behave themfelves 
 like thofe that are worthy of fo pure and bright a Family, as that of the Sun : 
 And laftly, he encharged the Incai, who were Captains , and the Curacat, who 
 were Lords of the people, that they mould be mindfull of the Poor, and obedi- 
 ent to their Prince ; and efbecially that they fhould live in peace and unity, for 
 that now he was to leave them, being called by his Father the Sun to afcend un- 
 to him, that he might reft and defift from his former labours and travels. Having 
 ended thefe fayings, Lloque Tupanqui leaving many Sons and Daughters of his Con- 
 cubines, though but one who was his true Heir and Succefibur, and two Daugh- 
 ters by Mama Cova his lawfull Wife, died. The Death of this Inca was greatly la- 
 mented through his whole Dominions, for his gentle temper had gained him the 
 aftedion of all, and Iris Vertues procured him the efteem of a God, and rank 
 with the other Children of the Sun, whom they Adored for Deities. And now 
 for diverfion of the Reader, we (hall defift a while from profecuting the Wars 
 and Conquefts, which were almoft all atchieved after the like manner with the 
 former, and (hall relate fomething of the Cuftoms they pradifed, and the Scien- 
 ces they attained. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. a? 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the Learning and Scie?ices to which the Incas attained , 
 and fir ft of their Apology-. 
 
 TH E improvement which the Incas had made either in Aftrology or Philc- 
 fophy, was as yet for want of Letters very imperfect , howfoever there 
 were fome certain men amongft them of good wit and underftanding, which 
 they called Ammtas •, who were fubtile in their Argumentations, and laid down 
 certain Phenomena of natural things •, but in regard they were unacquainted with 
 Letters, they could leave none of thofe conceptions they had formed unto pofte- 
 rity, unlefs fome few principles difcovered by the Light of Nature, which they 
 denoted by Glyphicks, or fome uncouth and rude figures ■-, yet in Moral Philofo- 
 phy they attained to a greater degree, for their Laws, Cuftoms and Practices 
 were their daily leflons, and the doctrine of good manners being the work of the 
 Magistrate, an eafie and conftant improvement was made therein. 
 
 Of Natural Philofophy indeed they had ftudied^ little 3 they knew not how to 
 fearch into the fecrets of nature, or lay down the firft principles of it ; they knew 
 not what the qualities of the Elements were, or could fay that the Earth was cold 
 and dry, and trie fire hot and dry •, they onely obferved the effects of things, that 
 fire would warm and burn them : Howfoever, they learned fomething of Medi- 
 cines, and of the Vermes of certain Herbs and Plants which experience and ne- 
 ceffity had taught them. 
 
 In Aftrology they had proceeded yet farther, for the apparent objects of the 
 Sun, and Moon, and Stars yielded them more fenfible matter for fpeculation : 
 they had obferved the various motions of the Planet Venus, the increafe, full arici 
 decreafe of the Moon 5 and when it was upon the change and conjunction with 
 the Sun, they called it the Death of the Moon. The Sun efpecially afforded 
 them the moft profound matter of fpeculation ; they obferved that by his motion 
 the feafons of the year were diftinguifhed, the hours of the day counted, and the 
 days and nights meafured -, in all which they attained not to a farther fearch or 
 confideration than what was vifible, and materially prefented it felf before their 
 eyes : they admired the effects, but laboured not to penetrate into the caufe, or 
 know the reafon of the various changes of the Moon, or motions of the Planets. 
 They called the Sun Tnti, the Moon Qmlla, the bright Star of Venus, Chafe*, which 
 fignifies radiant ; other Stars alfo of greater Magnitude they obferved, but did not 
 diftinguifh them by their particular names, but onely under that general denomi- 
 nation of Coyllur, which fignifies a Star. And yet for all this fottifh ftupidity, 
 the Incas had obferved that the Sun accomplilhed his courfe in the fpace of a years 
 which they called Huata, though the Commonalty divided it onely by its feafons, 
 and reckoned their year to end, or be finifhed with their Harveft. The terms 
 of Summer and Winter Solftices, they denoted by the large characters of eight 
 Towers, which they had erected to the Eaft, and as many to the Weft of the 
 City Cozco s being ranked four and four in feveral Pofitions, thofe two in the mid- 
 dle being higher than the other two at each end , and were built much in the 
 form of the Watch- towers in Spun .- When the Sun came to rife exactly oppo- 
 fite to four of thefe Towers, which were to the Eaft of the City, and to fet juft a- 
 gainft thofe in the Weft, it was then the Summer Solftice ; and in like manner, 
 when it came to rife, and fet juft with the other four Towers on each fide of the 
 City , it was then the Winter Solftice. Pedro de Cieca and Jcofta, make mention 
 of thefe Towers, which ferved for their Almanacks, and were the beft cyphers 
 they had to diftinguifh their times and feafons, for they had not attained as yet 
 to other meafures by Days and Months, though they kept an account by Moons, 
 as we (hall hereafter declare •-, by which and by their Solftices they divided one 
 year from another : thefe Solftitial Towers I left remaining in the year 1 j5o, and 
 
 G * may 
 
44 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 may ftill be feen, Unlefs the Wars and Alterations have demolilhed thofe dura- 
 ble reliques. 
 
 They had likewife obferved the Equinodials 5 for in the Month of March, 
 when they reaped their Mayz, or Indian Wheat, they celebrated their Harveft with 
 joy and feafting, which at Cozco they kept in the Walk of Cokan, otherwife called 
 the Garden of the Sun. At the Equinoctial of September, they obferved one of 
 their four principal Feafts , which were dedicated to the Sun , which they called 
 •Chua. Raymir 5 and then to denote the precife day of the Equinodial, they had 
 ereded Pillars of the fineft Marble, in the open Area, or place before the Tem- 
 ple of the Sun 5 which when the Sun came near the Line, the Priefts daily wat- 
 ched and attended to obferve what ihadow the Pillars caft •, and to make it the 
 more exad, they fixed on them a Gnomon, like the Pin of a Dial •, fo that lb foon 
 as the Sun at its riling came to dart a dired Ihadow by it , and that at its height 
 or mid-day the Pillar made no (hade, but was enlightned on all fides \ they then 
 concluded that the Sun was entred the Equinoctial Line , at which time they 
 adorned thefe Pillars with Garlands and odoriferous Herbs, and with the Saddle 
 they had dedicated to the Sun \ faying, That on that day he appeared in this 
 molt glittering Throne and Majefty, and therefore made their Offerings of Gold 
 and pretious Stones to him, with all the folemnities of oftentation and joy, which 
 are ufual at fuch feftivals. Thus the lmM, who were their Kings ■-, and the Amau- 
 ■ta-s, who were their Philolbphers •, having obferved, that when the Sun came to 
 the Equinodial, thefe Pillars made little Ihadow at noon-day, and that thofe in 
 the City of S^jtu, and thofe of the fame degree to the Sea-coaft made none at 
 all, becaufe the Sun is then perpendicularly over them ■■, they concluded that the 
 Pofition of thole Countries was more agreeable and pleafing to the Sun, than 
 thofe on which in an oblique manner onely he darted the brightnefs of his rays $ 
 for which reafon rhe Pillars of £>mtn were had in fo great veneration and efteem 
 amongft them, that they worshipped and adored them •, and therefore Sebaflian 
 de Belakacar, in abhorrence of the Idolatry which the Indians performed towards 
 them, demolished them and broke them in pieces, as did the other Spanifk Cap- 
 tains, in thofe places of the fame folary degree, where this fuperftition pre- 
 vailed. 
 
 The Months (as we have faid) they counted by Moons, and therefore called 
 the Months guilLu $ the Weeks they called the Quarters of the Moon, having 
 no names for the Days. They took great notice of the Edipfes both of the 
 Sun and of the Moon, but knew them onely by their Effeds, and not by their 
 Caufes ; wherefore they were greatly affrighted when they obferved the Sun to 
 hide his face from them, believing that for their fins he obfcured his countenance, 
 and was angry, framing the like Prognostications of Tamine, Peftilence and Wars, 
 as our Aftrologers predid from the influences of Eclipfes. 
 
 When they oblerved the Moon begin to grow dark in her Eclipfe , they 
 faid, (he was fick •-, and when (he was totally obfcured, that (he was dead •, and 
 then they feared, left (he lhould fall from Heaven, and overwhelm, and kill them, 
 and that the World Ihould be entirely diflblved. With thefe apprehenfions, 
 fo foon as the Moon entred into Eclipfe, they founded their Trumpets and Cor- 
 nets, beat their Kettles, Symbals, and all the Inftruments which could make noife 
 and found •, they tied their Dogs in Strings, and beat them till they cried and 
 howled ■-, faying, That with their Voices they called upon the Moon •, who ha- 
 ving received certain Services from them, was very inclinable to hearken to their 
 call •, and that all thefe varieties of Sounds together ferved to rowfe and awaken 
 her, being fallen into a drowzinefs and {lumber, which her ficknefs had caufed - 
 and then they made their Children cry and call Mama £uilla, or Mother- Moon, 
 Do not dye, left we all periih. 
 
 Concerning the Spots in the Moon, they conceived another Fable more ridicu- 
 lous than the former , and may be compared with that, which the more refined 
 Ancients framed of Diana, and that the Moon was a Huntrefs, though this feems 
 more beftial and abfurd 5 for they feigned that a certain Fox feeing tlie Moon fo 
 beautifull, fell enamoured of her •, and that his Love gave him wings, with which 
 he afcended Heaven •, and being ready to embrace the Moon, (he clofecl and 
 clung fo clofe to the Fox, that ever fince that time the Spots have appeared in 
 the brightnefs of her Body. Of all which particulars, concerning the Moon, I 
 my feif have been an eye-witnefs v The Day they called Vvnchau, the Night Tnta, 
 
 the 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. ac 
 
 the Break of day, or the Dawning, Paean, befides other proper words to denote 
 Noon, Midnight, and other Hours. 
 
 Lightning, Thunder and Thunder-bolts ( as we have faid ) they gave onely 
 one denomination of Y/Lipa 3 and that though they did not acknowledge them for 
 •Gods, yet they honoured them as Servants of the Sun 5 as they alfo did the Rain- 
 bow, and bec.ufe they obierved that the beautifull variety of its Colours was an 
 etfecl of the Sun-beams reflecting on a Cloud, they placed it in their Banners, 
 and made it the Arms of their hwas. That which we call the Milky- way, 
 they fanfied to be an Ewe giving fuck to a Lamb •, and have often fhewed me, 
 pointing to it, Seefl: thou not there the Head of the Sheep ? and there the Head 
 and Legs of the Lamb ? But my imagination was never fo ftrong as to fanlie a 
 creature there of that figure. 
 
 The force of their Aftrology did never reach fo far as to make Predictions from 
 the Sun, or Moon, or Comets, or Conjunctions of Stars, unleisit were of Tome- 
 thing of great and notorious importance, fuch as the Death of their Kings, or the 
 DeflrucTion of Kingdoms ; but rather deduced their PrognofHcations from their 
 Dreams, or the entrails of the Beafts, which they offered in Sacrifice i But the 
 fuperlfition they had of their Dreams was fo idle and vain, that we (hall omit to 
 mention them 5 the like they imagined of the Star Venus , which becaufe it ap- 
 pears at the beginning of the night, and again rifes with the morning, they fan- 
 fed, that being fo bright and beautifull beyond die other Stars, the Sun was 
 pleafed to give it a double courfe , making it in the Evening to follow him, and 
 in the Morning to precede, and be the meflenger to advife his approach. 
 
 When they faw the Sun fet within the Sea, ( as they may every night obferve 
 to the Weftward from the Coaft of Tern) they fanfied that the Waters were 
 parted by the force of his fire and heat •■, and that being a good fwimmer, he 
 plunged himfelf into the Waves, and dived quite through the Sea to appear next 
 morning in the Eaft. And (b much lhall fumce to have fpoken of theit Aftro- 
 logy 5 let us now proceed, and fee what knowledge they had attained in Phylick 
 and Medicines, which they adminiftred to their fick in their feveral difeafes. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of their Phyfick. ami Medicines , and how they allied 
 them. 
 
 THey had gained fo much knowledge in Phyfick, as to know, that Bleeding 
 and Purging were two neceffary evacuations : the Bloud they drew from 
 the Legs, Armes or Forehead •, and becaufe they were not acquainted with the: 
 Anatomy of the Veins, they opened that which was neareft to the pain \ Their 
 Lancet was made of a (harp-pointed Flint,fet at the end of a {mall Cane 5 which be- 
 ing laid on the Vein, with a gentle fillip cuts it with lefs pain than our ordinary Lan- 
 cets do : And as they are ignorant how the Veins branch themfelves through the 
 whole body, fo likewife are they unacquainted with the particular humours, fuch 
 as Flegm, Choler and Melancholy, and confequently have not the judgment to 
 apply the mod fpecifick Medicines to purge them : They moft commonly pur- 
 ged, when they found a Plethory of humours, rather than when the difeafe had. 
 prevailed upon them : the Ingredient which they ufed in their Purges, was a fort 
 of white root, in fafhion of a fmall Turnip $ of which, they fay, there is Male 
 and Female ; of bodi which they mix an equal proportion to the quantity of a- 
 bout two ounces, which they beat to a Powder, and take it in water or their or- 
 dinary drink, without other Herbs or Drugs 3 and then the Patient fets himfelf 
 in the Sun, that his heat and bleffing may contribute to its operation. In an 
 
 hours 
 
46 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 hours time it begins to work with fuch fqueamilhnefs in the Stomach, and fuch 
 giddinefs in the Head, that they feel the fame indifpoiition, as thofe who labour 
 of Sea-ficknefs, and purges them both upwards and downwards with fuch vio- 
 lence, that it brings away worms, and all kind of indigefted matter, notwithitan- 
 ding which, having finished its operation, it leaves the body ftrong and withouc 
 decay of Spirits, and with a fharp and hungry appetite: All which I can bold- 
 ly atteft, having my felf proved it, and taken it twice for a pain in my Sto- 
 mach. 
 
 Thefe Cures by purging and bleeding were commonly performed by old Wo- 
 men, or by fome certain Botanifts, who in the times of the Incas were famous for 
 the knowledge they profelTed in the virtue of Herbs-, and thefe by Tradition" 
 transferred the fecrets of their learning to their Sons , who did not profefs to be 
 Phyficians common to all, but to apply their Art onely for medicining their Kings, 
 and Curacas, and fuch as were lineally defcended from them •, but the ordinary 
 People cured one the other, by fuch Medicines as were of common Report. 
 When fucking Infants were fick of any difeafe, efpecially if it were a Fever, or 
 Calenture, they warned them every morning in Urine, and then wrapped them 
 up, giving them fome of their own Water to drink. At the Birth of their Chil- 
 dren, when the Midwife cut the firing of the Navel , they left it at leaft a finger 
 in lengthy which when it fell off from the Child of it felf, they conferved it care- 
 fully, and on any occafion of indifpofition, of which a whitenefs in the Mouth of 
 the Child was their ufual fymptome , they gave it to fuck of this firing, which 
 commonly proved an aflured remedy. 
 
 What Reafons they had for thefe Secrets of Nature I know not, nor did I ever 
 ask: I am fure they made no conjectures by the throbs of the Pulfe, much lefe 
 by Urine, having no other Symptoms of a Calenture, than what appeared by the 
 exceflive heat and burnings of the Body. Their Purges and bleedings were more 
 commonly ufed when the Patient was but a little indifpofed , and was able to 
 walk, but not after he had yielded to the Difeafe, for then they committed him 
 onely to the ftrength of Nature, and a regular Diet, they never arrived to the 
 knowledge of Clyfters, or to Unguents or Plafters •, the old and making fit of 
 a Quartan they called Chucchu, the hot fit Rupar, which is burning, the which 
 Indifpofitions they greatly feared by reafon of the unealinefs they felt both by cold 
 and heat. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of their Medicinal Herbs-, and Pbyfical Plants. 
 
 THey have a certain Tree which they cdWMnlli, and {hs Spaniards MolU, which 
 fweats forth a kind of rafomy juice, which hath a molt fovereign quality 
 for the cure of green Wounds •-, the herb or fhrub, called Chilka, being neated in 
 an earthen pan, hath done wonderfull effeds on thofe who have been troubled 
 with a pain in the joints and bones, taken by cold ; they have a certain root, like 
 the root or Fibres of Grafs, but fomething grofier, and fuller of knots, the name 
 of it I do not well remember, which they make ufe of to ftrengthen the Teeth, 
 and fortify the Gums^ and in the preparing of it they roaft it in the hot embers, 
 and when it is very hot they apply it to the Gums on each fide of the mouth, 
 keeping it untill it is cold, which is of great torment to the Patient, for it fcalds 
 the mouth exceedingly. This Remedy they apply in the Evening, and next 
 morning doe the like, fo that their Gums and Mouth look like roafted flefh, and 
 for two or three days are not able to chew, or receive other nourishment than by 
 a fpoon ; afterwards the white fleQi of the Gums, which hath been cauterized 
 in this manner, begins to fall off, and a new and well coloured fort of Gum , 
 
 ftrong 
 
«--"■-— 
 
 Book II. Royal Commentaries 4.7 
 
 ftrong and hard returns, which fortified the Teeth clofer and better than before; 
 I have feveral times feen this proved, and being willing, though without neceffity, 
 to try it on my felf, I was fo fcalded at firft, that I had not the refolutlon after- 
 Wards to perfect die Experiment. 
 
 The herb, or plant, which the Spaniards call Tobacco, and the Indians Sayri, is of 
 admirable ufe in many Difeafes amongft them , particularly being taken at the 
 Noftrils in fnuff, ferves to purge the Head, and the other qualities and vermes of 
 it, are Well known andefteemed in Spain, fo that they give it tlie name of Ttrva, 
 fantta, or the holy Herb. They liad alfo the knowledge of another Herb, of an 
 excellent quality for the Eyes, called Matecdu , it hath but one (talk , and that is 
 covered with a (ingle Leaf, and no more, and is like that which they call in Spain 
 Abbats Ears, and grows in winter upon * the roofs of houfes •, the Indians eat it * Perhaps it 
 raw, having a pleafant relilh -, when it is bruifed they fpirt fome of the juice into the ma y be a fort 
 Eyes, and at night, when they go to bed, they lay of the herb, being bruifed, on ofHoufleeki 
 the Eye-lids, binding it on , left it fhould fall off, and in one nights fpace it dif- 
 cufles all matter, and difperfes thofe miffs which obfcure the Eyes, and offend 
 the fight. 
 
 I my felf have laid it on the Eye of a Youth,^ which was fo fwelled and infla- 
 med, that it was ftarted out of his Head •, the firft night I applied it the Eye re- 
 
 turned again to its 
 Youth hath fince to 
 2 Spaniard confident 
 
 )lace, and the fecond time it was perfectly cured; and the 
 >d me, that he fees better with that Eye than the other-, and 
 y affured me, that he knew one, who being absolutely blin- 
 ded by a film or skin which covered his Eyes, had by the mere application of 
 this herb for two nights onely, recovered his fight. Thofe who had received this 
 benefit by it, did afterwards kifs the herb with great arTe&ion, rendring thanks to 
 Almighty God, that he was pleafed to beftow fuch a fovereign and blefled vir- 
 tue on this herb, for the good and ufe of Mankind. The Indians, who were my 
 Relations, ufed divers other herbs, but the names and qualities of them I cannot 
 remember. 
 
 The Indian Kings did never attain to the knowledge of compounded, but one- 
 ly of fimple Medicines, and feeing that in fo neceflary a ftudy, as that which con- 
 duces to the confervation of health, they made fo little a progrefs-, how can it 
 be expe&ed in matters lefs important and ufefull, fuch as Natural Philofophy and 
 Aftrology, they mould make any confiderable improvement? much lefs can we 
 fuppofe them skilfull in Divinity, who being wholly guided by fenfible obje&s, 
 were never able to raife their Intellects to invifible and immaterial Beings, more 
 than what their Incat had taught them, and included in that Word of Pachacamac, 
 which fignifies the Maker of this Univerfe. Since which time the Spaniards 
 have improved their Phyfical Science to a higher degree , having difcovered the 
 fecret virtues of many herbs growing in that hot Climate, of which the Indians 
 were ignorant-, and particularly that the Adayz, which is Indian Wheat, and of a 
 fubftantial nutriment, hath moreover a peculiar quality againft the Collick, and 
 is an excellent Remedy for the Stone, either in the Kidneys or the Bladder , and 
 clears all obftructions of Urine -, the knowledge hereof the Spaniards collected 
 from the conftitution and temperament of the body of the Indians; for having ob- 
 ferved, that they were never fubject. to thefe diftempers, they concluded that the 
 drink which they commonly ufed, made of Mayz, was the caufe -, whereof the 
 Spaniards making now divers Preparations , have with good fuccefs experienced 
 moft admirable effedts of it j and the Indians have alfo of themfelves made many 
 Plafters and Balfams of it , which they applied for Aches and other Pains, 
 
 CHAIV 
 
8± Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Of the Geometry , Geography , Arithmetic^ and Mufick. 
 kjiown to the Indians. 
 
 THey had attained fo much Geometry as ferved them for to meafure ouc 
 their Lands, and make out limits and bounds to their feveral partitions; 
 but this was not done in an artificial manner, but by their lines, and fmall ftones, 
 which they ufed in all their Accounts. 
 
 As to their Geography, they knew how to decypher in colours the Model of 
 every Nation, with the diftincl: Provinces, and how they were bounded- I have 
 feen an exaft Map of Cozco, with the parts adjacent, and the four principal ways 
 to it, perfectly defcribed in a fort of Mortar, compounded with fmall (tones and 
 ffraw, which delineated all the places, both great and fmall, with the broad Streets, 
 and narrow Lanes, and Houfes which were ancient and decayed, and with the 
 three ftreams running through it, all which were defcribed with great curiofity. 
 
 Moreover in this Draught the Hills and Valleys, the turnings and windings of 
 the Rivers were made to appear fo plain, that the beit Cofmographer in the 
 World could not have exceeded it. The u(e of this Model was to inform the 
 Vifitors, which they called Damian, of the extent and divifion of the Countries, 
 whenfoever they went by the King's Commiffion to furvey the Province, and 
 number the people within the precindts of Cozco, and other places-, this Model 
 which I mention, was made in Mmna, which the Spaniards call now Mohina, and 
 is diftant about five Leagues from the City of Cozco towards the Z»r-, the which 
 I had opportunity to obferve, being then prefent with the Vifitors, who went to 
 number the Indians that inhabited the Divifion of Garplajfo de Vega, My Lord 
 and Mafter. 
 
 In Arithmetick they knew much, and were skilled in a peculiar manner and 
 nature in that Science; for by certain knots of divers colours they fummed up all 
 the accounts of Tribute, and Contributions, belonging to the revenue of the 
 Inca-, and thereby knew how to account, and difcount, to fubtracl:, and to mul- 
 tiply 5 but to proportion the refpective Taxes on every Nation by way of diviiion, 
 they performed it in another manner by granes of Alayz, or Pebbles, which ferved 
 in the place of Counters. And becaufe it was neceflary that Accounts (hould be 
 kept of all charges relating to War and Peace, that the People, and the Flocks and 
 Herds of Cattle fhould be numbred, that the payment of Tributes, and the like, 
 (hould be regiftred and noted, there were certain Perfons appointed for that work, 
 who made it their ftudy and bufinefs to be ready and skilful! in Accounts^ and 
 becaufe perhaps one Perfon was appointed to keep the reckonings of three or four 
 diftind things, as Accountant General, which feems difficult to be performed by 
 the way of their threads and knots, we (hall difcourfe it hereafter more at large, 
 in what manner they diftinguifhed their Accounts of divers bufinefles. 
 
 Of their Mufick. 
 
 In Mufick they arrived to a Certain Harmony, in which the Indians of Colla did 
 more particularly excell, having been the Inventors of a certain Pipe made of 
 Canes glued together, every one of which having a different Note of higher and 
 lower, in the manner of Organs, made a pleafing Mufick by the diflbnancy of 
 founds, the Treble, Tenor and Bade, exactly correfponding and anfwering c.:ch 
 to other-, with thefe Pipes they often plaid in confort, and made tolerable Mufick, 
 though they wanted the Quavers, Semiquavers, Aires, and many Voices 'which 
 
 perfect 
 
 v 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 49 
 
 perfed the Harmony amongft us. They had alfo other Pipes, which were Flutes 
 with four or five ftops, like the Pipes of Shepherds •, with thefe they played not 
 in confort, but fingly, and tuned them to Sonnets, which they compofed in meetre, 
 the Subject of which was love, and the Paffions which arife from the Favours or 
 Difpieafures of a Miftrefs. Thefe Muficians were Indians trained up in that art 
 for divertifement of the heat, and the Caracas, who were his Nobles, which, as 
 ruftical and barbarous as it was, it was not common, but acquired with great In- 
 duftry and Study. 
 
 Every Song was fet to its proper Tune-, for two Songs of different Subjects 
 could not correfpond with the fame Aire , by reafqn that the Mufick which the 
 Gallant made on his Flute, was defigned to exprefs the fatisfadion. or difcontenc 
 of his Mind, which were not fo intelligible perhaps by the words as by the melan- 
 choly or chearfulnefs of the Tune which he plaid. A certain Spaniard one night 
 late encountered an Indian Woman in the Streets of Coaco, and would have 
 brought her back to his Lodgings ; but (he cryed out , For Gods fake, Sir, let me 
 
 go, for that Pipe which you hear in yonder Tower calls me with great Paffion , and I cannot 
 rufufe the fummons, for Love conftrains me to go, that I may be his Wife and he my Huf- 
 band. 
 
 The Songs which they compofed of their Wars, and grand Atchievements , 
 were never fet to the Aires of their Flute, being too grave and ferious to be in- 
 termixed with the pleafures and foftneffes of Love -, for tfeofe were onely fung at 
 their principal Feftivals when they commemorated their Victories and Triumphs. 
 When I came from Peru which was in the Year 1 5 60. there were then five In- 
 dians refiding at Cozco, who were great Matters on the Flute, and could play rea- 
 dily by book any Tune that was laid before them ; they belonged to one fuah 
 Rodriguez, who lived at a Village called Labos, not far from the City \ and now at 
 this time, being the Year 1602. 'tis reported, That the Indians are fo well impro- 
 ved in Mufick, that it was a common thing for a Man to found divers kinds of 
 Inftruments ; but Vocal Mufick was not fo ufual in my time , perhaps becaufe 
 they did not much pradife their Voices, though the Mongrils, or fuch as came 
 of a mixture of Spanifh and Indian bloud, had the faculty to fing with a tunable 
 and a fweet Voice. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 The Poetry of the Inca's Amautas, who were Philofophers 5 
 and of the Haravec, who were Poets. 
 
 THe Amautas, who were Men of the beft ingenuity amongft them, invented 
 Comedies and Tragedies, which on their folemn Feftivals they reprefen- 
 ted before their King, and the Lords of his Court. The Adors were not Men 
 of the common fort, but Curacas, or fome of the young Nobility, and Officers of 
 the Souldiery, becaufe every one aded his own proper part ■-, the plot or argument 
 of their Tragedies was to reprefent their military Exploits , and the Triumphs, 
 Victories and Heroick Adions of their renowned Men ; and the fubjed or de- 
 fign of their Comedies was to demonftrate the manner of good Husbandry in cul- 
 tivating and manuring their Fields, and to fhew the management of domeftick 
 Affairs, with other familiar matters. So foon as the Comedy was ended, the 
 Adors took their places according to their degrees and qualities. Thefe Plays 
 were not made up with interludes of obfeene and dilhoneft fades, but fuch as 
 were of ferious entertainment, compofed of grave and acute fentences, fitted to 
 the place and auditory , by whom the Adors were commonly rewarded with 
 Jewels and other Prefents, according to their merit, 
 
 H Thek 
 
5° 
 
 Royal Commentaries. Booi 
 
 Their poetical Verfes were compofed in long and (hort Meetre, fitted to amo- 
 rous Subjects, and the Tunes to which they were kt; their Kings, and the Ex- 
 ploits and great Actions performed in their refpe&ive Reigns, were alfo matter 
 for their Poetry, which they recorded in verfe, and ferved in the place of Hiftory 5 
 their Sonnets were not long, but fhort and compendious, fo as they might more 
 eafily be committed to Memory --, they ufed not rhimes, but loofe verfe, like our 
 Heroick Poems. I remember four Verfes of an amorous Song, which for curiofity 
 fake, and to (hew their (hort but compendious fenfe, I (hall repeat here ■-, being 
 thereby beft accommodated to the Aire of their Flute : the Tune alfo I would 
 gladly fet down, but that the impertinence thereof may eafily excufe me. The 
 Sonnet in four verfes is this: 
 
 Caylla Llapi 
 Pununqui 
 Chaupituta 
 Samufac. 
 
 In Englifh 
 
 thus, 
 
 Cotf)p©eng 
 \1 will deep 
 >$tmtumgljt 
 J (frail come* 
 
 Many other forts of Verfes the heat, who were Poets, compofed , who had 
 the Name of Baravec, which properly fignifies an Inventour. Bias Vakra in his 
 Writings mentions certain Verfes, which he calls Spondels, confifting of four 
 fyllables^ the Indian words he hath tranflated into Latin, the Subject of them is 
 philofophical, and treats of thofe fecond caufes which God hath placed in the 
 Air, fuch as Thunder, and Lightning, Rain and Snow, all which are defcribed, 
 in verfe, and are agreeable to the fancy of their Fables, one of which is this: 
 That the Maker of all things hath placed in Heaven a Virgin , the Daughter of a 
 King, holding a Bucket of Water in her hand , for refrefhment of the Earth, 
 when occafion requires ; and that fometimes her Brother knocking upon this Buc- 
 ket, caufes Thunder and Lightning to proceed from it 5 thefe noiles, they fay, 
 are effects of the violent nature of Man, but Hail, and Rain, and Snow, falling 
 with left noife and impetuofity, are more agreeable to the gentle nature of a Wo- 
 man. They fay, that an Inca, who was a Poet and an Aftrologer compofed ma- 
 ny Verfes in praife of the Vertues and Excellencies of this Virgin Lady , which 
 God had beftowed upon her for the good and benefit of his Creatures. This Fa- 
 ble and Verfes Bias Vakra reports to have found exprefled in the knots and ac- 
 counts of their ancient Annals, reprefented in the threads of divers Colours, and 
 preferved by thofe to whom the care of the hiftorical Knots and Accounts were 
 committed •■, and he fo much wondred at the ingenuity of the Amautas, that he 
 thought thofe Verfes worthy to be committed to Memory and Paper. I remem- 
 ber in my Infancy to have heard this Fable, with many others, recounted by my 
 Parents, but being then but a Child, I was not very inquifitive to underftand the 
 fignification. Bias Vakra hath tranflated this Song out of the Indian Language in- 
 to Latin, and which runs in this manner : 
 
 Cumac Nufia 
 Torallayquim 
 Puynuy quita 
 Paquir cay an 
 Hina Mantara 
 Cunununun 
 Tlla Pantac 
 Camri Nufta 
 7Jnuy quita 
 Para Munqui 
 May nimpiri 
 Chichi Munqui 
 Riti Munqui 
 
 Pulchra Nympha, 
 Frater tuus 
 Urnam tuam 
 Nunc infringit 
 Cujus ictus 
 Tonat, fulget 
 Fulminatq; 
 Sed tu Nympha 
 Tuam Jympham 
 Fundens pluis, 
 Interdumq; 
 Grandinem feu 
 Nivem mittis. 
 
 3Fair J&pmpD, 
 
 ©trifeeg noto 
 
 €f)me <Htne, 
 
 ©H|jofe bloto 
 
 3# CtmnDcr 
 
 8nD Ltg&tnfng* 
 
 Xut tljou JQpntpI) 
 
 pouring fojtfj 
 
 €&? foater 
 
 popped ram, 
 
 8ni) again 
 
 ©enDeft gjail 
 
 £)? ©now* 
 
 Pacha 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 51 
 
 Pacha rurac Mundi Fador Cfre $9afeer Of Xty ©Hojlfc 
 
 Viracocha * Viracocha Viracocha oneK? 
 
 Caybinapac Ad hoc munus $atlj COmmttteD God,, 
 
 Churafunqui Te fufficit atlD etttfjatgeD t&t£ 
 
 Canufuttqui. Et prsefecit. ^DfftCC unto X\)tt* 
 
 With fuch trifles as thefe I have enriched rhy poor Hiftory s for whatfoever I 
 have collected from Bias Valera, are all pearls and pretious ciiriofities, and fuch 
 ornaments as my Countrey doth not deferve •, which now, as they report, in thefe 
 days improves in Poetry •, for that the Mongrils, or thofe of Sfanifh and Mian 
 bloud have taken a good (train in Verfe, whofe fubject is Divine or Moral, God 
 give them his grace that they may ferve him in all things. 
 
 In this imperfect and grofs manner had the Indians of Peru the knowledge of 
 Sciences, which is not to be attributed to their want of natural parts and abilities 
 of mind •-, for had they been instructed in letters, their capacities are fuch as might 
 have improved every little beginning : And as the firft Philofophers and Aftrolo- 
 gers delivered the principles of their Sciences to their pofterity, who erected on 
 thofe foundations the more lofty buildings of reafon ; lb thefe people were endued 
 with the like capacities, fufficient to advance fuch learning as defcended from 
 their Parents, efpecially we find that they were well difpofed to the learning of 
 that Morality which contained the Cuftoms and Laws of their Countrey ; and 
 which did not onely extend to thofe rules relating to juftice and decent comport- 
 ment of one Subject to another , but as it had reference to that obedience which 
 Subjects and Vaflals owe to their Sovereign, and thofe Ministers which act un- 
 der their command •, for thefe being a people who were inclined to live according 
 to thofe Laws which the light of nature dictated, and rather to doe no evil, than 
 know well, were more eafily made capable of that Science which was directed by 
 material and exteriour objects, than of that which was converfant about more ab- 
 ftrufe and immaterial notions. Pedro de Cieca in the 38^ Chapter of his Book, 
 fpeaking of the lncas and their Government, fays, That they acted fo well, and 
 that their Government was fo good and political, as might be compared to the 
 Wifedom of the belt frame and Model of Common-wealths in this World. 
 And Father Maeftro Acofia, in the firft Chapter of his 6th Book, makes a difcourfe 
 in favour of the lncas, and the people of Mexico, in thefe words -, 
 
 " Having in the preceding difcourfe laid down the Particulars of that Religion 
 " which the Indians profeis •, I defign in the following Treatife to declare their 
 " Cuftoms and Political Government, for two ends : Firft, that I may undeceive 
 " the World of that falfe opinion which they have framed concerning this peo- 
 * pie, as being fo brutifh, and of fo little underftanding, as deferve not the name 
 " of rational creatures : From which erroneous conception, many grievous cala- 
 " mities have been impofed on them without pity or companion ; and being e- 
 " fteemed no other than beafts, all that refpect which is due to humane nature* 
 *' or the perfon of Mankind hath been loft towards them. But this falfe notion* 
 " which none but the vain-glorious and confident of themfelves ( who are the 
 " common fools of the World ) have entertained, hath been fufficiently confu- 
 x ted by more folid and confidering men, who have made it their bufinefs to tra- 
 :c vel and converfe amongft them, and to difcover the fecrets of their Cuftoms 
 x and Government. To remove which prejudicial cenfure from them, the moft 
 c expedite means will be to declare the Juftice and Cuftoms which were in ufe 
 x amongft them, at that time, when they lived by their own Laws •-, with which, 
 K though there was a great mixture of Barbarifm, and many things without foun- 
 :t dation •, yet their Government contained many excellent things, and worthy of 
 f admiration, and fuch as may be compared with the beft Model of our Com- 
 u mon-wealths, and may afford us fufficient evidence of the genius of that people, 
 : and of that natural readinefs of mind capable to be improved to greater and 
 " higher matters. Nor ought it to feem ftrange, if fome erroneous fancies have 
 " intermixed with their Cuftoms -, for even Plato and Lycurgtu, and other excel- 
 " lent Legiflatours have been guilty of fome follies, and interwoven fuperftitions, 
 
 and vain rites, with their more fubftantial Laws. And indeed in thofe wife 
 " Common- wealths of Rome and Athens, many ridiculous Cuftoms have been in- 
 
 H 2 " troduced 5 
 
^z Royal Commentaries. Book IL 
 
 :c traduced ; which to confidering men would appear as idle as any of thofe prac- 
 ;c tices which have been in ufe kmongft the Mexican or the Peruvian Common- 
 " wealths. But we who entred by the Sword, and afforded not time to thefe mi- 
 " ferable Indians to give us proofs of their rationality, but hunted them as wild 
 " Beafts through the Mountains, and drew them as brutiih creatures to bear the 
 " burthens of our flaviih fervitude, could not entertain any great opinion of their 
 a Wifedom : Howfoever, fome obferving men, who have been fo curious, as to 
 " penetrate into the fecrets of their ancient Government, and into the methods 
 " of their proceedings, have found that the Order and Rules they followed, were 
 " worthy of admiration. Thus far are the words of fofiph Acofla, who alfo adds, 
 that they had certain compendious Syftems of Morality, digefted into Verfe by 
 way of Poetry ; in which alfo many of their Laws, and the great Actions of their 
 Kings were rehearfed, and kept in a kind of tradition for better inftruction of 
 their pofterity J which favouring rather of Truth, than Romance, the Spaniards 
 efteem them to be true and particular paffages of their Hiftory : But many other 
 things afford them matter of laughter, being ill-compofed Fables, fuperftitious 
 and vain, and fuch alfo as are contrary to common honefty. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of thofe few lnflruments which the Indians attained to 
 and made ufe of in all their Works and Handicraft- 
 Trades. 
 
 HAving already declared how far they were proceeded in their Moral and Na- 
 tural Philofophy, and in their Poetry ■-, it follows now that we fhould de- 
 clare fomething of their Mechanicks, and how much they failed in the Art of 
 making thofe lnflruments, which are neceflary for (haping and framing thofe U- 
 tenfils which are required for convenient living and well-being. And firft to be- 
 gin with their Silverfmiths --, of which, though there were great numbers, and 
 conftantly laboured at their Trade , yet they were not fo skilfull as to make an 
 Anvil of Iron, or any other- Metal •, caufed, perhaps, for want of knowledge in 
 what manner to dig their Iron, and feparate it from its Ore ; of which they had 
 feveral Mines, and called it ^uilUy •, and therefore inftead thereof they made ufe 
 of a certain hard Stone, of a yellowifh colour ; which being planed , and made 
 fmooth, was rare, and of great value amongft them : They knew not the inven- 
 tion of putting a handle of Wood to their Hammers , but worked with certain 
 lnflruments they had made of Copper, mixed with a fort of fine Brafs. Neither 
 did they know how to make Files or Graving-tools, or Bellows for Melting down 
 Metals i but inftead thereof ufed Pipes made of Copper, of about a Yard long, 
 the end of w hich was narrow, that the Breath might pafs more forcibly by means 
 of the contraction : And as the Fire was to be more or lefs, fo accordingly they 
 ufed eight, ten or twelve of thefe Pipes at once , as the quantity of Metal did 
 require : And ftill they continue this way, though our Invention of Bellows is 
 much more eafie, ancUbrcible to raifethe Fire. Nor had they the ufe of Tongs 
 to take their heated Metal out of the Fire , but rather drew it thence by a piece 
 of Wood, or fome Bar of Copper •, with which they caft it into a heap of wet 
 Earth, which they kept purpofely by them- to cool their Metal, untill fuch time 
 as they could take it into their hands: Notwithftanding this want of divers ln- 
 flruments, they made many things with great curiofity, efpecially in Boaring 
 Metals, as we (hall hereafter difcourfe more at large. And notwithftanding 
 their fimplicity, experience had taught them, that the Steam and Effluviums from 
 
 Metals, 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 50 
 
 Metals, is dangerous and prejudicial to Man's health ■-, and for that reafon , they 
 founded all their Metals in the open Air, and not under Coverts. But above all, 
 their Carpenters feemed to be word provided with Tools h for though ours ufe 
 many Inftruments mace of Iron, thofe of Peru had no other than a Hatchet, and 
 a Pick-axe made of Copper •, they neither had Saw, nor Augre, nor Planer, nor 
 any other Tool for the Carpenter's work , fo that they could not make Arches or 
 Portals for doors •, onely they hewed and cut their Timber, and whitened it, and 
 then it was prepared for their Building : And for making their Hatchets and Pick- 
 axes, and fome few Rakes, they made ufe of the Silverfmiths , for as yet they 
 had not attained to the Art of Working in Iron. Nor did they know how td 
 make Nails, or ufe them , but tied all their Timber with Cords of Hemp. Nor 
 were their Hewers of Stone more artificial, for in cutting and lhaping their Stones, 
 they had no other Tool, than one made with fome iharp F! : «}ts and Pebbles, which 
 they called Hihuana, with which they rather wore out thq.£tone by continual rub- 
 bing, than cutting. For lifting or carrying up their Stones, they had no Engines, 
 but did all by the ftrength and force of their Armes •, and notwithstanding all 
 this ddeft, they raifed fuch mighty and Irately Edifices, as is incredible, which 
 appears by the Writings of the Spanifk Hiftorians, and by the Ruines of them , 
 which frill remain. They knew not how to make Sciflars , nor Needles of Me- 
 tal , but in place thereof they ufed a certain long Thorn, which grows in thofe 
 parts -, for which reafon they fowed very little, but rather patched or cobled, as 
 we fhall hereafter declare. With this fort of Thorns they made alfo their Combs 
 for the head, which they fixed within a Cane, which ferved for the back of the 
 Comb, and the Thorns on each fide for the Teeth. The Looking-glaflts which 
 the Ladies of Quality ufed, were made of Burnifhed Copper ; but the Men ne- 
 ver ufed any, for that being efteemed a part of effeminacy, was alfo a difgrace, 
 if not ignominy, to them. In this manner they paffed, as well as they could, in 
 providing thofe matters which were onely neceflary.for humane life ■-, and though 
 thefe people were endued with no great capacity of invention, yet, when the 
 Spaniards taught them, they learned with great facility, and imitated fo well the 
 patterns given them, that in time they excelled their Mafters in their Artificial 
 workmanfhip and contrivances. This ingenuity and aptnefs to attain Sciences, 
 was evidenced by a genius they had in Perfonating and A&ing Comedies, which 
 the Jefuits and fome Friars, and other Religious had compofed for them. I remem- 
 ber the argument of one to have been the Myftery of Man s redemption, and re- 
 prefented by the Indies with gracefull and proper a&ion-, nor were they altoge- 
 ther ftrangers to this divertifement, becaufe in the times of the Incat they ufually 
 reprefented their own Stories in Dialogues, and therefore more eafily improved in 
 that Art to which they were formerly inclined by a natural aptitude. It is obfervable 
 how well they Acled a Comedy, made by a Jefuit, in praife of the Blefled Virgin 
 Mary, which he wrote in the Tongue Aymara, which is different from the Language 
 ofPem : the Argument was on thofe words in the 3^ Chapter of Gene/is, where it is 
 
 laid, I will put Enmity between thee an d theWoman, and that fix {hall break^thy Head,&CC. 
 
 This was A&ed by Children and Young men in the Countrey, called SuM. And 
 at Potow thev rehearfed a Dialogue , wnich contained all the Particulars of our 
 Faith, at which about izooo Indians were prefent. At Cozco another Dialogue 
 was recited of the Child Jefus, at which were all the Nobles and People of the, 
 City aflembled. Another was recited in the City, which is called the City of 
 the Kings, where the Lord Chancellour and all the Nobility were prefent, toge- 
 ther with an innumerable company of Indians .- the Argument of which was, the 
 Moft Holy Sacrament , compofed in Spanifh, and the General Tongue of Peru - 7 
 which was repeated by the Indian Youth in Dialogues, and pronounced with fuch 
 grace and emphatical expreflion, with fuch air and handfome geftures, intermixed 
 with Songs fet to pleafant Tunes, that the Spaniards were much contented, and 
 pleafed to behold them-, and fome lhed tears for joy, to fee the ingenuity and 
 good inclination of thofe poor Indians, that ever after they conceived a better opi- 
 nion of them, confidering them not to be blockiih, rude and filthy, but doable, 
 gentle and capable of improvement. 
 
 When thefe Indian Youths defiie to commit any thing to memory, which is 
 given them in writing, they go to thofe Spaniards who are acquainted with letters, 
 defiring them to reade the fmt lines to them four or five times over, untill they 
 have learned them by heart s and to fix them better in their memories, they re» 
 
 peat 
 
54 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 peat every word often to themfelves , and mark it with Pebbles, or little Granes 
 of divers colours, of about the bignefs of Peafe, called by them Clmy, which ferve 
 for helps to their Memories -, and fuch induflry and care they ufe, till at length 
 they have perfectly overcome the difficulty, and learned their part or leflon. 
 Thole Spaniards to whom the Young Indians have recourfe for their Learning, 
 how great foever they are , do not yet difdain to teach and inform them , giving 
 them all the encouragement they are able. So that thefe Indians, though natu- 
 rally dull of invention, have yet an aptitude to imitate any thing which is pro- 
 pofed before them. 
 
 fohn Cue/las, a Scholar, who was a Native of Medina, and Canon of the Ca- 
 thedral of Coz,co, who taught the Grammar to the Children which were of Spa~ 
 nifh and Indian Parents, and to others of bell quality in that City, can give us the 
 moll: clear teftimony thereof: For he was moved to perform this charitable Of- 
 fice at the intreaty aridinflance of the Scholars, whofe Mailers and Tutours, in 
 exchange for better preferments, had forfaken their Charge •, for though every 
 Scholar gave ten pieces of EigHt a Month for his Learning, yet it was but little, 
 in refpecl: of their Imall number, which perhaps were not above 1 7 or 1 8 in the 
 whole Town. I knew one amongft them who was an Inca, called Philip, and 
 was Pupil to a rich and honourable Prielt, named Father Peter Sanchez, who ob- 
 ferving the ingenuity of this Youth, took pains to inftruct him in his Studies 5 
 in which he profited fo well, that he became as good a Grammarian as any that 
 was of the Spanifh and Indian Bloud. The change of many Mailers was a great 
 obllruction to their Learning •, for every one of them having a different way of 
 Teaching , ' they began not from the rules and principles formerly taught them , 
 but made them to begin from their own methods, and forget what they had before 
 learned , which was a great prejudice to their proceedings ; untill this good Ca- 
 non undertook to inftrudt. them in the Latin Grammar, which he continued for 
 the fpace of two years, amidft the Tumults and Wars railed between D. Sebaflian 
 
 de Caftilla, and Francifco Hernandes Giron j which Were the caufe of much bloud, 
 
 fire and deflru&ion ^ and were of that continuance, that fcarce was one fire ex- 
 tinguilhed, before another flame broke forth. At this time this Canon Cuellat 
 obferving the great docility of his Scholars, and their inclinations to be improved 
 in all Sciences 5 and the want of able and induflrious Mailers to cultivate the 
 minds of this people--, would cry out, and fay , Oh, Children ! what pity it is 
 that I do not fee a dozen of you Students in the Univerlity of Salamanca, \ And 
 indeed this good Canon had reafon fo to fay,becau(e his attendance at theChoire 
 took him off from the employment of Teaching his Scholars with fuch feduhty, 
 as to make them perfect in the Latin Tongue : Howfbever, the little improve- 
 ments they made were good evidences of their r natural wit and underflanding, 
 which now in thefe days ( praifed be God ) is much advanced by that abundance 
 of Learning, and light of Sciences, which the Jefuits have introduced amongfl 
 them. And fo much fhall fuffice to have difcourfed on this fubjecl:, it being now 
 time to return to the Hillory of the Succeffion of the lnca«, and of their Con- 
 quells and great Actions. 
 
 
 BOOK 
 
 
(55) 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Mayta Capac, the fourth Inca , gains Tiahuanacu , and 
 what fort of Buildings were found there. 
 
 TH E Inca, Mayta Capac, having performed the Ceremonies due to 
 the Obfequies of his dead Father, refolved to viiit the remote 
 parts of his Dominions \ and though he had already in the time 
 of his Father travelled • hofe Countries, yet being then in his 
 Minority, and under the Tuition of his Parents and Counfel- 
 lours, he had not the opportunity to demonftrate the Excellency 
 of his Vertues, nor yet to be obferved by his people, as he was now, being an 
 abfblute Prince. Wherefore after the example of his Anceftours he honoured 
 and (atisfied the (everal Provinces of his Kingdom with the luftre of his Prefence, 
 giving fuch teftimonies of liberality, courage and generous difpofition to his Cu- 
 racai, and all other his Subje&s, that they remained with great admiration of his 
 Royal Vertues and Abilities of mind. 
 
 Having accomplifhed this Vifitation, he re-afiumed the defign of enlarging his 
 Dominions after the example of his Anceftours covering his ambition and cove- 
 toufnefs under the fpecious pretence of reclaiming the Nations from their barba- 
 rity and vain fuperftitions, to a more civilized life, and to the true and religious 
 worfliip and adoration of the Sun : Accordingly he raifed an Army, and in the 
 Spring following he began his march with twelve thoufand Men under the Com- 
 mand of four Generals and their Inferiour Officers, taking his way as far as that 
 place, where the Lake Titicaca empties it felf ; which being the Countrey of Col- 
 lao, plain and even, and the people fimple, and yet docible, it was the more invi- 
 ting, and more eafily fubdued. 
 
 Being come to this ftream which runs from the Lake, he made floats, on which 
 he Ferried his Army to the other fide , and then fent his ufual Summons to the 
 next Inhabitants, requiring them to fubmit to his Government and Religion, 
 Thefe Indians having heard the report of thofe Miracles which the Inca* had per- 
 formed, without much difficulty fubmitted to his Commands •, and amongft the 
 reft, the people of Tiahuanacu were reduced to obedience 5 of whofe great and 
 incredible Edifices, it is requisite, that we ihould declare fomethlng in this place. 
 Amcngft the mighty Works and Buildings of that Countrey, there is a certain 
 Hill, or heap of Earth thrown up by hand •, which is fo high, that it is a fubjeft 
 of great admiration -, and left with time it fbould fettle, or fink lower, it is 
 founded on great Stones cemented together : And to what end this was done, 
 
 no 
 
56 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 no man can COnjedture , Vnlefs it were like the Pyramids in Egypt, to remain for a Tro- 
 phy of the Greatnefs of that Monarch who erelJed it. On One fide of this mighty heap 
 
 are the Statues of two Giants cut in Stone, with long Robes to the ground, and 
 Wreaths or Binders about their heads ; which being much impaired by time, 
 mews the Antiquity of them. There is alio a ftrange Wall to be feen, failed 
 with Stones of an extraordinary bignefs ; and what is moft wonderful! to consi- 
 der, is, how, or in what manner they were brought thither by force of Men, who 
 had not yet attained to the knowledge of Engines fit for fuch a work, and from 
 what place they were brought, there being no Rocks or Quarries but fuch as are 
 at a far diftance from thence- There appear alfo many great and lofty Edifices ; 
 and what is more ftrange , there are in divers places great Portals of Stone, and 
 many of them whole and perfect, made of one fingle and entire Stone 5 which 
 being raifed on Pedeftals, are found by thofe who have meafured them to be 30 
 foot in length, and 1 5 in breadth , which Pedeftals, as well as the Arches of the 
 Portals, were all of one fingle Stone : And then we may confider how great thofe 
 Stones were before they were lhaped, and what tools of Iron were requifite for 
 fuch a labour. 
 
 The Natives report that thefe Buildings, and others of the like nature not men- 
 tioned here, were raifed before the times of the Incas, and that the Model of the 
 Fortrefs at Cozco was taken from them, as we mall hereafter more particularly de- 
 fcribe : Who they were that erected them , they do not know, onely they have 
 heard fay by tradition from their Anceftours, that thofe prodigious Works were 
 the effects of one nights labour j which feem, in reality, to have been the be- 
 ginnings onely, and foundations for fome mighty Structure. Thus much Pedro de 
 Cieca in his Remarks concerning Peru, and its feveral Provinces relates , to which 
 I mall farther add , what a certain Prieft called Diego de Alcobaca, who was my 
 School-fellow ; and whom I may call my Brother, becaufe we were both born in 
 the fame houfe, and his Father educated me as my Tutour and Mafter : This per- 
 fon, I fay, amongft the many relations of things which both he and others fent 
 me, concerning my own Countrey •-, coming to fpeak of the Buildings of Tiahua- 
 nacu, hath thefe words : " In Tiahuanacu, which is a Province of ColUo, amongft 
 " many other Antiquities worthy of immortal memory, there is one particularly 
 " famous, adjoining to the Lake, which is called by the Spaniards Chucuytu, though 
 " its true name be Chuquivitu •, this is a Pile of Monftrous Buildings, to which 
 " is an open Court of 1 j Yards fquare every way, the Building is two Stories 
 " high ; and on one fide of this great Yard or Square is a large Hall of 45- foot 
 " in length, and 22 in breadth 5 the Covering appears to be Thatch, like thofe 
 " on the Temple of the Sun, in the City of Cozco .- All this Court, or Yard, 
 " which w r e mention, with its Walls, Floor, Hall, Roof, Portals and Jams of 
 " the doors, and back-gate to this Building, is all of one entire Stone, hewed out 
 " of a Rock •, the Walls of the Court, and of the Hall, are three quarters of a 
 " Yard thick, and fuch alfo is the Covering or Roof; which though it may feem 
 " to be Thatched with Straw, is yet of Stone ; for the Indians have worked it Co 
 " artificially, and with thofe natural lines, that the Stones appear like Straw laid 
 " in the moft curious manner of Thatch : the Waters of the Lake beat againft the 
 " fide of thefe Walls ; and both this, and all the other Edifices here about, were all, 
 " as the Natives report, dedicated to the Maker of the Univerfe. Moreover, 
 " befides thefe Works, there are divers other figures of Men and Women cut in 
 " Stone, Co naturally, that they feem to be living : Some of them are drinking 
 " with Cups in their hands, fome are fitting, fome ftanding, fome are walking in 
 " the ftream which glides by the Walls ; other Statues there are of Women car- 
 " rying Children in their armes, and in the folds of their garments 5 others with 
 " them on their backs, and in a thoufand other manners and poftures. The Indi- 
 " ans of thefe days report, that for the great Sins of that people, in having ftoned 
 " a Stranger, who pafted through their Province, God in his judgment had con- 
 " verted thofe Men and Women into Stone. Thefe are the words of Diego de Al~ 
 cobaca, who hath been Vicar-General of many Provinces in that Kingdom, and 
 Preacher of the Indians $ for being a Native of Cozco, and of Spanifk and Indian 
 Bloud, and confequently acquainted with the Indian Language, was moft able to in- 
 form and inftruct that people ; and in all probability, he was the moft likely Man 
 to deliver the moft true and authentick Relation of thofe Countries. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. <sy 
 
 CHAP. IL 
 
 HatunpacafTa reduced, and the Cac-yaviri conquered. 
 
 BUT returning now to MaytaCapac, we find him bufied in reducing the Pro- 
 vince ofHatunpacaft, which is a Countrey to the left hand of that ftream by 
 which the Lake empties it felf , arid in performance of this work, he ufed no 
 other means or force, than Do&rine and Inftru&ion, teaching them the way to 
 cultivate and manure their Lands, and the art to live in humane and political fo- 
 riety; which method, as fome report, the Incas onely ufed in the firft beginnings 
 of tneir Monarchy, which, fo foon as it was grown up and fortified, they turned 
 to open violence and compulfion. But whether this iubje&ion were effected by 
 one way or the other, it matters not much here, nor now many days journey 
 every King proceeded % for fuch repetitions would be both tedious and impertinent 5 
 and therefore we (hall onely recount in fhort what every Inca gained, and what 
 additions he made to his Empire. This Inca therefore proceeding in his Con- 
 quers, came at length to that People which is called Cac-javiri, who were the In- 
 habitants of a great number of Villages, fpread all over that Countrey without 
 order or rule; over every one of which fome petty Lord prefided. Thefe having 
 received the Allarm, that the Inca was coming to conquer and fubdue them, 
 flocked all together to a little hill, which had been raifed by labour in that plain, 
 being about a quarter of a League high, and picked at the top like a Sugar loaf. 
 This Hill, whofe beauty was the more remarkable, for being the onely lofty and 
 eminent fituation in thofe Plains, was efteemed facred by the Indians, and the 
 place appointed whereon to adore their Gods, and offer Sacrifice: Hereunto they 
 fled for fuccour, and hoping that their God would make this place their Sanctuary, 
 to defend them from their Enemies, they built upon it a dry Wall of Stone, and 
 laid a turf of Earth over it -, the Men laboured in the (tone- work, and for better 
 difpatch the Women cut and brought the turfs ; and to this Fortrefs, which they 
 had furnifhed with great ftore of Provifions, Men, Women and Children , in 
 great numbers reforted. 
 
 _ The Inca, according to his cuftome, fent them his Summons to furrender, par- 
 ticularly alluring them, that he came not to take away their Lives, or dieir Eftates, 
 but to confer upon them all thofe benefits, which the Sun, his Fadier, had com- 
 manded him to perform towards the Indians; and therefore that they mould be 
 cautious how they wanted of paying due refpeft towards his Children, who were, 
 by the help and afliftence of the Sun, (who was the God which they adored,) 
 ftrong and invincible in battel : This, or fuch like, Meflage the Inca fent often 
 to thefe Indians, but they perfifted obilinate in their refufals ; faying, that they li- 
 ved well already, and had no need of his Inftru&ions to teach them to live bet- 
 ter ; and as to his Father, the Sun, they did not much value him, for that they 
 had Gods of their own , one of which was that fortified Hill, which favoured 
 4 them, and would preferve them, and that the Incas might be pleafed to depart in 
 Peace, and teach others, who were willing to receive their Inftru&ions, for that 
 they had no need of their Doctrine. The Inca, who had no great mind to over- 
 come them by fight, but rather to win them with fair words , or at worft to 
 compell them by Famine, divided his Army into four parts, and therewith be- 
 fieged the Hill. 
 
 Thefe People of Co/la continued many days in this Refolution not to furrender, 
 expecling when the Enemy would aflault their Fortrefs 5 which when they found, 
 that the Inca declined, they attributed this backwardness to weaknefs, or cowar- 
 dife •, with which being encouraged, they made divers Sallies from their Fort ■■, in 
 all which, though the Souldiers of the Inca, according to the command of their 
 Prince, did rather defend themfelves> than feek to offend them, yet thefe People, 
 like brute Beafts, without order, or wit, throwing themfelves on the weapons of 
 their Enemy, perifhed in great numbers; the which gave occafion to that report 
 
 I which 
 
«?g Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 which was common amongft the People of Co/lao, and afterwards was fpread over 
 all the Dominions of the Incas, That the Indians {allying out one day to fight, all 
 the Stones they threw, and the Arrows they (hot, returned upon themfelves, 
 fo that many of Colla were killed and wounded by their own Weapons, which re- 
 torted againft their own Breads -, the which fabulous report we (hall relate more 
 at large hereafter. With this great deftru&ion and mortality the Collaons being 
 affrighted, efpecially their Curacai, and fearing that greater evils would be the ef- 
 feft of their obftinacy, refolved to fubmitj and accordingly difpofing their People 
 in feveral Squadrons, or Bands, they marched orderly to crave Mercy. In the 
 firft place went the Children, next followed the Mothers, then the old Men, and 
 then the Souldiery, with their Captains and Commanders, and laft of all the Cap- 
 tains with their Cttracat, having their hands bound, and halters about their necks, 
 as a fign that they had deferved death, for having redded the Children and Fami- 
 ly of the Sun-, and to make their humiliation the more formal, according to the 
 cuftome of Peru, they walked defcalced, or bare-foot, for greater reverence to 
 that Majefty or Deity which they went to adore. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 The Collaons upon Surrender are received to Pardon, the 
 Fable is explained. '■ 
 
 TH E feveral fquadrons prefenting themfelves before the Inca, with all humi- 
 lity proftrated themfelves to the ground before him, and with loud accla- 
 mations faluted him by the title of the Son diPhxbm •-, which ceremony being per- 
 formed by the Commonalty, the Caracas followed next, who having made their 
 humble reverence after the fadrion of their Countrey, they begged his Majedy's 
 Pardon for the crimes and offences they had committed againft him^ but in cafe 
 it were his pleafure that they (hould be put to death, at lead that he would be 
 pleafed to forgive the multitudes of thofe poor Souldiers, who being feduced by 
 their ill example, had been perfuaded to raife Arms againft his Majefty-, and that 
 he would be pleafed alfo to extend his Mercy farther to the Women, and to the 
 old Men and Children, who having no part in the guilt of the Rebellion, were 
 objedls of his Compaffion, but as for them, they were at his feet, ready to receive 
 the Sentence he (hould pafs upon them in fatisfadtion for all the others. 
 
 The Inca when he received them, was fitting in his Chair, encompafied with 
 his Men of War, and having heard die Speech of the Curacas, commanded that 
 they (hould be loofed from their bonds, and the halters taken from their necks, 
 telling them, that he did not onely give them their Lives, but their Liberties alfo, 
 and with gentle words aflured them, That he came neither to deprive them of 
 their Lives, nor of their Eftates, but to doe them good, by teaching them to 
 live according to the rules of Reafon, and the Law of Nature-, and that leaving 
 their Idols, they (hould henceforward adore the Sun for their onely God , by 
 whofe gratious command he had received them to pardon, and in teftimony here- 
 of he did again confirm to them their Houfes, Lands and Vaflals, without other 
 intent than onely to beftow favours and bleflings on them, which fhould be pro- 
 ved by a long tracT: of experience to them and their pofterity ■-, and fo much, he (aid, 
 the Sun had required him to communicate unto them, and therefore now they 
 might return to their own homes, where they had onely to take care of them- 
 felves, and obey him, for that would be for the common good and benefit of 
 them all: And for the better aflurance of their Pardon, and evidence of the 
 Inca's gratious Favour, he ordered that the Curacas, in behalf of all their People, 
 fhould accept the terms of Peace on their left knee-, and be permitted the ho- 
 nour 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 59 
 
 nour to touch his Perfon, that for ever after they might be acknowledged for his 
 Subjects 5 the which privilege was efteemed as a moft condefcending favour, be- 
 cause none under the degree of the Royal Bloud, or any other, without his own 
 licence, could be admitted thereunto Under a lefs penalty than that which is due 
 for the offence of Sacrilege. In this manner the Inca giving teft imony of his gra- 
 tious and gentle mind, cleared the Curacas from all fufpicions of fear, who hum- 
 bling themfelves to the Earth before him , promifed to be his faithfull Vaflals -, 
 for that having demonftrated fuch an unexemplary act of Mercy towards thofe 
 that had deferved death ■-, he did thereby give undeniable proofs of his defcent 
 from the Sun. 
 
 And now to explain the Fable in the preceding Chapter, it is faid , that the 
 Captains of the Inca obferving the boldnefs which the Collaom every day uied by 
 their obftinate refiftence, gave orders to their Souldiers to treat them with all 
 rigour, and fubdue them with Fire and Sword, for that their bold attempts againft 
 the Inca were no longer tolerable. The Collaons making their ufual Sallies in a 
 fierce and enraged manner, caft themfelves without defence or order on the Wea- 
 
 Eons of their Enemies, who receiving their attempt with more Martial difcipline, 
 illed the greateft part of them , and in regard the Souldiers of the Inca had untill 
 now rather dallied than fought in earned with them, being defirous to fave their 
 Lives, and reduce them without bloud ; did at length ufe their bell: endeavours 
 to fubdue them by violence, which took fuch effect upon them, and with fuch 
 mine and daughter, that the ColUons believed the Report which the Ineas made of 
 this battel, That their deftru&ion was not performed by their Arms, but by the 
 power of the Sun, who, in punimment for their obltinacy and rebellion, caufed 
 their own Weapons to be turned upon themfelves-, to the belief of which the 
 credulous and fimple Indians being eafily perfuaded, were farther thereby admo- 
 nifhed by the Incas, and the Amautas, their Philofophers, how dangerous it was to 
 fight againft the Sun, who was their God, and difobey the Incas, who were his 
 Cnildren. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 How three Provinces were reduced , and others conquered, 
 what Colonies were planted, and the -punishment of thofe 
 who ufed Poifon. 
 
 THis Fable, with the great fame and applaufe which the Piety and Clemency 
 of the King had gained, was divulged through all the neighbouring Coun- 
 tries of Hatttnpacjjfa, where thefe things were acted, and caufed fo much love and 
 admiration amongft thofe People , that they voluntarily fubmitted to the Inca, 
 Mayta Capac, whom they acknowledged to be a true Child of the Sun, and there- 
 fore came to adore and ferve him ^ amongft which three Provinces efpecially were 
 worthy of note, namely, Cauqmcnra, Mallama and Huarina, ( where afterwards 
 that Battel was fought between Goncalo Pkarro and Diego Centeno,) being all of 
 them ^ ountries large in extent, rich in Cattle, and powerfull with the numbers 
 of warlike People. Thefe being received into grace and favour, the faca repafled 
 the River towards Cozco $ and from Hatm Co/la fent an Army, under Command 
 of his four Generals , towards the Weftern parts , ordering them , that having 
 railed the defobte Countrey of Hatunpana, (the borders of which Lloque Tupanqui 
 riad once ltocked with Cattle,) they mould proceed towards the People on the 
 other fide, who inhabit the Coaft of the Sea of Zm , and Ihould try all fair 
 
 I % means 
 
£o Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 means to reduce them, and though they mould find fome fo obftinate and perti- 
 nacious, as not to be prevailed with by any terms of friendly accommodation , 
 yet notwithftanding that they fhould not prefently break into open Hoftility 
 with them , being allured , that what oppofition foever the barbarous people 
 made, it would be more difadvantageous , and of lofs to themfelves, than their 
 voluntary fubmiflion could prove of benefit to the Inca. With thefe Inftru&ions, 
 and great fupplies of Provifions, which they daily gathered in their march, they 
 palled the fnowy Mountain with the more difficulty, becaufe they found no path 
 to guide them, travelling for the fpace of at leaft thirty Leagues, through an un- 
 peopled, and a moft defolate Countrey •, at length they came to the Province Cu- 
 chuna, which was well inhabited , though they lived not in Towns or Villages , 
 but fcattered over the Countrey, where every one was moft pleafed to raife his 
 Cottage. The Natives being allarmed with the approach of this Army, built a 
 Fortrefs, and retired into it with their Wives and Children •, the place was fo 
 weak, that it might eafily have been forced -, but the I»cm in obedience to their 
 King, encompaffed it with their Army, and offered them conditions of Peace 
 and Friendmip-, all which they refufed, and for the fpace of above fifty days per- 
 fifted in their obftinate Refolution -, during which time the Incat had frequent op- 
 portunities to have deftroyed them-, but the orders of their King, and their for- 
 mer Cuftoms and Principles of Mercy and Gentlenefs forbad them to make ufe 
 of the advantages which offered. Howfoever at length Famine, the ufual de- 
 ftroyer of the befieged, began to rage amongft them, having not had time to make 
 their provifions for a Siege, which they could not imagine would have endured 
 fo long-, but being much diftrefled by Hunger, which the Men and Women 
 more eafily fuftered than their Children , were forced at length to permit the 
 younger fort to adventure abroad, and gather the herbs of the field for their fufte- 
 nance-, many of them fled to the Enemy, which the Parents rrnre willingly fuf- 
 fered , than to fee them die with hunger before their faces. The Incus feizing 
 thofe that were font abroad, gave them to eat, with fome Provifions to carry 
 with them to their Parents, and with the fame occafion offered the ufual and 
 accuftomary terms of Peace and Friendfhip. The Indians obferving this kind 
 treatment , and being without all expectation of Succour , refolved to com- 
 mit themfelves to the Mercy of their Enemies, concluding, that if they were 
 fo pitifull to them at a time when they flood out in oppofition to them , how 
 much more companionate would they be after their fubmiflion and refignation to 
 their Will and Pleafure: With thefe hopes they left their Fortrefs, and furren- 
 dred all to the Command of the Mas 5, nor were they deceived in their expecta- 
 tions, for all kind and friendly reception was given them, meat being fet before 
 them to fatisfie their hunger -, and then they farther informed them, that the Inca, 
 whofe Father was the Sun, had no other defign than of doing good to the Inhabi- 
 tants of the Earth, and that they might be better aflured hereof by their own ex- 
 perience, Garments, and other Prefents, were given to the moft principal Com- 
 manders of them, in the name of the Ma; and the common fort being feafted, at 
 leaft their prefent hunger fatisfied, they were all difmifled, and font to their own 
 homes with entire contentment and affured fecurity. 
 
 The Generals after this difpeeded Intelligence to the Inca of all that had pafled, 
 defiring that People might be fent them for planting two Colonies in that Coun- 
 trey ; for in regard the foil was rich and fruitful! , it was capable to maintain a 
 confiderable number of People-, and that it would be requifite alfo to eftablilh 
 a Garifon in thofe parts, both for fecurity of the late Conquefts, as alfo for pre- 
 vention of fuch mifchiefs as may arife for the future. The Inca accordingly font 
 them Women with their Children, fufficient for two Colonies, one of which 
 they planted at the foot of the Mountain , where the Fortrefs was built, which 
 they called Cuchuna, after the name of the Mountain, and the other Moquehua$ 
 which People are diftant five Leagues one from the other, and the Provinces con- 
 ferve ftill their denomination, being within the Jurifdiction of Cottfuyu. Whilft 
 thefe Commanders were bufied in regulating thefe People, and giving orders for 
 their inflection in Religion and Laws, they came to underftand that thefe Indians 
 were notorioufly skilled in the arts of poifoning , which upon every occafion of 
 offence they adminiftred to their Adverfaries, the which was not fo deadly as to 
 kill prefently , but with time reduced the body to a languiihing and macerated 
 
 condi- 
 
Book III. Koyal Commentaries. 5i 
 
 condition ; fuch as were of fo ftrong a Conftitution , as to refill: the Poifon and 
 live ; were yet rendred loathfome by botches and boils, which broke from their 
 Bodies , and became overfpread with a white Leprofie , nor did it onely affeci 
 tlieir Bodies, but their Minds alfo, making them fools, or ftupid, or elfe mad and 
 raving-, which were all pleafant effe&s to the revengefull adverfaries, though no- 
 thing could be more grievous and heavy to their Parents and Relations. The Cap- 
 tains being informed of this evil which wasamongft this People, gave advice 
 thereof unto the lnca, who thereupon immediately commanded, that whofbever 
 fhould be found guilty of that Crime, fhould be burnt alive, that no reliques or 
 metrory fhould remain of them. This Law of the lnca was fb joyfully received 
 by the Natives, that they themfelves gave information againft the Criminals, and 
 readily with their own hands executed the Sentence, burning not onely the Offen- 
 ders , but whatfoever moveables alfo were found in their Houfes , which they 
 demolilned, and laid level with the ground: With them alfo they burnt their 
 Flocks and Herds , rooted up the Trees which they had planted , and deftroyed 
 every thing that they poflefled , left the evil and peftilence of the Mafter fhould 
 adhere unto, or infect the Inheritance. The which punifhment, and feverity 
 in its execution, fo affrighted the Natives, that they never after durft more at- 
 tempt this wickednefs, during the time of the Incat\ though fb foon as the Spa- 
 niards came amongft them, they revived this evil again, which till then was out 
 of ufe, and forgotten. The Captains having in this manner fettled their Planta- 
 tions, and reformed this abufe by the rigorous punifhment of the Delinquents, 
 they returned to Cozco, to render a more large account to the lnca of their Nego- 
 tiations , who gratioufly received them , and gratified their good Services with 
 due Rewards. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 The lnca gains three Provinces, and conquers after a blow 
 dy Battel. 
 
 AFter fome years Mayta Capac refblved to make another fally abroad for the 
 Conquelt of new Provinces, for the Covetoufnefs and Ambition of the 
 lnca increafed with his Dominions and Succefs. Wherefore having raifed his 
 Army, and fupplied them with fufficient Provifions, they marched towards 
 Pucara of Vmafuyu, which were the moft remote , or laft , People which his 
 Grand-Father (or as fome will have it) his Father had reduced. From Pucara 
 he bended his courfe Eaftward , to that Province which they call L/aricajfa , 
 where the Natives furrendred themfelves without refiftence , being much con- 
 tented to receive the lnca for their Lord and Mafter. Then he proceeded to 
 the Province called Sancavanj which fubmitted with the like readinefs and fa- 
 cility ; for the Fame of the lnca being now fpread over all Countries , and the 
 great Honours atchieved by the Father and Grand-Father of this Prince being 
 the common difcourfe , fo moved the Nations in all adjacent parts , that with 
 unanimous confent they ran to embrace thofe conditions of Vaflalage which 
 the lnca fhould impofe upon them. Thefe two Provinces are about fifty 
 Leagues in length, and about twenty at one place , and thirty another in breadth, 
 and are both populous , and abounding with Cattle. The lnca having given 
 orders for inftructing the Natives in the do&rine of his Idolatrous Religion , 
 and regulated the civil Affairs , pafTed forwards to the Province of Pacajfa , 
 where he encountred no oppofition or conteft in Battel, but every thing fell 
 
 down 
 
62 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 down before him with fuch Obedience and Veneration , as was agreeable to one 
 whofe birth and defcent was from the Sun. 
 
 This Province is part of that which we have already mentioned to have been 
 reduced by Lhque Tupanqui, fo that now by the Father and Son this Countrey, 
 which contained many People, was entirely fubje&ed. Hence entering upon 
 the Royal Way of Vmafuyu, they marched towards that People, which to this 
 day is called by the name of Hnaychu, where they received intelligence, that a 
 great number of People were aflembled in a Body to oppofe him in his paffage, 
 the which report rather haftened than retarded the march of the Inca in pur- 
 fuite of his Enemies, whom he firft encountred at Huychu, where they appeared 
 in defence of a pafs on that River, fo called , and were about thirteen or four- 
 teen thoufand in number, all of them Indians, bearing arms 5 and though they 
 were of divers Nations, yet they called themfelves by the common appellation 
 ofColla. The Jnca, according to his ufual Method, fent frequent Mellages to 
 the Enemy, offering them terms of Peace and Friendihip, which were all re- 
 jected by them, and interpreted to be effects of fear^ and thence took fuch en- 
 couragements, that they daily became more inflexible , and at length fo daring, 
 and impudent, as to attack the very Royal Quarters of the Jnca; notwithstanding 
 which, the Jnca perfifted with fuch patience in his forbearance, that his Souldiers 
 began to murmur, and fay, That it was no longer tolerable to permit thole Bar- 
 barians to infult over the Majefty of him who was defcended from the Sun, nor 
 could their infolence be longer fupported , without loling that Reputation which 
 they had formerly acquired. 
 
 Howfoever the Jnca endeavoured to moderate the difpleafure of his People, by 
 telling them, that it had been the cuftome of his Anceltours, and the Command 
 of his Father the Sun, whofe defign was to doe good unto the Indians , to fave 
 their Lives, and advance their wellfare , and not break immediately into War 
 and Bloud , but rather to expecl: with patience , and fee whether they would 
 come to any fight or knowledge of that good which was defigned for them. 
 With fuch fair words as thefe the Inca for fome days reftrained the fury of his 
 Captains from engaging with the Enemy, untill one day being importuned by 
 his Souldiers, and moved by the infolence of his Enemies, who prefled hard up- 
 on him, he gave order to put his Army in Array, and provide for a Battel. 
 
 The IncM, who greatly defired to fight, readily entred the Field, and the Ene- 
 my, who had often provoked them to an Engagement, as willingly joined, fo 
 that the Fight began, and was maintained on both fides with great heat and cou- 
 rage, one part (as they imagined) contending for their Liberty, revolving to 
 fubmit to none, though he were of the Race and Offspring of the Sun, ana the 
 other, not fupporting fuch infolent obftinacy towards their King, were animated 
 to contend unto the utmoft in defence of his Honour and Dignity. The Callas 
 notwithstanding fought with great Courage and Refolution , but yet with fo 
 little Art or Difcipline, that like defperate Men, they threw themfelves on the 
 Weapons of their Enemies, which occafioned great (laughter amongfl them. The 
 Battel continued.the whole day, in which the Inca behaved himfelf like a great 
 Captain, fome time ordering and encouraging his Squadrons, and again ventu- 
 ring his Perfon in the midft of his Enemies , and in both Offices deferved the 
 merit of a good Souldier. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. (y> 
 
 CHAP. VI 
 
 The Auay chines yield themfelves, and are Gratiou/ly recei- 
 ved to Pardon. 
 
 OF die ColUons (which is the common Name of thefe people) were killed 
 according to their own account, fix thoufand in this Battel % the which 
 Slaughter was chiefly occafioned by their own unskilfulnefs, and want of art to 
 defend themfelves *, when, on the other fide, by reafon of their Difcipline in War, 
 there perifbed not above five hundred : Howfbever, the Battel was fough? with 
 fuch courage, that it ended not untill the darknefs of the night feparated both 
 parties, and caufed them to retire to their refpe&ive quarters : The day following 
 the Colkons viewing the heaps of their dead, and feeling the fmart of their- wounds 
 now cold, began to droop, and lofe all their former hopes and courage^ not know- 
 ing what courfe or refolution to take s for to overcome, and right their way through 
 their Enemies, was impofiible, and to efcape by flight was equally as difficult, be- 
 ing encompafled on all fides, by their Enemies -, and to furrender and yield to Mer- 
 cy feemed dangerous, for having already refufed thofe advantageous Conditions 
 which the Inca had profered 5 and having provoked him to anger by their obfti- 
 nate refiftence, they feared, left they had put themfelves beyond all hopes or ex- 
 pectations of pardon. Howfoever, in this perplexed condition, they embraced 
 the couufel of the moft aged and wifeft amongft them, which was to yield and in- 
 voke the Clemency of the Prince •, foi having heard the report of that Mercy 
 whici this I^a, after the example of his Anceftours, had ufed towards all, as well 
 towards Rebels, as to the obedient, they conceived fome hopes, that theyalfo 
 might prov: die effects of his natural companion. Wherefore fo foon as it was 
 day, they attired themfelves in the moft penitent and humble mam.er that they 
 were able ; the attires of r heir heads were put o& their feet bare, and.no other 
 garment on their bodies, than their Shirts •■, their Captains and Leaders! appeared 
 with their hands bound, and in this humble pofture they proceeded with, filence 
 to the Gates where the Inca was quartered •, and there kneeling down before him, 
 they faid, That they came not to ask his pardon, for that they well knew, that 
 their offence and rebellion had put them befides all hopes of obtaining it ^ onely 
 they were before him to prefenr themfelves" to the Swords of his Souldiers, that 
 their Bloud might expiate their Rebellion, and ferve for caution and example to 
 other Nations, now they refilled or difobeyed him whofe Father was, die Sun. . 
 In anfwer whereunto the Inca commanded one of his Captains to tell them 
 in his Name, that his Father the Sun had not fent him on the Earth to kill or 
 deftroy the Indians, but on the contrary had commanded him to. iuccour, 
 comfort and doe them good 5 and that teaching them to reform their: beftial 
 manner of life , he mould inftrutt them in the true Religion and Worfhip of 
 the Sun, who was their God : To which end, and to no Other purpofe ( for he 
 flood in no need of their fervice) he travelled from Countrey to Countrey, that 
 he might publifh thefe Laws and Ordinances of rational Government amongft 
 them, which he had received ft om his Father the Sun : And as the pious Off fpring 
 of fuch a Father, he received them to pardon* though their Rebellion defer ved 
 punilhment, of which his interceflion on their behalf with his Father the Sun, had 
 procured a releafe 5 conditionally, that for the future they ihould reform their 
 Manners, and obey the Sun, under whofe Laws and Protection they might expect 
 all bleflings of profperity and repofe. With this anfwer he commanded that they 
 fhould be cloathed, and care taken of the wounded, and all of them feafted and 
 refrefhed with provifions •, and with fuch entertainment difmifling them to their 
 own homes, they acknowledged that Rebellion was the caufe of all their mifchief, 
 and that Submiffion and Obedience was by the Clemency of the Inca their onely 
 remedy, 
 
 C H A P. 
 
£a Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 How many other People were reduced 3 and in what manner 
 the Inca made a Bridge of Ofiers. . 
 
 TH E News of this bloudy battel was foon fpread over all the Neighbouring 
 Countries, and every-where interpreted as a juft judgment fent from the Sun 
 on the Indians, who had refufed his beneficial conditions, and difobeyed the Iwa$ 
 on which apprehenfion many of thofe people, who had taken up Arms, and for- 
 med their Camp with intent to oppofe the Inca, did now lay afide their thoughts of 
 War, refolving to fubmit and depend on the Clemency of the Inca •, who accor- 
 dingly received them with grace and favour, prefenting them with Veils, and 
 other gifts, with which the Indians remained greatly fatisfied, and in every place 
 publifhed the Inca* to be the true and undoubted offfpring of the Sun. 
 
 The people which were thus reduced, were the Inhabitants from Huaychu to 
 Callamar, which is thirty Leagues to the Southward. Hence the inca proceeded 
 from Callamarca, twenty four Leagues farther, by the high-way of Chan as to Cara- 
 colh, Summoning all the Natives to his fervice both on one hand , and the o- 
 ther as far as to the Lake of Paria ; thence taking a compafs to the Eaftward as 
 far as Amis, he came at length to that Vally, which to this day is ailed Cbuquia- 
 pu, which in the common tongue is as much as to fay, the principal or chief Lance ; 
 in which divifion he planted feveral Colonies, becaufe he had obferved, that thofe 
 Valleys being fruitful! and warm, were a better Soil for producing Mayz ( or In- 
 dian Wheat ) than any of thofe Provinces within the Precin&s of Colla. From 
 the Vale of Caracatu he continued his March Eaftward, to the skirts of the great 
 Snowy Mountain of Amis, which is above thirty Leagues diftant from the Royal 
 
 Way Of Vmafuyu. 
 
 In thefe Marches, and in the employment he had of fettling Colonies, and con- 
 ftituting Laws and Government in nis new Conquefts , the Inca fpent three years, 
 and then returned again to Cozxo, where he was received with expreffions of joy 
 and acclamation. And having there repofed two or three years more, he com- 
 manded, that preparations mould be made againft the next Spring, both of Men 
 and Provifions, for a new Conqueft ; for his active mind not funering him to fit 
 idle, moved him to enterprize fomething in the Countrey of Contifuyu, which is 
 to the Weft of Cozco, containing many great and large Countries under it : And 
 becaufe they were to pafs the River called Apurimac, he commanded a Bridge to 
 be made for tranfporting his Army ; for framing of which, becaufe it was a thing 
 as yet new and unknown, he consulted with the moft ingenious Indians in the 
 contrivance 5 and becaufe it was the firft Bridge of Ofiers that was ever made in 
 Pern, I (hall defcribe the manner how it was made \ not agreeing with the Wri- 
 ters of Peru, who tell us Stories of Bridges made of Feathers, but omit to declare 
 the manner and faftiion of them. 
 
 In making this Bridge they twifted, or weaved, great quantities of Ofiers toge- 
 ther, which are not of the fame fort which we have in Spain, but of a more fine 
 and pliable Sprig : Of three Ofiers they made one Twift for the length , and ano- 
 ther for the breadth which the Bridge was to be h to thefe Twifts of three Ofiers, 
 they added another of nine, and weaved three of thefe together , fo that it came 
 to be twenty (even Ofiers in thicknefs j and fo they went on Weaving in this 
 manner, till it came to be as thick as a Man's body, and of this fort they made 
 five pieces. 
 
 Having thus prepared their Bridge, fbme Indians either fwam or ferried them- 
 felves over on a Float to the other fide, carrying with them the end of a final 1 
 Cord, which was faftned to a Bafle-rope, made of Rufhes, ailed by the Indians 
 Chahuar; this Rope or Cord was tied to the end of one of the twined or matted 
 pieces, and by the force of many hands they drew it over to the other fide of the Ri- 
 ver, 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 65 
 
 ver, as are alfo the other four ■-, all which they {trained very hard, by help of the 
 Rocks on the other fide ; and where they found not the convenience of Rocks, 
 there they drove in Stakes, or cut into Quarries of Stone, as ftrong and (table as 
 the Rock it felf. The Bridge of Apmimac, which is now in the King's High- 
 way of Cczco, is fixed on one fide to a living Rock, and on the other fide to a 
 Pillar hewed out of a Quarry. Thefe ihores or fupports of the Bridge are made 
 with great holes and trunnels, through which the Ropes pafs ; and for ftrength- 
 ning them the better, they are fortified with Walls on each fide 5 through this 
 hollownefs of the Rock five or fix Beams are crofted from one Wall to the 0- 
 ther, and placed one above the other, like the fteps of a Ladder ; on each of thefe 
 Beams they give a turn of the Rope belonging to the feveral pieces, which are 
 Matted with Ofiers, and {train them as hard as by a Capftone, fo that the Bridge 
 may not fink with its own weight : Howfoever, this Bridge is not fo tight, but that 
 it finks in the middle, whereby thofe who pafs it defcend at firft, and afterwards 
 mount again, untill they come to the end, fo that it remains in the fafhion of a 
 Bow ■-, nor is it fo firm , but that it (hakes as often as the Wind blows harder 
 than ordinary. 
 
 Three of thefe thick matted pieces were laid one on the other for the floor 
 and foundation of the Bridge , and the other two ferved for the Rails or Walls 
 on each fide : the floor they covered with thin Boards, which they laid crofs- 
 ways, fo that the length of the Board took the whole breadth of the Bridge, be- 
 ing about two Yards : thefe Boards ferved to ftrengthen the matted pieces, and 
 keep them from being fuddenly worn out ■-, and alfo they were eroded with Rims 
 or Ledges of Wood, which ferved to keep the feet of the Beafts which patted 
 from flipping : the Rails or Walls of the Bridge were greatly fortified with thin 
 Boards, dofe tied to the matted pieces, which ferved to flrengthen it in that man- 
 ner, that both Man and Beaft might pafs fecurely over it. This Bridge ofJpu- 
 r'mac, which is the mod: confiderable of any, is about two hundred paces in 
 length. For my own part, I cannot fay that I ever meaiured it, but that difcour- 
 fing thereof with fome in Spain, they ailured me that the length was rather more 
 than lefs, and that feveral Spaniards had pafled it on horfe-back, and fome of them 
 running, which (hews perhaps more ra(hnefs than prudence, and lefs wit than 
 fear. This great Machine, which is begun onely with a Twift of three Ofiers, 
 is at length brought to a mighty and (tupendious work , and is more curious and 
 wondermll than I have been able to defcribe ; the ufefulnefs of it hath proved fo 
 great, that it hath been untill thefe days kept in repair at the publick charge, and 
 not fuffered to fall to decay like other greater Machines which the Spaniards found 
 in that Countrey. In the times of the incas thofe Bridges were yearly repaired 
 by the Neighbouring Provinces, which were appointed to provide the Materials, 
 and pay the Workmen according to a Tax laid on them refpedtively, and propor- 
 tioned to their nearnefs and ability ; which alfo is in ufe to this day. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 The Renown and Fame of this Bridge is the caufe that many 
 Nations fubmit themselves. 
 
 TH E Inca being informed that the Bridge was finithed, commanded his Ar- 
 my to meet at their rendezvous ; which confifting of twelve thoufand able 
 Souldiers, under the Command of experienced Officers, he marched towards the 
 Bridge, which he found well guarded againft any attempt the Enemy could make 
 to- burn it : But inftead thereof, the Indians of Peru, who to the very time that 
 the Spaniards invaded them, were fo fimple as to admire any new invention, did 
 
 K now 
 
$6 Royal Commentaries. Book III, 
 
 now ftand aftcnifhed at the fight of this vvonderfull Fabrick , and needed no o- 
 ther testimony and evidence to prove the Iatak defcent from the Sun, than that 
 prodigious and myfterious work, which ( as they thought ) nothing lefs than a 
 Divine Power and Wifedom could prefent before their eyes. Such apprehenfi- 
 ons they had of the Spaniards, when they faw them fighting On fierce creatures, 
 fuch as their Horfes appeared to them , and to kill their Enemies at a diftance of 
 two or three hundred paces with Fire-arms, which they called Thunder and Light- 
 ning -, and with the fame ignorant Spirit of admiration are they {till affe&ed, as 
 often as they behold any hew invention not known to them before -, as Mills to 
 grind Corn , Oxen to Plow , and Bridges of Stone ere&ed in Rivers with Ar- 
 ches, which they fanfie to be placed and poifed in the Air j and with afbnifh- 
 ment of thefe and other dungs, they break out, and fay, worthy are the Spaniards 
 to be Mafters of the Indians. And in the time of Mayta Capac, the Indians being 
 yet more fimple than in thefe days, might well be ftrook with fuch admiration ac 
 the fight of this Bridge, that many Neighbouring Provinces needed no other ar- 
 gument than this to perluade them to receive the Inca i one of which people was 
 called ChumpivUlca, fituated in the Divifion of Contifuyu, containing about twenty 
 Leagues in length, and ten in breadth -, all which received him as a perfon of 
 high degree and merit, both for the greatnefs of his Birth, being defcended from 
 the Sun, and for the ftupendious work which he had framed, and which none 
 but a Divine Wiiedom could contrive and accomplifh , onely a fort of people 
 called Villilli made fbme weak refiftence ; for having encompailed a fmall fortrefs 
 at the dread of the approach of the Enemy, they all crouded into it ; but the Inca 
 begirting them round, and fending his ufual Summons, and gratious Propofitions 
 of Peace 5 in the fpace of twelve or thirteen days they all furrendred, and were 
 received to grace and pardon^ and having fettled this Province in a peaceable 
 condition , he crofted the defolate part of Contifuyu , containing about fixteen 
 Leagues, where he came to a Moor or Marifh ground , of about three Leagues 
 broad, which hindred the paflage of his Army. Here the Inca commanded a 
 Cawfe-way to be made of great and fmall Stones, which they filled up with 
 Earth, and covered with Turf: And for better expedition and encouragement of 
 Iris people, the Inca himfelf worked , helping to raife and lay the greateft Stones ^ 
 which fo animated the Souldiers to labour, that in a few days they iinifhed the 
 Cawfe-way, which was fix Yards broad, and two Yards thick •, and which the 
 Indians, even to thefe times, have in fo great veneration ; both becaufe part of ic 
 was the proper handy-work of the Inca, as alfo for the convenience and benefit 
 of it, whereby the way is made fhorter, when formerly with much labour and 
 travel they were forced to take a large compafs to avoid the Moorilh Countrey : 
 And for this reafon they keep it ftill in good repair, fo that fcarce a Stone de- 
 cays, or finks from it, but another is put into its place by the care and induftry of 
 the Surveyors, who are appointed thereunto by the bordering people , who ha- 
 ving feverally their dift in& divifions and parcels allotted to them , do endeavour 
 to out-vy each the other in confervation of that common benefit and conveni- 
 ence: the like rule is obferved for maintenance of all other publick Works, 
 fuch as Bridges and Royal Palaces, Fortreffe, and the like. In making the Cawfe- 
 way, the Turf they laid upon it was of great ufe ; for it did not onely make the 
 way fmooth, foft and eafie, but alfo the Roots of the Grafs extending themfelves 
 within the Stones, did greatly bind, and keep all clofe together. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IIL Royal Commentaries, 67 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 The Inca gams many other great Provhces, and dies in 
 Peace. 
 
 TH E Cauieway being in this manner finished, the Inca, Majta Capac, pafled 
 over it to the Province' called Allca, and here he encountred the Indians of 
 that Countrey in a warlike poSture , who being encouraged by the advantage of 
 the pafs, which they defigned to defend, being fuch as was afperous, craggy, and 
 horrid to behold, and even fuch as was difficult to PaSTengers to travell over, how 
 much more muft it be, when guarded and defended by armed Men -, and yet fuch 
 was the prudence and good conduct of the Inca, and his Military Art and Prowefs, 
 that though People were killed both on one fide and the other, that Still he gained 
 ground and advantage on the Enemy , which they with great admiration obser- 
 ving, did unanimously conclude, that the Inca was of the true Offspring of the 
 Sun, and therefore was invincible, and on this vain belief with common confent 
 refolved to fubmit , and accordingly received him as their Lord and King, pro- 
 mising him all Loyalty and Obedience- 
 
 The hca pacing in a triumphant manner through this People, called Alka, pro- 
 ceeded farther to other greater Provinces, whofe Names are Taurifma , Cotahuaci, 
 Pumatampu, Parihnana Cocha, which Signifies the Lake of * Pingmns 5 for in the part T , A . fort of 
 of that Countrey which remains unpeopled, there is a great Lake, which the Indians coMtrey 
 in their Language call Cocha, or the Sea, as they do all great Waters ; and Pariim- 
 ana is that fort of Bird, which abounding in that Province, gives the denomination 
 to it, and is a Countrey rich, fertile and pleafant, and where great quantities of 
 Gold arife, the Spaniards, by Contraction, call it Par ina cocha. Pumaxampn Signi- 
 fies a Den of Lions, Puma is a Lion, and Tampu a Den, becauSe it is a Countrey 
 where many Lions are found. 
 
 From Parihmna Cocha the Inca marched forward , and crofled the defolate 
 Countrey otCoropuna, where is to be feen a mod lofty and beautifull Pyramid of 
 Snow , which the Indians moll: properly call Hmca, which ainongft many other 
 apt Significations hath this of wonderfull •, and indeed it feemed fo great to the 
 fimplicity of the ancient Indians, that they adored and worlhipped it for its Beauty 
 and Eminence. Thence the Inca proceeded to the Province called Arum, which 
 runs along as far as to the Vale of Arequepa, which, as Bias Vakra affirms, Signifies 
 a founding Trumpet. 
 
 All thefe Provinces and Nations Maya Capac added to his Empire , with 
 much eafe to himSelf, and gentlenefs towards thofe he fubdued-, for they having 
 generally heard of the difficulties the Inca had overcome, and the paflages he forced 
 through inacceffible places, could not imagine, that fuch Actions as thefe were pof 
 fible to be performed by any other than one of Divine Extraction, and defended 
 from the Sun, by which opinion they chearfully fubmitted, and became proud of 
 their fubjeclion : In every of which Provinces he continued fo long as was requi- 
 fite, for the fettlement of Affairs , and peace of the Government ■-, and finding 
 that the Vale of Arequepa, was defolate, and without inhabitants, notwithstanding 
 that it was a moft fuitfull Situation, and an Air pure , and ferene , he therefore 
 refolved to caufe the Inhabitants of other parts lets agreeable, which he had con- 
 quered to tranfplant themfelves to this more commodious and happy foil -, and 
 fuch effect had his perfuafions on the people, allured by the pleafures of that Cli- 
 mate, and the commodioufnefs of the Habitation , that not onely fome Colonies 
 of the conquered Countries , but alfo Several of the natural Subje&s of the Inca 
 tranfplanted themfelves to the number of about three thoufand Families into that 
 pleafant Valley, which became the Original of four or five diSlindl Nations, one 
 of which is called Chimpa, and another Smahuaya • And having fupplied all places 
 with Governours , and neceflary Officers , the Inca returned to Cozco, having in 
 this fecond expedition fpent three years time; during which, and the former in- 
 
 K % vafion, 
 
68 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 vafion, he made an addition to his Empire, in the Divifion of Comfcp onely, 
 of almoft ninety Leagues in length, and ten or twelve in breadth one way, and 
 fifteen another way •-, all which trad of Land was contiguous, or adjoining to the 
 other parts fubje&ed to his power. The Inca returning home, was received at 
 Cozco, with all theFeftivity, Joy and Triumph imaginable, and met with Songs and 
 Mufick, chanting out the praifes of his mighty and heroick A&ions. The Inca, 
 having rewarded his Souldiers with Preients agreeable to their merit, disbanded 
 his Army , it feeming fumcient for the prefent time the atchievements already 
 made •, and that now it was feafonable to give reft and repofe from military acti- 
 ons, and attend to the Execution of the Laws, and to the Government of his 
 Kingdom, a great part of which he confidered to be the care of making provisions 
 for Widows and Orphans, and other poor and difabled People -, in which good 
 works he palled all the remainder of his days •, his Reign having continued for 
 thirty Years, as is faid, but the truth is, there is fo little credit to be given to Re- 
 ports of this nature, where are no Regifters, or Letters, that we know not what 
 to believe in the Cafe ■-, onely this is certain, that he dyed full of Honour, and Tro- 
 phies, having acquired a great name, both in War and Peace; and being much 
 beloved and honoured. His Death was lamented with fincere grief by all, which, 
 according to theCuftome of the Incas continued for the fpace of a full Year. His 
 Eldeft Son, Capac Tupanqui, born of his Wife Mama Cuca, he left his Univerfat 
 Heir of all-, befides whom alfo he left other Sons, and Daughters as well, fuch 
 as were legitimate, as fuch as were termed illegitimate. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Capac Yupanqui, the fifth Monarch, reduces many Pro- 
 vinces in the Divifion of Contifuyu. 
 
 TH E Inca, Capac Yupanqui , (the interpretation of whofe Name we have al- 
 ready declared amongft the proper Names of his Anceftors) after the death of 
 his Father, bound his Head with the coloured Wreath, in token of his entrance 
 into the pofleffion of his patrimonial Inheritance, and having performed the Ob- 
 fequies of his Father's Interment, he immediately took a Journey through all parts 
 of his Dominions, making enquiry into the Behaviour and Lives of his Officers, 
 and in what manner Juftice was adminiftred amongft them. In this Progrefs he 
 palled two years, and then returned to Cozco, where he commanded that Souldi- 
 ers mould be levied , and Provifions made for the following Year, intending to 
 extend his Conquefts into thofe parts of Contifuyu, which lie Eaftward from Cozco, 
 where he was informed, that there were many and great Provinces, and abounding 
 with People. For the more eafie paflage to thofe parts he ordered another bridge 
 to be made over the great River of Apurimac, at that place which is called Huaca- 
 chaca, below Accha, which was accordingly performed with all diligence, furpaf- 
 fing the former bridge in length and breadth, becaufe the River was wider in thofe 
 parts. 
 
 In this manner the Inca departed from Cozco, attended with twenty thouland 
 Men of War, and being come to the bridge, which was about eight Leagues 
 from the City, through a rough and afperous way, three Leagues of which are a 
 fteep defcent to the River, though in height it may not be perpendicular above 
 half a League, and the afcent on the other fide may likewile contain about three 
 Leagues farther. Having pafled the bridge, and this difficult way, they entred into 
 the pleafant Countrey of Tanahiara, which at that time contained thirty Nati- 
 ons-, what thofe People were then, and how numerous, we have no certain ac- 
 count, onely we are allured, that the Inhabitants on that fide, called Piti, fo (bon 
 
 as 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 69 
 
 as they heard of the approach of the Inca, came forth to meet him, both Men and 
 Women , old and young, and with Songs and Mufick , Acclamations , and all 
 xhings that might teftifie their Joy, they received him for their King, vowing all 
 Obedience and Vaftalage to his Perfon. The Inca on the other fide received them 
 with a gratious Eye, bellowing on them fuch Verts, or Garments, as were in the 
 mode and faihion of his Court: Of this kind' treatment the Pitl fent advice to 
 their Neighbours , being of the fame Nation with them of TanJhmrk , giving 
 them to underftand that the Inca had taken up his aboad amongft them, and that 
 they had received him for their Lord and Mafter, according to which example of 
 the Piti, the Curacy of divers Nations came likewife in , and fubmitted them- 
 felves. 
 
 The Inca received them all with his accuftomed goodnels, and as an evidence 
 of his greater favour, he was defirous to (hew himlelf to his People, and vifit 
 their Countrey , which contained about twenty Leagues in length , and about 
 fifteen in breadth. From this Province olTanahmra, he pafled into another, cal- 
 led Ajmara, between which two there is a fpace of ground wholly defolate and 
 unpeopled of about fifteen Leagues over. On the other fide of this defart, a great 
 number of People were gathered into a body within a certain indofed ground 
 called Mucanfa, to ftop the paffage of the Inca, and entrance into their Countrey, 
 which contains thirty Leagues in length , and fifteen in breadth , and is rich in 
 Mines of Gold, Silver and Lead, and abounds in Cattle and People, and confifted 
 of at lead eighty Nations, before they were reduced to the Obedience ohhe Inca. 
 
 At the Foot of this Ir.clofure the Inca commanded his Army to encamp, fo as 
 to cut the Enemy off from all fupplies , who being barbarous , and ignorant of 
 War, had dispeopled all the Countrey , and gathered them into one body, not 
 confidering that by this means they were cooped up on all fides, and hemmed in, 
 as it were in a Cage. The Inca continued Several days in this manner, with an 
 unwillingnefs to attack them, inviting them to fubrmflion with all fair terms and 
 propofals of Peace, and offering no other violence to them than to hinder them 
 from provifions and fuftenance •, that fo what Reafon and Argument could not 
 effed, Famine and Hunger might enforce. In this refolute condition the Indians 
 remained for the fpace of a whole month, untill being conftrained by the necefli- 
 ties of Famine, they, lent Meffengers to the Inca, giving him to underftand, that 
 they were ready to receive him for their King, and adore him, as die true Off- 
 ering of the Sun, conditionally, that he, on the Faith and Word of his Divine 
 Progeny, promife, that fo foon as they (hall have yielded themielves to him, he 
 will conquer and fubjedl under his Imperial Command the neighbouring Province 
 olVmafuyu, which being a numerous and warlike People living upon Rapine and 
 Spoil, did make frequent incurfions to the very doors of their Houfes, eating up 
 their provifions and paftures, and committing many other mifchiefs and outrages ^ 
 for which injuries they had often made War upon them, which ended in bloud and 
 confufion on the one fide and the others and when at length Peace was made, and 
 terms of accommodation agreed on, they fuddenly broke out again into new vio- 
 lences, not confidering the Faith and Promifes they had given: Wherefore if he 
 pleafed to avenge them of thefe Enemies, and reftrain their incurfions on them for 
 the future, they would yield, and acknowledge him for their Prince and Lord. 
 
 To this Propofal the Inca made anfwer by one of his Captains, That the defign 
 of his coming into thofe parts had no other aim than to relieve the oppreifed, 
 and reclaim the barbarous Nations from that beftial manner of living, whereto 
 they were accuftomed, and that he might inftruft them in the Laws of Reafon 
 and Morality, which he had received from his Father the Sun •-, but as to the a- 
 yenging them of their Enemies for the injuftice and injuries they had done them, 
 it was the Office and Duty of the Inca to perform •, howfoever it became not them 
 to impofe conditions on the Inca, who was their Lord and Sovereign, and was to 
 give rather than receive terms, and therefore that they (hould refer all their grie- 
 vances to his Wifedom, who inheriting the juftice of the Sun , his Father , was 
 inclinable of himfelf to redrefs their Oppreffions, and reduce their Enemies to 
 terms of Reafon and Juftice. 
 
 ^ With this Anfwer the Ambafladours returned; and the day following all th? 
 Indians that were retired within the inclofure to the number of above twelve thou- 
 fand fighting men, with their Wives and Children to about thirty thoufand fouls, 
 came forth, and in feveral Divifions prefented themfelves on their knees before 
 
 the 
 
7<d Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 the Inca, profefled themfelves to be his Slaves and Vaflals, and in teftimony there- 
 of offered unto him Gold, and Silver, and Lead, and vvhatfoever elfe was tne pro- 
 duct of their Countrey. The Inca receiving them with his accuftomed Goodnefs, 
 ordered that meat mould be given them to fatisfie their prefent hunger-, and like- 
 wife provifions for their journey, that fo they might all return to their refpe&ive 
 Habitations left they mould faint by the way, and want due Eefrefhment and care 
 
 in fnpif TVoitpI 
 
 in their Travel. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 The Conquefi of thofe of Aymara : The Curacas are re- 
 ceived to Pardon : Marks are fet ?tp for boundaries on 
 the Confines. 
 
 THefe People being fent home to their refpedHve dwellings , the Inca procee- 
 ded to another part of the fame Province of Aymara, called Hnaquirca t 
 which even to this day contains two thouland Families; from thence hedifpatch- 
 ed Meflengers to fummon the Caciques, or Lords oiVmafuyu to appear before him 5 
 for that being defcended from the Sun, he claimed it as his Prerogative, to hear 
 and decide the differences between them and their Neighbours 0$. Aymara, about 
 the pafturage, and places where they feed their Cattle: and that refiding now in 
 Huaqr.irca he expedted their coming thither, fo that he might impofe Laws and 
 Rules of Reafon on them, whereby to meafure their adtions, that they might not 
 like brute Beafts deftroy one the other, forcaufes of fo fmall import or moment, 
 as that of pafturage , fince it was evident that the Countrey was large , and the 
 grounds abounding with Grafs, fufficient to feed the Flocks both of one and the 
 other People. The Curacas, or Chiefs oUVmafuyu, being aflembled together to 
 confult of this common concernment, gave this general anfwer, That they had no 
 bufinefs with the Inca, fo as to oblige them to repair to his place of Refidence, 
 but if he had any occafions for them, that he fliould feek them within their own 
 Territories, where they were ready to attend and receive him with Arms in their 
 hands 5 whether the Sun were his Father, or not, they did neither know nor care, 
 and if he were, yet the Sun was no God of theirs, for they had natural Gods of 
 their own , whofe Protection and goodnefs they had Co well proved, as not to 
 change them for any other : That the Inca might beltow his Laws and Ordinances 
 on his own Subjects, for that they would accept of none which reftrained them 
 from a liberty of taking that, to which their Arms and Power gave them a right 
 and title ; and by the fame Arms they would defend themfelves and their Coun- 
 trey againft any who mould dare to difturb them in their Peace and enjoyments. 
 This, they {aid, was all the anfwer that they would give , and that in cafe the 
 Inca required any other, he fliould appear in die field, and decide the controverfie 
 like a valiant Souldier. The Inca, Capac Tupanqui, entering into confultation with 
 his principal Officers, upon this anfwer of thofe of Vmafuyu ; agreed and conclu- 
 ded, that the fuccefs of this War depended on difpatch, and therefore that they 
 mould without delay make an attempt upon them , the fuddenners of which 
 would fo diftradt and confound them, that the furprifal and fear, more than the 
 real hurt, would affright them into fubmiffion ; for that it being a Law and Ma- 
 xitne of the firft Inca, Manco Capac, and from him derived to all his Royal Pofte- 
 rity to fpare the bloud of the Indians, and gain them by all arts and contrivances 
 of Gentlenefs and Invitation-, and that War and Force were to be the la ft reme- 
 dies : In confideration of which, Capac Tupanqui thought fit to make ufe of this 
 Strategeme, commanding eight thouland feledl Men of his Army to march day 
 
 and 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 71 
 
 and night into the Province of Vmafuyu, fo that by the fpeedinefs of their march 
 they might furprife the Enemy, who did not exped the motion of fo great a body 
 in lefs than the fpace of a whole month 5 but feeing them already in the midft of 
 their C ountrey with a flying Army, and the grofs Body on their march towards 
 them, and considering that it was impoflible for them to aflemble fo foon together, 
 as to make a head fufncient to refift, began to repent of their pertinacious anfwer 5 
 and now laying afide the thoughts of War, the Caracas with fpeed and hafte aflern- 
 bled together from all parts, refolving that the onely expedient in that exigency 
 was to ask pardon, and mercy for their late offence-, fo that one after the other, 
 as they chanced to come in, proftrated themfelves before the Inca, acknowledging 
 him for a true Child of the Sun, and as fuch they fwore and vowed unto him all 
 Faithfulnefs and Obedience. 
 
 The Inca, contrary to the expectation of the Caracas, who expected nothing 
 lefs than death, or punilhment, received them with a gratious Clemency, telling 
 them by one of his Captains, that when he confidered their Barbarity, and that 
 they were wholly ignorant of all kind of Molality, he did not admire at their re- 
 fufai to accept his Religion, and the lenity of his government, being allured that 
 when they (hall have once learned and proved thofe things which conduce to hu- 
 mane Life, they will blels the hour in which they were perfuaded to forfake thofe 
 their Idols, which were formed in the fimilitude of Beafts, and vile Creatures, and 
 capable of nothing but contempt 3 wherefore now he commanded them, that in 
 every thing they Ihould refign themfelves With implicke Faith, and entire Obe- 
 dience to the Religion, Laws and Government which the Jnca and his Minifters 
 ihould impofe upon them, for fuch was the pleafure of the Sun his Father. 
 
 The Caracas with moft profound humility anfwered , That they did promife 
 and vow to acknowledge no other God than the Sun, nor no other King than the 
 Incay whole Laws and Ordinances being founded on Realbn and Juftice , were 
 the beft Rules whereby to make his Subjects happy. The Inca, in favour and 
 honour to thefe his new Subjects, fettled his Court for a while in the Province 
 ofChirirqui which is the chief and capital Seat of this People 3 at which place 
 informing himfelf of the fituation and pofition of their part urages , and of the 
 Caufes and Original of the differences arifing between thefe People and their 
 Neighbours, did after mature confideration determine where the confines of each 
 Countrey ihould be limitted; and in teftimony thereof caufed heaps of Stones 
 to be thrown up at fuch places, where he thought fit, to remain for Boundaries 
 and Marks to diftinguith the Lands of one People from the others the which 
 Land- marks are to this day conferved, and continued in great Veneration, be- 
 caufe they were the firft of that Nature, which had been railed in Peru by order 
 of the Inca. 
 
 The Cnracas ot both Provinces being entirely fatisfied with this Sentence and 
 Determination of the Inca, with profound humility kifled his Hands, and retur- 
 ned to their refpedive abodes, whilft the hen in the mean time vifited at his lei- 
 sure die chief places of both thefe Provinces, that fo he might fettle his Govern- 
 ment, and eftabliih his Laws amongft them, after which not judging it fit to pro- 
 ceed farther in his Conquefts, though his Profperiry and Succefs was greatly invi- 
 ting, he returned back again to Cozco, where he entred in this triumphant manner 
 into his Imperial City, rirft the Caracas and Nobles of the two late reduced 
 Provinces, who came out of curiofity to fee the Imperial Seat, carried the Inca on 
 their Shoulders in a Chair of Gold , in token of their fervitude and fubjedion, 
 theSouldiers marched before in their military order, their Captains, and Chiefs 
 followed immediately after the Chair 3 every Squadron keeping its due order, ac- 
 cording to its degree of precedency , the which was allotted them according to 
 their Seniority, the new Conquefts giving place to the more ancient fubjeds : and 
 thus the triumph being ranked in this order , the whole City concurred to the 
 folemnity, going fordi according to their ufual manner, to meet and receive their 
 I»ca with Mufick, and Songs, and all Feftivity. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 The Inca fe?ids to Conquer the Quechuas , who with great 
 willhignefs fubmit themjelves. 
 
 TH E Inca having for four years attended onely to the adminiftration of his 
 Government, and the benefit of his Subjects, thought it not fit to fpend 
 more time in quietnefs and eafe, left his Souldiers living in peace and repofe, 
 mould grow refty and luxurious , and forgetfull of their Military Difcipfine •, 
 wherefore he commanded, that the Souldiery iliould be in a readinefs, and Prc- 
 vifions made for War againft the following year. 
 
 And now the time of entring into the Field being come, he appointed his Bro- 
 ther Auqp.i Tun for his Captain- General and four other lncas of his neareft rela- 
 tions, who were well prattifed in the affairs both of War and Peace, to be Ma- 
 jor-Generals, every one of which had an equal fhare of 5000 Men committed to 
 his charge, and all fvve of them in joint commiffion commanded the Army : The 
 defign was to carry on that Conqueft which they had already begun in the Divi- 
 fion of Conufttyu •, and for a good beginning and omen to their future proceedings , 
 the Inca was pleafed in perfon to accompany them as far as to the Bridge of Htta- 
 cachaca 5 where having recommended to them the example of his Anceftours as 
 the pattern ^for them to follow, he returned again to His City of Cozco. 
 
 The General, with his other Commanders , entred into the Province called 
 Cotapampa, where they were met by the Lord thereof, accompanied with one of 
 his Kinfinen , who likewife commanded another Countrey called Cotanerit, and 
 both of them Natives of ^uechua. The Caciques having intelligence that the Inca 
 had fent an Army into their Countrey, aflembled together, and unanimoufly 
 refolved to receive him , as their King and Lord , with all readinefs 5 for ha- 
 ving many days expected and defired his. coming, they all upon news of his ap- 
 proach went forth with Songs and Dances to meet the Inca, Auqui Titu, making 
 great demonftrations of joy and contentment, one of them in behalf of all the reft, 
 expreffing himfelf in this manner : Inca Apu, (which fignifies General ) thou art 
 
 welcome, becAufe thou art here to give us a new Being , and a new Title of being Servants 
 and Subjects to that great Prince, who derives his Pedigree from the Sun : And becaufe that 
 thou art his Brother, we honour and adore thee •-, giving thee to underfland, that hadfl thou 
 not come in afhort [pace to have reduced ns to this Service of the\x\QZ, we were all refolved 
 to go the next year unto CoZCO, there to have owned and acknowledged our felves for Ser- 
 vants of jour King , befeeching him to receive m under his mighty defence and protetlion 5 
 for the fame of thofe great achievements and miraculous atlions performed by this Ojf-fpring 
 if the Sun both in War and Peace, have affeFied us with fuch wonder and love towards him } 
 that every day ft ems a year, untill we enjoy the honour and privilege of being his Subjects • 
 And indeed hereby we promife our felves the hafpinefs of being delivered from the Tyrannies 
 and Cruelties with which our Neighbours of Chanca and Hancohualk; ' .we for many years 
 from the times of our Anceftours and Forefathers mojl gricvoufly vexed and oppreffed us ; 
 and fe if thou wilt receive us under tlr/ protetlion, our defires will be fulf/led, a::d our hap- 
 p'r.icfs confummated, and may thy Father the Sun evermore defend and preferve thee. Ha- 
 ving iMd thefe tilings, they made their Obeifance to the Inca and his Generals, 
 delivering a great quantity of Gold to be fent as a prefent to the Inca their Sove- 
 reign. This Province of Cotapampa, after the War of Goncalo Pkarro , was the 
 portion allotted to Don Pedro Luys de Cabrera, a Native of Seville •/ and the Pro- 
 vince Cotanera, and another called Huamanpallpa , of which we (hall have occafion 
 hereafter to (peak, was the pofleiiicn of my Mafter Gar^lafo de la Vega, and was 
 the fecend Dividend which was made in Peru \ and of the rirft we (hall fpeak in 
 its due place. Jn anfwer hereunto the General Aqui Titu, and his Captains, re- 
 plied inthe name of the Inca •, that both their defires and affectionate exprelTions 
 towards them were very acceptable, and lb obliging, that they promifed to re- 
 count 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. y> 
 
 count every fyllable of them to the Majefty of their Inc* , 'who, no doubt, but 
 would remain fo fenfible of their good will, that he would not omit to make 
 finable returns in the lame, if not in a higher degree, than he had towards others. 
 The Curacy were greatly pleafed, that their words mould have the honour to 
 reach the Ears of the Uc*; and therefore every day gave new teftimonies of their 
 affection, by their readinefs to execute what Commands loever the Captains im- 
 pofcd upon them. And having left in this place fuch inftru&ions as were con- 
 venient for the orderly government thereof-, they proceeded to another Province 
 caljed Huamampallpa, which yielded it (elf without any contradiction or oppoiition 
 whatsoever. Thence the Incas paiTed a River which divides the two Provinces 
 by two or three ftreams, which afterwards a little lower falling in together, make 
 that famous River of Amancay. 
 One of thofe ftreams pafles thorough Chuqxiinca, where the Battel was fought 
 
 between Francifco Hernandez, Giron, and the Marefchal Don Alonfo de Aharado - 7 and 
 
 fome years before, on the very fame place, a Battel was fought between Dan Die- 
 go de Almagro, and the faid Marefchal j in both which Don Alonfo de Aharado was 
 
 overthrown, as we ihall recount in its due place, if God gives us life to arrive fo 
 far in this Hiftory. Thus the Incas continued their progrefs in reducing the 
 Countries both on one fide and the other of this River Amancay $ which though 
 they be many in number, yet they are all contained under the common appellation 
 of JHuechua, wliich abounds with Gold and Cattel. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Many Plains ami V allies by the Sea-coaft are reduced, and 
 the Sin of Sodomy punijhed. 
 
 SUch Orders being given and eftablilhed as were requifite for the better govern- 
 ment and adminiftration of affairs in the conquered places , they proceeded 
 into the defolate Countrey of Hua/laripa, which is a defart much famed for the 
 great quantities of Gold extracted thence , and where much more remains to be 
 ftill digged •, and having crofted one fide of the defart for about 5 $ Leagues, they 
 deleended into thofe Plains which run along by the Sea-coaft : All this Countrey 
 by the Sea-coaft, the Indians call Tmca, which is as much as to fay, the Hot Coun- 
 trey, under which name are comprehended all the Vallies which border on the 
 Sea ; and the Spaniards call the Low grounds Vallies, which are watered by the 
 ftreams that fall from the Mountains j for in that Countrey, that part is onely ha- 
 bitable which lyes towards the Sea ; all the reft being dry, is nothing but dead 
 and barren Sands, where grows neither Grafs, nor Herb, nor any thing for the 
 fuftenance of Mankind. 
 
 On that fide, by which the hcas pafled into thofe Plains, lyes the Vale of Ha- 
 cari, which is wide , rich and well peopled , and which in times paft contained 
 aoooo Indians \ all which with much willingnefs fubmitted to the obedience and 
 fervice of the Ima. This Vale of Hacari led them into other Vales called Vumna, 
 Camana, Caraviki, Pitta, Quelle*, and others, which run for the fpace of 7° Leagues 
 North and South along the Coaft of the Sea of Zur .- All which Vales here na- 
 med, are each above 20 Leagues long from the defart to the Sea, and all watered 
 by ftreams on one fide and the other 5 fome of which are fo full and plentifull, 
 that after they have fupplied the Lands with fufficient moifture, the remainder 
 empties it felf into the Sea j and others perhaps having refreihed the Lands for 
 two or three Leagues from their Source or Fountain-head, are afterwards abforpt, 
 or drank up by the drinels of the Earth. The General Aqm Titx, and his Cap- 
 tains, having reduced all thefe Vallies to obedience without fighting one ftroke, 
 
 L rendred 
 
74 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 rendred an account to the Inca of their fuccefs $ and particularly, that having made 
 enquiry into the fecret cuftoms of thofe Natives , and into their Rites and Cere- 
 monies, as alfb what Gods they worshipped : They obferved and found, that their 
 chief Deity was the Fifh which they killed and eat ■■, and alfo, that there were So- 
 domites amongft them •-, but howfoever, that this wickedness was not general or 
 common to all the Vallies, but to fome few •, nor was it openly practifed, but in 
 fecret, being that which nature and the light of humane reafon did abhor. They 
 farther likewife acquainted the Inca, that being arrived to the utmoft bounds which 
 are terminated by trie Sea, there remained on that fide no other Land to fiibdue. 
 The Inca was much pleafed with the Relation of thefe Conquefts, and much more, 
 that it had coft no bloud ■-, wherefore he fent to Command his Souldiers, that ha- 
 ving left and eftablifhed fuch Orders as were neceflary for the government and fe- 
 curity of thofe Countries, they mould return to CW« 5 but firft, that they mould 
 make ftricl: inquifition concerning thofe who were efteemed guilty of that unna- 
 tural fin of Sodomy, and not onely burn thofe aliW in a publick place, who were 
 evidently convicted of that crime , but even thofe who were but fo much as 
 fufpe&ed thereof-, that they mould alfo burn and deftroy their Houfes, their Trees 
 and Inheritance, leaving them a fad fpe&acle to their neighbours and acquaintance. 
 And farther, the Inca commanded that they mould proclaim and publifh this his 
 Edidt againft Sodomy for the future to be, That whofoever mould be found 
 guilty of this abomination, that not onely he fliould be deftroyed in particular, 
 but likewife his Relations, his Neighbours , and all the Inhabitants of the parts 
 round fliould be puniflied with the fame deftru&ion, mine and defolation. 
 
 All which being performed exa&ly according to the pleafure and direction of 
 the Inca , this new Law was with great admiration and aftonifliment of the Na- 
 tives put into execution on the Offendours ■-, for being a crime fo fhamefull and 
 deteftable to the Inca, and his proper Subjects, the mention and name thereof was 
 not without fome abhorrence taken into their mouths •-, {0 that if any Indian, who 
 was a Native of Coz,co, mould at any time in paffion revile his neighbour with 
 that word and opprobrious term, he was prefently looked upon as one defiled, 
 and for many days polluted, untill his mouth were deanfed from a word fo filthy 
 and deteftable. 
 
 The General and his Officers having in this manner executed all the Com- 
 mands of the Inca, they returned to Cozco, where they were received in great 
 triumph, and rewarded with honours and favours agreeable to their merit. But 
 many years had not pafled after thefe Conquefts, before the Inca, Capac Tupanqui y 
 refolved to begin a new Expedition in perfon for enlargement of his Dominions 
 on the fide of Collafttyu •, ( for as yet in his late Marches he had not pafled the Di- 
 vifions of Contifuyu ) fo that in order hereunto, he commanded that twenty thou- 
 fand feledt men ihould be put in a readinefs againft the following year. And 
 that in the mean time nothing fhould be omitted, which might contribute to the 
 due adminiftration of his Government, he appointed his Brother Aoui Titu to re- 
 main Deputy in his place, and that the four Major-Generals which had accompa- 
 nied him in the laft Wars fliould be his Counfellours. Into their places he chofe 
 four other Generals, and both they and all the Captains and Officers of the Army 
 were not of lefs degree or quality than that of an Inca ; for though the Forces 
 which came from divers Provinces were conducted by their own Chief or Com- 
 mander, yet afterwards, when they came to be united with the Imperial Army, an 
 Inca was given to prefide over them , fo that the Chief became, as it were, his 
 Lieutenant •, by which means the whole Army had Incas for their Officers, and yet 
 none feemed to be difplaced or acquitted of ais cha?ge. By which method and 
 policy in government, things were preferved in their juft balance •■, for unlefs it 
 were in matters of Law and Juftice, which admitted of no difpenfation , it was 
 a Maxim amongft the Incai never to difoblige their Cur oca* , but in every thing to 
 render their Yoke fo eafie and gentle, that the Indians might be fond of it ■-, and 
 that the love of the people might be the bafis and foundation of their Govern- 
 ment. Moreover, the Inca thought fit to take his Son, who was his Heir, to ac- 
 company him ; for though he were young, yet his years were capable of educa- 
 tion and practice in the War. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 75 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Two. Curacas, of great Power and Authority, refer their dif- 
 ferences to the Arbitrement of the Itica , and become his 
 ' Subjects. 
 
 "T" HE appointed time for this expedition being come, Capac Tupanqui departed 
 -*• from Cozco, and marched as far as the Lake of Paria, which was the ulti- 
 mate bound or limit of his Fathers Conqueft •, and in the way , as he marched 
 he gathered the recruits which divers Provinces had made ready for him, not 
 omitting to vifit the Nations, as he pafled, that fo he might favour and honour 
 them with his prefence^ the which they efteemed fo high an obligation, that in 
 clivers Countries they have noted the places with a particular remark, where the 
 lnca pitched his Camp, or where they fent him provifions, or refreihed himfelf-, 
 the which places to this day the Indians conferve in great Veneration, as if the 
 ground had been hallowed by his facred feet. 
 
 So foon as the lnca arrived at the Lake of Paria, all the neighbouring People 
 fubmitted themfelves to his Service and Jurifdiclion -, fome of which inclined to 
 Obedience out of an efteem they had of his gentle and wife Government, and 
 others out of fear, and dread of the power, which they were not able to refiif. In 
 thefe Marches Meflengers arrived at the Court, from two great Captains in the 
 Divifion of Collafuyu, who made War one on the other. Thefe two powerfull 
 Curacas were defended from two great Generals,, who in times part, before the 
 Empire of the lnc*s, being Souldiers of Courage and Bravery, railed feparate Ar- 
 mies, and began each to let up for himfelf, and lay foundation for Authority and 
 Power : But as Rule and Empire can bear no Equal, or Competitor, thefe two great 
 Men turned their Arms one againfr the other, and continued a War during the 
 whole courfe of their Lives : the which created fuch animofities between their 
 People, that their Children inherited the like anger, and took up the fame occa- 
 sion of Quarrel, which was never decided untill the lnca , Capac Tupanqui deter- 
 mined their differences. 
 
 For thefe People obferving the conftant miferies of War, in which they were 
 engaged, deftroying one the other without advantage ■■, for that their courage, and 
 skill in war being equal, neither fubmitted to the other, or reaped other benefit 
 than defolation, and the fatal confequences of War 5 they therefore agreed with 
 mutual confent, and with concurrence of their Captains and Relations , to remit 
 all their differences and quarrels to the fole Arbitrement and determination of the 
 Jnca, Capac Tupanqui, refolving to ftand to whatfbever he lhould fentence in deter- 
 mination of Right, and accommodation of the Quarrels, and for moderating the 
 heats and fury between them. Thefe terms being refolved , they both defired 
 and courted the acquaintance of the lnca, whofe Fame and Reputation for Juftice 
 and Equity, derived from his ancient Progenitors, and the great Actions which 
 he had performed, with tire affiftence and help of his Father, the Sun, were pub- 
 lifhed and made known to all thofe Nations. One of thefe great Lords was cal- 
 led Cari, and the other Cbipana, both which were the Names of their Fathers, 
 and which each of them conferved from Father to Son, fucceflively for many Ge- 
 nerations, in remembrance of their Anceftours, and for a motive to imitate and 
 follow their Bravery and Valour. Pedrode Cieca in his Hiftory touches this paffage 
 briefly, and calls one of thefe Curacas Cari, and the other Capana. Thefe Perfons 
 having underftood that the lnca proceeded in his Conquefts, in all parts adjacent, 
 difpatched their Meflengers, to render him a particular account of all the Wars, 
 Differences and Difputes which were between them , befeeching him that he 
 w^ould be pleated to permit them licence to appear in his prefence, that they might 
 kifs his hands, and give him a more large relation of the grounds and caufes of 
 
 L z their 
 
y 6 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 their Quarrels and Differences-, being deiirous to remit all their pretentions to the 
 fole determination, and arbitrement of his Majefty, for in regard that he was de- 
 fended from the Sun, they were affared of his juftice and Rectitude, and that 
 his Sentences were infallible •, and therefore protefted that they would adhere unto 
 and reft fatisfied with whatfoever he mould declare to be his Judgment and ulti- 
 mate Decifion in their Controverfie. 
 
 The Inca having heard the Meffage, gave anfvver, That the Curacas might be 
 pleafed to come at fuch time as would beft fuit with their convenience, and that 
 then he would ufe his beft endeavours to bring them to a right underftanding 
 of each other-, ofwhichhedid not entertain the leaft doubt, in regard that he, 
 refolving to confult the Wifedom of his Father the Sun in their cafe , and ap- 
 ply his Ordinances and Laws to the prefent difference , the Judgment he mould 
 pronounce would be infallible, and uncapable of any Errour or Miftake. 
 
 This gratious Anfwer was very fatisfa&ory to the Curaca* , fo that they both 
 met before the Inca. at the time appointed, and both at the fame time caft them- 
 felves on their knees, and kiffed his Hand, that neither might feem to have a 
 preference before the other. Carl, whofe Lands bordered neareft on the fron- 
 tiers of the Inca, was the fir ft that had the privilege to {peak in the name of them 
 both, rendring a large account of the differences which were between them, and 
 of the Original from whence they did arife ■-, he declared, That their Quarrel was 
 enflamed by Envy and Emulation, whenfoever one obferved the other to gain 
 and advance in honour, and to be more profperous than himfelf 5 fometimes Co- 
 vetoufnefs was the motive, when both defigned on each others Territories-, but 
 moft commonly the Boundaries and Limits of their relpe&ive Jurifdi<fHons was 
 the occafion of their Wars: For determination of which they prefented them- 
 felves before his Majefty, humbly imploring his facred Sentence and Arbitrement 
 to determine thofe Wars, of which they were weary, and which had for many 
 years wafted their Countries, to the great Mifery and Defolation of each others 
 People and Subjects. The M* heard and received their Requeft with his accu- 
 ftomary gentlenefs and favour, and ordered that for the prefent two of his Cap- 
 tains , who were hcu , and ancient Counfellours , lhould feverally take one of 
 thefe CuracM into his charge and tuition, to teach and inftrucl him in the Laws 
 of Nature, which were the Rules the hcas obferved in the Government of their 
 People, that fo they might live in peace and unity, and giving unto every one 
 his due and right, both in Eftate and Honour.. And as to the differences which 
 arofe about the Bounds and Extent of their refpe&ive Jurifdiiftions, he told them 
 that he would fend two Incas, who were of his Kindred, to take informations 
 from the Curacas of the Provinces, concerning the Caufe and Original of their 
 long continued War and Quarrel. The which being performed , and the Inca, 
 maturely advifed in every particular , he debated the matters with his Council, 
 and then calling the Caracas before him, he told them in few words, That his 
 Father the Sun had revealed unto him, that the onely way and means to recon- 
 cile thefe diffenting Parties, was to enjoin them to keep his Laws and Precepts, 
 the defign and intent of which was to conferve Peace and Concord in the World, 
 and that fince War produces nothing but Deftrudion , a proof and evidence 
 whereof they had by their own, which had wafted each others force, they fhould 
 now at length be advifed to Peace, left they both become a prey to feme other, 
 who obferving their enfeebled and con fumed condition, may take his opportunities 
 to invade them in their weakness, and deftroy them both : And as to the Limits 
 of their refpective Territories, he appointed that heaps of Stones, or Mounts 
 mould be caft up, for Land-marks and Boundaries of their Frontiers, which be- 
 ing paffed and invaded in a hoftile manner, mould be accounted a breach and vio- 
 lation of the Peace on the fide of the firft Aggreflor. Laftly, he told them, 
 That this was the Sentence and final Determination of his Father the Sun, for 
 procuring Peace, and ending all ftrife and variance between them •, and that fince 
 they had by mutual confent conftituted him the Umpire and Arbitrator of their 
 Differences, he protefted that he confirmed the Sentence of his Father, and re- 
 folved to proceed feverely againft him who mould give the firft occafion to vio- 
 
 late the fame. 
 
 The 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 77 
 
 The Caracas replied, That they would Sincerely obey his Majefty, and that out 
 of a refpect they bore to his Service, they promifed to be his true Friends and 
 faithfull Allies. 
 
 Afterward theSe Caciques, Carl and Cbipana, being in private togetker, entred 
 into Difcourfe concerning the Laws of the hca, the Government of his Hou 
 and Court, and the rare administration of Juftice through his whole Kingdom, 
 where no Injury or Offence palled without punifhment -, but more particularly 
 they obferved the gentle compullion and foft violence he ufed in his War, as al- 
 io the fweetnefs of his temper, and impartial Behaviour towards them both-, all 
 which being rare and admirable evidences of his Excellencies and Vermes, they 
 both refolved, after fome fhcrt conference together, to yield themfelves and Sub- 
 jects to the Service and Devotion of the hca. And hereunto they were more eafi- 
 ly inclined, becaufe they perceived that the hca began to approach near to them, 
 and to have his Confines contiguous with their Frontiers, and therefore confide- 
 red that it was good to make a Vertue of Neceflity, and feem to doe that out 
 of Choice and free Will, rather than by being compelled to what is irreiiftible, 
 loofe all the merit of a voluntary Submiffion. With this Refolution presenting 
 themfelves before the lnca, they implored His Majefty's Protection, vowing unto 
 him all Homage and Obedience, defiring alfo that he would be pleafed to fend 
 Instructors to them, who might direct them and their Subjects in the Laws of 
 his Father the Sun, and inform them of all particulars which may be requisite for 
 his fervice. 
 
 In anfwer whereunto the hca told them, That he accepted their good Intenti- 
 ons, and would watch all occasions to requite them •? then he commanded that 
 fuch Veils mould be given to the Caciques , as he himfelf wore , and to their 
 Kindred and Attendance, Garments of a courfer Thread, for which they 
 made many acknowledgments of Duty and Obligation. In this manner the 
 Inca reduced thofe feveral People and Provinces to his Empire , which 
 within the Divifion oiCollafuyu were Subjected to the Dominion of thofe Gr- 
 ciques. Moreover he added to thefe new Conquefts the Countries of Poco, Ata, 
 Mtru, Maccha, Caracara, and all thoSe other Provinces which run as far EaSt- 
 ward as the great Mountain of AntU, together wltjj all that wafte and defart 
 Countrey which reaches to the borders of that Province which is called Tapac-ri, 
 and now by the Spaniards Tapacari, containing in breadth thirty Leagues ; and by 
 reafon of the coldnefs of it is much unpeopled •, howfoever it is fruitful! in pa- 
 stures, and abounds with all fort of Cattel and wild Beafts, and is full of Foun- 
 tains •-, and particularly there is one Spring of Water, ifluing from Mines of Sul- 
 phur, fo hot, that none can fuffer his hand in it for a moments fpace •-, and yet 
 what is Still more obfervable , there are other Springs , not far from thence , of 
 cold and pleafant Waters, both which meeting afterwards together, make that 
 River, which is called Cockapampa. 
 
 Having traverfed this defart Countrey, which abounds, (as we have faid) with 
 Fountains and Pastures, there appears a Mountain , which defcends for feven 
 Leagues, and leads to the plain of the Province Tapacri, where my Matter Garci- 
 lajfo de la Vega, had his firft proportion allotted to him in the Lands of Peru : It 
 is a Countrey very fruitfull and populous, Stored with all forts of Cattel, for the 
 fbacc: of twenty Leagues in length, and about twelve in breadth : About eight 
 Leagues farther, is that inoft pleafant Province of Cockapampa, which is a Valley 
 of thirty Leagues long, and four broad , all which is made fruitfull by a plenti- 
 full River, that waters the whole Countrey : Thefe two pleafant Provinces, with 
 divers others, were the inheritance of Cari and Chipana , ( as before related ) and 
 were now added to the Dominion and Empire of the he as , extending feventy 
 Leagues in length. 
 
 In thefe parts, becaufe they were pleafant and fertile, the Spaniards in the Year 
 1J7J. Settled a Colony, which they called St. Peter ofCardenna, fo named by the 
 chief and Sirft Planter thereof, who was a Gentleman, and a Native of Burgos, cal- 
 led Captain Lewis Oforio. 
 
 The Matters of thefe two Caciques being in this manner ordered and difpofed, 
 the hca commanded two of his principal Officers to make a Survey of their Coun- 
 tries, and to take with them fuch Perfbns as were proper and able to govern thoSe 
 new Subjects, and instruct and teach them in the Laws they were now to ob- 
 
 jferve, 
 
yS Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 ferve. And thus the Inca having finiihed this work, which he efteemed fufficient 
 for that year, and more than was expected , he returned to Co^o, accompanied 
 with the two Caciques, who were curious to fee the fplendor of the Indian Court, 
 where they were kindly received, and treated with Banquets and Sports; and be- 
 caufe it was pleafing to the Inca, the whole City endeavoured to honour and ca- 
 refs them with all the demonftrations imaginable of Civility and Refpeft. After 
 fome days thus palled, he gave them liberty to return into their own Dominions, 
 being greatly fatisfied with the entertainment they had received, and at their de- 
 parture he gave them to underftand, that he intended fpeedily to vifit their Coun- 
 tries again, that fo he might reduce thofe Indians which inhabited the parts be- 
 yond them, and that therefore they mould make fuch provisions as were necefla- 
 ry for the fupport and maintenance of his Army and Attendance. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Of the Bridge made with Straw, Rujhes and Flags 5 and 
 how Chayanta was reduced at that place where the Lake 
 empties it felf. 
 
 TH E Inca, Capac Tufanqui , was fo much pleafed with the convenience and 
 fuccefs of the laft Bridge, which (as we faid) was built at Huacachaca, over 
 the River oiApurimac, thatjie ordered another of the like fort to be made at that 
 place where the Lake Tuicaca empties it felf, that fo it might be in a readinels 
 againft the time that he intended to return to complete his Conquetts in the Di- 
 vilion oiColLfuyu--, and becaufe thofe Countries were plain, and commodious for 
 the march of an Army, the Mas were unquiet untill they could make a complete 
 and entire Conqueft of all that Diviiion. The Bridge of Huacachaca , as alio all 
 the others which are in Peru, are made of Olier, onely that which pafles the wa- 
 ter called by the Spaniards, The Conduit, becaufe it is the vent by which the Lake 
 empties it (elf, is made of Flags and Ruihes, and fuch like materials; This 
 pafles over the water, as that at Seville, which is made upon Boats, and is not 
 arched, as that we have formerly mentioned. There is a fort of Ruflies which 
 grow over all Peru, that are of a fine and pliant fort , convenient and eafie to 
 weave with, the Indians call them Yehu, which they ufe in thatching their Houfes. 
 That fort which grows in Collao is excellent feeding for the Catcel, and of which 
 they make their Baskets and Hampers, like little Cherts with covers, (called by 
 them Patacas) and hereof alfo they make Cords and Ropes ; the bed fort of thefe 
 Ruihes grows in the River which falls from the Lake Tuicaca , whereof there is 
 great abundance, as alfo of Flags and Bulrumes, and a fort called Enea. The In- 
 dians cut great quantities hereof, at the proper feafons of the year, of wliich they 
 make provisions, to be dried and prepared for fervice of the Bridge, as occafions 
 (hall require. With thefe Ruihes they twitted four great Ropes, as big as a Man's 
 Leg, two of which they caft over the River, and fattened them on each fide: 
 This water on the top or fuperfcies of it, feems ttiil and quiet, but towards the 
 bottom runs with a ftrong current, as fome fay that have made an experiment of 
 it. Thefe Ropes, or Cables, which ferve in the place of Boats, are covered with 
 great bundles of Flags and Ruihes, all twitted and twined one within the other ; 
 and over thefe they throw the other two great Ropes, to keep down and ttreng- 
 then the whole work-, over thefe Ropes they caft great quantities of Ruihes, twi- 
 ned into letter cords, about the bignefs of a Man's Arme, woven one within the 
 other, and made fo firm and dole, that neither the trampling cfBeartsor the 
 Feet of Men can break or diforder them. Thefe fmaller cords the Spaniards call 
 
 the 
 
f-78 
 

Book III. Royal Commentaries. no 
 
 the floar of the Bridge, which Bridge was about thirteen or fourteen Foot broads 
 and about a Yard thick, and about an hundred and fifty Paces in lengthy fo that 
 we may imagine what a vaft quantity of Rufh.es is required for a work of this na- 
 ture. It is moreover obfervable, that this Bridge requires reparations every fix 
 Months, or rather, to be made new, for the whole composition of it being no- 
 thing but Straw and Rulhes, which are fading and decaying materials, muft be 
 often renewed, efpecially the Ropes or Cables, which are the main traves of the 
 work, muft be maintained, and kept in good repair. This Bridge, as likevvife 
 all other publick conveniences, were in the times of the Incas kept up, and main- 
 tained at the charge and labour of - the neighbouring Countries 3 fo that many 
 Hands making light work, and the materials provided from year to year, the 
 good order obferved, made it a matter without much trouble or difficulty. The 
 end of thefe main Cables, which werethe Foundation of this fort of Bridge, were 
 fixed in the ground, and not feifed, or made faft to Rocks of Stone, as fome 
 others were ; and the Indians fay, that this is the better invention, for that this 
 Bridge may be removed, and carried either higher or lower on the River, as oc- 
 casion requires. 
 
 The Bridge being thus made and completed, the Ma, with his eldeft Son and 
 Heir, departed from Cozco, travelling by lhort journies, untill they arrived at the 
 remoteft parts of thofe Provinces which belonged to Can and Cbipana, being thofe 
 Countries which we formerly mentioned by the names ofTapacri and Cocbapampa, 
 where the Caciques attended in a readinefs with their Souldiers to receive the Inca. 
 From Cocbapampa they proceeded forward to Cbayama, and in their way thither they 
 pafled a moft defolate and barren Countrey , where is not one Foot of good 
 Ground, but onely Stones and Rocks •, and which produces nothing but Bufhes 
 bearing Thorns, as long as a Man's finger, and which the Indians ufe for Needles 
 to fow the poor Drapery they wear 5 and which fort of Thorn grows common in 
 all parts of Peru -. Having pafled this defart, which contains about twenty Leagues 
 in length, and about as much in breadth, they entred into Cbayanta; where the 
 Inca commanded the Prince his Son to fend the Summons which were ufual, and 
 accuftomary to the Inhabitants of that Province. 
 
 At the receipts of thefe Summons the Indians were divided into different opini- 
 ons-, fome were for prefent Submiffion and Obedience to this celeftial Race which 
 was defcended from the Sun, being affared all thofe Laws which were given and 
 impo&d by fuch an infallible Light, could not be other than juft, gentle, and fuch 
 as tended rather to the Liberty and Security of the Subjects, than to the Intereft 
 and Advantage of the Governour. Howfoever others that were of a different 
 fentiment, and more ftubborn in their humour, argued, That they had no need 
 of a King, or new Laws, fince that thofe which they had already were good and 
 profitable, and fuch as their Anceftours had lived under with great happinefs and 
 fecurity -, that they had Gods already of their own, whom they worfhipped and 
 ferved, and knew no neceffity that there was of a new Religion, or Cuftoms$ and 
 what was moft grievous, that they muft fubmit to thepleafure of a Prince, who 
 preached Religion and Sanctity to them, and made them promifes of Privilege 
 and Liberty •, whenas perhaps to morrow, fo foon as he had gained them under 
 his power, he would then impofe fuch Laws as were flavifh and agreeable to his 
 own Luft and Pleafure •, and therefore they concluded, that it was better not to 
 truft to fuch a hazard, but rather to live in their own freedom, or elfe die in the 
 defence of it. ' \ 
 
 In this Sufpence matters remained for fome days, both parties infifting on the 
 truth of their opinions, untill at length the fear of compulf ion from the Inca, and 
 the hopes of receiving good and wnolfome Laws from him, extorted an anfwer 
 which was dubious, and favouring fomething of both opinions-, for they declared 
 that they were willing to receive the Inca for -their King and Lord, but as to his 
 Laws, they were ignorant of them, not knowing whether they conduced to their 
 Benefit or Damage , untill which time, that they were informed of the fubftance 
 and form of them , they defired a ceflation of Arms, and of all violence, and 
 that die Inca, with his Army, might enter into their Countrey upon parole, that 
 in cafe his Laws proved not to their contentment , that then he would quit his 
 ftation, and leave them to their own freedom and liberty , but if they appeared 
 as good as he avouched and affirmed them to be, that then immediately they 
 
 would 
 
80 Royal Commentaries. Book III, 
 
 would fubmit and proftrate themfelves before him, and acknowledge him to be 
 of the true race and progeny of the Sun. 
 
 Though this people was in no capacity of giving conditions to the Inca, yet he 
 was pleafed to accept fuch as they offered 5 being refolved to adhere to the old 
 Maxim of his Anceftours, which was rather to conquer with love and affection, 
 than by force 5 and therefore he allured them on his word, that in cafe they did 
 not think to adore his Father the Sun, nor yet to accept his Laws, he would then 
 leave them to their own choice and freedom : The which promife he made on 
 an undoubted confidence, that fo foon as thofe Myfteries and excellent Statutes 
 were revealed to them, they could not but accept and embrace them •, and that 
 they would onely be troubled, that fuch admirable beauty of reafon arrived Co 
 late to their hearing and knowledge. 
 
 Upon this affurance and promife the Inca entred into Chayanta, where he was 
 received with much awe and veneration, but not with that mirth and rejoycing 
 as they ufed in other parts at this Solemnity : For as yet thefe poor people flood 
 wavering between hope and fear, untill the Reverend Counfellours deputed by 
 the Inca, with the Prince his Son and Heir, took fome pains for feveral days to 
 declare, and expound to them the Laws relating to their Idolatrous Religion, and 
 to their Secular Government : the which they inculcated fo frequently* and with 
 fuch patience and plainnefs, untill at length they became capable of that Doctrine 
 which they taught. The Indians flood gaping all this whi! i with wonderfull at- 
 tention, admiring that fuch Laws fhould be made for their honour and advantage 5 
 and then burft out into Acclamations, faying, That worthy were they to be ac- 
 counted Gods, and efteemed for Lords of the Univerfe, who were able to frame 
 and deliver fuch Laws and Statutes to Mankind-, the which they promifedto re- 
 . ceive and obey •-, and that renouncing all their former Idols, rites and vain cuftoms, 
 they vowed and fwore to embrace the Religion of the foe a -, and in token thereof 
 they proftrated themfelves before the Prince, who repretented the Perfon of his 
 Father the Sun, and the inca, Capac Yttpanqui. 
 
 Having thus yielded themfelves in a fblemn manner, they fell to Dancing after 
 the fafbion of their Countrey, fhewing fome new Dances which they had pur- 
 pofely made for the entertainment of the focas 5 and all people habited themfelves 
 in their beft cloathes, with Tinfel and Ribbons, tinging Ballads made in honour 
 and praife of the Sun, and the Inc as, and of their good Laws and Government ; 
 and in fine, they made all the demonftrations of love and affection imaginable. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of the many Inventions which the Indians made to pafs Ri- 
 vers, 'and to take Fifb. 
 
 HAving already mentioned the two feveral forts of Bridges, which the Imas 
 made for patting Rivers ; one of which was compofed ofOfiers, and the 
 other of Rufhes and Canes. We ifiall now proceed to declare fome other In- 
 ventions which the Indians projected for the fame purpofe ; for in regard the la- 
 bour and charge of making Bridges was fo great, that they were onely made for 
 convenience of the great Roads and the King's High- ways --, and that the Coun- 
 trey being in other places large and wide, wanted that convenience whereby the 
 people might maintain communication one with the other 5 wherefore Kecefliry, 
 which is the Mother of Ingenuity, taught them feveral contrivances according to 
 the difpofition and nature of the Rivers , as alfo how to fwim on the Seas with 
 fuch floats, as ferved their prefent occafions 5 for they had not as yet attained to- 
 me 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 81 
 
 the Invention of Boats, or fuch Canoes, as they life in Florida, or the Ifles of Bar- 
 lovento, and other places of the Main Land, which are a fort of Troughs hewed 
 out of Timber, and are all of one piece : but the Wood in Pern is not fit for 
 this ufe, being fappy, and heavy as Iron, and therefore not boyant, as the nature 
 of fuch floats require : Wherefore they made choice of another fort, of a more 
 light and fpungy Timber, which grows in the Provinces of Sluitu, from whence, 
 by order of the I»ca, many Trees were felled, and brought down to the banks of 
 the Rivers. Hereof they made all their Boats greater or lefler , fome of them 
 were of five, others of feven pieces of Wood, which ferved for the bottom, tied 
 one to the other, that in the middle being the biggeft : The firft Boards on the 
 fide were (bmething (horter than thofe of the Keel •, the fecond above were Shor- 
 ter, and the third lhorter than thofe below 5 that fo that being pinched in above, 
 and not all of the fame breadth, the Veflel would find lefs refiftence in its motion 
 through the Water 5 and the Stem and the Held of the Boat were both of the 
 fame faftrion : To both the ends of thefe Boats they faftned a Cord , fo that, 
 Paffengers being defirous to Ferry over, they drew the Cord on one fide •■> and 
 being to return, they drew that which was faftned to the other. I remember that 
 I pafled a River in one of thefe Ferries •-, which becaufe it had been made in a 
 time when the Ikm reigned, the people accounted it a Relique, and had it in great 
 efteem and veneration. 
 
 Befides thefe Ferries, they have other lefler Boats more manageble , made of 
 Canes and Reeds clofely woven, and fhaped upwards iharp, like the Prow of a 
 Boat, that they may with lefs refiftence cut the Water : the Mid-ihips are made 
 broad, and wide, and capacious to receive the Loading : One of thefe Boats is 
 governed by a fingle Indian, who places himfelf at the Stern, and lying on his 
 bread with nis hands and feet on each fide in the water inftead of Oars, he Sculls 
 and Steers along with the current to the place he defigns : If the current be very 
 rapid, they row along the bank of the River to take the advantage of a hundred 
 paces upwards , making account that the fwiftnefs of the ftream will carry them 
 zoo paces downwards before they can reach the other fide : When a Paflenger 
 Ferries over, they order him to lye flat on his face, ftretched at length in the Boat, 
 with his face towards the Ferry-man, and to hold himfelf faft by the Cords, and 
 by no means to rife or ftir, or fo much as open his eyes. I once crofled a very 
 fwift current in one of thefe Boats, which is fomething hazardous ■■, ( though on 
 fmoodi and ftill waters there is no danger) I then remember that the Ferry-man 
 conjured, me with all the Loves in the World , that I would neither lift up my 
 head, nor open my eyes : I being then but a Boy, was fo affrighted, that I thought 
 either the Earth would fink, or the Heavens fall : Howfoever, I could not for 
 my life but lift up my head, and open at leaft one of my eyes to fee if there were 
 any enchantment, or fome difcovery of a New World in the matter •, and being 
 in the middle, I lifted up my head a little, and feeing the water round, me-thoughts 
 we had fallen from Heaven above ■-, and I became fo giddy, that my brains turned, 
 and fwam fafter than the Boat, which was carried with a very rapid and violent 
 ftream •, fo that I prefently (hut my eyes again, and confefled that the Boat-man 
 bad much reafon for the caution he gave me. 
 
 They have likewife another fort of Float made of large Gourds, joined and 
 faftned ftrongly together, about the bignefs of a Yard and a half fquare: Here- 
 unto they fit a Rope in fafhion of a Poitral to a Horfe's Saddle, wherein the I>- 
 &*n Boat-man puts his head 5 with which fwimming away, he Tows the Boat af- 
 ter him with her Lading, untill he pafles to the other fide of the River, or Arme 
 of the Sea •, and if the Lading be heavy, fo that the Boat draws much water, he 
 is then affifted by an Indian or two more, who pulh at the Stern, and drive the 
 Boat forward. 
 
 But in thofe great Rivers, where the current is very forcible and rapid, fo that 
 they are not paffable in thefe Boats of Gourds or Rufhes •, and where alfo the 
 banks of the River are fo rocky, that there is no place to Land either on one (hore 
 or the other : there they make ufe of their great Cables made of Canes, called 
 Chabuar, which they throw over from the higher parts of the craggy places, fa- 
 ttening them to great Trees or firm Rocks : Within this great Cable they put a 
 Cafe, or Basket made of Ofiers, capable to receive three or four perfons •, to each 
 end whereof they fix an Ear, or handle of Wood, through which they pafs the 
 Cords for drawing it from one fide to the other ■-, and in regard the Cable is very 
 
 M large, 
 
8 2 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 large, it hath a mighty fwing and fall in the middle ; and therefore they lore the 
 Ropes of the Basket very ealily, and by degrees, untill it comes to the middle, 
 which is the lowed: part of the Cable ; and thence by main force they draw it up- 
 wards. There are certain Indians who' live near that place, and are appointed by 
 the Countrey for that work, and are very affiftant and helpfull to Paflengers with- 
 out any confederation of intereft, or payment whatfoever. Some Paflengers who 
 have ufed that kind of Ferry, putting their legs and feet in the basket, have with- 
 out other help than their armes and hands onely forced themfelves upwards upon 
 die Cable. I remember, when I was a Boy, that I pafled this way three or four 
 times •-, but being very young, the Indians carried me on their backs •, in the fame 
 manner they tranfport their Cattel on the other fide , but this is done with much 
 more trouble : For but few of them can pafs at a time, and thofe of the leiler 
 fort, fuch as Sheep, Goats and Kids, which they tye faff within the basket •, and 
 as for Mules, Horfes, Affes or Cows, they are of too great a burthen for this fort 
 of Ferry, but are driven about to the great Bridges, or to fhallower places, where 
 die River is fordable. This kind of paffage the Indians call Vruga, and is onely 
 made ufe of by the Countrey people, that have occafion to pafs from one fide 
 to the other 5 but in the great Roads the convenience is better. 
 
 The Indians all along the Coaft of Pern, Fifli in their little Boats' made of 
 Rufhes, and adventure four or five Leagues out at Sea in them, and farther if oc- 
 cafion require •-, for that Sea is called the Pacifick , being calm for the moft part, 
 and not fubjeft to bad weather •-, but when they carry things of great burthen, 
 they ufe Floats made of Timber. The Fifher-men, when they go to Sea, kneel 
 down in their Boats, and fit on their legs , and fo row with a Paddle made of a 
 large Cane, cleft towards the end •, for in that Countrey they have great Canes, 
 which are as big as a Man's thigh 5 of which we (hall treat more largely hereafter. 
 This Cane they hold with both hands, one being placed at the top, and the other 
 in the middle 3 and the end being made broad in the (nape of an Oar, they Row 
 their Boat forward 5 the Boat being very light, feels every ftroke of the Oar, and 
 turns, then they change the hand to the other fide, and fo fhift it over again, 
 which moves the Boat with an incredible fwiftnefs. 
 
 Then for their Fifhery, when they go to take great Fifh, they ufe a Filgig in 
 the fame manner as they ftrike Whales with in Bifcay. To this Filgig, which is a 
 fliarp Spear at the end of a Staff, they fallen a line of about 20, 30 or *o fathom in 
 length, the end of which they tye to the head of the Boat 5 the Fifh being ftrook, 
 the Inditn vears his Line, and gives him Rope as faft as he can •, and when he hath 
 given it all out, he then plays with the Fifh untill it is quite tired •, and fo ma- 
 ttering it, they take it, and fome of them are of an incredible bignefs. They 
 Fifh alfo with Nets and Hooks •, but they make no great matter of their Fifh- 
 ing in that manner --, for their Nets being fmall and manageable by one Man, can 
 never inclofe any number $ and their Hooks being ill made, not knowing the 
 ufe of Steel or Iron, they take very few with that Aft •, for though they have 
 Mines of both Metals, yet they know not how to feparate and purifTe the Ore : 
 Their Boats of Rufhes are not able to bear Sail, becaufe they have no Keel, nor 
 hold in the water, and perhaps make better way with a Paddle, than with a Sail 5 
 though on their Floats made of Wood, they fet up a Sail, which ferves them be- 
 fore the Wind. 
 
 Thefe are the Arts which the Indians have invented for making fliort Voyages 
 on the Seas, and for paffing fwift and rapid currents -, the which have received 
 little improvement, for they were in ufe when I was there, and believe they have 
 ftill Continued in the fame manner without alteration ; for they being a poor fort 
 of miferable people, of mean deje&ed fpirits, follow the old road, not afpiring 
 to greater matters, than a.fupply of their neceffities. In the Hiftory of Florida, 
 the fixth Book, treating there of their Canoes, we have touched upon their contri- 
 vances to -Pafs and Navigate on Rivers, which have a fwift and rapid current 5 
 fo that now we fhall not enlarge farther thereupon, but rather proceed to the o- 
 ther Conquefts of the M a, Capac Tftpan^i. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 83 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Of the Conquefi of five large Proz-i?ices , be fides others of 
 lefs confederation. 
 
 THE Inca having iecured the Countrey of Chayanta with a furncient force 
 and fupplied it with Officers requifite for adminiftration both of their reli- 
 gious and civil Government. He proceeded forward to other adjacent Provinces, 
 amongft which Charca.v/as of great Renown, comprehending many different Na- 
 tions and Languages under its Dominion 5 all which were in the Divifion of Col- 
 Ufuyu •. The chief or principal Countries of which were Tutura, Siplfpo, Chaqm ; to 
 the Eaftward of which, and towards the Mountain Amis, are other Provinces cal- 
 led Ckamura, where grows great plenty of the Herb which they call Cues, though 
 it be not fo good as that which grows about Cezco. There is alio another Pro- 
 vince named Sacaca, with divers more, which for brevity fake we omic 5 to all 
 which the hca fent his Summons in his accuftomary form and manner. 
 
 Thele feveral Nations, who had already been informed of all the particulars 
 which had pafled in Chayanta, returned their anfwers much after the fame man- 
 ner ; the fubftance of all which was, That it was their great honour to have the 
 knowledge of fo holy a Religion, as that which enjoined them to adore the Sun, 
 and to ferve the Inca, who was'defcended from him 5 and that they had the pri- 
 vilege to be offered fuch good and wholtbme Laws for their Government : And 
 therefore dellring his Majefty to receive them under his potent Protection, they 
 refigned up their lives and fortunes to his difpofal 3 and in regard, that having re- 
 ceived new Laws and fuperftitious Rites, differing from thole of their adjacent 
 Neighbours, they ftood in great danger of having their Apoftacy revenged by 
 them 5 they therefore defired, that thofe people alfo might be reduced, and obli- 
 ged to embrace the fame Laws, Religion and Worlhip with them. 
 
 The Inca returned them anfwer, That they mould not need to trouble them- 
 felves for thofe matters, but that they mould rather with entire confidence remit 
 all their care unto him, who knew the times and ways bed: for their protection, 
 being allured that their fubjeclion to him was their beft fecurity, and that none 
 had ever fuffered for receiving his Laws and Vaflalage, but rather lived with joy 
 and comfort under thofe infallible Oracles which the Sun had gratiouily difpenfed 
 to them. With thefe aflurances this people, without other Queries or Demurs, 
 yielded themfelves •, on which particulars we {hall not farther enlarge, in regard 
 nothing of moment offers on that fubject In this Conqueft the Inca {pent two, 
 and fome lay three years -, and having left Guards fufficient in the Countrey to 
 curb and prevent all Incurfions of the Neighbourhood, he returned to Cozed, vifi- 
 ting in his way all thofe Nations which had formerly fubmitted themfelves ; he 
 commanded the Prince his Son to take another way, that fo he might pleafe his 
 Subjects in other parts, who efteemed themfelves highly honoured with the pre- 
 fence of their Kings and Princes. 
 
 The Entry which the Inca made to his Court was very Magnificent and Royal, 
 being attended by his own Captains, and with the Cm-teat, of the late fubjecled 
 Provinces, who out of honour to the Inca, and curiofity to fee the Imperial Court, 
 made up fome part of his Equipage ; and the people with Demonftrations of Joy 
 and Triumph were not wanting to welcome the return of their Inca. - Some few- 
 days after the Prince Rocca likewife came, whofe Arrival the people alfo celebra- 
 ted with Dances and Songs in praife of his Noble and Victorious Adions. Then 
 the Inca having gratified his Commanders for their pains and faithfulnefs in the 
 late Expedition , he gave them leave to return to their own Houfes, there to 
 enjoy repofe and reft after their long and tedious journies ; and refiding now at his 
 own Court, he attended to the government and adminiftration of thofe matters 
 which relpe&ed the happinefs and advantage of his Subjeds •, for his Territories 
 
 M i were 
 
84 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 were now become very large, extending from Cozco along the Coaft of that Sea 
 which is called Zur, above one hundred and eighty Leagues as far as Tutyra and 
 Chaqui --, then to the Weftward from the City , the Dominion reached feventy 
 Leagues one way, and eighty another: and to the Eafhvard it ran to the River 
 Paucar tampu, being thirteen Leagues full Eaft from the City ; and to the South- 
 eaft forty Leagues; fo that the Empire being grown thus large and wide, the Inca 
 thought fit for fome time to fix boundaries to his Conquefts, that fo he might at- 
 tend to the confervation of what he had already gained, and to the benefit and 
 fecurity of his Subjects : And now living for fome years in peace and plenty, he 
 had leifure to enrich and adorn the Temple of the Sun, and of thofe felected Vir- 
 gins which the Inca, Manco Capac, had endowed : he alio built many other Edifices, 
 both within and without the City, and in divers Provinces, where they were 
 mod to advantage. He made likewife Aqueduct, and opened Springs for wate- 
 ring the grounds 5 he built divers Bridges to pafs Rivers and Streams, to the great 
 convenience of publick Roads ; he opened 'divers new ways for commodious tra- 
 vel , and for better communication of one Province with another. In fhort, he 
 omitted nothing which might conduce to the publick benefit, to the advantage 
 of his Subjects, and to the greater Glory and Grandeur of his own Majefty. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 The Prince Inca Rocca reduces many and great Provinces 
 both within the Land, and along the Sea-coaft. 
 
 IN thefe, and fuch like Affairs, the Inca employed himfelf, for the fpace of fix 
 or feven years ; and then it was judged fit to reafliime again the thoughts of 
 War, for the farther enlargement of Empire ; to which end orders were given for 
 raifing an Army of twenty thoufand men, under the conduct of four Major Gene- 
 rals, and o[ the Prince Rocca, who was to command in Chief: The Defign was to 
 ttttjch towards Liincbafuyu , which lies Northward from Cow., on which fide 
 their Dominions did not reach farther than Rimac tampu , which was not above 
 feven Leagues , and was the utmoft Bounds in thofe Quarters to which the 
 firft Inca, Afunco Capac, had proceeded •, fince which time the other Intfj did not 
 efteem it worthy tl:e troubles of a Conqueft, being a Countrey defblate, rocky 
 and without Inhabitants. 
 
 The Prince leaving Cozco , came to the River Apurlmac, which he palled on 
 great floats, prepared for that purpofe •-, and becaufe the Countrey was defblate, 
 he proceeded as far as Ctirahuaci, and Amancay being about eight or ten Leagues 
 from the City, and without any oppofition reduced all thofe poor Indians where- 
 foever he pafled. From the Province Amancay he took to the left hand along the 
 great road, which leads from Cozco to Rimac, and leaving the Defart which is cal- 
 led Cocbacajfa, being about twenty two Leagues over, he entred into the Province 
 called Sura, which is very populous, and rich, both in Gold and Cattel, and where 
 the Inca was received with ready fubmiffion. Thence he proceeded to the next 
 Province, called Apucara, where alfo he was received without oppofition; for in 
 regard thefe Countries were always at enmity^ together , they were not able to 
 unite in a common League, nor yet refift in a iingle condition. 
 
 From Apmara he marched forward to the Province Rucana, which is divided into 
 two parts, the letter and the greater : The People hereof are both beautifull in 
 their Bodies, and ingenious in their Minds, by advantage of which they more 
 eafily apprehended the felicity they ihould obtain under the Government of the 
 Inca, and therefore with joy and applaufe received his Commands. Thence he 
 
 defcended 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 85 
 
 defcended to the Sea Coaft, which the Spaniards call the Lames, and pafled the 
 firft Valley, which in thofe parts hath the name of Nanafca, which fignifies dole- 
 full, or difmal •, what might be the occafion of this Epithet, is not cerrain, but 
 it is believed that it might be from fome great puniihment, or calamity, which 
 had happened there-, the Spaniards call it Lanafca,^ where alio the l»ca was recei- 
 ved without oppofition, and obeyed without conditions-, the like fubmiffion was 
 yielded by the Inhabitants of all the Vallies from Nanafca to Arequepa, which lies 
 by the Sea-coaft for the fpace of above eighty Leagues in length, and fourteen or 
 fifteen in breadth : the chief Valleys are Hacari and Camata, containing twenty 
 thoufand Inhabitants } there are other Vallies of lefs confideration, which are Ati- 
 ca, Vcunna , Atiquifa and Quclka , all which yielded ready Obedience , both be- 
 caufe they neither had force to refill:, being a poor naked People , and becaufe 
 every Valley had its particular Lord, and fome of them two or three, amongft. 
 whom were perpetual Quarrels and Drflentions. 
 
 And fince we are now treating of thofe places, it will not feem an improper 
 Digreffion, though perhaps out of its due order, if we fhould recount a remar- 
 kable pafTage, which happened in the Valley of Hacari, fome time after that the 
 Spaniards were 'Matters of it. The occafion was this: Two Caracas, who had 
 not as. yet been baptized, were greatly at variance together, about the Limits 
 or Bounds of their Jurifdiiftions, which increafed fo high, that they often endea- 
 voured to decide the Difference in Battel \ to prevent which, the Spanish Gover- 
 nours fent a Commiffioner to them , with power to determine, and put a- final 
 end to their Difputes by a friendly and amicable Compofure : The Judge, or 
 Umpire, having heard both fides, allotted unto each fuch Boundaries as he 
 thought did of right belong unto them, refpedtively obliging them to maintain 
 Peace and Friendlhip together -, which though they promifed to doe, one of them 
 who thought himfelf injured and aggrieved by this Divifion, concealed his paf- 
 fion and intention to Revenge under the fpecious appearance of Friendlhip: for 
 the Day being come, when the Solemnities of the Peace were to pafs, they both 
 ate and drank together-, the Banquet being ended, the offended Curaca arofe, and 
 taking two Cups in his hand, filled with Liquour, as if he intended to drink a 
 Health to the confirmation of their Friendlhip, ( as the cuftome amongft the In- 
 dians is ) he offered one of the Cups , which was prepared with poifon , to his 
 Enemy, reierving the other, which was wholfome, for himfelf} but the other 
 Curaca obferving fome change in the Countenance of him who made him the 
 offer, and a DifTatisfa&ion in the terms he received, refufed the Cup which he 
 reached to him, defiring rather to have the other which he referved for himfelf. 
 The Curaca, not to feem cowardly, or to offer that which he refufed himfelf, was 
 eafily perfuaded to change his hands , and with that reached to his Enemy the 
 wholfome Cup, and without difficulty drank up the Poifon himfelf; of which 
 dying in a few hours after, he gave a fufficient evidence , that the Draught was 
 not more deadly than the Poifon of his own Rage and Malice , with which he 
 fwelled and burft. 
 
 ■\ 
 
 CHAP. 
 
86 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 How Colonies were transplanted from parts on the Sea Coaji 
 to the Inland Countries. 
 
 FRom Nanafca the Inca jranflated Gome Indians, who were Incas of that Nation, 
 to plant themfelves on the River Apmimac, becaufe that the Climate of that 
 Region, from Cozxo to Rimac, being very hot, agreed beft with the Temperament 
 'or Conftitution of the People of Nanafia, whofe Countrey was in the fame de- 
 gree of heat with that of Apurimac, whenas on the contrary, the People which 
 were tranfplanted from the Defart, which is a more cool and moderate Climate, 
 .were fubjecf to Difeafes and Calentures , and not able to fupport the intolerable 
 heats I for which reafon the Incas in the eftabliihment of their Colonies, had al- 
 ways a refpeft to the Conftitution of the People, that fo they might not pafs 
 from one Extreme to another, but that their new Habitation might correspond 
 in fome degree with the Air of their native Soil. This regard the Inca having al- 
 ways to his Colonies, the People which he planted on the Banks of the River 
 Apurimac, were extracted from the hotter Climates 5 but there was no need of 
 great numbers for this pccafion, becaufe that moft of the Land on both fides of that 
 River is rocky and barren •-, onely there are fome pieces of good ground, which 
 the Inca was defirous to have manured in the manner of Gardens , and places of 
 Pleafure-, becaufe that foil which borders on the River, produces moft excellent 
 and rare Fruit. 
 
 Matters being fettled in this pofture, and every thing eftablifhed in due order, 
 relating to the Government of the new acquired Provinces , the Prince Rocca re- 
 turned to Cozco, where he was kindly received by his Father, and the whole 
 Court, and being then to disband his forces, he difmifled the Commanders with 
 fignal marks of his Favour and Efteem. 
 
 And now the Inca, Capac Tupanqai, finding himfelf to decay with Years, and to 
 enter into a Region of Life, which required eafe and repofe, he refolved to put a 
 full ftop to the enlargement of his Conquefts, and onely fpend the remainder of 
 his Days in the Administration of juftice, and performing matters tending to the 
 Benefit and Advantage of his People. In this eafinefs feveral years pafled, du- 
 ring which time the Inca performed the part of a kind and indulgent Prince, and 
 the People of loving and loyal Subjeds, who with all readinefs and affection ap- 
 plied themfelves to the ferviceof the Incas particularly in building the Temple of 
 the Sun, and ere&ing other Edifices, wherein they (hewed great willingnels and 
 diligence, becaufe they were works recommended to them by the Inca •, more- 
 over they of their own accord, within the Divifion of every Province, built other 
 Houfes for the Convenience and Divertifement of the Inca. 
 
 In this Profperity and Eafe the Inca, Capac Tupanqui, died, with the Character 
 of a valiant and able Prince, and worthy of the Title Capac, which caufed him 
 to be much lamented in the Court, and in all parts of his Kingdom, with deep 
 Refentments-, he was afterwards embalmed,_ and interred in the Sepulchre of his 
 Fathers. He left for his Heir and SuccelTbur Rocca , his Eldeft Son, which he 
 had by Coya Mama Curi-jllpa, his Wife and Sifter ; he left alfo many other Sons 
 and Daughters, as well natural as legitimate , the precife number of which we 
 cannot determine, though fome fay, that they were above Eighty, which is not 
 much, for fome of thefe Incas have arrived to a hundred, fome two hundred, 
 nay fome are confidently reported to have had three hundred Sons and Daugh- 
 ters. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 87 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 The Description of the Temple of the Sun , and of its great 
 Riches. 
 
 TH E principal' Idol in efteem both with the Inca and his Subje&s, was the 
 Imperial City of Cozxo it felf, which the Indians adored as a facred Relique, 
 both becaufe it was founded by the firft Inca, Manco Capac , and becaufe it was 
 the Repository of innumerable Trophies acquired by Victory, and was the Seat 
 and Throne of the Incm, who were efteemed for Gods. This fuperftition ap- 
 peared in every little inftance ; for in cafe two Indians of equal quality did but 
 meet on the way, one coming from Cozco, and the other travelling thither ■, he 
 that came from thence, gave always the firft falutation, and the upper hand to 
 him who was going thither ■-, and if he, who had been at this City, was ever af- 
 ter efteemed by his Neighbours as a Pilgrim or a Holy Man, how much more 
 was he to be reverenced, who was a Citizen, or Native of the place : And in 
 purfuance of this humour and opinion, whatfbever was faid to come from C ^co, 
 though it were but Lentils or Seeds, and did not furpals others of like kind in 
 its Excellency, yet it had always the pre-eminence, and was thought an impiety 
 to think or judge otherwife. To keep up this fancy and belief in the people, the 
 Incas laboured to adorn and enoble the City with many Sumptuous Edifices ana 
 Royal Palaces, many of which they built for their own ufe, as we (hall hereafter 
 declare, when we come to defcribe the publick Buildings, amongft which there 
 is none comparable to the Temple of the Sun, which was enriched with incre- 
 dible Wealth 5 to which every he* particularly added fomething , and improved 
 and perfected that which his Predecefibur had left deficient. The Riches of that 
 Temple were fo immenfe, that I lhould not adventure to defcribe them, did I 
 not find them mentioned in all the Spanifh Hiftories of Peru 5 but neither what 
 they have wrote, nor I delivered, are able to reach the vaftnefs of that real Wealth. 
 The Building of this Temple is efteemed the Work of the King Tupanqui, the 
 Great Grandfather of Huayna Capac ; not that he was the Founder of it, having 
 received its beginning from the firft Ma , but becaufe he completed the Adorn- 
 ment of it, and exalted it to thofe immenfe Riches and Majefty in which the 
 Spaniards found it. 
 
 Now to defcribe this Temple ; it is to be noted, that that place which was the 
 Chamber of the Sun, is now the Church of the Divine St. Dominic^ but be- 
 caufe I have not the exadt meafures of the length and breadth of it , I omit to 
 mention it at guefs •, onely that how large foever it be, it is all made of Freeze- 
 ftone well polilhed. 
 
 The High Altar (which for our better underftanding we call by that Name, 
 though the Indians knew not how to eredt an Altar) is placed at the Eaft-fide? 
 the Roof was flat, made of lofty Timber •■> but the Covering was thatched with 
 Straw, becaufe their Art arrived not to make other. All the four Walls of the 
 Temple were Wainfcoated from the top to the bottom , with Panes and Frames 
 of Wood all over guilded : In the upper place, where we feat the High Altar, 
 was the Figure of the Sun drawn upon a Plate of Gold, much broader and thicker 
 than the Boards which covered the Walls •, this Figure reprefented the Face of 
 the Sun in a round (hape, with all his Rays and Emiflions of Fire, and Light pro- 
 ceeding from him much in the fame manner as our Painters draw him : The Fi- 
 gure was fo great and large, that it took up all the Quarter of the Temple, from 
 one Wall to another : Beiides this 'Reprefentation of the Sun, the Indians erected 
 no other Idols in their Temples, becaufe they did not acknowledge, nor adore 
 
 any 
 
88 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 - — ■ — — ■ ■ ■ — ■ ■ ■ ■ - ■ - 
 
 any other Gods, though fome Writers maintain a different opinion. When the 
 Spaniards firft entred the City ofCoaco, this Figure of the Sun fell to the lot of 
 a certain Nobleman called Mario Serra de Legui^ano , whom I knew, and left 
 * a Game at there alive when I came thence for Spain •, he was fo great a Gamefter at * Pri- 
 Cards. mero, and all other Games-, that though die Image was very great, yet he 
 made a fhift to lofe it in one Nights play ^ whence that Proverb came, as Acofta 
 fays, Play for the Sun before the Day breaks. Sometime after which, the Common- 
 Council of the City taking notice, how much this Son or Member of theirs was 
 given to play, and how much he loft, thought fit, as the beft expedient to 
 wean him from that Vice, to chufe him Alcalde, or Chief Juftice in Ordinary, 
 for the fpace of a year : In execution of which employment he applied himielf 
 with fo much diligence and care in the difcharge of his truft, that being a Gentle- 
 man of excellent parts, he took not a Card in hand for the whole year follow- 
 ing 5 the City obferving this his a&ive diligence, continued him in Office for a 
 year longer , and afterwards kept him conftantly employed in one publick charge 
 or other-, fo that this Macio Serra difufing his courfe of Gaming, came at length 
 to abhor it, calling to mind the many dangers, troubles and inconveniences 
 to which it had betrayed him •, which ferves as a pregnant example to demon- 
 ftrate to us, how much idlenefs contributes to Vice, and employment unto Ver- 
 tue. But to return to our Hiftory, we fay, that a Calculate may in fome mea- 
 fure be made of the Riches of that City, when an Image of Gold of that pro- 
 portion and value fell to the lot and (hare of one fingle perfon. On each fide 
 of this Image the Bodies of the dead 1mm were placed , embalmed with fuch 
 rsre Art ( we know not how ) that they feemed ftill living : their poftures were 
 fitting on Chairs of Gold, erected on tnofe very Frames of Gold on which they 
 ufually fate when they were alive : their Faces were turned towards the people 5 
 onely Huayna Capac, as if he had merited a fupereminence over all the others, 
 was placed with his Face towards the Figure of the Sun , as if he had been the 
 moft beloved, and greateft Favourite of all his Race 5 and indeed his Vertues 
 and Royal Endowments, which appeared in him from his Infancy, were fuch, as 
 procured for him a degree above the reft, and a place amongft the Gods which 
 they adored. Thefe Bodies, with what Treafure they were able, the Indians con- 
 cealed in fuch fecret Vaults, that none of them came to appear untill this year 
 of 1 ss9, when the Lkenciado Polo made a difcovery of five of them, three where- 
 of were Kings, and the other two were Queens. 
 
 The principal Gate opened to the North, as it is at prefent •-, befides which 
 there were feveral other fmall Doors for better convenience of the Temple 5 all 
 which were lined on the infide with Plates of Gold, as alfo the Jambs or Pofts of 
 the Doors. On the top of the Temple without, on the higheft Wall, was a 
 large Circle of Gold in form of a Crown, of above a Yard in breadth, which 
 encompafled the whole Temple. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 89 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of the Cloiflers of the Temple , and of the fever al Cham- 
 bers of the Moon a?id Stars , Thunder and Lightning , 
 and of the Rain-bow. 
 
 FRom the Temple there is a paflage into the Cloifters , which are encompaf 1 
 fed with four Walls, one of which is the Wall of the Temple : the top 
 of this Cloifter is fpread with a Cieling of Gold , of about a Yard in breadth , 
 and was the Ornament and Crown aloft •, but the Spaniards afterwards defpoUed 
 the Roof of the Gold , and in place and memory thereof laid a Cieling of white 
 Plafter 5 the which, when I departed thence, was ftill white and frefh, and the 
 Walls found and ftanding as formerly. The Provoft, or Matter of this Cloifter, 
 had five large Chambers fquare allowed him for his Lodgings, not contiguous, 
 or joyning one to the other, but feparate and apart, being covered in form of a 
 Pyramid, and which made the other three Walls of the Cloifter. 
 
 One of thefe fquare Chambers was dedicated to the Moon, whom they ftyled 
 the Wife of the Sun , and therefore was neareft to the principal Chapel of the 
 Temple •, all the fides within, as alfo the Doors were Plated with Silver, for the 
 better correfpondence and refemblance with the colour of the Moon, whofe 
 Image was alfo erected in Silver, with the face of a Woman, and placed in the 
 fame manner as that of the Sun. Into this Chamber they did ufually enter to 
 make their vifits to the Moon , and recommend themfelves to her favour -, for 
 that (he being the Sifter and Wife of the Sun, was confequently the Mother of 
 the Ihcm, and of all their generation •, wherefore they called her Mamaqmtia, 
 which fignifies as much as Mother- Moon , to whom they offered Sacrifices as 
 they did to the Sun. On each fide of this Image they placed the Bodies of the 
 dead Queens, according to their Order and Seniority. Onely Mama Ocllo, who 
 was the Mother of Huayna Capac, had the chief place , being feated neareft, and 
 with her face juft oppofite to the Moon ; in regard, that having been the Mother 
 of a Son fo excellent and famous, did feem to have merited the primary place of 
 Honour. 
 
 The Chamber next hereunto was dedicated to Ventu the Evening-Star, and 
 the other feven Stars, and to all the other Stars in general. The Star Vam they 
 called Cbafia, which is as much as to fay, long and curled Locks ■-, they named 
 this Star the Page of the Sun, becaufe it always attended on him, going fome- 
 times before, and fometimes after him --, for the feven Stars they entertained a 
 particular refpecT: , becaufe of the ftrangenefs of their pofition , and their equal 
 proportion : Thefe Stars they fanfied to be the Attendants and Hand-maids to 
 the Moon 5 and for that reafon they lodged them in the Lobby, or Chamber next 
 to her, that fo they might be near, and the place more commodious for their fer- 
 vice 5 for they were of opinion, that the Stars were Attendants belonging to the 
 Court of the Moon , and not of the Sun , becaufe they appeared in the Night 
 onely, and vanifhed fo foon as the Morning dawned, and the Sun arofe. 
 
 This Chamber had its Walls and Doors all plated with Silver like that of the 
 Moon 5 the Roof was painted like a Starry Sky, full of Stars of the greater and 
 lefler Magnitude. 
 
 The next Chamber hereunto was dedicated to the Lightning, Thunder and 
 Thunder-bolt, which three they comprehended under one common Name of 
 Tllapa , and the diftin&ion of them was denoted by the Adjunct Verb : As for 
 example •, when they fay, Did you fee the Tllapa ? then they mean Lightning $ 
 or did you hear the Tllapa ? then it is Thunder 5 or did you fee where the Tllapa 
 fell, or the damage it did ? then they underftand the Thunder-bolt. 
 
 N All 
 
oo Royal Commentaries, Book III. 
 
 All which they did not efteem for Gods, but regarded them as Servants of the 
 Sun, as the Ancients did , who fanfied the Thunderbolt to be the Arms of Jupi- 
 ter-? and for that reafon they allotted them Lodgings in the Temple of the Sun, 
 the which were adorned all over with Gold : howfoever they formed no Statue 
 or Reprefentation of them, becaufe they knew not how to decypher any Simili- 
 tude or Hieroglyphick to exprefs them ; This triple fignification of Tlkpa. the Spa- 
 mjh Hiftorians have not underftood, for if they had, they might have made a pro- 
 per ufe of it, in making our word Trinity more intelligible to the capacity of the 
 Indians? than by fome other lefs fignificant terms which they have ufed and framed, 
 but have not reached the Imagination or Genius of that People. Thus much I 
 write, and as I have often faid, fo I ftill aver the fame to be true, becaufe I have 
 fucked it in with my milk, and have heard it from my Anceftours ; and as to 
 other matters concerning the Thunder, we refer the Reader to what we have al- 
 ready declared. 
 
 The fourth Chamber they dedicated to the Rain-bow, becaufe they apprehen- 
 ded it to be a Ray, or Emiflion from the Sun, and for that reafon the hcas placed 
 it in their Arms, or Scutcheons, as a badge of their Family and Alliance ■? this 
 Chamber was alfo furnilhed with Gold, and on the Walls a Rainbow was pain- 
 ted very naturally, with all its colours, which reached from one fide to the other; 
 the Indians call it Cuychu, and have it in fuch Veneration, that when they fee 
 it in the Air, they (hut their Mouths, and clap their Hands before if, be- 
 caufe they have an opinion, that if the Rainbow mould difcover their Teeth, 
 his Influences would fpoil them, and caufe them to rot •? the which was one 
 ambngft their vulgar Errours , which they held without any reafon, or founda- 
 tion for it. 
 
 There was moreover a fifth and laft Chamber appropriated to the High-Prieff, 
 and other inferiour Priefts under him, who attended on the fervice of the Temple, 
 who were all Incas, defcended from the Royal Bloud: This Chamber was not 
 ordained for a room to fleep or eat in, but for a place of audience, or confutation, 
 in what manner to regulate the Sacrifices , arfd all other matters appertaining to 
 the Services of the Temple-, the which Chamber, as all the others, was furnilhed 
 and adorned with Gold from the top to the bottom. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Of the Name of the High Prieft? and of other parti of this 
 Houfe. 
 
 THE Spaniards call the High Prieft Filaoma, by corruption of the true word 
 Villac Vmu, which is compounded of 'Villa, which fignifies as much as to 
 fpeak or utter, and Vmu, which is to divine or foretell j as if we mould fay, a 
 Soothfayer, or one skilful! in Divination •, not that he is to declare his own fenti- 
 ments, but fuch as by his frequent intercourfe and communication with the Sun, 
 and by virtue and privilege of his Priefthood , he ihall have received from him, 
 namely, all thofe Rabies which the Devils have uttered through the Organs of their 
 Idols, or by fecret voices, founding in their Sanctuaries, or by the Interpretation 
 of Dreams, or fuch kind of fuperftitious Rites, have all been efteemed oraculous 
 and myikrious fayings, conveyed to them by the. Adminift rations of the High 
 Prieft. 
 
 Of 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. gi 
 
 Of thofe five Chambers which we have already mentioned, there were three 
 onely that I faw remaining in their ancient ftate of Walls and Roof-, and thefe al- 
 {b were defpoiled of their Plates of Gold and Silver ; but the other two, which 
 were the apartments of the Moon and Stars were demolilhed, and laid level with 
 the ground. In the outfide of thefe Walls, which bordered on the Cloifters, 
 were four Niches, or Tabernacles made of free Stone, as the Walls themfelves 
 were; and thefe Niches had cafes of Stone cut and placed within the hollow of 
 the Tabernacle, the which were lined with Plates of Gold, not onely on the top 
 and fides, but on the bottom alfo; and the corners of thefe (tone-cafes, or 
 frames, were all inlaid with pretious Stones , fuch as Efmeralds and Turquoifes, 
 becaufe that Countrey neither yields Diamonds, nor Rubies: On great feftival 
 Days the Inca did ufually fit in one of thefe Tabernacles, fometimes in one, and 
 fometimes in another, as was appointed for the Feftival. 
 
 In two of thefe Tabernacles, in the fame Wall which looked to the Eaft- 
 ward, I remember that I obferved many little holes in the Cafes, or Frames, 
 which were embofled within the Stone , and thofe which were in the corners 
 reached from one fide to the other; thofe holes which were in the middle of 
 the Tabernacle, onely marked or pitted the Wall: Enquiring of the Religious, 
 which belonged to that Houfe, what thefe holes meant, they told me, that in the 
 times of Indian Gentilitm thofe were the places in which the pretious Stones were 
 fet; thefe Tabernacles, and all the Doors, which were, twelve in number, that 
 opened to the Cloifter, were all plated with Leaves of Gold , excepting onely 
 the Chambers of the Moon,, together with thofe of the Stars , which, as we 
 have faid, in refemblance of what they reprefented, were overlaid with Silver 
 onely. 
 
 Befides thefe five principal Chambers (which we have already mentioned to 
 be appertaining to the Temple of the Sun ) there were other Rooms of leffer 
 note , which belonged to the Priefts, and the Servants under them, who were 
 made Mas by privilege, becaufe that no other Indian, how great foever he were, 
 though a Cnraca, or Lord, had not the liberty to enter within that Houfe, 
 much lefs -was it granted to Women, though Daughters, or Wives of the King 
 himfelf: The Priefts attended to the fervice of the Temple by Weeks, which 
 they reckoned by Quarters of the Moon; during which time they abftained from 
 the company of their Wives, not departing from the confines of the Temple, ei- 
 ther by day or night. 
 
 Thofe Indians which performed the Drudgery of inferiour Services of the Tem- 
 ple, fuch as Porters, Sweepers, Cooks, Butlers, and the like, were the very 
 fame that were Menial Servants and Officers in the Palace of the Inca* ; for thefe 
 two Houfes of the Father and Son were ferved with like attendance , excepting 
 onely that in the Temple of the Father no Woman had admiflion, and in the Pa- 
 lace of the Son no Sacrifices were offered; all other matter had an equality of 
 Grandeur and Majefty. 
 
 N i CHAP. 
 
ai Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Of the Places where they offered Sacrifice, and where they 
 put off their Shoes before they entred into the Temple • 
 as alfo of the Fountains which belonged to it. 
 
 TH E places where they burned their Sacrifices were appointed according to 
 the folemnities of them ; for fome were offered in one open fquare, and 
 fome in others 3 for there were many hallowed places belonging to the Temple, 
 in which the Inca* ordered the celebration of the Sacrifices, according as their plea- 
 fure and devotion dire&ed. That general Sacrifice which was made at the great 
 Feftival of the Sun, called Raymi, was offered in the open Market-place of the 
 City j other Feafts of lefler note were celebrated in an open Court before the 
 Temple, where all the People and Nations of divers Provinces, belonging to the 
 Dominion of the Empire, aflembled together to keep the Holy-day with Dances 
 and Songs, and other Recreations-, but they could not pafs beyond that place 
 into the body of the Temple, nor remain there with Shoes on their Feet, becaufe 
 the ground was hallowed, being within the confines, and fan&ified limits of the 
 Temple 5 the which we obferve here, to denote how far thofe boundaries ex- 
 tended. 
 
 There were three principal Streets, which ran Northward from the Market- 
 place to the Temple 5 one of which palled by the brook fide, and another, which 
 in my time they called the Prifon-ftreet, becaufe the Sf <«mar ds made their Prifon 
 in it, (which, as I am informed , is fince changed 5 ) a third led from a corner 
 of the Market-place to the Temple. There is another Street to the Eaftward of 
 thefe three, which leads ajfo to the fame place, and which is now ailed the 
 Street of St. Anftin -, through all which four Streets there was a way to the Tem- 
 ple 5 but the principal Street, and moft direct way thither, was that which we call 
 the Street of the Prifbn, though the Indians called it the Street of the Sun, be- 
 caufe that that being in the middle, and in the ftreighteft line of all the reft, was 
 the common paflage by which they went, and carried' all their Offerings and Sa- 
 crifices to the Temple. There was alfo another Street which ran Eaft and Weft, 
 and croffed the other four mentioned Streets, which was- the place deterrriined 
 for them, where to leave their Shoes-, and though they intended not to go fb 
 far as the Temple, yet that ground being within the Verge of ir, no perfon could 
 pafs it, unlefs defcalced, and with bare feet paid his reverence to the hallowed 
 Earth , from which place are above two hundred paces to the Gate of the 
 Temple. 
 
 "But to return now to the Ornaments of the Temple-, there were five Foun- 
 tains of Water, which ran from divers places through Pipes of Gold -, theCi- 
 fterns were fome of Stone, and others of Gold and Silver, in which they warned 
 their Sacrifices, as the Solemnity of the Feftival appointed. In my time, there 
 was but one of thofe Fountains remaining, which ferved the Garden of a Con- 
 vent with Water •■, the others were loft, either for want of drawing, or opening, 
 or cleanfing-,, and this is very probable, becaufe to my knowledge, that which 
 belonged to the Convent was alfo loft for fix or feven months , for want of 
 which Water , the whole Garden was dryed up , and withered , to the great la- 
 mentation of the Convent, and the whole C ity, nor could any Indian underftand 
 how that Water came to fail, or to what place it took its courfe. 
 
 At 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. y^ 
 
 At length they came to find, that on the Weft-fide of the Convent the Wa- 
 ter took its courfe under ground, and fell into the Brook, which pailes through 
 the City -, which in the times of the Incas had its banks kept up with ftones, and 
 the bottom well paved, that the Earth might not fall in ■-, the which work was 
 continued through the whole City, and for a quarter of a League without-, the 
 which now, by the carelefsnefs and flothof the Spaniards, is broken, and the 
 pavement difplaced; for though the Spring commonly yields not water very plen- 
 tifully, yet at fome times it rifes on a fudden, and makes fuch an incredible in- 
 undation, that the force of the current hath difordered the Chanel, and the bot- 
 tom. 
 
 In the Year 1^98. there happened a great eruption of Water from this Foun- 
 tain, which broke the main Pipe, and the Chanel , fo that the fury of the Tor- 
 rent took another courfe, and left the garden dry ; and now by that abundance of 
 rubbifh and (ullage which comes from the City, the chanel is filled up, and not 
 fo much as any mark, or fignal thereof remains. 
 
 The Friars, though at length they ufed all the diligence imaginable, yet they 
 could not find the ancient Chanel , and to trace it from the Fountain head by 
 way of the Pipes, it was an immenle work, for they were to dig through Houfes, 
 
 > conveyances under ground, to come at it, for the Head of the Spring 
 Nor could any Indian be found that could give any direction herein, 
 
 and dee 
 
 was- hig 
 
 which difcouraged them in their work, and in the recovery of the others which 
 
 anciently belonged to the Temple. 
 
 Hence we may obferve, the ignorance and inadvertifement of thofe Indians, 
 itid how little the benefit of Tradition availed amongft them-, for though it be 
 onely forty two Years at this day fince. thofe Waters forfook their courfe; yet 
 neither the lofs of fo neceflary a provision as Water, which was the refrefhment 
 of their Lives, nor 6f that ftrearh which fupplied the Temple of the Sun, their God, 
 Could by Nature, or Religion, conferve in them the memory of fo remarkable a 
 particular. The troth is, that it is probable that the VJndertakers, or Mafter- 
 wotkmen, of thofe Water-works , did communicate, or make known to the 
 Priefts onely the fecret conveyances of thofe Waters, efteeming every thing which 
 belonged to the Honour and Service of the Temple to be fo facred, that it was 
 not to be revealed to common ears •, and for this reafon, perhaps, the knowledge 
 of thefe waters might dye, and end with the order of Priefts. Had any tiling re- 
 mained which was to have been enquired into, as matters of Tribute, or of things 
 relating to the Regalities, or Services, which are fecular and profane; there is no 
 doubt but the Memory of the People or Tradition would have given us light 
 therein, as we plainly fee in the Hiftory of thefe Countries, which were oonfer- 
 ved by appointed, and approved Notaries, though in thefe days they begin to fail, 
 and wear Out of memory, being fwallowed up by the modem Hiftories of this 
 New Empire. 
 
 G H A P. 
 
 
94 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Of the Garden of Gold, and of other Riches belonging to the 
 Temple, and of many other things in that Empire, after 
 the Fafhion of them. 
 
 TO return now to this Fountain, I fay, that at the end of fix or feven months 
 after it Was loft, it happened, that fome Indian Boys playing about the 
 Stream, difcovered an eruption of Water from the broken Pipe ■■> of which they 
 acquainting one the other, at length it came to the knowledge of the Spaniards, 
 who judging it to be the water of the Convent, that had been loft, and diverted 
 from its former courfe, gave information thereof unto the Friars, who joyfully re- 
 ceived the good news, and immediately laboured to bring it again into direci con- 
 veyance, and conduct it to their Garden ; the truth is, the Pipes lying very deep, 
 were buried with Earth, fo that it coft much labour and pains to reduce it to its 
 right chanel-, and yet they were not fo curious or induftrious as to trace the 
 Fountain to the Spring Head. 
 
 That Garden which now fupplies the Convent with Herbs and Plants, was the 
 Garden which in the times of the InsM belonged to their Palace, called the Garden 
 of Gold and Silver, becaufe that in it were Herbs and Flowers of all forts, lower 
 Plants, and Lhrubs, and taller Trees, made all of Gold and Silver, together with 
 all forts of wild Beafts, and tame, which were accounted rare and unufuah there 
 were alfo ftrange Infe&s, and creeping things, as Snakes, Serpents, Lizards, Ca- 
 melions, Butter-flies and Snails-, alio all forts of ftrange Birds and every thing dif- 
 pofed and in its proper place with great care, and imitated with much curiofity, 
 like the nature and original of that it reprefented. 
 
 There was alfo a Mayzall, which bears the I»iUn Wheat, of an extraordinary 
 bignefs, the feed whereof they call Sluinua, likewife Plants which produce lefler 
 Seeds, and Trees bearing their feveral forts of Fruit, all made of Gold and Silver, 
 and excellently well reprefenting them in their natural Shapes. In the Palace alfo 
 they had heaps or piles of Billets, and Faggots, made of Gold and Silver, rarely 
 well counterfeited. And for the greater adornment and Majefty of the Temple 
 of their God the Sun, they had caft vaft Figures in the forms of Men, and Wo- 
 men, and Children, which they laid up in Magazines, or large Chambers, called 
 Pirva; and every year at the principal feafts the People prefented great quantities 
 of Gold and Silver, which were all employed in the adornment of the Temple? 
 and thofe Gold-fmiths whofe Art and Labour was dedicated to the Sun, attended 
 to no other work than daily to make new Inventions of rare workmanfhip out of 
 thofe Metalls. In (hort, they made all forts of Veflels, or Utenfils, belonging to 
 the Temple, of Gold and Silver, fuchasPots, and Pans, and Pails, andFire-iho- 
 vels,- and Tongs, and every thing elfe of ule and fervice, even their very Spades, 
 and Rakes of the Garden were made of the like Metall, that with very good rea- 
 fon they might call the Temple, and all the Houfe of the Sun, the Corkancha, or 
 the Ingot of Gold. 
 
 In imitation of this Temple at Cozxo , they made the Temples which were in 
 the other Provinces of that Kingdom, of many of which, as alio of the feleft Vir- 
 gins Pedro de Cie^a de Leon makes mention in his Obfervations of that Countrey •-, but 
 omits to defcrioe either the number of them, or the places, in which they were, 
 but onely fuch as occurred to him in his travels through the great roads leaving 
 thofe unmentioned, which remained on both hands out of the way 5 perhaps to 
 avoid a tedious prolixity he might pafs them by, in regard that by the model of 
 one, the others may be defcribed. 
 
 In 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. ^c 
 
 In die adornment of which Temples the Curacy contended, according to that 
 abundance which their Countries produced of Gold and Silver, and herein they 
 were very zealous, that fo they might both honour their God, and flatter their 
 Prince-, by which means all the other Temples were plated with Gold and Sil- 
 ver, and might ftand in fbme competition and terms of companion with that of 
 
 The neareft Kindred or Relations to the Cur mm were made the Priefts of thofe 
 Temples which were in the Provinces, though the Chief Prieft, or Superintendent 
 over them was an Inca of the Bloud Royal, becaufe it was neceftary that he mould 
 dired the manner and order of their Sacrifices, after the ufe and cuftome of Co*™ 3 
 for in regard diey were now to abhor and rejeci their Sacrifices of Men, and Wo- 
 men, and Children, and were forbidden to eat Man's Flefh, and many other bar- 
 barous Rites of abomination and fuperftition ; it was necefTary for them to have 
 the fuperiour guidance of an lnca, left they mould forget the true way, and re- 
 lapfe back again into their former cuftomes. This Superintendency which the 
 Mm exercifed was very acceptable to the Indians, for as they efteemed much of 
 their management both of civil and martial Affairs 3 fo likewife they believed 
 that they had moft need of their direction in religious Worfhip, from whom all 
 the knowledge thereof was defcended to them. And thus much fhall fuffice to 
 have touched concerning the riches of that Temple 3 other matters of which may 
 be properly related in their due places. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 Of the famous Temple o/"Titicaca, and of the Fables and 
 Allegories alluding to it. 
 
 AMongft the many famous Temples, which were dedicated to the Sun in Peru, 
 and which in Ornament and Riches might compare with that of Cozco 3 that 
 in the Ifle otTukaca was of chief Fame and Renown. The word Tukaca fignifies 
 the Foreft of Lead , being compounded of Thi, which is lead, and Caca, which 
 is a Foreft, the Lake in which this Ifland is (ituated , hath taken the fame name, 
 being about two Mufquet fhot from the main Land, and is about five or fix thou- 
 fand paces in compafs, where the Incas reported , that the Sun their Father firft 
 placed Iris two Children, the Man and Woman, whom he fent into the World 
 to convert Mankind from the Errour of their ways , and to teach and inftruft 
 them the Rules of right Reafon and Religion. To this Fable they add many 
 others of ancient date, faying, that the Rays of the Sun, after the general Floud, 
 were firft feen in that Ifland, and in that Lake, before they appeared in any other 
 place 3 and that this Lake is feventy or eighty fathom deep in fome places, and 
 about eighty Leagues in compafs 3 the reafon they give for not being navigable, or 
 why Boats cannot go upon it, 1 can fay little unto, onely BIm Valero, writes, than 
 there is fuch quantities of the Magnet, or Load-ftone in all parts of it, that hinder 
 the Navigation, or ufe of the Compafs. 
 
 By help of this Fable, and his own Ingenuity, the firft Inca, MancoCapac, took 
 the advantage to perfuade the Indians, that he and his Wife were the Children of 
 the Sun, and that they were placed in it by their Father, that from thence they 
 might proceed into the World, to teach and inftrutl it in the way of trae Reli- 
 gion, as we have at large related in the beginning of this Hiftory. 1 he IncM, 
 who were Amautas, or Philofophers, and wife in the politicks, made ufe of both 
 thefe Fables, and related them by way of Prophecy : faying, that when the Sun 
 darted his firft Rays of Light into that Ifland, he then gave a fign and promife, 
 that from that place the firft Do6trin.es of Light fhould ifluej the which promife 
 
 was 
 
q6 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 was afterwards accomplifhed by thofe Kings, who proceeded thence, and taught 
 the World how to caft away the turpitude of their manners, and live by another 
 Law and Rule of Reafon. By advantage of thefe, and other fuch Inventions, it 
 was not difficult for the Incas to perfuade the other Indians of their defcent from 
 the Sun, and to confirm their belief by thofe many benefits and advantages which 
 their Doctrine and Religion brought with them. On the aflurance of thefe two 
 Fables the teas, and all his Subjects did really efteem this Ifland to be a facred and 
 a holy piece of Ground ^ and with that opinion they erected a rich Temple on 
 it, all plated with Gold, and dedicated to the Sun 5 where generally all the Pro- 
 vinces fubjected to the Inca, did yearly offer Gold, and Silver, and pretious 
 Stones, in a thankfull acknowledgment of thofe two Bleffings he had given them 
 in that place 5 and that Temple being of greater Devotion, had the fame atten- 
 dence, and Officers belonging to it, as that of Cozxo. And fo immenfe was the 
 quantity of Gold and Silver, which was amafled in that Ifland, befides that which 
 was caft and framed into Utenfils, for the fervice of the Temple, that the Re- 
 port which the Indians make of it is incredible, and more to be admired, than be- 
 lieved. Bleu Valera fpeaking of the Riches of this Temple, and of the quantities 
 of Gold and Silver which abounded, after all Veffels and Ornaments were fup- 
 plied, faith, that he was informed by thofe Indians who are called Mitmac, and 
 are a Colony who inhabit in Copa-Cavano, that there was fuch a fuperfluity of 
 Gold and Silver, after all was finifhed, as might have been fufficient to have raf- 
 fed and completed another Temple, without other materials whatfoever-, and that 
 fo foon as thofe Indians had news of the Invafion of the Spaniards, and were in- 
 formed that their Errant and Bufinefs was to defpoil them of their Riches, they, 
 demolifhed their Temple, and threw all the materials, and the immenfe Wealth 
 of it, into that great Lake. 
 
 There is another Story which pafles, not unlike this, That in the Valley of 
 Onos, which is about fix Leagues from Cokjco, towards the Sea of Z»r, there is a lit- 
 tle Lake of lefs than half a League round, but very deep, and encompafled with 
 high Woods-, It is reported, that when the Indians underftood of the Arrival of 
 the Spaniards, they threw a great quantity of the Treafure belonging to Cozco into 
 it , and amongft the reft , that Chain of Gold which Hmyna Capac caufed to 
 be made, of which we fhall fpeak in its due place-, upon aflurance and belief 
 hereof twelve or thirteen Spaniards, who fojournedat Cozco, not Inhabitants, but 
 Merchants, and Adventurers, entred into an agreement together, on terms of 
 equal benefit and lofs, to poflefs themfelves of that Treafure by draining the Lake 
 for it ; in order whereunto they founded the depth, and found twenty three or 
 twenty four fathom water , befides the mudd , which was alfo deep ; then they 
 refolved to open a fluce, or bay, at the loweft ground,, or level of the Lake, that 
 fo a wide chanel being made for the water to pafs into the River of Tucay, the 
 Lake might be fewed or emptied by the great vent it would find by fuch an eva- 
 cuation -, in other parts they could not open it farther, becaufe of the Rocks, and 
 difad vantage of the ground, nor did they lay their Trench open to the top, (which 
 perhaps might have been better,) but to fave charges made a Mine, and cut their 
 Drain under ground. This work was begun in the Year 1557. with great hopes and 
 expectations of Treafure-, and being entred about fifty paces within the Earth, they 
 unhappily crofted upon a Vein of hard Rock, at which pecking a long time,. they 
 found that they ftruck more fire out of it, than they drew water-, in which ha- 
 ving fpent much money, time and labour, they at length gave over the work as 
 defperate, and defifted from their Enterprife. I remember that I entred two or 
 . three times within the vault , whilft they were working, and have heard it often 
 reported, that the Indians threw infinite Treafure into Lakes, Caves and Moun- 
 tains, beyond all hopes or poffibility of recovery. 
 
 Thofe Kings who were lncas , befides the Riche? they beftowed, and encou- 
 ragement they gave for the adornment of this Temple, they endeavoured much 
 to improve the very Land of this Ifle, that fo'they might render it fertile, and fit 
 to bea: Fruit ; and that in gratitude to this place, on which their Anceftours de- 
 fending from Heaven, had fet their firft footfteps, they might enoble it with all 
 forts of good Husbandry and Agriculture : to this end they levelled and cleared it 
 ( 'locks and Stones, then they made Walks, and covered them over with good 
 1 irth, and Manure brought from fan and made the ground capable to produce 
 M*yz, or /»<//Vw-Wheat, which by reafon of the coldnefs of the Climate, is not 
 
 produced 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 97 
 
 produced in that Countrey 5 this grane, with other feeds they fowed in the Gar- 
 dens, which they had made, and which yielded good increafe, together with a 
 fmall quantity of Flax, the which Fruits the King fent as facred Prefents to the 
 Temple of the Sun, and the feleft Virgins at Cozco, with orders to difperfe them 
 all over the Convents and Temples of his Dominions, of which they fent fome 
 grane of this Year to this place, and next Year to the other, which were in high 
 efteem, as Reliques or facred Donatives-, and hereof they fowed fome in the Gar- 
 dens belonging to the Temples of the Sun, and of thofe Houfes which were of 
 publick ufe within the Provinces $ and divided and reparted them amongft the 
 People 5 fome Granes of this Corn they caft into the Granaries of the Sun, and 
 of the King, and into the publick Magazines of Com, believing that fome divine 
 virtue was contained in it, and that it would bleft and increafe the Corn with 
 which it was mixed, and conferve it from corruption, and render all more whol- 
 fome for humane fuftenance •-, and that Indian who was fo happy as to be able to 
 get but one grane of this May*,, to throw into his Heap, was poiTefled with a cer- 
 tain belief, that he mould never want Bread in the wnole courfe of his Lifej fo 
 fuperftitious were they in all matters relating to their Religion, and their lm*s. 
 
 O BOOK 
 

 
(99) 
 
 Royal Commentaries, 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Convent of thofe Virgins who were dedicated to the 
 Sun. 
 
 AMONGST the many things worthy of Obfervation, which thofe 
 Heathen Kings followed in their vain Religion and Gentilifm •, the 
 Profeffion which fome of their Women made of perpetual Cha- 
 ftity, and the Retirements which were built for them in feveral 
 Provinces are not here to be omitted 5 and for better undeman- 
 ding who thofe Women were, to whom they dedicated them- 
 felves, and wherein they were employed , we ihall declare very diftinftly, be- 
 caufe it is a matter which the Sfamjh Hiftorians touch but {lightly , and as the 
 Proverb goes, as the Cat doth a Coal of fire : and particularly we (hall here treat 
 of the Houfe at Cozco, becaufe that that was the model or pattern of all the reft. 
 
 In that City is a certain Lane, which they call Acllahuad, which is as much as the 
 Houfe of the feparated Virgins: This Lane pafled through the two Streets, which 
 lead from the Market-place to the Convent of St. Dominick^, which was anciently 
 the Temple of the Sun-, one of thefe Streets pafled directly from a Corner of the 
 Market-place, bending on the left hand towards the great Church to the North- 
 ward. When, in the Year 1 570. that I departed from that City, this then was 
 the chief Street for the Merchants-, and the other Street which pafles from the 
 middle of the Market-place, where in my time the Prifon was, led dire&ly on 
 the right hand to the faid Convent of St. Dominkkj. The Front of this Houfe was 
 juft oppofite to the Market-place, and opened between thofe two Streets before 
 mentioned ; the backfide of it bordered on another Street, which crofles Eaft to 
 Weft •, fo that this Houfe was placed in an open fquare between the Market- 
 place and the three Streets •■, and between this and the Temple of the Sun, there 
 was a feparate pile of Buildings, with the great Area, or Court- yard, before the 
 Temple. Whence we plainly perceive the miftake of thofe Writers, who report, 
 that thofe Virgins had their Lodgings within the Temple of the Sun ■■, and that 
 they were Prieftefles, and Afliftants to the Priefts in their Offertories and Sacri- 
 fices. For in regard it was the defign and intention of the tmat to feparate thefe 
 Virgins from the converfation, and fociety of Men •, and that as Women were 
 not permitted to enter within the Temple of the Sun, fo neither were men allow- 
 ed admiffion into the retirements of thefe Virgins-, it cannot be rationally belie- 
 ved that thefe Virgins could have any other than a diftincl: Houfe, diftant and dif- 
 joined from any other i and for this reaibn they called them the feleft, becaufe 
 
 O 2 they 
 
ioo Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 they were fele&ed apart and chofenwith refpedl to their lineage ai . beauty ; and 
 that for aflurance, that they were Virgins at the time of fuch admiflion into the 
 Monastery, they were received into that Order at eight years of age, or under. 
 
 And becaufe thefe Virgins who belonged to the Monaflery at Cozco were dedi- 
 cated, and as it were efpoufed to the Sun , it was efteemed neceflary that they 
 fhould be of his Lineage and Bloud, that is, Daughters of the tocos, or' of his Un- 
 cles, and fuch who were defcended by Father and Mother of the lame Lineage, 
 and not Baflardized by mixture of humane bloud with divine race, but pure and' 
 unfpotted ; for fince their opinion was, that they were efpoufed unto the Sun, and 
 that he was to have Children by them, 'twas reafon that they fhould be without 
 fpot or blemifh, and their bloud pure and undefiled. 
 
 Thefe Monks, or Nuns, were commonly about ijoo in Number, governed 
 by grave Matrons , admitted to the fame profeffion , who had lived and grown 
 old under the fame rules and obfervance of their Vow : To thefe were properly 
 committed the care and government of the younger fort , and from this Office 
 they took the Name ofMamacuna, or Mother of the Maids, the word Mama fig- 
 nifying a Mother ; and Cuna in compofition, care or watchfulnefs. With this 
 Title their Offices were very agreeable, for ibme were Abbeffes, others Miftrefies 
 to inftrucl: the Novitiates, not onely in their Religious Worfhips, but likewife in 
 Spinning, Weaving, Sowing, and the like employments •, fome alfo were Por- 
 ters belonging to the Gates, others took care of the Hufwifery, and Management, 
 of the domeftick affairs, and to make a provifion of Neceffaries, with which they 
 were fufficiently fupplied out of the Eftate of the Sun s for they being his Wives, 
 could not be denied a maintenance out of his Revenue- 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Rules and Statutes, and Employment of thefe Select 
 Virgins. 
 
 THey were Reclufes, and for ever lhut up, during the whole term of their 
 lives, and obliged to perpetual Virginity ■-, they had no Locutory, or place 
 allowed them at which they might fee or converfe with Man or Woman ; nor 
 had they other fociety than one with another ■-, for they held, that the Wives of 
 the Sun were to have no communication with other, than with himfelf 3 and this 
 their Sedufion was fo Ariel and rigorous , that though the Inca might personally 
 have claimed this privilege*, yet becaufe no other fhould dare or adventure on 
 this attempt by his example, he alfo denied himfelf this liberty -, onely the Coya, 
 or Queen, with her Daughters, had the freedom to enter in, and vifit this Mo- 
 naftery ; and by them the Iwa prefented his Salutes, demanding of their health, 
 and what their occafions and neceffities required. I once faw this Houfe {landing 
 alone, without any other Building before it ; for onely that, and the Temple of 
 the Sun, which made up two Streets, and four other great Courts, which had 
 been the Palaces of their Kings, remained entire -, having been fpared by the In- 
 dians, out of refpeft to their God the Sun, and the Imas their Kings, when in a 
 general Infurre&ion againft the Spaniards they fet fire, and confumed all the reft of 
 the City. Amongft other rarities of this Building, rhere was a narrow Gallery, 
 in which two onely could go a-breaft , that ran through the whole Houfe ; 
 and this was the paflage to feveral Chambers and Apartments on each hand, where 
 the Offices of the Houfe were kept, and where the Women worked : At every 
 one of thefe Doors was a Portreis 3 and in the fartheft Chamber, at the end of 
 the Gallery, was the Apartment for the Wives of the Sun, where none entred 
 befides themfelves. This Houfe had its common Gate, which we call the Great 
 
 Gate; 
 
Bo o k I V. R oyal Commentaries. i o i 
 
 Gate 3 at which none entred befides the Queen, and fuch as intended to profefs 
 the Order. 
 
 At the entrance of this Gallery there was a Gate for the common ufe and ler- 
 vice of the Houfe , at which there were twenty Porters always attending to bring 
 in, or carry away whatfoever was needfull 3 but none of them could pals farther 
 than the fecond Gate upon pain of Death, though they received Commands from 
 within fo to doe •, nor could any that was within give fuch Command, or Licence, 
 but on the fame penalty. 
 
 There were 500 Maidens appointed to attend the Service of thefe Virgins, who 
 were Daughters of thofe who had the privilege to be called Leas 5 not fuch 
 as were defcended from the true Line, and pure Bloud of the Royal hats, for 
 thofe were efteemed and feparated as Wives, or Spoufes of the Sun 5 but fuch as 
 the Firft hie* had made Mas by title and privilege, as before related 3 to which 
 ftrangers, or thofe who were afterwards reduced, could not attain. Thefe Mai- 
 dens had alio their Mamacmas, or Matrons of the fame Lineage appointed to 
 them, being fuch, as having palled their years, and grown old in that Houfe, had 
 part of the care and management thereof committed to them. When the Spa- 
 niards had overcome this City of Cozco , and that they divided the publick Build- 
 ings amongft themfelves for places to dwell and inhabit ; one half of this Con- 
 vent, which belonged to the Offices, fell to the^ lot of Pedro del Barco, whom in 
 the fequel of this Hiftory we mall have occalion to mention 3 and the other 
 half was the mare of the Licenciado de la Gama , who refided there when I was 
 very young 3 and afterwards it belonged to Diego Ortiz de Guzman, a Gentleman 
 born at Sevil, whom I knew, and left at Cozco, when I departed thence for 
 
 Spain. 
 
 The principal employment of thefe Wives of the Sun was to Spin and Weave 
 all the garments which the Ma and the Cya his lawfull Wife wore on their own 
 Perfons -, they made alfo all the fine Linen which was offered to the Sun in Sa- 
 crifice •, and what the Inca wore about his head, which was called LLutu, which 
 was about the breadth of the middle finger, but very thick , and fo long as to 
 take four or five turns about the head, with a coloured Lift reaching from one 
 temple to the other. 
 
 Their Cloathing was a fhirt which reached to their knees , called Vnctt 3 the 
 Spaniards called it Cufma, which was not the common name of it, but onely that 
 which a particular Province gave to it : They wore alfo a fquare Mantle of about 
 two Foot deep, which ferved for a Cloak, called Tacolla. Moreover, thefe Nuns 
 made Purfes for the Inca of about a quarter of a Yard fquare, which they car- 
 ried under their Arme, hanged by a fine Twift curioufly embroidered, of about 
 two fingers broad, and was in falhion of a Ribbon on the left Shoulder, reach- 
 ing crofs to the right fide : Thefe Purfes they called Chufpa, and ferved them 
 to put their Cue* into, which was an Herb that Indians now commonly eat, but 
 was then fo rare, that none had the privilege to eat of it but the lnca onely, and 
 his Kindred 3 unlefs fome Caracas, to whom the King out of a particular favour 
 and affection lent perhaps fome Baskets of it every year. 
 
 They alfo made certain Tvvifts of two colours, which were Straw-colour and 
 Carnation, which they called Paycha : thefe Tvvifts were very fine, of about a 
 Yard long 3 but were not defigned for fervice of the Inca, but for others of the 
 Royal Bloud, which they wore on their Heads , binding their Foreheads from 
 one temple to the other. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
io2 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the refpeft they {hewed to the Works which thefe SeleSi 
 Virgins made, and what Law there was agahift thofe who 
 attempted on their Chaftity. 
 
 AL L thefe Curiofities were the handy-work of thefe Virgins, made in great 
 quantity for their Spouie the Sun ; but becaufe he was not capable to re- 
 ceive or wear thofe Ornaments on his own Perfon , they were fent unto the Inca 
 as his lawfull and undoubted Son and Heir, that fo he might ufe them in the ftead 
 and place of his Father •■, the which were efteemed by him as Sacred, and with 
 great reverence and devotion refpeded by the Subjeds of his whole Empire. 
 And if the Greeks and ancient Romans did in the times of their Gentilifm adore 
 Juno, Venm and Pallas for Goddefles , it ought not to feem ftrange if thefe poor 
 and fimple people, who were under the higheft circumftances of invincible igno- 
 rance imaginable, mould with a fuperftitious zeal, and devout affedion, adore 
 and worfhip whatfoever their Religion taught them to be Divine and Sacred 5 
 for they apprehending that thefe Virgins were Cqyas, or Queens ancj real Wives of 
 the Sun, could not but fhew refped and reverence to whatfoever proceeded from 
 their hands and labour 5 for which reafon, the Mas themfelves could not beftow 
 their Works on any that was not an Inca of the true Bloud ; for that were a pro- 
 phanation of fuch holy things, and a direct facrilege to employ divine produdi- 
 ons to common and humane fervices. And though, as we have formerly faid, 
 the King gave Veftments to Caracas, and other Governours, as Signals of his grace 
 and favour •, yet thofe were of another fort , as we {hall hereafter make ap- 
 pear. 
 
 Moreover, the employment and office of thefe Virgins was to make the Bread,' 
 called Cancu, which at the great Feftivals of the Sun, named Raymi and Gttna, 
 were offered to him in Sacrifice : they alio made the Liquour which the Inca and 
 his Kindred drank on the Holy-days of thofe Feftivals called Aca. All the Veflels 
 which were ufed in this Houfe, fuch as Kettles, Pots, Jars, and the like, were all 
 made of Gold and Silver, it being reafonable that the Wives of the Sun mould 
 live in an equipage agreeable to the quality of fuch a Husband ; fo that their 
 Garden alfo was adorned with Trees and Fruit all made of Gold and Silver, with 
 Plants, and Flowers, and Herbs, and Birds, and other Animals , all rarely coun- 
 terfeited after the manner of thofe in the Garden of the Sun. 
 
 Thefe were the chief employments of thofe Nuns which lived in the City of 
 Coz,co -, the other part of their Life and Adions was agreeable to the profeffion 
 they made of perpetual Virginity, and of Reclufes from the reft of the World. 
 That Nun who violated her Chaftity, was buried alive, and her Lover hanged : 
 But in regard that ( as they faid ) a fimple death onely feemed too mean a punifh- 
 ment for fo exorbitant an offence, which imported no lefs than the violation of 
 a Wife dedicated to the Sun their God, and Father of their Kings •, they ordai- 
 ned , that with the Delinquent his Wife and Children, Servants and Kindred, 
 with his very Neighbours and Herds of Catt'el, fhould without any remorfe, com- 
 paffion or lamentations of any be put to deaths that all his Fields and Farms 
 lhould be laid defolate, and covered with heaps of ftones, that lb no Cattel might 
 ever feed more thereon, or ever be more trod with humane feet, which had pro- 
 duced or maintained a wretch fo vile and impious as this accurfed tranfgrefTour. 
 
 This was the Law, but it was never put into execution, becaufe none ever did 
 tranfgrefs againft it : For as the Indians of Peru ( as we have faid before ) were 
 great obfervers of their Law, and efpecially devoted to that part which refpeded 
 their Religion, and the awe and reverence due to their Princes , {o they were 
 very fevere in execution of thofe punilhments which the Law prefcribed, adhe- 
 ring 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. • I0 5 
 
 ring to the very rigour of the letter without more remorfe or companion, than 
 if they had deftroyed a fwarm of Wafps, or drowned a litter of Whelps •, for 
 the Incus defigning their Laws for the Rules of Humane life, would never fuffer 
 them to be fruftrated or eluded by the boldnefs of any that attempted to break 
 them. 
 
 G H A P. IV. 
 
 That there were many other Houfes of thefe Seleft Virgins. 
 The [everity of the Law before-mentioned, is proved by 
 Example. 
 
 ALL that we have faid before had relation to the Houfe of thofe Virgins 
 at Cozco, who were dedicated to the Sun : But befides this, there were fe- 
 veral other Houfes for Women of the fame profeffion in divers of the principal 
 Provinces, which the Ma out of his bounty and favour commanded to be built 
 and endowed 5 but into thefe, Maids of all conditions and qualities had admiftlon, 
 as well thofe whofe bloud was tainted with common mixture, as thofe who were 
 of the pure and limpid ftreams of Royal Bloud. The Daughters alfo of Caracas, 
 as a mark of favour, were fometimes admitted here 5 fome Maids alfo of exact 
 beauty, and rare features, though of the common race, were fometimes alfo re- 
 ceived in, the which both their Fathers and themfelves efteemed for an extraordi- 
 nary favour 5 but then they were not admitted under the notion of Wives, or 
 Concubines, to the Sun, but of the Ma onely. Howfoever, they referved them^ 
 felves with the fame retirement and care as thofe of the Sun •, and were attended 
 with young Maidens for their Servants, and maintained at the charge of the Ma t 
 Their employment alfo was the fame with thofe zt Cozco, being to Spin and 
 Weave, and make Garments for the Ma, which they performed in great abun- 
 dance, and in the fame manner as we have related of the others : But howfoe- 
 ver, thofe Veftments were not efteemed fo facred, as to be onely appropriated to 
 the Perfonof the Ma, but were fuch as the Ma beftowed on his great Lords and 
 Captains, and other Subjects, whenfoever he was pleafed to honour them with 
 fome fignal note, or mark of his favour. 
 
 Thefe alfo had their Mamacmas, or Matrons to overfee them, as thofe had 
 which lived at Cozco, and were governed by the fame rules , excepting that thofe 
 who lived at Cozco were all of the true Royal Bloud, and obliged to a perpetual 
 Cloifter and Virginity 5 but thefe were Maids of all forts and conditions, pro- 
 vided : that they were beautifull, being not defigried for Wives of the Sun; but 
 Concubines to the Ma. 
 
 The fame rigour of Law was practifed againft thofe who debauched and de- 
 filed the Women of the Ma, as againft thofe who became Adulterers with the 
 Virgins efpbiifed to the Sun 5 for the crime being the fame, required the fame pu- 
 nifhment. •, . but as there was never any fuch offence committed, fo there was ne- 
 ver any fuch feverity executed •, but to confirm that there was fuch a Law, we 
 have the authority of Auguflin de Car ate, who in the feventh Chapter of his fe- 
 cond Book , difcourfing of the caufes of the violent Death of Atahualpa , hath 
 thefe very words, which I have copied out Verbatim, being very much to our pur- 
 
 pofe. And as ( faith he ) all the Allegations which were made hereupon were all pronoun- 
 ced by the Tongue of the fame Filipillo, he interpreted nothing but what made to his own 
 purpofe. what might be the caufe which moved him hereunto, can never be certainly de- 
 termined ; though it muft be one of thefe two things, either that this Indian entertained 
 private Amours with one of the Wives of Atabaliba, and expetled by his death to enjoy her 
 
 with 
 
104 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 frith more fecurity ; which being come to the knowledge of Atabaliba, he complained 'there* 
 ef to the Govemour, faying, That he was more fenfible of that misfortune, than he was of 
 his imprifonment ; and that no mifery, though accompanied with Death, could touch him fo 
 nearly as this ; for that a common Indian of bafe extraction, fhould efteem him nt fo mean 
 a rate, as to make him the fubjetl of fo high an affront, in defpight of that Law of their 
 Countrey, which affigned no lefs a punifhment for it, than that fuch ojfendour fhould be burnt 
 dive , with his Wives , fathers, Children, Brothers , and all the rejl of his Kindred, 
 nay the very Flocks and Herds of fuch an Adulterer were to be defiroyed, his Lands laid 
 defolate, and fowed trith Salt, his Trees eradicated from the very Roots, his Houfes demoli- 
 fhed, with many other infliUions of the like nature. Thus far are the Words of Auguftin 
 
 de Car ate, which ferve to confirm what I have wrote concerning this matter, and 
 indeed I was pleafed to have my words avduched by the teftimony of this Spanifh 
 Cavalier : For though other Hiftorians mention this Law, yet they onely fay, that 
 it was with the Death of the Offendour, omitting that of his Wife, and Father, 
 and Relations, and all the other Solemnities of this puniihment ; whereby we 
 may underftand how grievous that offence was efteemed 5 and how deeply that 
 poor Inc* Atahualpa refented it, when in the Agony of his Heart, he laid, That 
 he felt it more than his Imprifonment % and all other infelicities, though atten- 
 ded with Death it felf. 
 
 Thofe Women who had the honour to be extracted from thefe Houfes for 
 Concubines to the King, were made uncapable of ever returning thither again, 
 but remained in the Court as Ladies and Attendants on the Queen, untill fuch 
 time as they were difrr;il1ed, and licence given them to return into their own 
 Countries ; \Vhere for ever afterwards they were provided with Houfes and Re- 
 venue agreeable to their Quality, and to the Dignity and Honour they had acqui- 
 red by having been Miftrefles to the Inca. Thole who could not attain to this 
 Honour, were obliged to remain in their Cloifter untill they Were ancient, and 
 then had liberty either to continue till the time of their Death , or to return to 
 their own Countrey, where they were treated wkh foch refpeft as was due 10 the 
 profeflion they had made. 
 
 ____— 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 
 Of the Quality and Ornament of thefe SeleR Virgins, and 
 that they were not to be given unto any perfon whatfoever 
 in Marriage. 
 
 THofe Virgins which were dedicated or defigned for the prefent Kjfit had the 
 Tide after his Death of Mothers to the Succeflbur, with the Addition alio 
 of Mamacmtt, which was a Name properly belonging to their Office, which ob- 
 liged them to teach and overfee the young Novices, who were admitted for Con- 
 cubines of the New bica, and treated by them as their Children and Daughters- 
 in-law. Every one of thefe Convents had its Governour or Superiour, who was 
 an Ma, and whofe bufinefs it was to provide all Neceflaries for the ufe of thefe 
 Wives of the Inca; for though in reality they were but Concubines, yet in re- 
 flect and courtefie they gave them the Honourable title of Wives. In every one 
 of thefe Houfes belonging to thefe Maidens, feparated for the ufe of the Inca % all 
 their Utenfils and Services of the Houfe were made of Gold and Silver, as thofe 
 were which belonged to the Wives of the Sun, and to die famous Temple, and 
 ( as we fhall hereafter declare ) to the Royal Palaces •, for indeed all the Gold and 
 Silver, and pretious Stones which were found and amafled in that great Empire, 
 were, for the moft part, employed to no other ufe, than to the Service and Adorn- 
 ment 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 105 
 
 merit of the Temples of the Sun, which were very numerous, and of the Cloi- 
 fters of thofe Virgins, which were equally considerable, and to embellitli the Royal 
 Palaces with agreeable pomp and magnificence $ the quantity continued in the 
 Services of Curacas, and great Men was little, and that chiefly in their Cups, or 
 drinking Veflels, which was alio limited and moderated according to fuch a de- 
 gree of Weight and Number as the Inca was pleafed to allow them •■, there was 
 alfo fome fmall matter licenfed for their Garments and Cloathing, when the grand 
 Feftivals were celebrated. 
 
 It is a great errour and miftake of thofe who report, that any of thefe feparated 
 Virgins might lawfully be given for Wives to the great Commanders and Cap- 
 tains by any favour or difpenfation of the Inca ; for being once dedicated and 
 confecrated for Wives of the Inca, and admitted to that profeflion, they were 
 ever after rendred uncapable of fo low a condefcenfion as to own any other Hus- 
 band •, for that were to prophane that Sacred Character whereby they were de- 
 dicated to the Inca, and an injury to the Woman, who thereby would be forced 
 to renounce all the grandeur and privileges (he enjoyed, under the Reverend Title 
 of one Married to the Inca, that (he might receive the lefs honourable condition 
 of a private perfon. And fince it was a fundamental Law amongft them, That 
 wne was to be injured, much lets ought any diminution to be offered to their Kings, 
 who, as we have faid, were honoured and adored by them under the Notion 
 of Gods. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 What Women thofe were whom the Inca prefented and be- 
 flowed in Marriage. 
 
 TH E truth is, there were fome Women, of whom the Ma made Prefents 
 to fuch Curacas and Captains, who by their Services had merited rewards 
 from him •, but then thefe were but the Daughters of other Curacy , which 
 the Inca took from them to beftow in Marriage upon thofe who had deferved well 
 from him, which feemed a favour to them both •, unto the one that the Inca would 
 vouchfafe to receive and prefer his Daughter , and to the other, that he was plea- 
 fed to beftow her on him with his own hand, being for that reafon efteemed pre- 
 tious •, for not fo much the gift, as the Donor being regarded, rendred the leaft 
 prefent from the Inca's hand equal to the higheft treafure, as if it had fomething 
 of Divinity conferred with it. Sometimes, though but feldom, the Incas pre- 
 ferred their natural Daughters of the Royal Bloud to the Curacas, and Gover- 
 nors of Provinces for Wives, as Signals of his favour, and as engagements to 
 them to continue in their Loyalty ; of which fort the Inca having many to beftow 
 abroad, had no neceflity to have recourfe to thofe for a fupply, who were entred 
 in the Sacred and Royal Foundations •, for that would have been a diminution 
 to their exalted Degree, a violation to their Religion, and an impiety to mix di- 
 vine race with prophane Bloud. 
 
 e h a p. 
 
106 Royal Commentariet. Book IV. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of other Women, who conferred their Virginity, and of Widows. 
 
 BEfides thefe Virgins, who lived Reclufes in Cloifters, under the Vow of per- 
 petual Chaftity, there were many other Women of Royal Bloud, who lived 
 in retirement, and vowed to conferve their Virginity, though with liberty to go 
 abroad, and vifit their neareft Relations, and affift the lick, and Women in their 
 Travels, and to be prefent at the Ceremony of (having, when they gave a Name 
 to their firft-bom. Thefe Women were held in great Efteem and Veneration, 
 for their Chaftity, and purity of their Lives , giving them by way of Excellency^ 
 or of fome Vertue Divine, the Title of 0«7», which fignifies fomething of fuper- 
 eminentSan&ity* and this their Chaftity was not pretended, or feigned, but 
 true and reaU for if any falfity or hypocrifie were difcovered in it, they burnt 
 them alive, or threw them to the Lions to be devoured. I remember that I knew 
 one of thefe that was very ancient, and had never been married, which they cal- 
 led Occlo-y fometimes (lie vifited my Mother, and, as I have heard, (he was her 
 Aunt by the Grandfather-, I can fay, I am a witnefc of the great refpeft they bore 
 towards her, and efpecially my Mother, who for her Relation, Years and Vertue, 
 behaved her felf towards her with all imaginable Reverence and Veneration. 
 
 Nor muft we here omit the Modefty and Vertue of Widows in general, who 
 for the firft Year of their Widowhood kept themfelves retired, and free from all 
 converfation, there being very few of thofe, who had not Children, that married 
 again, much left thofe who were provided with them, did ever return to a fecond 
 Marriage, but lived with Continence and Chaftity -, for which reafon the Laws 
 were favourable towards them, commanding Labourers to plow and cultivate 
 their Lands before thofe of the Curacas, with many other privileges, which the 
 favour of the Ima indulged to them. The truth is, it was a difparagement for a 
 Man, who was not a Widower himfelf, to marry with a Widow , for as they 
 faid, he loft I know not what quality and repute by fuch a condefcenfibn. And 
 this is what is moft obfervable in reference to Virgins, and Widows, and modeft 
 Women. 
 
 CHAR VIII. 
 
 Of their Marriages in general, and how their Houfes were 
 governed. 
 
 IT will now be proper in this place for us to treat of their Marriages, and how 
 they were joined together in the Kingdoms and Provinces fubje&ed to the 
 Iwa : In order hereunto it is to be noted, that every year, or every two years, the 
 King commanded his Officers to take an account of fuch young Men and Maidens 
 of his Lineage, as were marriageable, within the City of Coz,c o, that fo they might be 
 matched together-, the Maidens were to be of eighteen to twenty years of age, and 
 the young Men from twenty to twenty four, and upwards -, under which age they 
 were not efteemed to be of years of confent, for that it was neceflary they (hould 
 be of a ripe age and judgment to govern their Families, which could not be done by 
 
 Children 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 107 
 
 Children in their minority. At the Ceremonies of Matrimony the Inca flood be- 
 tween the two Perfons, and carting his Eyes upon them both, he called the Man 
 by his Name, and then the Woman, and taking their hands into his, joined them 
 together, which being the bond of Matrimony , the Fun&ion was performed ; 
 and being by the Inca consigned to their Parents, they went home to the Houfe of 
 the Bridegroom's Father, where the Wedding was kept for four or fix days with 
 great rejoycing : This was the manner and form of their legal Marriages, which 
 for the great Favour and Honour the Jmk had performed in this Function, were 
 called in their Language, the Incan Couple. The King having in this manner 
 matched thofe of his own Lineage, then the next day following the Officers for 
 this Employment joined the Neighbourhood of the City, with reipec-t to that Di- 
 vision, which 'we have mentioned at the beginning of this Hiftory, of the Upper 
 and the Lower Cozxo. 
 
 The Houfes which were appointed for the Habitation of the new married 
 Couples, who were Incas, (concerning whom we treat at prefent) were prepared 
 by the Indians of thofe Provinces, whofe charge it was, according to fuch provi- 
 fion as was made in that cafe. All the Furniture and Utenfils of the Houfes were 
 provided at the charge of the Parents; every one of their Kindred giving them 
 fomething towards Houfe-keeping, which was all the Ceremony or Sacrifice per- 
 formed at that Solemnity ■■, and though many Spanijh Hiftorians report divers,other 
 barbarous Cuftoms in ufe at Marriages, it is for want of a diftindl knowledge of 
 the Rites of one Province from another-, for in thofe Provinces indeed which 
 were remote from Cozce, and where the Seigniority and Rule of the Incas had not 
 as yet arrived, there may have been many abfurd and impious Ceremonies in u(e, — 
 which fince have been corrected, and aboliihed by the more wife and refined Go- 
 vernment of the Incas. 
 
 But as to the true Politicks of the Incas, they obferved no other Form of Marri- 
 age than this before recited, according to which the Curacas in their Provinces, 
 and the Governours in their refpe&ive Divifions conformed their difcipline, and 
 as Fathers and Lords of their Countrey, pra&ifed it in the lame manner as did 
 the Inca. And though the Inca, who was Governour , was prefent at the Mar- 
 riages which the Cm-oca folemnized ; yet it was not to interpofe, or diminifii the 
 Authority of the Cm-oca therein, but onely to approve that in the name of the 
 King which the Curaca had performed by virtue of the power he exercifed over 
 his own Vaflals. When the Commonalty, or ordinary fort married, the Com- 
 munity of the People were obliged to build, and provide them Houfes, and the 
 Parents to furnilh them. It was not lawfull for any to marry out of his own Pro- 
 vince, or People 5 but, as the Tribes of Ifrael, they were obliged to match within 
 their own Lineage and Nation 5 and excepting onely Sifters, they joined promif- 
 cuoufly together, like Sheep of the fame flock; fo that the People of a Province 
 were not allied onely by Nation, but by Kindred and Bloud. By which it ap- 
 pears, that it was not lawfull for any to change his Countrey or Habitation , or 
 pafs the limits of his Divifion, or Decurion, but to keep himfelf clofe to his Peo- 
 ple and Families-, for in regard the Afiemblies within the Community were obli- 
 ged to build the Houfes of the new married, it was their own duty to conferve 
 them in Repair, and not to wander without the Barrier, and Confines of their 
 Parentage. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
io8 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 C H A P. IX. 
 
 That the Prince, who was Heir apparent, was to marry his 
 own Sifter, and the reasons which they gave for it. 
 
 HAving now declared the manner in general, and the way how the common 
 Indians married •-, we (hall in the next place proceed to treat of the Marriage 
 of the Prince, who was Heir apparent. In explanation of which it is to be noted, 
 that it was die moft ancient Cuftome, and fundamental Law of thofe Kings, that 
 the Prince, who was Heir, ihould marry with her that was his own Sifter by Fa- 
 ther and Mother, and (he onely was capable of being his Legitimate Wife, whom 
 they called Ctpa, which is as much as Queen, or Emprefs-, and the Eldeft Son of 
 thefe two was allowed for the true and lawfull Heir of the Kingdom. 
 
 The Original of this Law and Cuftome was derived from the firft Inca, ALmco 
 Capac, and his Wife, Mama Oak Huaco, who feigning themfelves to be the Chil- 
 dren and defended from the Sun, and to be Brother and Sifter, it was therefore 
 concluded by all the Indians, (who perfectly believed this Story) that by the exam- 
 ple of thefe two, the fame Rule was to be obferved in the fuccefiion of all future 
 Ages 5 and this they confirmed by another Example of the Sun and Moon them- 
 felves', who being Brother and Sifter, were joined in Marriage ; and therefore this 
 ierved for an undeniable Authority and Argument to prove the" Legality of fuch a 
 Marriage, by an inftance fo convincing, as that of thefe Deities: Yet for wane 
 of fuch Iitue female, the Prince might then marry with the neareft of Kindred, 
 fuch as his Coufin-German, or Aunt, who, for want of Heirs male, were capa- 
 ble of inheriting the Crown, according to the Cuftome in Spain. 
 
 For want of Heirs male by the firft Sifter, the Prince might marry with the 
 fecond, or third, and fo on, untill he met with one that produced fuch ifliie : and 
 this Rite was punctually obferved, and maintained to be legal, from the example 
 of the Sun and Moon, and of the firft Inca and his Sifter , and from that Rule 
 which enjoined them to keep the Streams of Royal Bloud pure and unmixed, left 
 they mould incur the impiety of mixing Divine Bloud with Humane Race. And 
 becaufe the right of this Inheritance came as well by the Mother as the Father, 
 the fame could not be conferved, unlefs they both concurred to make an Heir 
 with an undoubted Title. Hereunto they added farther, that the Majefty of the 
 Queen could not be communicated to any other , unto whom it did not apper- 
 tain by Nature ^ for that her Conjunction and Union with the King could not 
 render her capable of fuch a Chara&er, which was to be worfhipped and adored 
 in the place of a Deity, for that were to commit Idolatry, by giving Divine 
 Worfliip to a Humane Creature. 
 
 Befides the lawfull Queen thofe Kings might have many Concubines, both of 
 their own Kindred, to the fourth Degree, and alfo of Strangers-, but the Children 
 by them were obferved with different degrees of refpecl; the Sons by the KmC- 
 women were efteemed legitimate, having no mixture of common Bloud, which 
 quality was ever efteemed with high Veneration, when thofe by Strangers were 
 accounted Baftards 5 and though they had fome refpeft (hewn them above that 
 of common degree, yet it was not with fuch exteriour and interiour Devotion, as 
 to thofe of purer Bloud, who were accounted Gods, when thefe were onely ho- 
 noured as Men. So that the King. had three forts of Children, one by his Sifter 
 and Wife, who were legitimate, and capable of the Succeflion-, another fort 
 was by his Kinfwomen of the fame Bloud 3 and a third by Strangers, who were 
 reputed Natural and Baftard-Sons. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 109 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the different manners of inheriting Eftates. 
 
 FOR want of Ifliie male by the legitimate Wife, the Law then was, that the 
 Eldeft of the true bloud fhould fucceed, as it happened in the cafe olManco 
 Inca a, Huafiar, as we ihall hereafter make appear in its due place, for in no wife 
 it would be permitted that a Baftard fhould inherit j and for want of lawful! Sons 
 of the bloud, the Inheritance fell to the next of Kindred, provided he were truly 
 defended by Father and Mother. 
 
 By reafon of this Law Atahualpa deftroyed the whole Race of the true and 
 Royal Bloud, both Men and Women, (as we fhall relate in its due place ; ) for he 
 being a Baftard, and therefore uncapable to inherit, made way to his ufurped 
 Kingdom by the death of the lawfull Heirs, left one of them remaining alive, 
 lhould recover it again from his Power. All thole of the Bloud married together, 
 to the fourth Degree, that fo the Generation of them might multiply to great 
 numbers 5 onely the eldeft Sifter was referved for the King, it not being lawfull 
 for any to take her befides himfelf. The eldeft Son always inherited the Kingdom 
 for a feries of twelve Kings, who fucceeded without interruption, untill the Spa- 
 niards invaded them. 
 
 Howfoever amongft the Caracas, or Lords over Vaffals, a different Rule and 
 Cuftome was obferved •, for in fome Provinces the Eldeft Son fucceeded, in others 
 the moft beloved, and efteemed for his Vertue, and Affability was the qualifica- 
 tion required, of which the People being Judges, the Government feemed rather 
 Elective than Hereditary. This Law was a curb to the Sons of the Caracas, ve- 
 {training them from Tyranny, and an obligation to be vertuous; for in regard 
 the Difpofal of the Inheritance depended on the pleafure of the People, the Sons 
 contended in kindnefs towards their Subjects, and every one laboured to render 
 himfelf, by his Valour and Gentlenefs, the moft beloved and acceptable to the 
 People. 
 
 Jn fome Provinces the Sons inherited according to their Birth, as when the Fa- 
 ther dyed, the Eldeft Son fucceeded, then the fecond, then the third, and fb for- 
 ward 3 and when all the Brothers were extinct, the Inheritance fell to the Eldeft 
 Son of the Eldeft Brother, and fo fucceflively -, Co that hence appears the miftake 
 of 3 certain Spanijh Hiftorian, who fays, that it was the common Cuftome of all 
 Peru, that the Brothers of the King fhould gradually fucceed one after the others 
 and that all of them being dead, then the Kingdom afcended again to the Eldeft 
 Son of the eldeft Brother, which Errour proceeded from a mifunderftanding of 
 the true difference between the manner of inheriting by Incat-, and Caracas. For 
 though the Incas did reduce and fubdue many Provinces to their Power, yet they 
 did not alter their Cuftomes, and ancient Laws, unlefs they interfered with their 
 Religion, and their own fupreme and abfolute Jurifdiction •, but rather they con- 
 firmed many of thofe Cuftoms which were good and laudable-, particularly that 
 whereby the moft deferving Son was chofen to the Government , it feeming a 
 fpur and incitement to Vertue, to have Power and Grandeur fet up for the Prize 
 and Reward of their Merit: the which appeared fo reafonable, that a certain Inca, 
 King defired once to have introduced this Cuftome into his own Family, and in 
 defpight of their own fevere Law of Primogeniture, have made his Sons depend 
 on the favour and air of the Peoples Suffrages, as we lhall difcourfe in its due place. 
 There is a People about fourty Leagues to the Eaftward of Cozco, which I have 
 been amongft, of the Nation of guechaa, fome call them Sutcunca, where a par- 
 ticular inftance happened, relating to the different manner of inheriting in that 
 Countrey. The Cttraca. of that People, called Bon Garcia, finding himfelf at the 
 point of death, called for his four Sons, who were Men grown, with the Nobles 
 of his Province, and admonifhed them by way of his laft Words and Teftament ; 
 
 that 
 
 V. 
 
no Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 that they mould obferve and keep that Law of Jefus Chrift which they had lately 
 received, and for ever praife and thank God for fending them fo ineftimable a be- 
 nefit and honour , and ferve the Spaniards for having been the means and inftru- 
 ments of fuch Divine Revelations •? and that they mould ferve and obey their 
 Mafter with Angular Affe&ion, to whofe lot and fortune it mould fall to be their 
 Lord and Governour-, laftly, he told them, that fince it was theCuftome of their 
 Countrey to ele<5t the moft vertuous unto their Government, he charged them to 
 make choice of that Perfon amongft his Sons, whom they efteemed the moft de- 
 ferving-, and that in cafe none of them appeared worthy of their paternal Succef- 
 lion and Honour , that then, patting them by, they mould chufe fuch a Perfon 
 from amongft themfelves, whom they reputed of greateft Honour and Worthi- 
 nefst, for that fince nothing was fo dear to him as the common Good, and Benefit 
 of his People, he defired not the promotion of Iris Children farther than as it 
 tended to that end and defign: All which a Prieft, who had been his Confef- 
 four , reported as a remarkable Teftament and Paffage in thofe barbarous parts. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of their Ceremonies when they weaned, and Jbaved, and 
 gave Names to their Children. 
 
 THE Incas, when they weaned their Eldeft Sons, they made great Feafts and 
 rejoycing, which they did not obfert e for their Daughters, or fecond or 
 third Sons, at leaft not with that folemnity ; for the order of Primogeniture of 
 Males was in high Efteem with the Incas , and by their Example with all their 
 Subjects. 
 
 They weaned them at two years of age, and upwards, and then dipt off the 
 Hair of their Heads, and with that gave them their Names: At which cere- 
 mony the Kindred aflembled, and he that was to impofe the Name, fhore offthe 
 firft lock of the Infant's Hair. Their Sciffers were made of a Flint, for as yet the 
 Indians were not arrived to a better Invention •, after the God-father had (nipped 
 his lock, the reft of the Kindred did the like, one after the other, according to 
 their Age and Quality ■-, and when the Infant was quite (horn, then the Name was 
 given, with the Preients which they brought ; for fome gave him Garments, and 
 clothing, others beftowed Cattle , others Arms of divers Faftuons , others Cups 
 of Gold and Silver to drink in : the which was performed onely towards the 
 Princes of the Royal Bloud-, for that the Commonalty were not permitted this 
 Honour, unlefs by particular Privilege or Difpenfation. 
 
 After this Ceremony was ended, then came in their drink , for a dry Feaft 
 was accounted dull, and with Singing, and Dancing, they paffed the whole 
 Day , untill Night parted them •, which Jollity being the next day renewed , 
 continued for three or four days , according to the quality of the Parents j the 
 like Ceremony was obferved, when the locks of the young Prince, and Heir ap- 
 parent, were dipt, at which the High Prieft of the Sun affifted, and was the firft 
 to cut his Hair - 7 moreover at this folemnity the Curacas of the whole Kingdom, 
 either in Perfon, or by their Deputies appeared, and were aflifting at this Feftival, 
 which continued for the fpace of at leaft twenty days, offering their Prefents of 
 Gold, and Silver, and pretious ftones, and what elfe was curious and rare, in their 
 refpe&ive Provinces. 
 
 In refemblance hereof (becaufe it is natural for People to imitate their Prince) 
 the Curacas, and generally all the Nations of iV# followed this Example, in fome 
 proportion agreeable to their Quality and Ability •-, and this was accounted one of 
 their moft jolly and merry meetings. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 1 1 1 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 That they educated their Children without any tender- 
 ness. 
 
 AS well the huat, as. the Commonalty, both rich and poor, bred up their 
 Children with the leaft of tendernefs and delicacy that was pofllble: for 
 fo foon as an Infant was born, they warned it in cold water, before they fwathed it 
 in its Mantles 5 and then every morning they bathed it in cold water , and fome- 
 times expofed it to the dew of the night •■, perhaps the Mother would fometimes 
 out of tendernefs fpirt the water out of her mouth on the Child, and fo wafh it 5 
 but generally they had an opinion, that cold and exercife did corroborate and 
 ftrengthen the Body and Limbs: their Armes they kept fwathed, and bound 
 down for three months, upon fuppofition, that to loofe them fooner, would wea- 
 ken them ; they kept them always in their Cradles, which was a pitifull kind of 
 a frame, fet on four legs, one of which was ihorter than the reft, for convenience 
 of rocking $ the Bed was made of a fort of courfe knitting, which was fomethkig 
 more foft than the bare boards, and with a ftring of this knitting they bound up 
 the Child on one fide, and the other, to keep it from falling out. 
 
 When they gave them fuck they never took them into their Lap or Armes, 
 for if they had ufed them in that manner, they believed that they would never 
 leave crying, and would always expect to be in Armes, and not lie quiet in 
 their Cradles; and therefore the Mother would lean over the Child, and reach it 
 the Breaft, which they did three times a day, that is, at morning, noon and night, 
 and unlefs it were at thofe times, they never gave it fuck-, for they faid, that not 
 accuftoming it to fet hours, would caufe it to expecl: fuckling the whole day,, and 
 be never quiet, but when the Breaft was at the Mouth; which caufes frequent 
 vomits and pewkings, and made them, when they were grown Men, to be glut- 
 tons, and drunkards-, for we fee, faid they, in other Creatures, that they admini- 
 fter their Dugs and Nipples to their Young at certain hours and feaibns. The 
 Mother always nurfed her own Child, for though lhe were a Lady of the higheft 
 degree, ftie would never fuffer her Infant to be nourished with the milk of another, 
 unlefs in the cafe of ficknefs , or fome other infirmity 3 and during the time of 
 their nurfing, they abftained from the Bed of their Husbands, as that which would 
 curdle their milk, and make the Child a Changeling. Such as were thus transferred 
 
 jreterperfec-l tenfe, 
 w its Parents; and 
 le other with that 
 
 to ftranger Nurfe, were called Ayufia, which is a participle of the 
 and is as much as to fay, one denied, or renounced, or changed 
 by way of Metaphor the younger fort would reproach one 
 word, intimating that his Miftrefs fhevv'd more favour to his Rival than to him- 
 felf; to utter that word to a married man were a high affront, being one of thofe 
 five words that are fcandalous, and will bear an A&ion. I knew once a Pa/la, or 
 Lady of the Bloud Royal, who was forced to give her Daughter to be fuckled by 
 another-, the faithlefs Nurfe proving with Child, her Fofter-child fell into aCon- 
 fumption and Convulfions, and became nothing but Skin and Bones 5 the Mother 
 finding her Daughter in this manner made Ayufia, at the end of eight months after, 
 when lhe had almoft dried up her milk, (he reftored her Infant to her own natural 
 Breafts, which fetched down her milk again, and applying an Unguent of Herbs 
 to the Shoulders, the Infant recovered, which was before given over, as in a de- 
 fperate condition-, fuch is the virtue of the Mother's Milk, that there is nothing 
 more medicinal, and nothing more reftorative than that natural ftiftenance. 
 
 If the Mother had a fufficient ftock of Milk, the Child never received any other 
 nonriihment than that, untill the time it was weaned -, for they were of opinion, 
 that all other forts of food created nothing but crudities and indigeftions. When 
 it was time to take it out of the Cradle, they made a little pit for it in the floor, 
 which reached to the Breaft, in which they put it, with fome old clouts to make 
 
 ic 
 
H2 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 it foft, to which the Child being inured , did not trouble the Mother's Armes, 
 and having fome few play- things thrown before it, it pleafed and contented it 
 felf without the lead: difturbance •, and fo unwilling were they to accuftome it to 
 the Lap, that though it were a Child of the greatefl: Cmaca of the Kingdom, it 
 was not treated ocherwtfe-, and that when it was grown fo big as to crawl about, 
 they would ufe it to fuck upon its knees at one Breaft, and then teach it to creep 
 about to the other, but would never take it into the Armes. The Woman in 
 Child-bed was treated yet more hardily than was the Child •, for fo foon as fhe had 
 brought forth, (he went to the next ftream, or to fome cold water in the Houfe, 
 where (lie wafhed her felf and her Infant, and afterwards applied her felf to her 
 domeftick Affairs, without any concernment whatfoever: They had no ufe of 
 Midwives, or others, at their Labours, and if any did affift, me was rather a 
 Witch , or Enchantrefs„ than a Midwife. And this was all the cuftome and 
 manner in Pern, which was equally pra&ifed by the Rich and Poor, Nobility 
 and Commonalty, both at the Birth of their Children, and breeding them up af- 
 terwards. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of the Husmfery of the ?7iarried Women, 
 
 TH E married Women always employed themfelves at home in fpinning and 
 weaving Woo' m the coid Countries, and of Cottons in the hot, every 
 one fpinning and making Cloaths for themfelves, their Husbands, and Children ; 
 fowing was the leaft of their work, either for Men or Women, for their thread 
 was Bad, and their needles worfe •-, notwithftanding whatfoever they wove, whe- 
 ther Wool, or Cotton , all was fpun , and twined into threads- Ail their Cloth 
 was made of four threads, and not woven wider or longer, than juft as much as 
 was fufficient to make a Mantle, Shirt, orWaftcoar? their Veftments were not 
 cut out, or fhaped, but all of a piece, after the manner that they came from the 
 Loom ■-, for before they began to weave them , they defigned the proportion of 
 length and breadth, which they intended to give them •, fo that they nad need 
 neither of Taylors, Hofiers, nor Shomakers, for they had no need of thofe things 
 which we make neceffaries , and their Women took care of their Houfes and 
 Clothing, onely the Men were to provide the Hofe, or Stockings, and Arms? 
 and though the Incat of the Royal Bloud, and fuch as were Caracas, and rich 
 Men, had Servants to perform all thefe works for them •, yet fometimes for di- 
 vertifement , and in complyance with the Profeffion which their Law enjoyned 
 them, they fometimes did not difdain to work themfelves , and make a pair of 
 Breeches, or Stockins , or an Arrow , or fome other fort of Arms •, but as to the 
 Labours of the field both Men and Women, did jointly concur in their afMence 
 one of the other. 
 
 In fome Provinces far diftant from Cozco, where the Lands were ill manured, 
 there the Women laboured in the Field, and the Men remained at home to fpin 
 and weave •-, but my Difcourfe is here of thofe Countries onely to which the 
 Power and Jurifdi&ion of the Tneat did extend, for other parts were fo barbarous, 
 and void of all humanity, that it were not worth our time or labour to give an 
 account of their Cuftoms or Manners. The Indian Women were fo addicted to-' 
 fpinning , and fo unwilling to lofe time from their Labour and Work , that as 
 they walked from the Villages to the City, and fo in their return home, and alfo 
 in their Vifits, and Converfation together, they ftill made ufe of their Spindle 
 and Reel •, for this was the conftant employment of the common People •-, but the 
 Pallas , or Ladies , who were of the Royal Bloud , whenfoever they made their 
 Vifits, they made their Serving-Maids carry their Spindles and work with them, 
 
 and 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 113 
 
 and during their Vifics, not to loofe time, or be idle, they fpun and worked as 
 they difcourfed-, their Spindles were made of Canes, as we in Spain have them of 
 Iron, they were crooked, but not hollow at the point, as ours are : with their 
 thread they made a kind of Filleting, which they wound in upon their Spindles, 
 twilling it with the fingers of their left hand-, their DiftafF they carried in their 
 left hand, and not at their girdle; being about a quarter of a yard long, and held 
 between two of their Fingers, and then with both hands they formed the finenefs 
 of their thread, and cleared it of foulnefs, but did not wet it at their mouths, be- 
 caufe in my time they fpun nothing there befides Wool and Cottons; nor do they 
 make any great riddance of their work, becaufe their Inftruments and Tools are 
 bad, as we have already declared. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 How the Women made their Vifits j how they worked 5 and 
 that common Whores were permitted amongft them. 
 
 WHen any Woman, that was not a Pa/la, though (he were the Wife of a 
 Curaca, who is a Lord that hath command over his Subjects, came to 
 make a Vifit to a Palla, who was a Lady of the Bloud Royal ; fo foon as the firft 
 Salutations and Complements were ended, fhe prefently asked whether (he had 
 any Work for her, or Service to command her; for me carrying not her Work 
 with her, did feem to intimate, that (he pretended not to fo much familiarity as 
 to come onely for Converfe, but as an inferiour, to demand wherein (he might 
 be efteemed ufefull in her fervice. The Palla, to make a courteous return to this 
 humble proffer, would ufually give her fome of the fame work which (lie, or one 
 of her Daughters was then working ; for to have put any thing elfe into her hand, 
 which her Maids were doing, would have equalled her Vifitant with them, which 
 in this manner was a Complement, and a courteous preferring her to fome degree 
 of equality with her felf and her Daughters. Such was the courtefie and obliging 
 carriage of one to the other-, for it was the defign and fafliion in that (tare, for 
 the Superiours to carry themfelves with an affable and winning behaviour to- 
 wards their inferiours, and for them with all Modefty and Obfervance to honour 
 and refpeft their fuperiour Magiftrates and Rulers -, which was the common pra- 
 ctice of all, even from the Ma, who was King, to the meaneft Peafant, or Shep- 
 herd, whom they called Llamamichec. 
 
 The Spanijh Women, which came afterwards to live at Cozco, imitated this cu- 
 ftome, after the manner of the Indian Women, carrying always their Work with 
 them, whenfoever they came to make their Vifits ; and this faihion was in ufe 
 amongft them to their great commendation, untill fuch time as Frantifio Hernan- 
 dez began his Civil War, which as it introduced nothing but Tyranny and Cru- 
 elty, fo it aboliihed this laudable cuftome, and difcountenanced all vertuous and 
 innocent practices. I forgot to mention the great care they had in mending their 
 Clothes, in cafe they were broken by any accident, as torn by a Nail, or burnt 
 with a coal of fire, for then they prefently derned it up again with their needle 
 made of a Thorn, and with thread of the fame colour ; and bringing it again to 
 the Loom, they lb neatly wove in the Thread, that it could not be feen where 
 the rent was made -, and in this matter they thought they had more wit than the 
 Spaniards, and would laugh at the patches they laid on their Clothes: The truth 
 is, the Web which the Indians wove, was different to the fabrick of Cloth which 
 the Spaniards made, and would not bear the fame fort of mending. It is alio ob- 
 feryable, that the Fire-hearths which the Indians ufed to drefs their meat in, were 
 a kind of Ovens, made of clay, bigger or lefs, according to the Wealth or Eftate 
 
 a of 
 
H4 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 of the Matter : the Fire vented it felf at the mouth of thefe Ovens, and on the 
 top was a place for two or three Dimes, in which they kt them to ftew 5 and was 
 fo very a great convenience for their Cookery, both in dreffing their Meat weli, 
 and faving their Wood 3 that it feemed the moft ingenious of all their contri- 
 vances -, and therefore it was .ftrange, that the Spaniards, when they came in a- 
 mongft them, ihould defpife and deftroy this invention. 
 
 To avoid greater evils, the /«/ thought fit to permit common Whores to 
 live amongft them •-, but then they were not to remain in the City, but in little 
 Huts without in the Fields, feparate from all fociety that fo by their converfation 
 they might not have opportunity to corrupt other Women : the Name they gave 
 them was Pampaymna, which fignifies both their profeffion and place of refidence; 
 Pampa is a Countrey or open place 5 and Runa properly is a Perfon, either Man or 
 Woman 5 fo that thefe two words in compofition, are as much as one who lives 
 alone in the Field 5 and as we fay, a Hedge- whore j and that as the Fields are 
 open, fo is her Body, and embraces to receive any one who hath an appetite to 
 come to her. The Men treated thefe Women with all fort of contempt and fcorn ; 
 and the Women were not fo much as to name them, under penalty of incurring' 
 the fame title and cenfure 5 and of having their Heads pubUckly ihorn , of be- 
 ing ftigmatized for infamous, and divorc'd from their Husbands : they never called 
 them by other name, than that of Pampaymna, which is as much as Common 
 Harlot. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 The Inca Roca, the fixtb King, fubdues many Nations, 
 and, amongfl others, the People of Chancas and Hanco- 
 huallo. 
 
 TH E Father being dead, his Son Inca Roca ( whofe Name, as Bias Valera fays, 
 fignifies prudent and confederate ) took upon him the Government, bind- 
 ing his Head with the coloured Wreath ; and having accomplilhed the Solemni- 
 ties of his Father's Funeral, he made a progrefs into all parts of his Dominions, 
 to vifit, and fettle, and order what was there amifs 5 in which Journey he pafled 
 the three firft years of Tiis Reign : And then determining to proceed farther in his 
 Conquefts, he ordered fufficient force to be levied, and therewith pafled on the 
 fide of Chinchafuyu, which lyes Northerly from Cozco. He commanded alfo that 
 a Bridge (hould be made over the River Apurimac, which is in the great Road from 
 the City of Cozco to the King's Town ; for that he being now King, it feemed 
 too low and mean for him to tranfport his Army over the River on Floats, as he 
 had done when he was Prince •, being more Great and Royal to ereft the fix'd 
 convenience of a Bridge, which for better uniting a correfpondence with the Pro- 
 vinces lately conquered, was now become almoft neceflary. 
 
 The Bridge being finifhed, he departed from Cozco with an Army of twenty 
 thoufand Men, under the Command of four Major-Generals , ordering his Men 
 to March three a-breaft over this Bridge 5 which being a new device, and not be- 
 fore pra&ifed , was Recorded to the Honour of his Memory. Thence he procee- 
 ded to the Vale of Amancay, or the Cowflip > Vally, becaufe of the great quanti- 
 ties of them which grow in thole parts ■■> this Flower is in the faihion of a Bell, 
 and in that Countrey are of a greenilh colour, fmooth, without Leaves 5 and for 
 their fimilitude with the Cowflip, the Spaniards gave them that name. From A- 
 mancay he took to the right hand, towards the Mountain Cordillera, which over- 
 tops the fnowy defart, and between that and the great Road he met fome few 
 
 people, 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. n« 
 
 people, whom he reduced under his Dominion , the which were called Tacmara, 
 and guinnmlU 5 then lie came to Cochacafa, where he made feme fray and aboad ; 
 and from thence he proceeded to Curampa , and, without difficulty, fubdued that 
 people, becaufe they were few in number -, from Curampa he came to the Pro- 
 vince called Antahuaylla, which is inhabited on both fides of the way for the fpace 
 of fixteen or feventeen Leagues , by a people both rich and warlike 1 This Na- 
 tion is called Chavca, boafting thenafelves to be defcended from one Leon, whom 
 they efteemed and adored for a God ■-, and at their great Feftivals, both before 
 and after they were fubdued by the Incas, they carried twenty four Pi&ures in 
 Proceflion, painted after the manner of Henuks, with a Lion's skin, and a Man's 
 head : I remember I faw thefe Pi&ures once brought forth on Corpus Chrifti day, 
 or the Feaft of the Holy Sacrament. Under this denomination of Chanca many o- 
 ther Nations were comprehended, as Hanco hualla, Vtmfulla, Vramarca, Yilka and 
 others •, all of which make their boafts of being defcended from different Origi- 
 nals ; fome from this Fountain, others from that Lake -, every Nation efteeming 
 that for their God, and thereunto offering Sacrifice, from whence they owned 
 and derived their Pedigree ■-, the Anceftours'of thefe people were faid to be come 
 from far, and to have conquered many Provinces in their paflage untill they arri- 
 ved at the Countrey of Antahuaylla ; the which they fubdued by force of Arms, 
 and expelled the ancient Inhabitants of it-, and afterwards gaining much Land 
 from the £>uecbuas, they drove them up , and ffraitned them in their Quarters , 
 made them pay a Tribute, which they exacted with the higheft Tyranny, befides 
 many other famous Atchievements , of which their port erity did greatly glory. 
 Of all which the Jnca Roca being well informed, he thought them worthy of his 
 Conqueft •, fb that fo foon as he arrived on the Confines of .Antahuaylla, he dif- 
 patched his ufual Summons to the Chancas, requiring them to fubmit to the Off- 
 fpring of the Sun, or otherwife prepare themfelves for battel. Thefe people af- 
 fembling together to confider of thefe Summons, were divided into two feveral 
 Parties and Opinions. Some maintained that they ought not to refufe to receive 
 the Inca for their Lord, who was defcended from the Sun ; others who boafted of 
 their Lineage from Leon, were of a contrary perfuafion , for being Allied to Leon, 
 and Mailers of many .Countries and People, judged it a difparagement to be 
 fubjected to any other, or to be cheated with a fabulous pretence of the Sun and 
 his Family •-, and that it was more agreeable to the Banners which they carried, 
 and :he ancient Honours which they had acquired by the Conqueft of fo many 
 Nations, rather to fubdue others, than tamely t;o fubmit to an unknown Matter •■> 
 and forgetting all their ancient bravery, poorly and bafely to yield themfelves at 
 the firft Summons without fo much as an appearance in the Field, or difplaying 
 their Banners would argue the higheft piece of degeneracy and cowardife of mind 
 in the World. 
 
 In this ambiguity of mind and irrefolution, fometimes inclining to a furren- 
 der, and then again to adventure a battel, the Chancas perfifted many days •■, of 
 which the Inca having intelligence, determined to enter their Countrey, and af- 
 fright them with the advance of his Army $ for that perhaps to a people of their 
 difpofition, who availed themfelves much upon their ancient Prowefs and Victo- 
 ries ; indulgence and gentlenefs would be argued as a point of fear and cowardife, 
 and that therefore to attempt them briskly was the onely way to ftrike a terrour 
 in them, and aftonifh them with the fear of a cruel War, and a fevere Punilhmenc 
 as an effect thereof •, in purfuance of this refolution, he ordered his Major-Gene- 
 rals to invade the Countrey of Antahuaya •, and immediately upon their entry to 
 fend their Summons to the Chancas , telling them plainly, that they muft either 
 receive the Inca for their Lord, or elfe muft prepare to offer their lives a facrifice 
 to his Sword ; for that their contumacy and rebellion was fuch as was not longer 
 tolerable, and that their delays and impertinencies had already wearied his patience. 
 The Chamas obferving this refolution of the Inca , and that the Quechuas, and o- 
 ther Nations, whom in former times they had injured and provoked, judged ic 
 convenient to temporize , and with a feigned fubmiffion to accept the conditions 
 of Surrender, being moved thereunto out of fear of his force, and of that re- 
 venge which their Enemies might by this opportunity take upon them, rather 
 than out of any affe&ion or efteem they had to his Laws and Ordinances, as will 
 be proved hereafter in the procefs of this Hiftory. 
 
 Q.J The 
 
! 5 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 The Inca leaving his Officers to receive their fubmiffion , proceeded forward 
 in hisConquefts to another Province called Vramarca, which alfo is furnamed 
 Chama, and is a fmall Coontrey, but very populous, and inhabited by fuch a 
 hardy and war-like Nation % that had their Numbers been equal to their Courage, 
 they had been capable to have made a ftout and considerable refiftance 3 for that 
 the people on this fide were not fo eafie, and fimple, and fond of the lncas, and 
 their Government, as were thofe of Comfnyu and Collafnyu 3 howfoever, to be 
 fhort, thofe of Vramarca fubmitted, but with much relu&ancy, and againft their 
 inclinations. Thence the Inca marched forwards to the people called Hancohua/lo 
 and Vlllca, named by the Spaniards Vlkas, who with the fame unwillingnefs yiel- 
 ded to the power of the I»ca 3 for that thefe people, being all Chancas, were Lords 
 themfelves of divers Provinces, which by force of Arms they had fubdued, and 
 did daily enlarge their Dominions 3 with which their ambition and covetoufnefs 
 increafing, they could not, without difficulty, forego their Usurpations and Ty- 
 ranny over others, to yield themfelves to the fame conditions 1 the which re- 
 fraclary humour of theirs the Inca Roca obferving, reproved in them with fevere 
 reprehenfion 5 and though they received his Admonitions with Mortification and 
 Anger, yet they durft not openly own and difcover their diflike. In both thefe 
 Provinces their cuftome was to Sacrifice Children to their Gods at their principal 
 Feafts •, of which the Inca being informed, he made a difcourfe to them of the in- 
 humanity and unreafonablenefs of fuch a cuftome , and that for the future they 
 fhould Adore the Sun for their God , and receive the Statutes and Ordinances 
 which he had given them ; declaring to them by his own mouth, that he would 
 exaft the life of every Child at their hands, whom they fhould in that manner 
 attempt to deftroy 3 and that in punifhment for the offence, he would deftroy 
 and root out their whole Nation, and give their Countrey to be inhabited by a 
 better fort of people, of more bowels and compaffion, who fhould love and che- 
 rifh their own bloud, as nature required them. Nothing could come more dole- 
 full and fad, than this news to the Ears of thefe people, who were perfuaded by 
 the Devils, whom they worfhipped for their Gods, that this Sacrifice of tender 
 Infants was moft acceptable of any to the Infernal Powers. 
 
 From Villca he took the way on the left hand, and marched Weftward, to- 
 wards the Sea-coaft, and entred one of thofe two Provinces, which are both fty- 
 led by the name of Sulla, though for diffin&ion fake one of them is called Vtum- 
 fulla : thefe two Provinces comprehend under them many Nations of different 
 Names , fbme of them being full of people, others having but few. And in the 
 Hiftories of thefe matters, to avoid tedious difcourfes, they report, that the Num- 
 ber of them might be of about forty thoufand Families 5 in the fubduing of 
 which, the lnca is faid to have fpent much time, and fome report three years 5 
 which were chiefly taken up in the perfuafions and gentle Arts which the Inca. 
 ufed for reducing of that people, being more defirous to conquer them by kind- 
 nefs, than the feverity of Arms. For thofe Indian confiding much in their own 
 Numbers, and Art of War, did often incline to a breach, and a defence of them- 
 felves ; but that the moderation of the Inca, and his prudent conduct of affairs 
 was fuch, that with time he reduced them to his fervice, and a willingnefs to re- 
 ceive his Laws, and fuch Governours and Minifters as he was pleafed to consti- 
 tute over them 3 and then afterwards with this fuccefs and victory he returned to 
 Cozco. In thefe two Provinces of Sulla and VtumMla, there were about thirty 
 two years paft, fome very rich Mines difcovered of Silver, and Quick-filver 3 the 
 latter of which is very ufefull in Melting the Silver Ore. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries: 117 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of the Prince Yahuarhuacac, and the Interpretation of bis 
 Name. 
 
 THE King JncA Roc a having paffed fome Years in the quiet pofleflion and go- 
 vernment of his Kingdoms, thought it fit to employ his Son and Heir, na- 
 med Tahnarhuacac, in the entire Conqueft of Antifuyu, which lyes to the Eaft of 
 Cozco, and not far from the City ; for on that fide no great advance had been 
 made fince the time of the firft Inca^ Manco Capac, who had not proceeded far- 
 ther than the River Paucanampu. 
 
 But before we proceed farther in the Relation of this Story, it would be requi- 
 fite to explain the fignification of this long name otTahmr-huacac, and the reafon 
 which they had to give it to the Prince. It is a Tale amongft die Indians, that 
 when he was a Child of three or four years old, his Tears were bloud , perhaps 
 it was becaufe he had fome difeafe in his Eyes, and that the bloud, when he cried, 
 might fall from thence with his tears : But it is a general belief amongft them, that 
 fo foon as he came crying into the World, his Tears were bloud : It might like- 
 wife perhaps be, that he brought fomething of the Matritial bloud with him on 
 his Eyes, which the fuperftitious Indians were ready to interpret for Tears •, but be 
 the caufe what it will, they would not be perfuaded out of this belief ^ and on 
 this fuppofition founded many of their Witcheries and Prognoftications, foretel- 
 ling the anger and difpleafure of his Father the Sun againft him , and that there- 
 fore he would be unfortunate and accurfed. The derivation therefore of his 
 Name, is evident from Yahnar, to weep, and Huacac. This manner of Weeping 
 muft have been when he was a Child, and not at Man's eftate •■, for then he was 
 neither overcome nor taken Prifoner, as fome will have it 5 for none of the Mas 
 was ever fo unfortunate, untill the time of the wretched Huafcar, whom the Tray- 
 tor Atahualpa his Baftard-brother took Prifoner, as we fhall relate in its due place, 
 if God Almighty gives us life and power to arrive fo far in this our Hiftory. Nor 
 was he ftoln away when he was an Infant , as fome Writers will have it 5 for it is 
 not probable, that when Indians conceived generally fuch awe and veneration for 
 their Incas and the Royal Bloud , that any perfon fliould be found fo profligate, 
 and daring as to fteal the Prince and Heir to the Empire •-, nor is it probable, that 
 the Tutors and Servants (hould be (0 remifs in their care and charge •-, for fuch was 
 the reverence that the Indians bore towards their Incas, that the very imagination 
 of fuch an attempt would have terrified them to that degree, that they would 
 have believed the very thought would have procured the vengeance of Heaven, 
 and caufed the Earth to have opened and fwallowed both them and their whole 
 Families : For, as we have formerly faid, they Worfhipped the Sun for their 
 God, and for his fake the Incas, whom they accounted Children defcended from 
 him, were adored with the fame divine Honours. 
 
 _ Thefe Tears of bloud which the Indians interpreted to be ominous, and to be 
 fore-runners of fome difmal fate , put me in mind of another fuperftitious fancy 
 of theirs, which they gathered from the motion and twinkling of the eyes •, for 
 it was a common opinion both of the Incas and his Subjects, that the Eyes did 
 Prognofticate by their motion and twinkling either good or bad fortune •, for it 
 was accounted good luck when the upper eye-lid of the left eye twinkled , for 
 they faid, that it forefaw matters of contentment and fatisfa&ion •, but much 
 more when the right eye-lid fparkled and twinkled , that was a moft excellent 
 fign of all happinels and profperity, peace and plenty imaginable : And to the 
 contrary , when the lower Curtain of the right eye trembled , it betokened 
 weeping and tears for fome fad and unfortunate accident •■> but if the lower part 
 
 of 
 
n8 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 of the left eye moved , it foretold nothing but woe and forrovv, and fuch mife- 
 ries as would produce nothing but grief, and abundance of tears : And fuch con- 
 fidence and belief did they put in thefe fymptoms, that in cafe the lower eye- 
 lafhes did but fo much as tremble, they immediately put themfelves into moft 
 violent paflions of fear and weeping •, and in apprehenfion of what they feared, 
 they made themfelves more miferable, than if all the misfortunes of the World 
 had already fallen upon them : And then for the onely remedy of the enfuing 
 evils, they entertained another fuperftition more ridiculous than the former: 
 they would take the point of a Straw, and wetting it with Spittle, they would 
 flick it beneadi their eye •, and would then fay, comforting themfelves, that that 
 blefied Straw which crofled their under eye-lid would itanch the tears which 
 were to flow from their eyes, and prevent the Evils which the tremblings did 
 Prognofticate : The like conjectures almoft they made from a buzzing, or finging 
 in their Ears, which I forbear to enlarge upon, becaufe it was not fo remarkable 
 and certain as that of the Eyes ■-, and both one and the other I can teftifie, becaufe 
 I have feen and heard their Lamentations on thofe occafions. 
 
 The King Ima Roca ( as we have faid) refolving to fend his Son to conquer 
 Antifuju, ordered an Army of fifteen thoufand Souldiers to be raifed, under the 
 Command of three Major-Generals, whom he joined with him for Companions 
 and Counfellours. The Prince being well inftructed in all matters, proceeded 
 widi good fuccels as far as the River Paucartampu,znc\ thence marched forwards to 
 Challapampa, where he reduced thofe few poor Indians which he found in thofe 
 Quarters , thence he pafled to Pillwpata, where he planted four Colonies with a 
 fort of wandring and vagabond people. From Pillcupata he travelled to Havifia 
 and Tuna, where the firft Subjects o&Chac-ras de Cue a fubmitted to the Dominion 
 of the Incas, and where great quantities of that Herb called Cuca grows : the In- 
 heritance of Havifia was afterwards given to my Lord and Father Garp/affo de 
 Vega, and he was pleafed to beftow thatEftate upon me for my life, but I renoun- 
 ced, and left it upon my going into Spain. The paflage into thefe Vallies where 
 the Cuca grows , is over that high Mountain called Canac-hmy, defcending five 
 Leagues almoft perpendicular, which makes a Man's head giddy to look down 5 
 how much more labourfome muft it be to afcend and defcend thofe ways tur- 
 ning and winding in form of a Serpent ? 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 119 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Of the Idols which the Indians of Antis worfhipped-, and of 
 the Conqueft made over the Charcas. 
 
 IN thofe Provinces oft. Amis they commonly worfhipped Tygers for their Gods, 
 and great Serpents, much thicker than a Mans Thigh, and twenty five, or 
 thirty foot in length, though fome others might be lefs, called Amaru -, they are a 
 certain fort of a fluggifh Serpent, which are not venomous, and, as they fay, were 
 charmed by a skUfull Sorcerefs, that they mould doe no harm, having before been 
 dangerous, and very poifonous. The Tiger they adored for his nimblenefs and 
 bravery, faying that Serpents and Tygers were the true and natural Inhabitants 
 and Lords of that Countrey, and therefore did juftly require reverence and refpetf: 
 from Men, who were but Strangers and Aliens in it. They worfhipped alfo the 
 Plant Cuca, OK Coca, as the Spaniards call it. Thus far the Prince Tabuar-Huacac 
 having enlarged his Dominions, being almoft thirty Leagues in length, and in a 
 Countrey ill Inhabited, he found himfelf flopped in his farther progrefs, by the 
 Mountains, moorifh Grounds and Bogs, which interrupted him in his paflage, and 
 which confine and give bounds to that Province, properly named Ami, whence 
 all that fide takes the Denomination otAntifuyu. 
 
 The Prince having finifhed this Conqueft, returned to Cozco, where his Father 
 for that prefent, thought fit to repofe, and lay afide all farther defigns of new 
 Enterprifes-, for on the fide oiAnnfuyx, which is to the Eaftward, there remained 
 nothing more to conquer-, and to the Weft ward, which they called Cuntifuyu, 
 there was nothing more to be reduced, for they were come as far as to the Paci- 
 fick Sea, or the Sea of Zur, fo that the Empire, from Eaft to Weft, extended 
 at leaft an hundred Leagues crofs along by the way of Cozco, and then from North 
 to South it reached two hundred Leagues : All which trad of Land die heat la- 
 boured to manure, and cultivate, and adorn with Royal Palaces, Gardens, Baths, 
 and places of Pleafure for divertifement of the lnca ; and for better convenience 
 of the Countrey, they erected in all the great Roads Magazines and Granaries* 
 wherein to lodge their Ammunition, Arms, Corn, Provifions, and Clothing for 
 the common Souldiery. 
 
 Some Years being palTed in this manner with peace and quiet, when the King 
 Jnca Roca refolved to add another famous Achievement to the glory of his Reign, 
 that fo in perfon he might put an end to the entire Conqueft of thofe great Pro- 
 vinces, which were called Charcas, the beginning of which was commenced in the 
 time of his Father, in the Divifion of ColLfuyu : And in order hereunto he com- 
 manded thirty thoufand Men to be levied, which was an Army greater than any 
 that his Anceftours had yet brought into the field •, to command this Army fix Major 
 Generals were appointed, befides other inferiour Officers •-, and the Prince Tahmr- 
 H*acac was, with four other Mas for his Counfellors, ordained to remain at home 
 for government of the Kingdom. The lnca took his Journey from Cozxo by way of 
 the great Road towards Collafuyu, and in his march all the forces came in to make 
 up his Army: And being come to the Confines of thofe Provinces olchuncuri, 
 Pucuna, and M*)urrmyn, which bordered on his Kingdom , he fent his fummons 
 to them, acquainting them, that he was come to reduce thofe Nations, and re- 
 quire them to live under thofe Laws which his Father the Sun had ordained ; 
 and that leaving their Idols made of Stone and Wood, they fhould worQiip him 
 onely for their God •, and that forfaking their corrupt Cuftoms , and Manners, 
 they fhould learn and follow the light of Nature, and the Inftrudions of his Wif- 
 dom, which would direft them in ways more agreeable to humane Life. The 
 Natives of thefe Countries received the meffage with great anger, and the young 
 and hot Captains betook themlelves to their Arms, and anfwered with fury and 
 rage , That it was a hard cafe for them , that they muft be forced to renounce 
 their own natural Gods, and adore a ftranger, and a God unknown to them-, 
 
 thas 
 
izo Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 that they muft reject their own Laws and Cuftoms, and receive new ones from 
 the Inca-., who in recompenfe thereof would impofe Tributes and Taxes, and 
 ferve himfelf of their labour and fervices, as of Slaves and Vaffals-, which being 
 conditions not to be endured by a People fo free as they, they refolved to defend 
 themfelves, and dye in the Defence of their Gods, their Countrey and their Li- 
 berty. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Of the Argument and Debate which the Old Men held on this 
 matter, and in what manner they received the local 
 
 NOtwithftanding this huff of die young Souldiers, the more ancient and con- 
 federate amongft them, were of opinion, that they mould not fo foon 
 break forth into a War, but firft of all confider, that for feveral years they have 
 had a neighbourhood and converfe with the Subjects of the Inca-, and that they 
 could never hear otherwife from them, but that their Laws were good, and the 
 Yoke of their Government gentle and eafie: that he treated his People rather like 
 his Children, than his Subjects •-, that the Lands which they required , were not 
 thofe which the Indians had in their pofleffion, but fuch as lay wafte, and unma- 
 nured by them •, and that he required no other Tribute than the Fruit and Benefit 
 which thofe Lands, cultivated at his own coft and charge, mould produce, and 
 not exact any thing at the labour and coft of the Indians, to whom he rather gave 
 than diminilhed from their Eftates-, and in proof and evidence hereof, without 
 other argument , they defired them to enquire, and confider ferioufly without 
 paffion, how much the Subjects of the Imas were improved in their Eftates, and 
 now quiet, civil and profperous they were become, fince their fubmiiTion to his 
 Government^ how all their Difcords, Animofities, and Civil Diflentions, which 
 in former times had miferably torn and diffracted them, were now appeafed , how 
 Eftates were more fecure, and more protected^ from Thieves, their Wives, and 
 Daughters from Rapes and Adulteries ; and in fine, how quiet and well eftablifhed 
 was the publick Welfare, where none durft offer injury , nor none could receive 
 it without redrefs. 
 
 That they ihould farther confider, that many neighbouring Provinces, being 
 well fatisfied and allured by the gentlenefs and happinefs of this fervitude, did vo- 
 luntarily, and of their own accords, offer themfelves, and beg the Protection of 
 the inca and his Laws. And fince thefe things were thus apparent, it were better 
 to fubmit readily and without conftraint, than defending themfelves for the pre- 
 fent from that which they know they muft in a fhort time yield unto , provoke 
 the Inca to that degree of Anger and Dilpleafure, as might divert him from thofe 
 good Intentions and Favours which he defigned towards them •■, and that therefore 
 it were more fafe and fecure, both for their Lives and Eftates, their Wives and 
 Children, to make aVertue of Neceftity, and fubmit with a voluntary furrender: 
 and that as to their Gods, which the Inca impofed upon them , reafon it felf in- 
 ftructed, and taught them, that the Sun more vifibly deferved to be adored and 
 worihipped, than any of thofe dumb and infenfible Idols, which they had made 
 and formed with their own hands. With thefe Arguments , and others of the 
 like nature, the ancient and fage Perfons fo far prevailed, that took off the mettle 
 and heat of the young Men, fo that they all unanimoufly went to receive the Inca-, 
 the young Men marched with Arms in their hands, and the old with their Pre- 
 fenrs of fuch Fruits as their Countrey yielded, faying, That the Fruits of their 
 Land were in token of that Livery and Seizin which they were to give unto the 
 Inca thereof: tire young men profefled that their Arms were to ferve the Inca in 
 
 his 
 
.Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 121 
 
 his Wars, and to be employed by him for the acquisition of new Provinces. 
 The Inca gratioufly accepted this their Submiflion with his accuftomary Good- 
 nefs, commanding, that in teftimony thereof, the Old Men mould be vefted 
 with the better fort of Garments, in token of greater refpe&=, and that the com- 
 mon People mould be clothed with the more common AppareH and that he 
 might not feem wholly to flight or contemn the offer which the Captains and 
 Souldiers made him of their Arms , he received five hundred of them into his 
 Service, not by choice, but by lot, left the preferring of one before the other, 
 ihould feem but a kind of a neglect, or difcontent, on luch as were refufed •, and 
 to fatisfie the reft, he advifed them to return to their homes , left they mould 
 otherwife leave their own Countrey naked and undefended ; with the Veftments 
 which the hca gave them, and his Behaviour towards them, both the young and 
 old were fo well pleafed and fatisfied, that with loud Acclamations they cryed 
 
 OUt, How like art thou to a Child of the Sun ! how worthy art thou of the Title of a King ! 
 how well doth the Name of being a Friend to the Poor befit thee ! for no fooner had -we fub- 
 mitted to be thy Subjetls, before thou didfi load us with thy Favours and Benefits. May 
 the Bleffmgs of thy Father the Sun light upon thee, and all the Nations of the four quarters of 
 the World obey and fall down before thee; for thou art truly the Capa Inca, who deferves 
 Riches, and abfolute Power, and univerfal Dominion. With thefe, or the like expref- 
 
 fions of Honour, the Inca Roca being faluted by his new Vaflals, and having pro- 
 vided and eftablilhed Minifters and Officers to inftruft and govern them, he march- 
 ed forwards to the bordering Provinces, called Mifqui, Sacaca, Machaca, Caracara, 
 and others, as far as Chuquifaca, which is now called the City of Plate : all which 
 were comprehended under the common denomination of Charcot , though they 
 were of different Nations and Languages, and were all as eafily reduced, as thofe 
 before mentioned, In this expedition he enlarged his Empire North and South, 
 a hundred Leagues, and as many more Eaft and Weft ■■, and having as accuftoma- 
 ry left Officers and Minifters to teach and inftruct them in matters of Religion, 
 and to govern them by Laws, and gather his Revenue, he returned to Cozco, 
 where he disbanded his Army, and rewarded the Commanders according to their 
 Deferts. 
 
 Having atchieved thefe great matters, he feemed now to defire repofe, and at- 
 tend onely to Peace, and the quiet Adminiftration of his Government, in which 
 he fpent the remaining years of his Life, we cannot fay how many, but at length 
 he came to dye, having not in the leaft degenerated from the Vertue of his An- 
 ceftours-, but rather imitated and equalled them in the higheft ftrain of their glo- 
 rious and martial Aftions, and in Good-will and Beneficence towards his People. 
 He founded fome Schools where the Amautat taught thofe Sciences which tney 
 had attained ; near whereunto he built himfelf a Houfe, as we (hall declare in its 
 due place, inftituted Laws, and uttered grave Sentences .- And becaufe Bias Va- 
 lera hath made particular mention of fome of them, we mail repeat them from 
 him, being very remarkable, and worthy to be noted. He was univerfally be- 
 wailed by all his Subjects, and embalmed according to the cuftome of thofe Kings. 
 He left Tahuar-huacac, his Son and Heir by his lawfull Wife and Sifter Mama 
 Mtcay, to fucceed him in the Government of his Dominions: befides whom he 
 left others, both legitimate and baftard Children. 
 
 R CHAP. 
 
lii Royal Commentaries. Book IVl 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of fome Laws which the King, Inca Roca, made 5 of the 
 Schools which he founded in Cozco ; and of fome of his 
 wife Apophthegms, or Sayings. 
 
 B J 
 
 i Las Valera, who was very curious, and had taken great pains in his Enquiries 
 > touching thefe Incas, faith, " That this King reigned almoft fifty Years, 
 * and made many Laws, amongft which thefe following are the moft obferva- 
 " ble. That the Children of the common People ought not to be educated in 
 " the Liberal Arts and Sciences , for that were to make them proud, conceited 
 " and ungovernable 5 but that the Nobility were thofe onely to whom fuch Li* 
 <c terature did appertain, to render them more honourable, and capable of Offices 
 " in the Common-wealth. That Thieves, Murtherers, and Adulterers, and In- 
 " cendiaries (hould be hanged without Mercy, That Sons Ihould obey and ferve 
 " their Fathers, untill they came to the age of twenty five Years, and that after- 
 " wards they flionld be employed in matters tending to 'he good of the Com- 
 " mon-wealth. It is reported that he was the firtt who founded Schools in Cozco, 
 " where the AmautM were the Matters, and taught fuch Sciences as wee fit to 
 " improve the minds of Incas, who were Princes, and of the chief Nobility, not 
 " that they did inftruft them by way of Letters, for as yet they had not attained 
 - to that know ledge, but onely in a practical manner, and by daily Difcourfes : 
 " their other Lectures were of Religion, and of thofe Reafons and Wifedom on 
 " which their Laws were eftablifhed,. and of the Number and true Expofition 
 " of them-, for by thefe means they attained to the Art of Government and mi- 
 " litary Difcipline •■, they diftinguilned the times and feafons of the Year , and 
 *■ what the " by reading in their * Knots , they learned Hiftory, and the Actions of paft 
 ^"bef Were ' " a § es 5 1 y improved themfelves alfo in the elegance, and ornament of lpeaking, 
 mentioned. " an ^ t0 °k Rules anc ^ Meafures for the management of their domeftick affairs. 
 u Thefe Amamas , who were Philofophers, and in high efteem amongft them, 
 " taught fomething alfo of Poetry, Mufick, Philofophy and Aftrology, of all which 
 " they attained to fome knowledge, though fupernciaj, and in a low and mean 
 " degree- All thefe particulars were inftituted in manner of a Law by this lnca 
 " Roca., and afterwards, for their better encouragement, he favoured and enlarged 
 " them with fair Endowments-, and hereunto Pachacutec, to whom he was great 
 " Uncle, added many other Laws and Precepts. The Sayings of this King Inca 
 <l Roca were thefe .- That confidering the immenfe Vaftnefs, Beauty and Splen- 
 " dour of the Heavens, he would often fay, That if the Heaven be fo glorious, which 
 
 "■ is the Throne and Seat of the PachacamaC, (who is the great God) how much more 
 u powerfull, glittering and refplendent muff his Perfon and Afajefly be, who was the Maker 
 " and Creatour of them all. Other fayings of his were thefe : If I were to adore any 
 " of thefe terreftial things, it Jhould certainly be a wife and difcreet Man, whofe Excellen- 
 a cies furpafs all earthly Creatures, when an Infant is born, he grows up, and then he 
 " dies. He that yefierday had a beginning, to day arrives at his end. He that cannot make 
 u himfelf immortal, nor recover that Life which Death hath deprived him of, is not worthy 
 
 " of adoration. Thus far is the report which Bias Valera hath given us. 
 
 - 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. iz? 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Of the Inca, Yahuar-huacac, who was the feve?ith King ; 
 of his Fears and Conque/is , and the Difgrace of the 
 Prince his Eldeft Son. 
 
 TH E King, Inca Roca, being dead , his Son Yahuar-huacac fiicceeded him in 
 the inheritance of his Kingdom, and governed with Juftice, Piety and 
 Gentlenefs, cherifhing his Subje&s with as much indulgence and tendernefs, as 
 was poflible. His chief defign was to keep and preferve what his Father and An- 
 ceftours had left him, not feeking quarrels with any, or encroachments on others 
 right 5 left contemning die ill omen of his Name, and the misfortunes which the 
 skilfull Mafters in Divination did daily prefage, he lhould tempt his fortune, and 
 provoke his Father the Sun to afflid him with all thofe evils which they progno- 
 fticated. With this fear and apprehenfion he lived for many years, defiring nothing 
 more than peace and quietnefs, both at home and abroad-, but not to remain al- 
 together idle, he vifited all parts of his Dominions three or four times, and im- 
 proved and adorned them with ftately Buildings,, feafted, and generally carefled 
 all his Subjects in a higher degree, and with greater demonftrations of love and 
 tendernefs, than any of his Anceftours, which were effects of the great dangers he 
 apprehended from the Prophecies concerning him •, and in this caution and dread 
 upon his Spirits, he continued for the fpace of nine or ten years: untill at length 
 coniidering that this cautious timidity would argue Cowardife and lownefs of Spi- 
 rit, of which none of his Anceftours were ever before taxed, he refolved to fend 
 an Army of twenty thoufand Men to the Southweft of Cozco, along the Coaft of 
 Arequepa, where a point of Land runs out far into the Sea, whicn his Predecef- 
 fours had overfeen, or negle&ed, becaufe it was ill inhabited : His Brother, cal- 
 led In* Mayta, he made Commander in Chief of his Forces, and for that reafon 
 was ever afterwards called Apu Mayta , or General Mayta , to whom he added 
 four other Incas, to be Major-Generals under him : But as to himfelf, he would 
 not adventure to go in Perfon •, for the thoughts of the ill Omen did ftill fo haunt 
 and opprefs his Spirits, that he could never refolve to truft the fuccefs of any mar- 
 tial adventure to the fortune of his own Perfon 5 and where the defire of Glory 
 fpurred him forward to any great Attempt, there always the dread of the finifter 
 Omen rerra&ed and drew him back. This apprehenfion moving him to com- 
 mit the charge of his Army to his Brother, and Officers, they proceeded fo fuc- 
 cefsfully in it, that in a fhort time they reduced all that tracl: of Land from Are* 
 quepa to Tacama, which they call Co/lafuyu, to his Empire, being at this time the 
 utmoft Limit and Confine by the Sea-coaft of that Countrey which they call Peru, 
 the which Land being long , and narrow , and ill peopled , coft more time to 
 march it over than to conquer it. 
 
 This Enterprife being thus happily completed , they returned again to Cozto, 
 where they rendred an account to the Inca, Yahuar-huacac, of their fucce(s ; with 
 which taking heart, and recovering new courage, he began to afpire to the Ho- 
 nour and Fame of reducing thofe great Provinces, yet unconquered in the Divi- 
 fion of Collafuyu, called Caranca, Vllaca, Llipi, Chica, Ampara, the which, as they 
 were large, and great, fo they were populous, and defended by a warlike Nation 5 
 and for this reafon the ancient Incas forbore to moleft or irritate them, left being 
 as yet uncivilized, and unacquainted with the gentle and eafie Government of the 
 to**, they mould fly to their Arms , and oblige the Jhcm againft their Maximes, 
 and natural Difpofition, to fubjeft them with Slaughter and Deftru&ion 5 ana 
 therefore rather chofe to tame and mollifie them by degrees, and prevail by the 
 dear Evidences of their Neighbours Happinefs, to perfuade them into a good opi- 
 nion of the gentlenefs of that Yoke which the hca impofed on his Subjects. 
 
 R % With 
 
1 24 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 With the cares and fears of this Conqueft the Ma, Tahuar-huacac was greatly 
 turmoiled, being as it were crucified between his hopes and fears, fometimes he 
 promifed himfelf good fuccefs, and that the fame Fortune would fmile upon him, 
 that did on his Brother Afu Mjata ; then again the dread of the fatal Omen pof- 
 feffed his Mind, which always kept that awe upon him, that he never durft at- 
 tempt any thing in War, wherein there appeared leaf! Difficulty or Hazard. 
 Whilft he was thus tolled with thefe PafTions and anguilh of mind , he was di- 
 verted from his foreign Defigns by domeftick Troubles, caufed by the untoward 
 Difpofition of his Eldeft Son, and Heir of his Dominions-, who from hL Child- 
 hood gave fymptomes of an evil and cruel Nature, by his harm treatment of 
 thofe Boys of his own age, who converfed and played with him •, and though the 
 Ac* his Father "fed all the means imaginable to reclaim him by due and fevere 
 correction, and that he hoped that Years and Inftruftion would prevail upon him, 
 yet in the end all proved vain, and without efTec-t, the ferocity of his Mind, and 
 the impetuofity of his ill Nature prevailing over all the means, and endeavours 
 to reduce him -, for neither the Examples of his Anceilours, nor the gentle Ad- 
 monitions, nor fevere Reproofs of his Father, had any influence upon him 5 fo 
 that hisdefperate incorrigiblenefs became now the greateft fear and affliction of 
 the Inca. 
 
 For fo far was the Spirit of ill Nature engrafted in the Heart of this Prince, 
 that all the Treacle of wholefome Advice he converted into Poifon -, the which 
 his Father having obferved and duely confidered, he refolved wholly to difcoun- 
 tenance and remove him from his Favour, and if that would not operate, then 
 abfolutely to disinherit him, and conftitute another of his lawfull Sons in his place, 
 who was of a Spirit more agreeable to that fweet Temper and generous Galan- 
 try of his Anceltours. This Refolution he took in imitation of that Cuftome 
 pra&ifed in fome of his Provinces, where the mod favoured and moft worthy 
 was elected to the Government •, the which on this occafion the Inca, was defi- 
 rous to introduce, againft all the Precedents and Examples bf former he as. With 
 this intention the Inca commanded the Prince, being now of nineteen or twenty 
 Years of age, to avoid the Court, allotting him a place of Residence about a 
 League from the City, and where were fair and verdant Paftures Eaftward 
 from the City, which they called Chita , and where I my felf remember often 
 to have been, and where his Employment was to feed the Cattle of the Sun, 
 in company with thofe Shepherds who were defigned for that Service. The 
 Prince not being able to remt the Pleafure of his Father, fubmitted to the Ba- 
 nifliment and the Disfavour of the Inca, which laid as a punifhment on him for 
 the Bravery and Gallantry of his Martial Spirit. In Ihort , he fubmitted and 
 really applied himfelf with the other Shepherds to keep and feed the Cattel of the 
 Sun for the fpace of three years, and more , where we will leave him untill the 
 time comes which mall bring him on the Stage, and to fpeak well of him, if 
 that which we are to mention of him may be called good. . 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 115 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of the Intelligence which an Apparition gave to the Prince, 
 enjoining him to communicate it to his Father. 
 
 THE I»ca Yahstar-huacac having in this manner Banifhed his Eldeft Son, 
 whole Name we cannot affign, becaufe the obfcurity of his condition was 
 fuch, as made no impreflion in the minds of Men, fo as without the help of Let- 
 ters to conferve it in remembrance : He feemed now to lay afide all the thoughts 
 of War, and Conquefts of new Provinces, and to make the Government of his 
 Dominions, and the Confervation of the common peace and quietneis to be his 
 onely employment : As to his Son, he thought it not convenient, nor fecure to 
 remove him far from his fight, that fo he might more eafily apply thofe remedies 
 to reclaim him, as beft fuited with his condition ; nor did he judge it fit to im- 
 prifon, and difinherit, and chufe fome other in his place, for that feemed an expe- 
 dient too violent, and without Example , and was a new and unpractifed cafe to 
 depofe the true Heir, and degrade the Divinity of the hcas of its Right and 
 Honour -, befides, it appeared doubtfull how far the people would aflent to this 
 impiety, and how ill tney would take this harlh ufage of the Prince and Heir to 
 the Empire. 
 
 In this wavering and unquiet condition, which deprived the Inca of all content- 
 ment and repofe, he parted three years without any obfervable occurrence •■> du- 
 ring which time, he twice Commmionated four of his Kinfmen to vifit his Do- 
 minions, giving to every one their refpective charges, and dilpatches into diftinct 
 parts of his Dominions, in order to perform fuch publick Works as might con- 
 duce to the honour of the I»ca, and trie common benefit of his Subjects ; fuch as 
 the making of Aqueducts , raifing Magazines for laying up Provilions , Royal 
 Houfes, Fountains and Bridges, Caufeys, and fuch other Works of publick ufe : 
 But for his own part, he never had the courage to depart from his Court, but one- 
 ly there to attend and celebrate the Feflivals of the Sun, and fuch like, and ad- 
 minifter Juftice to his Subjects. At the end of this long time, one day about 
 Noon the Prince entred into the Palace of his Father, without any Companion 
 or Attendance, like a Perfon forlorn, and in disfavour of his btsn j and fent him 
 word, that he was there to fpeak with him, having a Meflage of high importance 
 to deliver : The Inca, made a quick Anfwer in his fudden pafficn, that he ihould 
 without Demur or Reply retire again to the place of his Confinement, on penalty 
 of being proceeded againft according to that fevere punifhment which the Law 
 inflicts on thofe who break the Royal Command. The Prince made anfwer, 
 that he was not come thither in contempt of his Commands, but in obedience to 
 the Meflage and Injunction of another Inca, as great as himfelf, who fent him to 
 impart unto him matters of high and conliderable importance -, which if he were 
 pleafea to hear, he defired to be admitted and n have Audience •, if not, he had 
 complied with the Commands of him that fent him, and fhould return again to 
 render an account of his fuccefs. 
 
 The Inca hearing him mention another , as Great a Lord as himfelf, ordered 
 him to be admitted, for he wondered at the impertinence of the Meflage, and the 
 boldnefsof any who mould dare to employ his banifhed and difgraced Son with 
 Advices of any nature whatfoever. The Prince being introduced, and ftanding 
 before his Father, faid in this manner : / am come, Sir, to make known unto you, that 
 
 fitting this day, about Noon, under one of thofe great Rocks, which are in the Fields of Chita, 
 where, by your Order, 1 was employed to feed the Flocks of our Father the Sun •-, I know not 
 whether I was ajleep, or well awake, there appeared before me a Man in a firange Habit, 
 and of a Figure different from us ; His Beard was above a fpan in length, his Garments 
 long and loofe, reaching down to his Feet, and about his Neck\ he carried a fort of living 
 
 creature, 
 
j 2 5 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 creature, which I know not what to call it, becaufe I never faw the like before : He called 
 to me, and [aid, Coufin, I am a Child of the Sun, and Brother to the Inca, Manco Capac, 
 and to Coya Mama, Occb HuacO his Wife and Sifter, who were the firft of your Fa- 
 mily, and by them I am Allied in Bloud to your Father, and all of you, being c ailed Inca 
 ViraCOcha *, and amfent by our Father the Sun to order you, that you immediately carry 
 this Advice to my Brother the Inca, acquainting him, that the great eft fart of the Provinces 
 of Chinchafuyu, as well thofe who are under his Dominion, as thofe which are not, are in 
 rebellion, and are united in confederacy to afault him, and with a ftrong and numerous Army 
 to caft him from his Throne, and deftroy the Imperial City of COZCO ; wherefore I order 
 you immediately to give this intelligence to my Brother the Inca , advifing him from me, that 
 he provide againft this emergency, and take fuch vigorous refolutions to prevent it, as the 
 importance of this matter doth require. And as to thine own particular, let me tell thee, 
 that in what misfortune foever thou art, thou lofe not thy courage or fpirit, for I fball ever 
 be at hand, and ready to fuccour thee as my own fefh and bloud •, and therefore I ftritlly ad- 
 monifh thee not to attempt any thing, how great foever it be, unworthy thy Family and ancient 
 Bloud, and the Greatnefs of thy Empire ; for 1 will ever be affiftant, and near to fuccour 
 thee in thy greateft and ultimate exigencies. Having faid thefe words, the Inca Vira- 
 cocha vanifhed, and I faw him no more *, and then returning to my felf, I delayed 
 no time to come and appear before your Majefty to communicate unto you the 
 particulars of thefe Matters. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Of the Consultation which the Incas held upon the Advice 
 which the Apparition gave. 
 
 TH E Inca, Yahuar-huacac, out of the great difpleafure and prejudice which 
 he had taken to .his Son, would not give any belief or credence to his Re- 
 lation, but rather termed him a Fool, and impertinent, and that fwelled with the 
 vanity of Revelations from his Father the Sun, he was come to impofe his Enthufi- 
 afms for divine Truths •■, and therefore ordered him immediately to return to Chita, 
 and to confine himfelf within thofe bounds on penalty of his higheft difpleafure •, 
 in compliance to which fevere admonition, the Prince returned again to his re- 
 tirement, and the keeping of his Flocks. How foever the Mas, who were Coun- 
 fellours, and had the King's Ear, and of a nature very fuperftitious and credulous, 
 efpecially of Dreams , took this advertifement in another falhion, than the King 
 apprehended it, telling him, that fuch an Apparition as this was not to be flighted, 
 efpecially fince it presented it felf in the form of Viracocha, who was Brother to 
 the Inca, and of Alliance to the Sun, in whofe name and behalf he brought this 
 Meflage. Nor was it credible that the Prince mould be fo much an Impoftour, 
 as to dare to entitle the Sun to fuch an apparent forgery, or delude the Inca his Fa- 
 ther with a Lye , and therefore that it were beft to examine the matter more 
 ftri&ly ; and by Sacrificing to the Sun, make judgment of the good or bad O- 
 mens, and not neglect any care or diligence whatfoever in a matter of fo high im- 
 portance ; for to leave the matter neglected and flighted, were to contemn the 
 advice which the Sun had fent, and his Meflenger Viracocha ; and, in lbort, to add 
 Errour unto Errours, and Sins unto Sins. 
 
 Notvvithflanding all which, the Inca had conceived that prejudice againft his 
 Son, that he cculd upon no terms admit the counfel which his Kindred gave him, 
 but rather termed the Vilion he declared, to be the effecl of a wild and furious 
 brain , imagining by lyes and forgeries to bring his extravagant humour again into 
 repute •-, which was fuch an aggravation of his former folly, that he deferved on 
 this very fcore to be deprived of the inheritance, and declared for ever uncapable 
 
 of 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 12 
 
 of the Succeffion •-, and that in the place of him, fome other of a more flexible 
 and gentle temper, worthy the title of being allied to the Sun, fhould be ordai- 
 ned and proclaimed the true Heir in the place and ftead of a revengefull, merci- 
 lefs and tyrannical Prince, and of one of a far different temper to that fweet and 
 pleafant humour of his Anceftours, which had been the mod forcible Arms to 
 win and overcome all the Nations they governed. Moreover, that in Wifedom 
 they ought to provide againft all Rebellions, but not on the fcore or belief of the 
 vain words of a wild fellow •, who ought to be punifhed, and have his Head cut 
 off for daring to break the limits affigned for his Banilhment 5 and profaning the 
 Sacred Name of the Sun with a pretence fo falfe and enthufiaftick as this : And 
 therefore he charged them not to mention this matter farther, nor fb much as to 
 name the Prince , for that he had already determined in what manner to deal 
 with him. 
 
 The Incas upon this Command of the King were filent, and urged the matter 
 no farther-, howfoever, they could not forbear to revolve the thing in their minds, 
 as portending fome fad and difmal difafters : For the Indians were naturally addic- 
 ted to Signs and Prognoftications •, and efpecially if the King, or the Prince, or 
 the High Prieft, who were efteemed Gods and Oracles, had any Dream , they 
 were never at eafe untill the Diviners, or Magicians, made the Interpretation -, 
 in which they efteemed themfelves fo expert, that they not onely pretended to 
 interpret the Dream, but alfo to declare what the Incas themfelves had related 
 fhort, or miftaken in it. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 The Rebellion of the Chancas, and of their Ancient exploits 
 in War. 
 
 THree Months after this Dream of the Prince Viracoc^ ( for fo afterwards 
 his Friends named him from the Vifion he had feen ) a confuted and un- 
 certain rumour came of an Infurre&ion in the Provinces of Chmcafuyu, and that 
 all the people were in Arms, which is from Atahualla, about forty Leagues North- 
 ward from Cozco, through all the Countries to the fartheft extent of the new Con- 
 quefts. This News hacfas yet no certain authour or ground, being but whifpered 
 as in cafes of like nature ; and though it agreed with the Dream of the Prince 
 Viracocha, and feemed an Accomplilhment of the words of his Vifion, yet the 
 King gave no heed or credit to it, believing it to be a Canterbury tale, or Stories 
 of the way, broached to revive the Dream of the Prince, which feemed almoft 
 forgot, and out of memory : Some few days after the report became hotter than 
 before, and common in every Man's mouth, though dill uncertain, and without 
 any particulars \ for the Enemies had obftru&ed all the ways and paflages in that 
 manner, that no intelligence fhould be carried, and that the knowledge of their 
 Rebellion might be firft made known by appearance of their force before Cozco. 
 Howfoever, at length certain and particular information was brought, that the 
 Nations called Chanca, Vramarca, Vilka, Vtufulla, Hawohualht, and other Neigh- 
 bouring Nations, were all in Arms ? and having killed all the Governours and 
 Officers of the Inca, were now Marching with an Army of forty thoufand Men 
 againft the City. 
 
 Thefe Nations ( as we have faid) being all reduced by the power of the King 
 he a Roca, rather out of fear, than love, had ever fince fupprelled their rancour and 
 malice to the Incas, with intention to own and teftifie the fame, when occafion 
 prefented •-, which now feemed fairly to offer it felf in the time of this Ma, Tahnar- 
 h*.v.K, who being a Prince not addicted to War, but rather intimidated by the ap- 
 
 prehenfion 
 
12,8 Royal Commentaries, Book IV. 
 
 prehenlion and fear he conceived from his finifter Omen •, and being alfo moved 
 with compaflion of the hard ufage, and unnatural treatment which the lnca (hewed 
 towards the Prince his Son, they judged it warrant and reafon fufficient to re- 
 venge his caufe in deteftation of the bafe cowardife and tyranny of this mean-fpi- 
 rited, and yet cruel, lnca, : Wherefore with what expedition and fecrecy they 
 could, they incited their Neighbours to rebell , who being already well difpofed 
 in the matter, they eaiily took fire, and putting themfelves in Arms, and with a 
 body of thirty thoufand Men marched diredly againft the Imperial City of Gxro. 
 The principal Authours and Contrivers of this War, befides other Lords, were 
 three principal Caracas of three great Provinces , all comprehended under the 
 common name of Chanca .• The firft of thefe Lords was called Hancobuallu, a 
 Young Man of twenty fix years of Age, the fecond was Tumay Huaraca, and rhe 
 third Aftu Huaraca •, the two lafl: of which were Uncles and Brothers to Hanco- 
 huallu. The Anceftours of thefe three petty Kings, before the times of the W, 
 waged a perpetual War with their Neighbouring Nations, efpecially with the 
 people called Stuechua, under which denomination five other great Provinces were 
 Contained : For which reafon, and for the Tyranny and Oppreffion which they 
 fuffered from them, the <H»ecbuas were greatly pleafed to accept and receive the 
 Protection of the lncas. And fo on the contrary, thefe petty Kings greatly re- 
 fenced the curb and power the lncas impofed upon them, by reftraining them in 
 their Progrefs and Conquefts , rendring them in the place of abfolute and fove- 
 reign Princes, Tributaries and VafTals, which they ftomached and fupprefied un- 
 tUl this feafon , in which they efteemed it convenient to vent their hatred. And 
 in regard that the life of all defigns is fpeedy execution , and that now they were 
 taiurprize the /«, unprovided of Men, and power of Refiftence, they did not 
 doubt, but by one fingle Vidory to render themfelves Matters again, not onely 
 of their ancient Enemies, but of all the Empire of the lncas. 
 
 With thefe probable hopes and expectations of fuccefles, they invited all their 
 Neighbours, as well thofe that were Subjeds to the lnca, as thofe that were not , 
 to partake with them in the defign and reward of the enterprize •-, the which ap- 
 peared fair and promifing in this prefent conjuncture. To thefe Summons the In- 
 dians eaiily yielded, expeding great advantages, and depending on the great re- 
 nown and fame in War, which the Ancient bravery of the Chancas had acquired: 
 And having conftituted Hanco-hnallu their Captain-General, and the two Brothers 
 Major- Generals, with other Curacas for Colonels and Officers, they marched di- 
 redly with refolution to Summon and make demand of the City of Cozco. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 The lnca abandons the City-, and the Prince fuccours it. 
 
 SO foon as the lnca Yahmr-hmcac underftood the certainty of this News, and 
 of the approach of the Enemy, he was affrighted and terrified within him- 
 felf ; for it feemed a furprize to him to underftand of a rebellion, for as yet no 
 fuch thing had ever happened in the Provinces, during the lenity of that Govern- 
 ment which the lncas had exercifed from the time of Mmco Capac to thofe very 
 days •-, under the feoarity of which, and out of the hatred he conceived to his Son, 
 to whom he could not allow the honour of divine revelation , he neither would 
 give credit to the dream , nor hearken to the advice or counfel of his kindred * 
 but having blinded his understanding with paffion and prejudice, he found himfelf 
 enihared in inextricable difficulties, having neither time to levy a force fufficient 
 to encounter his Enemies, nor a Garrifon in readinefs to defend the City, until! 
 other relief or fuccour could be adminiftred. Wherefore in thefe doubts he re- 
 lblved to give way to the Torrent of his Enemies rage, and retire towards Colla- 
 
 Jh?h, 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 129 
 
 fuyn, where he promifed to himfelf fecurity of life, and defence from the Loyalty 
 and Valour of that people. With this intention and defign he departed from 
 Cozco with a retinue of fuch Mas as were able to follow him , and came to the 
 Straits of Mayna, about five Leagues Northward from the City, towards the Sea 
 of Zur, and there ported himfelf on the top Mountain, from whence he could 
 furvey the Enemies Camp, and defcry what they acted in the way as they parted. 
 The King having thus abandoned Cozco, the City was expofed to open violence, 
 none daring to propofe, much led act in the defence of it •, every one endea- 
 vouring to fhift for himfelf, and fave his life in the beft manner he was able. Of 
 thefe Fugitives, fome repaired to the Prince Viracocha , informing him of the Re- 
 bellion of chincajtijti, and of the flight of his Father •, and that .there was no 
 pofllbility in fo mort time and warning to withftand or make head againft the 
 Enemy. ' 
 
 The Prince deeply refenting this fad news of the flight of his Father, and the 
 nakednefs of the City, commanded thofe who brought him the advice, and thofe 
 few Shepherds that were with him , that they (hould immediately repair to the 
 City, and order thofe that they (hould find there, and as many as they (hould 
 meet in the ways, that they (hould with fuch Arms as they had, and with as 
 much fpeed as they could poflibly, repair to the Inca their Lord and Mafter$ gi- 
 ving them likewife to underftand, that it was his intention fo to doe , and that 
 this was his Order and Special Command to them. Having iflued out this ad- 
 vice, the Prince Viracocha proceeded in Queft of his Father, and without vifiting 
 the City, he took a (hort cut •, and lofing no time, overtook him in the Straits of 
 Muyna, from whence he was not as yet departed ; and being covered over with 
 fweat and duft , holding a Lance in his hand, which he had cafually taken up on 
 the way, he prefented himfelf before the King, and with a grave and melancholy 
 countenance, he thus addrefled his Speech to him. 
 
 How is it, Inca, that upon a report (whether true or falfe, is uncertain) of fome few 
 of your Subjetts rifen in Rebellion , you (hould abandon your City and Court, and fly be- 
 fore an Enemy, not as yet feen, nor appearing ? How can you yield and refign the Temple of 
 the Sun your Father into the power of your Enemies, to be polluted by their prophane and un- 
 hallowed feet •■, giving them thereby liberty to return to their ancient Abominations, and 
 there offer again their deteflable Sacrifices of Men, Women and Children, with other un- 
 humane and unnatural attions, from which your Ance flours had reformed them ? What ac- 
 count /hall we be able to render of the charge committed to us for guard and defence of thole 
 Virgins dedicated to the Sun, if we abandon and leave them to the brutality and lufls of our 
 Enemies ? And what benefit (hall we get by faving our lives, with the lofs of our honour 
 and admiffion of all the evils and mifchiefs imaginable ? For my part, I (hall never ajfent 
 unto it, but rather appear fingly before the face of my Enemies, and lofe my life in oppo/ing 
 their entrance into CoZCO, rather than live to fee the defolation of that City, and thofe a- 
 bominable prallices committed in that Sacred and Imperial Court, which the Sun and his 
 Children had founded : Wherefore let fuch ax have courage follow me, and 1 (hall fhew them 
 how to exchange an infamous and loathfome Life for a noble and honourable Death. 
 
 Having faid thu< much with deep fenfe and heat of fpirit, he took his way to- 
 wards the City, without lofing fo much time as to eat or drink. The lncas of the 
 Bloud, who untill now had accompanied the King, and with them his own Bro- 
 thers, Coufins and neareft Relations, to the number of above 4000 Men, returned 
 and followed the Prince, fo that onely fome few old and impotent Men remained 
 with the King : As many as they met in the way they marched , and thofe alio 
 who were fcattered abroad in the Countrey, they called and fummoned unto . 
 them -, giving them to underftand, that the Prince Viracocha, was returned to the 
 City with intention to defend that and the Temple of his Father the Sun, with 
 the laft drop of his bloud. With this news, which was foon fpread over all 
 places, the Indians were fo encouraged, ( the prefence of the Prince giving coun- 
 tenance to the refolution ) that they all unanimoufly returned to the City, inten- 
 ding there to dye with great alacrity and chearfulnefs with their Prince, who evi- 
 denced fo much refolution and courage in their defence. 
 
 In this manner, and with thefe thoughts, he entred the City, and from thence 
 immediately taking the direct road towards Chincafuyu, which was the Pais by 
 which the Enemy marched •, he commanded his Army, without any delay, to fol- 
 
 S 1o\t 
 
i2o Royal Commentaries. Book IV.' 
 
 low him , intending there to place himfelf between the Enemy and the City ; 
 not that he expecled thereby to give a ftop to their proceedings, for that it could 
 never be hoped that their inconfiderable number could make head againft fuch 
 Multitudes j but that as valiant and defperate Men , they might dye righting a^ 
 gaiftft their Enemies, rather than behold the Barbarians victorious in the Temple 
 and City of their Father the Sun, which was a matter that made the moft falli- 
 ble impreffion of all thefe difafters. 
 
 And becaufe we muft here fet a period to the Reign of ' rahnar-huacAf, (whofe 
 Life we now write ) and as hereafter will appear , we (hall now put a. full ftop to 
 the current of this Hiftory, that fo we may diftinguifh the Actions of this King 
 from thofe of his Son Vhacocha .■ And for variety fake, and to pleafe the Reader,, 
 We mail intermix other matters which are curious and divertifjng , and then after- 
 wards return to the Atchievements and Exploits of the Prince Firacecha, whifik 
 were famous and of great Renown. 
 
 BOOK 
 
(i?0 
 
 Royal Commentaries, 
 
 book v. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Hove they enlarged and divided the Lands amongjl the 
 People. 
 
 SO foon as the Inca had conquered any Kingdom or Province, and thai 
 he had fettled and eftabliihed his Government and Religion amongft 
 the Inhabitants, he ordered that thofe Lands which were capable of 
 improvement ( that is, fuch as would bear May*,) mould be drefled 
 and manured •-, and in order hereunto they drained all wet Moors and 
 Fens, for in that Art they were excellent, as is apparent by their Works 
 which remain unto this day : And alfo they were very ingenious in making Aque- 
 da&s for carrying Water into dry and fcorched Lands, fuch as the greateft part 
 of that Countrey is, which is iituated under the Torrid Zone, being commonly 
 barren for want of Water to refrelh and make it fruitfull 3 and for that reafon, 
 wherefoever they intended to fow their Mayz or Indian Wheat, they always made 
 contrivances and inventions to bring their Water for them, nor lefs carefull were 
 they to water their Paftures, which they drowned in cafe the Autumn proved dry, 
 that fo they might have Grals fufficient to feed the numerous Flocks they main- 
 tained. Thefe Aqueducts, though they were ruined after the Spaniards came in, 
 yet feveral Reliques and Monuments of them remain unto this day. 
 
 After they had made a provifion of Water, the next thing was to drefs, and 
 cultivate, and clear their Fields of Bullies and Trees 3 and that they might with 
 moft advantage receive the Water, they made them in a Quadrangular form -, 
 thofe Lands which were good on the fide of Hills, they levelled them by certain 
 Allies, or Walks, which they made , as is to be feen in Cozco, and all over Tern 
 unto this day 3 to make thefe Allies, they raifed three Walls of Freezed Stone , 
 one before, and one of each fide, fomewhat inclining inwards, ( as are all the 
 Walls they make) fo that they may more fecurely bear and keep up the weight 
 of the Earth, which is prefled and rammed down by them, untill it be raifed to 
 the height of the Wall : Then, next to this Walk, they made another fomething 
 morter and lefs, kept up in the fame manner with its Wall 3 untill at lengch they 
 came to take in the whole Hill, levelling it by degrees in fafhion of a Ladder, one 
 Ally above the other, untill they came to take in all the Hill, and inclofe the 
 ground which was capable of improvement, and of receiving Water;, where the 
 
 S % ground 
 
i o 2 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 ground was ftony, they gathered up the Stones, and covered the barren Soil with 
 frem Earth to make their Levels, that fo no part of the ground might be loft .- 
 The firft Allies were the largeft, and as fpatious as the iituation of the place could 
 bear, fome being of that length and breadth as were capable to receive a hundred, 
 fome two hundred, or three hundred Buihells of Seed.: The .fecond row of Allies 
 were made narrower and fhorter, and fo went leflening, untill at lafti at the bot- 
 tom and lowermoft Ally, they were contracted to fo narrow a Compafs, as was 
 not capable to produce more than two or three fmall meafures of May*. In 
 fome parts they husbanded their matter, that they brought the Chanels of water 
 from hfteen or twenty Leagues diftance, though it were onely to improve a flip 
 of a few Acres of Land, which was efteemed good Corn-ground. 
 
 Having in this manner (as we have faid) improved, and enlarged their Lands, the 
 next thing was to make a juft Divifion of them in all Countries * for performance 
 of which they divided the grounds into three parts, one was allotted to the Sun, 
 a fecond to the King, and a third to the Inhabitants: This Rule was obferved 
 with great exadnefs, and in favour of the People, that fo the Natives might not 
 want ground for tillage-, for in that cafe, when the Countrey abounded with 
 numbers of People, they abated of the proportion allotted to the Sun, and to 
 the hca, for the fake and benefit of the Subjects •, fo that in effect, neither did 
 the King in his own, or in right of the Sun, appropriate to himfelf any Lands, 
 but fuch as lay untilled, unpofteft, and without a Proprietor. Moft of the Lands 
 belonging to the Sun, and the Inca, were inclofed , and laid in Allies, being fo 
 manured and improved by fpecial Command. Befides thefe Lands, which by 
 reafon of their convenient iituation for receiving water, produced May*, they 
 made a Divifion of other Land , alfo that were in a dry foil, without any conve- 
 nience of water, and yet becaufe they were capable to produce fome forts of grane, 
 and pulfe, fuch as they called Papa, and Oca, and Amu*,- which were very benefi- 
 cial-, the Sun and the King had their (hares allowed thereof This foil, which 
 for want of water was thus barren, they did not fow above one or two years to- 
 gether, and then broke up frem ground, leaving the other to lie fallow, untill it 
 had again recovered its former ftrength. 
 
 Their May*, or Wheat fields, which had the benefit of water, they fowed 
 every year, dunging them after every crop, as we do our Gardens, which made 
 them extremely fruitfully and with the May* they fowed a fmall feed, like Rice, 
 which they call gmnua, and grows much in cold Countries. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 155 
 
 CHA P. It 
 
 Of the Order they obferved in manuring their Lands ; and 
 what Feajl and Joy they made when they tilled the 
 Grounds of the Inca, and of the Sun, 
 
 IN cultivating their Lands they obferved this Rule and Method; thofe of the 
 Sun were preferred in the firft place, then thofe belonging to Orphans, and 
 Widows, and Perfons impotent, by reafon of age and ficknefs; all which remai- 
 ning under the notion of poor, were by order of the Inca provided for, and their 
 Lands manured by fpecial Command : To perform which, there were Deputies 
 appointed in every Parim, or Community of the People, to take care that thofe 
 Lands were tilled and drefled. Thefe Deputies were called Llailacamayu, which 
 is as much as Monitors of the People, whofe charge it was according to the Sea- 
 fens of the Year, to plow, and fowe, and reap> and gather die fruit, laying it up 
 in places which they had built like Barnes to receive them. The fummons which 
 the People had to this work, was by found of Trumpet, or other loud Inftru- 
 ment, to crave attention ; and then the Crier proclaimed, That fuch a day the 
 work of the poor was to be done, and therefore that every one mould provide 
 againft that time to attend that fervice; and then where they were firft to be- 
 gin, and how to proceed, either in that of their Relations, or Neighbours, was 
 afligned by the Overfeer. Every workman that came to labour in the fields of 
 the Orphans, or Widows, or impotent brought his own Provifions with him; 
 for that the Poor were obliged to no care, their infirmities and wants excufing 
 them from other troubles, than a patient fufferance of their own evils. If the 
 poor wanted ked to fow their Lands, it was adminiftred to them out of the pub- 
 lick Granaries, of which we mail have occafion to fpeak hereafter. 
 
 The Lands of Souldiers , whilft they were actually employed in the Wars, 
 were manured with the fame care and manner as thofe of the poor; their Wives, 
 during the abfence of their Husbands, being lifted into the number of Widows, 
 and the Children, of thofe who were flainin the Wars were provided for, and 
 carefully educated, untill the time of their Marriage. 
 
 The Lands of the poor being already tilled , in the next place every private 
 Perfon might attend to his own Farm, and the firft that had done was to help his 
 fellows : then the Lands of the Curaca were to be ferved, and were the laft in or- 
 der after thofe of the People; the which was obferved fo feverely, that in the 
 Reign of Hnoyna Capac, a certain Indian Overfeer was hanged for tilling the Land 
 of a Curaca, who was his Kinfman, before that of a Widow; and to make the 
 pUnifhment more exemplary, the Gallows was fet up in the very Land of the Cur 
 raca. The feverity of this Law was grounded on the fame practice, which was 
 obferved in the Lands of the /w* himfelf; for that the Inca always preferred 
 the Tillage of his Subjects before his own, it being their fure Maxime, that the 
 Happinefs of the Prince depends on the Profperity of the People^ without which 
 they become unable to ferve him, either in times of War or Peace. 
 
 The laft Lands to be tilled were thofe of the King, to which, and to thofe of 
 the Sun, the People in general applied themfelves with great alacrity and rejoicing ; 
 they then at that work appeared in their beft Cloths, full of Gold and Silver plates, 
 and feathers on their Heads, in the fame manner as they were drefled on their 
 feftival days. When they ploughed , which feemed the more pleaiant wor/r 
 they fung the Sonnets made in praife of their Inpas, with which the time pafled fo' 
 eafjy, that their Labour feemed a Recreation , fb great was their Devotion to » 
 wards their God and their King. 
 
 With 
 
1^4 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 Within the City of Cozco, bordering on the fide of that Hill where the Cattle 
 was built, there was a fpatious Walk or Alley, containing many acres of ground 
 called Colkampata, and is ftill remaining , unlefs they have built houfes upon it' 
 fince the time I was there: the plat of ground on which it was, took its name 
 from the Walk it felf, being the beft piece of Land, and as it were the Jewel 
 and Flower of all the Mate belonging to the Sun, and was the firft plat of Earth 
 which the Incas had dedicated to him. This Walk was like a Garden, manured 
 .and cultivated onely by lncas of the Royal Bloud, nor was any other admitted to 
 be Gardiner or Labourer there, under the degree of Inca, or Pa/la, which was a 
 Lady of the Royal Family. All the Songs they made, were Panegyricks in praife 
 of the Sun-, and the fubftance of them was taken from the word Haylli, which 
 in the common language of Peru fignifies triumph-, as if they were victorious 
 and triumphed over the Earth, when they ploughed and digged into its bowels' 
 forcing it to fructify, and raking fruit from thence. . With thefe Sonnets they in- 
 termixed the quick and acute Sentences and Sayings of dilcreet Lovers, and vali- 
 ant Souldiers, tending to the Subject and Work in hand , concluding every ftaff 
 or ftanza of their Verfes with the word Haylli, which was the burthen of the Song' 
 and repeated as often as was neceffary to fill up the cadence of the Tune 5 and 
 thus they fang, and worked backward and forward, as they made the Furrows 
 with which chearfulnefs the toil and labour was much alleviated. 
 
 The Plough they ufe was made of a piece of Wood, of about four fingers 
 broad, and a yard long, it was flat before, and round behind, and pointed at the 
 end, that fo it might the more eafily pierce, and enter the Earth; then about half 
 a yard high, on the main fhaft they bound two pieces of Wood for a flay to the 
 Foot, with which the Indian prefling very hard, thruft his Plough, or Shovel up 
 to the very ftep, or flay to the Foot -, and therewith feven and feven, or eight 'and 
 eight a breaft, according to the number of the Kindred, or Partnership, drawing 
 all together, they turned up turfs, and clods of Earth of an incredible bignefs 
 fo that thofe who have not feen this Invention before, would wonder that fo weak 
 an Inftrument could be able to doe fo great and heavy a work, and with that dif- 
 patch and eafe alfo, as did not put the Labourers out of breath, fo as to fpoil the 
 Air and Cadence of the Tune. The Women likewife were affiftents to the 
 Men in this work, helping to turn up the turf and clods, and pluck up the Weeds 
 and roots, that they might dye and wither ; in which labour they bore alfo part in 
 the Mufick, and joined in the Chorus of Haylli, Haylli. 
 
 The Indian Tunes having a kind of fweet Air with them, the Mufick-Mafter 
 of the Cathedral Church at Coz.co, in the Year 1 s j 1 . or 1 j j2. compofed an An- 
 theme, and fet it to one of their Tunes, which he plaid on the Organ, upon the 
 Feftival of the moft Holy Sacrament, at which Solemnity he introduced eight 
 Mongrel Boys, of mixed Bloud between Spanijh and Indian, and my School-fel- 
 lows, finging the Songs which he had fet according to the true Air of Incas Mu- 
 fick, and each of them carrying a Plough in his hand, accompanied the Proceflion 
 reprefenting and imitating the Haylli of the Indians-, all the Chapell in the mean 
 time joining in the Chorus, to the great fatisfa&ion of the Spaniards, and content- 
 ment of the Indians, who were over-joyed to fee the Spaniards fo far to honour 
 them, as to pradife their Dances and Mufick, when they celebrated the Feftival 
 of their Lord God, which they called Pachacamac, and is as much as to fay he 
 that gives Life to the whole Univerfe. 
 
 Thus I have related the manner how the Incas celebrated the Feaft which they 
 held at the time of ploughing, and fowing the Grounds dedicated to the Sun, the 
 which I faw, and obferved for two or three following years, when I was a Child 
 and by them we may guefs at the form and manner of the Feftivals folemnized in 
 other parts of Peru, on the fame occafion, though thofe Feafts which I few as 
 the Indians allured me, were but faint reprefentations of thofe in ancient times, 
 and were not to be efteemed comparable to them. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
Book V. Royal Commentarki. 135 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Proportion of Land which was allotted to every In- 
 dian, and with what fort of Dung the"y improved it. 
 
 HpO every S*M'a» was given zTupu df Land, which was as- much as'he might 
 J. fow with a Haneta, (which is as much as a Bulhel and a half of Myz y or 
 2w#4»- Wheat, Aough the #Wgrf of Peru is a W^^and'a'.half of Sf4i».) This 
 word Tupt fignifies alfo a League in travelling, likewife all forts of meafures of» 
 Water,, or Wine, or any other Liquour ; as alfo the greatPi'ris with which Wo- 
 men tuck up their drefftngs : The Meafure df Seed-corn hath' alfo another name, 
 which isPicfttM 
 
 One Tip* of Land' was efteemed fufhcierit to maintain- an ordinary Countrey-; 
 Bellow and his Wife, provided he had not Children-, for then, fo Joon as he had 
 aiSon, they addfed another Tupu of Land to his Eftate, and if a Daughter, half 
 an one : When the'Sen married, fo that he'left his Father's Houfe, then he re-' 
 figned.overtotheSon his 7**^ of Land, in which he had an Original Right and 
 Propriety. 
 
 But this- was^ifferencly obferved as to Daughters, for they were not "to take 
 their Lands with them in marriage, it having been given the'rri for their fubfiftence 
 during their Minority onely, but not to accrue to them byway of Portion; for 
 every Husband claiming his (hare of Land in his own Rights was obliged to fup- 
 port his Wife, the Law taking no farther cognizance of Women after their Mar- 
 riage •, the Land 'remaining with the Father, in cafe he had need of it, and if not, 
 then it returned ag^in to the-Community, for it was not lawfull either to fell or 
 alienate it. 
 
 Proportionabiy to thofe Lands which they gave for bearing May*, they alfo 
 adjoined others, which were dry Lands, and'did not require Water, and yet pro-' 
 dttced-Pulfe and other feeds. i 
 
 To Ndble and great Families, fucli as were thofe of the Curacas, or Lords who 
 hadSubje&s under them, they. allotted fo much Land as was fumcient to main- 
 tain their Wives -and Children, Concubines and Servants. To the heat of the 
 Bloud Royal the fame advantage and benefit was allowed, in any part whetefoe- 
 ver they were pleafed to fix their aboad •■, and their Lands were to be the belt and 
 icheft of any t And this they were to enjoy over and above the common (hare 
 md right which 1 they claimed" in the Eftates of the King, and the Sun, asChil- 
 Iren of the one, and Brother^' df the other. 
 
 They ufed to dung their Lands, that they might make them fruitfull, and it is 
 
 ^bfervable, that in all the Valley about Cozco, and in the hilly Countries, where 
 
 hey fowed Mtjzj they efteemed the beft manure to be Man's Dung •■, and to that 
 
 ■nd they faved and gathered it with great care, and drying it, they caft it upon 
 
 heir Land before they fowed their Mayz. But in the Countrey of ColUo, which 
 
 5 above an hundred and fifty Leagues long, which, by reafon of the coldnefs of 
 
 he Climate, doth not produce Mayz, though it bear other fort of Grane, there 
 
 hey efteem the Dung of Cattle to be the beft manure and improvement 
 
 By the Sea-coaft, from below Arequepa, as far as Tarapaca, which is above two 
 
 undred Leagues, they ufe no other Dung, but fuch as comes from the Sea-birds, 
 
 !| f which there are great numbers, and incredible flocks on the Coaft of Pern; 
 
 ley breed in little Elands, which lie in the Sea, and are unpeopled, where they 
 
 y fuch heaps of Dung, that at a diftance they feem to be Hills of Snow. In 
 
 le times of the I»cm, who were Kings, great care was taken of thefe Birds in 
 
 leieafon of their Breedings for then on pain of Death no Man was to enter on 
 
 lofolfknds,' left they fhould difturb the Birds, or fpoil their Nefts-, nor was it 
 
 wfull to take or kill them at any time, either off or upon the Ifland, 
 
 Every 
 
ig6 Royal Commentaries, Book V. 
 
 Every Ifland was by order of the hca, affigned to fuch and fuch Provinces, and 
 if the Ifland were very large, then two or three of them divided the foilage, the 
 which they laid up in feparate heaps, that fo one Province might not encroach 
 on the proportion allotted to the other •, and when they came to make their Di- 
 vifion to particular Perfons, and Neighbours, they then weighed and fhared out 
 to every Man the quantity he was to receive ; and it was felony for any man to 
 take more than what belonged to him, or to rob or fteal it from the ground of his 
 Neighbour, for in regard that every man had as much as was neceflary for his 
 own Lands, the taking a greater quantity than what belonged to him, was judged 
 a Crime, and a high offence-, for that this fort of Birds dung was efteemed pre- 
 tious, being the beft improvement and manure for Land in the World. 
 
 Howfoever in other parts of that Coaft, and in the Low Countries ofdtica, 
 Atiauipa, Villacori y Malta and Chi/lca, and other Vallies, they dung their grounds 
 with the Heads of a fmall fifh, like our Pilchards, and with no other foilage. 
 The Natives of thefe Countries which we have named, and others under the fame 
 Climate, live with great labour and toil, where they can neither water their 
 Grounds with ftreams from the Springs or Fountains, nor yet with the Rain or 
 Dews from Heaven : For it is a certain truth, that for the fpace of feven hundred 
 Leagues along that Coaft it did never rain, nor are there in all that trad of Land 
 ftreams, or places for water, the whole Countrey being exceedingly hot, dry, and 
 nothing almoft but fand ; for which reafon the Natives endeavouring to moiften 
 their grounds, fo as to make them capable to yield Mayz, they approach as near 
 to the Sea, as they are able, where they turn afide, and caft away the Sand which 
 lies upon the furface, and dig down as deep as a Man's Body is in length, and 
 fometimes twice as deep, untill, having palled the Sand, they come to fuch a 
 fort of Earth as is able to bear the weight of Water, which places the Spaniards 
 czWHoyas, or Vaults j and being of different proportions, fome greater, andfome 
 lefler •-, fome are not capacious enough to receive above half a meafure of Seed- 
 corn, others again are fo large as to receive three or four meafures of Seed: In 
 thefe places they neither plow, nor reap, becaufe they rather fet than fow, plan- 
 ting their grane of Mayz at an equal diftance one from the other 5 and in the holes 
 or furrows which they make-, they caft three or four grains of May*,, with a kw 
 Pilchards Heads-, which being all the dung they ufe, and which is onely, as they 
 lay, profitable in that foil, they expect their Harveft at its due feafbn. And to 
 fee how Divine Providence taketh care of all Creatures, for that neither the In- 
 dians may want that Manure, which onely makes their Land fruitful!, nor the 
 Birds of the Iflands their food, there are fuch quantities of Pilchards caft up by 
 the Sea at thofe feafons, as are not onely fufficient for the Food of Men, and Birds, 
 and for dunging the Earth, but even to lade many Ships , if occafion fhould re- 
 quire: It is faid, that this Fifh is chafed afhore by fome Dolphins, or greater 
 Fifh ; be it by what means it will, the advantage is great, and the Providence of 
 God is admirable in thefe his Bleffings towards his poor Creatures. Who was the 
 firft Inventer of this manner of planting in holes with the Heads of Pilchards, is 
 uncertain 5 we may rather attribute it to Neceffity, which is the Mother of Inge- 
 nuity 5 for in regard, as we have faid, that there is great want of Bread in all parts 
 of Peru, the fame Underftanding which in fome parts taught them to plant their 
 May*, in holes, the fame alfo inftracled them to make their Allies in the parts of 
 Coze 0, and by this means every one fowing for his own maintenance, and not to 
 fell, all People enjoyed fufficient for their fupport, never any fcarcity or famine 
 having been known in that Land. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 137 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 How they divided their Water into fever al Rivulets for the 
 refrejhment of their Land ; and what Punijhment they 
 inflifted on the idle and negligent People that would not 
 work. 
 
 IN thofe Countries where Water was fcarce, they took care to divide their 
 Waters to every one according to his neceflities, and by fuch equal proporti- 
 ons , and with that order, that all quarrels and contentions for it were avoided ; 
 and hereunto they had moft efpecial regard in dry years, when Rain was wanting 5 
 for then they allotted out unto every one his certain hours, having by experience 
 learned in how much time an Acre of Ground might be fupplied, and drink the 
 Water it required. .. In which benefit neither the Rich nor the more Noble, nor 
 the Kinfman of the Curaca, nor the Curaca himfelf, nor the Governour, nor the 
 King himfelf enjoyed any privilege or preference before another, but every one 
 took his turn, as his Lands and Furrows lay in order. He that was negligent to 
 take his turn, and to watch his ground whilft the .Water ran into the Furrows, 
 and Dams, was punilhed for a fluggard in the moft affrontive manner 5 for he was 
 to receive publickly three or four thumps on the Back with a Stone, or whipped 
 on the Armes and Legs with Switches of Ofier, and (named with the difgracefull 
 term of an idle and floathfull fellow, which was a great diihonour and difreputa-, 
 tion to them, calling them Mzqttitullu, which is Eafie-bones, being a word com- 
 pounded of Mzqtii, which fignifies fweet , and ThUu which is bones. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Tribute which they gave to the Inca , and of the Vef 
 fels they made to receive their Fruits. 
 
 HAving already declared the manner by which the Incas divided the Lands, and 
 the ways and inventions by which the Subjects improved them •, we are 
 in the next place to proceed to (hew what Tribute they gave unto their Kings. 
 The chiefeft part of their Tribute did confift in their labour, which was to culti- 
 vate and manure the Lands belonging to the Sun, and to the lnca , and alfo to 
 gather and reap the Fruits, and lay them up in the King's Barns : One fort of 
 Fruit which was in efteem amongft them, was that which they call Vchtt, and the 
 Spaniards Axi, and we in Engliih Red Pepper. The places in which they laid their 
 Corn called Pima, were made of Clay, tempered with Straw : In the times of 
 the Incas they were very curious in this work, and made them of different fizes 
 and faihions-, fome being long and narrow, and others fquare j fomeof them 
 were made to receive thirty, fome fifty, and fome an hundred meafures of Corn : 
 Every one of thefe Clay-veflels was put into a Chamber by it felf, juft fitted to 
 the proportion of the VeiTel, and fixed with Walls on each fide , fo as not to be 
 
 T removed-, 
 
1 3g Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 removed 5 and in the middle of the Chamber a palTage was left to go from one 
 to the other to empty ;and fill them according to the feafons of the year •, for 
 emptying thefe Veflels, they opened a little ihutter before, of about a quarter of 
 a Yard fquare, or bigger, or lelTer, according to its proportion , by which they 
 knew certainly the quantity that was taken out, and what remained without mea- 
 furing of it -, whereby, and by the largenefc of the Veflels, they eafily made the 
 account of the quantity of the-Mayz which remained in every Barn or Magazine. 
 I remember that I once faw fome of thefe Clay- veflels, which remained ever fince 
 the time of the Mas 5 they were fuch as were of the beft fort, for they had be- 
 longed to the Convent of the Select Virgins, who were Wives to the Sun, and 
 made folely for the fervice of thofe Women 5 when I faw them, they were in 
 the Houfe of the Sons of Pedro it Barco, who had been School-fellows with me. 
 The Provifions of the Sun, and of the fact, were laid up apart, and in different 
 Veflels, though in the fame Store-houfe or Magazine. The Corn for Seed was 
 given out by the Lord of the Land, who was the Sun and the Inca ; as alfo the 
 • Corn which made Bread for the Labourers , during the time that they cultivated 
 and manured their Lands 3 fo that all the Tribute which the Indians were obliged 
 to give, was nothing but their perfonal labour, their Lands and Fruits being free 
 of all Tax or Impofition. The truth of which is affirmed by Acofla in the fifteenth 
 Chapter of his fixth Book, in thefe words : " The Inca gave the third part of 
 " the Lands to the People -, but it is not certain whether this third part was fo ex- 
 " a&ly meafured, as to anfwer an equality with that of the Inca .- But this is 
 " fine, that great care was taken to render unto every one a fufficient proportion 
 * of Land for his maintenance and fupporc In this third part no particular per- 
 " fon had fuch a right, as to be able to give it away, or fell, or by any ways alie- 
 " nate it to anothet, becaufe the inca was the fole Lord of the Fee, and the Ori- 
 " ginal right was in him. Of thefe Lands, new Divifions were made every 
 " year, according to the increafe or diminution of Families \ fo that the proporti- 
 " ons of Lands were in general afcertained, and the Divisions already laid out, 
 ? that there needed no great trouble, far ther therein. Of all thefe Lands fo given, 
 no Tribute was exacted, unlels it was their labour to cultivate and manure the 
 " Lands of the Inca and the Guacas, and to gather the Fruits, and lay them up in 
 " their Store-houfe, which was all the Tribute or Impofition required of them. 
 Thefe are the words of Acofta, who calls the Sun by the Name of Guacas. 
 
 In all the Province of Colla, which is above 1 jo Leagues long, Mayz doth not 
 grow, by reafon of the coldnefs of the Climate 3 but in the place of it they have 
 great abundance of £>uinua, which is a fort of Rice, befides plenty of other Grane 
 and Pulfe, and fuch Corn as grows low upon the ground •, fuch as is that which 
 they call Papa, which is round and juicy, and by reafon of the great humidity of 
 it inclines much to corruption, and is, foon rotten •, but the better to conferve it, 
 they fpread it on the ground upon Straw , of which there is great ftore, and very 
 good in that Countrey, expoiing it for many Nights to the Froft ; for the Frofts 
 are very tliarp and lafting there 5 after it hath in this manner, as it were, been di- 
 gefted and ripened by the colds, they then gently prefs it, that the watriflineis may 
 pafs away with the crude humour caufed by the Froft ; and after they have thus 
 well prefled it, they lay it out in the Sun , keeping it from the ferene damps of 
 the Night, untill it is perfectly dried. And by thefe means they conferve the 
 Papa for a long time, which then they call by the Name of Chunum , and by that 
 Name all the Papa pafled, which was gathered from the Lands of the Sun, and of 
 the Inca, and which they conferved in their Store-houfes, with other Grane, and 
 with their Peafe and Vetches, and fiich like. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 139 
 
 chAp. vl. 
 
 How they made Clodths, and Arms , and Shoes for the 
 Souldiery, 
 
 BEfides this Tribute of Labour which the Indians beftowed on the Lands of the 
 Sun, and the Inca, and of the gathering in their Fruit --, the fecond Tribute 
 required was a contribution towards the Cloathing , Shoes and Arms of the 
 Souldiery , as alfo for the poor and needy, who by reafon of Age, or want of 
 Health, were not able to labour and provide for themfelves : And herein the fame 
 rule and order was obferved, as in the former Tribute. The Cloathing in all the 
 Hilly Countries was made of Wool, which was produced by thofe multitudes of 
 Cattel which were paftured in thofe parts for account of the Sun j but in the 
 Plains along the Sea-coaft, where the Countrey is hot, they made ail their Gar- 
 ments of Cottons, which grew in the Lands belonging to the Inca and the Sun, 
 fo that the Indians were at no farther expence therein, than that onely which pro- 
 ceeded from the kbour of their hands. Their Woolen Cloathing wis of three 
 forts 5 the courfeft, which they called Avafca, was for the common people ; the 
 next degree, which was fomething finer, they called Compi, which was fit for Cap- 
 tains and Nobles, and the better fort of people, and were made of divers colours, 
 and drefled and curried like the Dutch Cloths : To the fined fort likewife they 
 gave the fame name of Compi, which was onely for the cloathing of Incas of the 
 Royal Bloud, and fuch of them as were Souldiers and Officers both of War and 
 Peace. This fineft fort was made in Countries where the bed Workmen lived, 
 and the moft ingenious Artifts ; and the courfer was made by the more dull and 
 courfer fort of Heads. All the Wool for this Cloathing was Spun by the Wo- 
 men 5 as likewife the Jvafia, or courfer fort, was Woven by them 5 but the fineft 
 was Woven by the Men, becaufe they always Weaved ftanding 5 and both one 
 and the other was the Work of the Subje&s, and not of the Incas, though it were 
 for their own Cloathing , though fome are of opinion that the Incas worked and 
 weaved for themfelves •, which we muft contradict, and (hall ihew hereafter, when 
 we come to treat of the Arms ofHorfemen,what it was that they termed the Spin- 
 ning of the Incas. Thofe Provinces were moft charged with the Aflefment for 
 Shoeing , where Hemp grew in moft plenty, and was made from the Stalk of a 
 Plant called M.iguey $ their Arms likewife were made in thole Countries where 
 the Materials for them were moft plentifull : In fome places they made Bows and 
 Arrows, in others Lances and Darts, in others Clubs and Bills 5 fome Countries' 
 provided Ropes and Winlefles for lading and faftning of Burthens , and others 
 made Helmets and Targets, befides which they had no other defenfive Arms. In 
 ftiort, every Province furnifhed and fupplied fuch Commodities as the Nature of 
 the Countrey did moft eafily produce, and fuch Manufactories as they could make 
 at home 5 for it was. a fettled and an eftablifhed Law through the whole Empire, 
 that no Indian mould be obliged to feek or ranfack other Countries for the TrU 
 bute he was to pay •■, for as that would not be juft nor equal , fo it would be a 
 means to make them Vagabonds, and to open a door to the Inhabitants to go out 
 of their Countrey, and ferfake their own habitations 3 fo that the Subjects were 
 obliged to furnilli the Inca with four things , via, Provifions or food anting from 
 the proper grounds of the inca \ Cloathing made of the Wool of his own Flocks, 
 Shoes and Arms , arifing from Countries where the Materials are moft common 5 
 all thefe Aflefments were laid and iinpofed with great order and attention 5 for 
 thofe Provinces which were charged with Cloths, by reafon of the quantity of 
 Wool, which abounded in their parts, were freed from the charge and care of 
 providing Shoes; thofe that provided Shoes, w'ere freed from Arms, fo that 
 none could be twice charged , nor the Subject agrieved by the weight of his Op- 
 preffions, By this gentlenefs and lenity of the Yoke which the inca laid on his 
 ^, T £ f>eopI^, 
 
140 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 people , every one ferved him with fuch chearfulnefs and alacrity, that a Spamfh 
 Hiftorian much admiring thereat, ufed thefe words : " The Riches of thofe bar- 
 *' barous Kings confifted in the Number of their Subje&s , who were all Slaves 
 " to them •, and what is moft wonderfull is, that all the labour and toil they ufed 
 " for their Kings, was their greateft delight and recreation 5 and fuch was the 
 " good rule and order obferved in it , that no labour was tedious, but rather of 
 " contentment and fatisfaction. Thefe words are not my own, but the exprefii- 
 ons offofeph de Acofla, a Perfon of good authority, which I gladly infert here, 
 as in other places, to defend my felf againft the Malice and Obloquy of thofe 
 who are ready to charge me with Fables forged in honour and favour to my own 
 Kindred and Countrey. And this is what we have to fay of the Tribute which 
 was given to thefe Idolatrous Kings. 
 
 Tliere was another fort of Tribute which the Kings exadled from the Impotent, 
 and fuch as were called Poor 9 and that was, that every one was obliged from fo 
 many days, to fuch a time, to deliver into the hands of the Governours a Reed 
 filled with Lice. It is faid , that the reafon why the foot required this ftrange 
 fort of Tribute, was, that fo no perfon, how impotent foever, might pretend an 
 entire exemption from Tribute \ and becaufe Lice were the eafieft Tribute, the 
 King exacted fuch as they could pay •, and the rather, that fo this people by fuch 
 obligation might be forced for payment to clear and make clean themfelves of 
 Vermine, and not pretend to be void of all employment ; and the care of this 
 Collection was encharged to a Decurion, or Officer of ten, as before mentioned. 
 By fuch Ads of mercy and compaffion as this towards the Poor, the Inca meri- 
 ted the Title of a Lover of tire Poor , the which Name he affumed to himfelf 
 amongft his other Dignities and Titles of Honour. 
 
 . The perfons exempt from all Tribute were the Inca* of the Bloud-Royal, the 
 Priefts and Minifters of tire Temple, the Curacas and Sovereign Lords, Colonels, 
 and Captains, and Centurions, though they were not of the Bloud-Royal 5 alfo 
 Governours, Judges, Minifters of State , during the time of their Offices, they 
 were onely obliged to attend their charge and employments, without other trou- 
 ble or diverfion : All Souldiers who were adually in Arms, and attending in the 
 War, were excufed from other Services •-, and Youths under the Age of twenty 
 five years, being untill that time efteemed Servants jo their Fathers, and without 
 power over themfelves •, and not capable to difpofe of themfelves in Marriage, 
 were not obliged to pay any fort of Tribute 5 as alfo new-married perfons for the 
 firft year were difpenfed with in that particular. Old Men from fifty years and 
 upwards , as alfo Women, and Maids, and Widows, and Married people were 
 alio exempt from Tribute, though the Spanijh Writers alledge, that Women were 
 obliged unto that payment, becaufe they were obferved to work and labour as o- 
 ther people ■■, but herein they were miftaken , for that Women were not obliged 
 to this labour by way of Tribute, but onely for the help and affiftence of their 
 Parents or Husbands, that fo they might more fpeedily difpatch their tasks, and 
 finilli the labour allotted to them. It was alfo an excufe for any to prove himfelf 
 to have been iick and indifpofed in his health •, the lame alfo and the blind, but 
 not the dumb nor deaf were freed from their perfonal labour -, the which belong- 
 ing properly to every particular perfon, became a debt not to be remitted, unlefs on 
 the preceding Conditions and Provifoes. And thus much BIm Valera alledges fo 
 agreeable to our fenfe, as if what we (hall hereafter declare in this matter, or have 
 already herein delivered, had been onely a Copy, or Extrad, out of his Wri- 
 tings. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 141 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 That Gold, and Silver, and other things of value, were not 
 given by way of Tribute-, but of Prefents. 
 
 ALL that great quantity of Gold and Silver, and pretious Stones which the 
 I»cas poflefled, were not Rents, nor Fruits ifluing from Tribute, but Pre- 
 fents which the People voluntarily offered to their Kings-, for neither Gold nor 
 Silver were efteemed neceflary for maintenance of Peace, nor (as we will have it) 
 the Sinews of War, nor reckoned as any part of Riches, or Eftate, nor were they 
 meafures in buying or felling, or given in payment to the Souldiers ; for they 
 could neither drink nor fatisfie their hunger with thofe Metalls, and therefore 
 were valued at no other rate, than for their glittering Luftre, and refplendent 
 Beauty, defigned onely for Ornaments to adorn the Temples of the Sun, and the 
 Palaces of the Inc.™, and the Monasteries of the Virgins, as we have already made 
 appear, and (hall hereafter have occaiion to prove more at large. They found 
 out the Mines of quick-filver, but knew not the ufe of it, onely that U was hurt- 
 full, and of a quality noxious to the Head, and for that reafon prohibited the 
 People from gathering or medling with it. . 
 
 We fay then, that Gold and Silver was a free Offering from the Subje&s to 
 their Prince, and never demanded by them in way of Tribute, or Duty : and in 
 regard it was a cuftome amongft that People, never to appear before their Supe- 
 riours with empty hands, for when nothing better offered, even a basket of dry 
 or ripe fruit was acceptable: and that alfo it was accuftomary for the Curacy, and 
 Princes, who had fovereign Authority over Subjects , to prefent themfelves be- 
 fore the luca at the principal feafts of the Year, which were dedicated to the Sun, 
 fuch as Rayrrti, and at other times when Triumphs were celebrated for great and 
 fignal Victories , or when a Prince and Heir was born , or his Head ihorn, or 
 that the Inca vifited the Provinces, and the like, the Caracas did then never pre- 
 fume to appear before the Inca, and kifs his Hands, without their Prefents of 
 Gold , or Silver , or pretious Stones, fuch as the Indians, who were their Vaflals, 
 had at their leifure times extracted from the Mines-, for in regard that thefe 
 things were not neceflary for fupport of humane Life, the acquisition of them was 
 fcarce efteemed worth their labour , and the employment onely appointed for 
 their vacant hours-, for when they knew that there was no other ufe for them, 
 but onely for the adornment of their Temples, and Palaces of the Inca, they then 
 efteemed them worthy their trouble, for no other reafon, than that they might 
 appear with confidence before their Gods, who were the Sun and the Inca. 
 
 Moreover belides fuch rich Gifts as thefe, the Caracas did commonly prefent 
 to the King Timber of the beft and ftrongeft nature for his Buildings, with excel- 
 lent Matters, and the moft able Artifls arid Workmen to erect them ; for if there 
 were any Perfons ingenious, or excellent in Arts, or Crafts, fuch as Silver-fmiths, 
 Painters, Stone-cutters, Carpenters , or others, they were always preferred and 
 recommended by the Curaca* to the fervice of the lnca ; for indeed fuch Perfons 
 as thefe could find no Employment or Encouragement with the common People, 
 every one of which had skill and art fufticient for building his own poor Hutt 
 or Cottage where he dwelt , and making his own Shoes and Garments ; for 
 though anciently the Community had the care of providing every Family with a 
 Houfe, yet now, fince every fingle Perfon hath learnt that myftery, and become 
 a rare Architect, and can, with the afliftence of a few Friends and Relations, be 
 able to form his own Neft and Habitation -, the Art of Surveyors, and the La- 
 bour of Workmen is of little ufe to them, for being poor, and living onely with 
 defign to fupply the necefiities of humane Life, they nave no need of thofe fuper- 
 
 fluities 
 
 
Jt. 
 
 i a 2 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 fluities which are neceffary to fupport the Magnificence and Pomp of great Per- 
 fonages. 
 
 Moreover they prefented to the Jnca wild Beafts, fuch as Tygers, Lions and 
 Bears, with other Creatures lefs fierce, fuch as Drills, Monkies, Mountain-Cats, 
 Deer, Parots, and other greater Birds, as dftritches, and another fort of Bird cal- 
 led a Cuntur , which is the biggeft of any in the world : Hereunto they fome- 
 times added Serpents which were produced in Auis\ the biggeft and largeft of 
 which they call Amaru, being twenty five or thirty foot in. length, as alfo Toac's 
 of a rhbnftrcus bignefs, and Snakes that were very fierce. And from the Sea-coaft 
 they fent Soils and Allagatots, which ,they called Caymanes, and were fome of 
 them twenty five or thirty foot ih length. In fhort, there was no creature excellent 
 in its kind either for ferocity, or bignefs, or nimblenefs, which they omitted to 
 carry and prefent with their Offerings of Silver and Gold, that fo by this way of 
 Homage, and Duty, they might acknowledge him the fupreme and univerfal 
 Lord of all, and teftify the zeal and affection they bore to liis Service. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Flow this Tribute was conferved, and laid up, and how it 
 was expended, and in what Service. i 
 
 WE are come now to enquire in what manner this Tribute was conferred, in 
 what it was expended, and wh3t account was given of it : and herein it a 
 to be obferved, that there were three Treafuries in the whole Kingdom, where- 
 in they amaffed and kept the Tributes, and publick Profits. In every Province 
 whether it were great, or fmall, there were always two Magazines, or Storehoufes i 
 in one of which they laid up corn, and provifions for fupport of the Natives againft 
 years of fcarcity, or famine - y in the other, all the Profits and Benefits belonging 
 to the Sun, and the Jnca, were laid up : befides which they had other fmaller 
 Store- houfes, built upon the King's High-way, about three or four Leagues one 
 from the other, which the Spaniards make ufe of at prefent for Inns and Lodgings 
 when they travell. 
 
 All the Eftate of the Sun, and the Jnca which lay within fifty Leagues about 
 the City of Cozco, was all brought thither for maintenance, and fupport of the 
 Court, that fo the Jnca might not onely have a fufficient plenty for himfelf and 
 Family, but likewife to beftovv in Rewards and Prefents to his Captains and Cw 
 rac.u, and to entertain and treat them : But fome part of the Revenue which be* 
 longed to the Sun, and which was within the aforefaid limits of fifty Leagues, 
 was feparatei, and laid up apart for the common benefit of the People. 
 
 What Revenue was coming in from other places more remote, without the 
 compafs of the fifty Leagues, was laid up in the King's Store-houfes, which he had 
 in every Province, and from thence it was tranfported to the places which were built 
 on the common Road, for receiving Provifions, Arms, Cloths, Shoes, and all ne- 
 ceffaries for an Army, that fo in all parts they might readily be fupplied, whenfb- 
 ever they marched unto any of the four quarters of the World, which the Jndians 
 called tavantwfuyu. Thefe Store-houfes being thus, as we have faid , provided, 
 were able to fupply and furnilh an Army with whatsoever they needed •, fo that in 
 their march they neither lay upon flee quarter , nor burthened the People -, nor 
 might any Souldier rob or vex the Inhabitants upon pain of Death. Pedro de dec* 
 in the 6oth. Chapter of his Book, fpeaking of the great Roads, hath thefe Words. 
 The Inc as \ad. great and large Store-houfes , wherein they flowed and laid up 
 all their Ammunition and Provifions of War, in which they were, fo carefully 
 that they never failed to make due and large Provifions, and in failure thereof 
 
 " the 
 
 it 
 
Book V. Koyal Commentaries. 143 
 
 " the Officer encharged was feverely punifhed 5 and confequently the Army being 
 " thus well provided, no perfon was permitted to break into the Fields or Houfes 
 t; of the Indians , though the damage were never fo inconiiderable, under lefs than 
 " a capital punifhment. Thus far are the Words of Pedro de Cieca j and the rea- 
 fon of this feverity was grounded on the fufficient maintenance which the Souldi- 
 ers received, who were thus well provided for by the People, on condition that ' 
 they might be fecured from their violence and outrages-, 2nd thus as the Maga- 
 zines in the Roads were emptied by the Souldiers in their March, fo they were 
 again replenished, and fupplied by the Provincial Stores. Augufiin de Carate dif- 
 courfing of the great Roads, or the King's High-Ways, (as we (hall hereafter 
 have occafion to mention more at large) doth in the 14th. Chapter of hisfirft 
 Book fay : " That befides thefe common Store-houfes on the Roads, Guayna- 
 " cavagaxe command for building in all the mountainous Countries large and 
 *' capacious Houfes, able to receive him, and his Court, and all his Army, and 
 
 to be feated at the diftance of a days march, one from the other. In the plains 
 " alfo he built others of the like capacious Form, but thofe were fituated more 
 *' remote one from the other, being at eight or ten, or perhaps fifteen or twenty 
 " Leagues afunder, according as the Rivers or conveniences of Water happened ; 
 " and thefe Houfes were ailed Tombos, where the Indians laid up fuch quantities 
 " andftores of Arms, and other necef&ies, for an Army, that every one of 
 " them was fufficient to cloath, and arme, and feed twenty or thirty thoufand 
 " Men, with the Provisions contained within it felf •, and yet the Army, though 
 " it was numerous, was yet well accoutred with all forts of Weapons, fuch as 
 " Pikes, Halberts, Clubs and Pole- Axes, made of Silver, and Copper, and 
 " fome of them of Gold, having (harp points, and fome of them hardened by 
 " the fire, befides Slings, and Darts thrown by hand. Thus far are the Words 
 of Auguflin Carate, touching the Provifions lodged in the Roads for accomodation 
 of the Army. 
 
 If the King were at any time put unto exceffive charge in his Wars, fo that his. 
 Revenue could not reach the expence, then in that cafe it was lawfull for the Inca, 
 as univerfal Heir to his Father the Sun, to make ufe of his Riches, and Revenue, 
 and that whenfoever the Wars were finifhed, the overplus which remained of 
 fuch Provifions were carefully laid up in the refpe&ive Store-houfes , for fupporc 
 and maintenance of the People in Years of Famine and Scarcity 5 in which fuch 
 care was taken, that the Inca himfelf judged it an Employment fit to be fupervifed 
 by his own particular regard and infpe&ion. 
 
 ThePriefls, in all parts of the Empire, were maintained at the charges of the 
 Sun, that is, whilft they were actually employed in the Service of the Temple, 
 for they attended by Weeks, according to their turns •, but when they were at 
 home, and out of waiting, they then fed and maintained themfelves from the 
 fruits of thofe grounds, which were equally divided to them with other People s 
 by which, arid the like Pariimony, ufed in expending the Revenue of the Sun, 
 his Stores were always great and plentiful], and fufficient to affift, and fuccour the 
 iwa, as his neceffities and urgencies did require. 
 
 CHAP, 
 
144 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 That the People were [applied with Clothing , and that no 
 Beggars were allowed amongft them. 
 
 AS by this good Order, and Method, the Souldiery was well provided with 
 Clothing, fo with the like care every two years a certain proportion of 
 Wool was distributed to the Commonalty, and to the Caracas in general, where r 
 with to make Garments for themfelves, their Wives, and their Families •, and it was 
 the Office of the Decurions to fee, and render an account to the Superiour Offi- 
 cers, how far this Wool was employed to the ufes, unto which it was defigned. 
 The Indians were generally very poor in Cattel, and the Curacat themfelves for 
 the moft part were Matters of fo few as were not fufficient for fupply of them? 
 felves and their Families-, whereas on the other fide, the Sun, and the Inca, had 
 fuch vaft Flocks and Herds , as were almoft innumerable. The Indians report, 
 that when the Spaniards came firft in amongft them, their flocks of Cattel were 
 greater than their Paftures could feed, and I have heard from my Father, and 
 others who lived in his time, that the Spaniards made great Deftru&ion of the 
 Cattel, as we (hall hereafter have occafion more largely to relate. In the hoc 
 Countries they gave them Cottons to foin for the clothing of themfelves and Fa- 
 milies; fo that every one having a fufnciency of Food and Raiment, none could 
 properly be termed poor, nor could any be forced to beg, becaufe his Neceflities 
 were fupplied 3 it is true, that none could be called rich, if Riches be placed in af- 
 fluence and abundance-, for as none wanted, fo noon had more than his Needs 
 required. What we have declared at large, is confirmed by Acofta in a few words, 
 who in the 1 jth Chapter of his 6th Book, fpeaking of Peru, hath this paflage: 
 " At the feafons they ibore their Cattel, and then divided unto every one fuffici- 
 " ent for him to fpin, and weave for his own, and the clothing of his Houfe and 
 " Family, and how diligent he was in his work, and how well he complied 
 " with his Task, was carefully infpe&ed by an Officer, appointed for that Affair : 
 " what Wool or Cotton remained after fuch Divifion, was laid up in the com- 
 " mon Storehoufes, which was performed with that good Husbandry, that they 
 " were found full when the Spaniards entred their Countrey. And herein no 
 " thinking Man can without due reflexion admire and wonder at the Providence 
 " of this People, and their political Government -, for though they had not been 
 u refined with the pure Do&rine of the Chriftian Religion, nor yet had been 
 ft taught the Rules of a Monaftical Life, yet they had learned that point (which 
 " we call perfection) how, and in what manner to provide all neceflaries both 
 " for the King and his People, without appropriating any thing to a particular 
 " pofleffion: And thus Acofla ends this 15th Chapter, which he entitles, The 
 Revenue and Tribute of the Inca. In another Chapter following, difcourfing there 
 of the Offices held by the Indians, he touches many points which we have alrea- 
 dy declared, and which we (hall have occafion to fpeak of more at large hereafter, 
 he hath farther thefe exprefs words. : The Indians of Peru had this Rule and 
 " Maxime amongft them, that it was neceflary to teach their Children fo foon as 
 " they were capable, thofe works which were conducing to humane Life; for in 
 " regard they had no Trades amongft them, fuch as Shoemakers, Weavers, and 
 " the like, whofe Profeflion it was to make Shoes and Clothing for others, as 
 " well as themfelves -, but every one applyed himfelf to make and provide that 
 " of which he had need and occafion-, fo that all knowing how to weave and 
 " fovv, provided themfelves with Garments out of the Wool which the Inca di- 
 " ftributed to them. Every one knew how to plow, and manure his Land with- 
 " out putting himfelf to the charge of Labourers-, every one was a Carpenter, 
 " and Mafon , and was able to build his own Houfe , efpecially the Women 
 " were the moft ingenious and diligent of any, for being bred up, and educated 
 
 "m 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 145 
 
 " in hardlhip and toil , contributed much to the affiftence of their Husbands in 
 " all their labours. But thofe ProfefTions and Aits which were not common, 
 " and which did not fo properly belong to the neceflity of Humane Life, fuch as 
 " Silverfrr.iths, Painters, Potters, Boatmen, Accountants and Pipers, had their par- 
 " ticular Mafters and Profeflburs •, but the ordinary and neceflary Works were 
 " taught and pradtifed in every Family, every one doing his own bufinefs, did not 
 " hire, or pay another for it, but made his own Cloaths and Shoes, fowed his 
 
 * own Fields, and gathered in his own Harveft : And this, as it was the ancient 
 " cuftome amongft them , fo it hath continued even to this day ; wherein they 
 " feem to have imitated the Lives of the Ancient Monks, as the Fathers of the 
 " Church have delivered them to us. The truth is, they are a people neither 
 
 * covetous, nor luxurious by nature 5 that, in reality, were the life they lead 
 " a point of free-will, rather than neceflity, or chofen for the fake of Mortifica- 
 " tion 5 certainly thefe people would be rarely well difpofed to receive the Doc- 
 " trine of the Golpel , which is an enemy to pride, and covetoufnefs, and luxu- 
 ,c rious living, though the Preachers up of thefe Graces unto the Indians do not 
 •' always live according to thofe Precepts which they deliver in their Pulpits. 
 And then foon after he adds •, " That it was an Eftablifhed Law amongft them, 
 " that no Man lhould change the Habit and Fafhion of his Countrey, though he 
 " altered his Habitation out of one Province into anodier --, the obfervance of 
 " which Rule, the Inc.i enjoined with great feverity as a matter of importance in 
 " relation to the Government. Thus far are the words of Acofia .- To which I 
 (hall add, that the Indians wonder much to fee the Spaniards fo frequently change 
 their Habits, and attribute it to their pride, prefumption, and wantonnefs of their 
 humour. 
 
 In the Year 1 <^6o, when I departed from Peru, it was not the cuftome for any 
 to beg, or ask Alms •, for vvhere-ever I travelled in that Countrey, I never obfer- 
 ved any Man or Woman to beg, unlefs it were an Old Woman which I knew at 
 Coxxo, called Ifabd ; and (he neither had no great neceflity, onely ihe was deligh- 
 ted to Goffip from houfe to houfe , and, like a Gypfie, with her Jefts and Tricks, 
 perfuaded the Neighbours to be kind to her. Howfoever, the Indians detefted 
 her way of living, and in token of their abhorrence thereof would reprove her 
 with words, and then fpit on the ground, which was a kind of reproach ; and for 
 that reafon this Woman would never beg of the Indians, but onely of the Spani- 
 ards ; and becaufe at that time, in my Countrey, there was no Money coined, 
 they gave her Mayz, which was the chief thing me deiired ■■, and if lhe found this 
 come freelv, fhe would beg a little Flefh, and then fome of their Drink 3 and then 
 with her Tricks and Jefts Hie would get fome of their Cuca, which is that preti- 
 ous Plant fo much in efteem amongft the Indians, and which they commonly carry 
 in their Mouths -, and thus fhe palled a merry and wanton life, but deteftable to 
 her Neighbours. Nor were the 1mm, amongft their other Charities, forgetfull 
 of the conveniencies for Travellers, but in all the great Roads built Houfes, or Inns, 
 for them, which they called Corpahuaci, where they were provided with Victuals, 
 and other neceflaries, for their Journies, out of the Royal Stores, which were laid 
 up in every Province ; and in cafe any Traveller fell fick in the way, he was there 
 attended, and care taken of him, in a better manner perhaps than at his own home : 
 But the truth is, no perfon Travelled for his curiofity, or pleafure, or bufinefs, but 
 for the fervice, and by order of the King, or his Caracas, when they had occafiori 
 to difpatch Meflengers, fuch as Captains for the War, or other Officers for conser- 
 vation of the Peace •, and then thefe were well provided for, and treated with 
 all conveniencies ; whereas others who had not the pretence and pafs-pbft fof 
 their Travc - :- were taken up for Vagabonds, and puniihed accordingly. 
 
 U CHAP. 
 
ia6 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 The Rule they obferved in the Vivifion of their Flocks, and 
 of other ftrange Beafls. 
 
 TH E Hocks of Cattel which belonged to the Inca were fo numerous, that 
 for die better keeping an account of them, they feparated them by ctiftinct 
 Droves, according to their colours •, for their Cattel are of Party-colours in thofe 
 Countries, as the Horfes are in Spain; and for every colour they have a proper 
 word : Thofe creatures which have great variety of colours, they call MurumurH, 
 which the Spaniards by corruption call Moromoro. As for inftance , fo foon as a 
 Lamb was Yean'd of a different colour to the Ewe which was her Dam , they 
 prefently feparated it, and made it to affbciate with the Flocks of the fame co- 
 lour ; in which manner they ealily kept an account of their Cattel by their Knots, 
 which were always made of the fame colour with that of their.Catcel. 
 
 The Beads which carried their burthens were a fort of Sheep, with a bunched 
 back like Camels, but in every thing elfe had a likenels with our Sheep 5 and 
 though it was common for the Indians to Lade their burthens on thefe creatures* 
 yet the hxa never made ufe of them himfelf, unlefs it were in fome cafe of ne- 
 ceifity, or for the publick profit and ufe 5 fuch as carrying Materials for building 
 Fortrefles, Royal Palaces or Bridges, or for making the High-ways, Allies and 
 Water-works 5 thefe being publick and common concernments, admitted of no 
 excufe or exemption from them. 
 
 . We have already mentioned that the Gold and Silver which was prefented by 
 the Subjects to their Ima, was employed in Adorning the Temple of the Sun, 
 and of the Royal Palaces -, and herein we lhall enlarge, when we come to fpeak 
 farther of the Houfe belonging to the Select Virgins. 
 
 All the ftrange Birds and Beafls, fuch as Serpents of all forts and fizes, Lizards, 
 and other creeping things which the Cmtent prefented , they kept in certain Pro- 
 vinces, which to this day have their Names from thofe creatures : They alfo kept 
 fome of them in the Court, both for grandeur, and alio to pleafe the Indians, who 
 efteemed themfelves greatly obliged by the acceptance which the Inca did vouch- 
 fafe to make of them. 
 
 I remember that when I came from Cotco, there remained fomeRuines of thofe 
 places where they kept thefe creatures, which they called Amar*c*ncha •, which is 
 as much as to fay, the Confervatory of thofe Serpents which were of the largeft 
 f ize, for Amam fignifies a great Serpent , on which place now the College of Je- - 
 fuits is erected : So likevvife they called thofe Dens where they kept the Lions, 
 and Tygers, and Bears , Puma curat and Pumap chiipar. 5 for Puma was their word 
 for a Lion, one of which Dens was formerly at the foot of the Caftle-hill, and 
 the other juft behind the Monaftery of St. Dmmmk. 
 
 Their Aviary for the better Air, and chearfulnefs of the Birds, was placed with- 
 out the City, which they called SxrihttaUa, which lignifies the Field of Oftritches, 
 which is about half a League Southward from Covo, and was the Inheritance of 
 my Tutor foh» de Alcobaca , and defcended afterwards to his Son Diego de Alcohaca y 
 who was a Prieft and my School fellow. 
 
 Thofe fierce creatures, fuch as Tygers and Lions, Serpents and Toads of a pro- 
 digious bignefs, ferved not onely for oftentation and the grandeur of the Court, 
 but alfo were fometimes made ufe of to punifh and devour Malefactors, of which 
 we fliall have occafion to fpeak where we treat of thofe Laws and Ordinances 
 which were made againft Offenders in Criminal matters. 
 
 And thus much lhall ferve for what we have to fay concerning the Tribute 
 which they gave to their hcas, and of the Manner and Occafion for which it was 
 expended. From the Papers of that curious and learned Father Bias Vaiera, I have 
 made this following Extract, that fo we may by his Authority confirm the truth 
 
 of 
 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. i±n 
 
 f i ■-■--■ - i ■ ■- - 
 
 of what we have related, touching the Beginnings, Cuftoms, Laws and Govern- 
 ment of this people. 
 
 And becaufe he hath wrote on this fubjecl: with much perfpicuity, order and 
 elegancy of expreffion, I have thought fit to Adorn this Hiftory, and fupply the 
 defects of it by fome of thofe Excellencies which I have copied from his Works. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the Laws and Statutes which the Incas made for the 
 good and benefit of their Subjecls. 
 
 THat which now immediately follows concerning the Government of the In- 
 cas, we have for the better confirmation and authority of what we have 
 already declared , Translated Verbatim out of the Elegant Latin of Bias Valera. 
 " The Indians of Peru, faith he, began to lay fome Foundations of a Political Go- 
 " vernment in the Reigns of the Inca, Manco Capac, and of the Inca Roca, who 
 " was alfo one of their Kings 5 for before that time, in all preceding Ages, they 
 " lived like Brutes, in all filthinefs and beftiality, without order, rule, or any go- 
 " vernment : But from that time they began to educate their Children with fome 
 " mean rudiments of learning, and to enter into civil and mutual communica- 
 " tion ; they then alfo began to Cloath themfelves, not onely with a refpeft to 
 " modefty, but likewife for ornament-, they then plowed and cultivated their 
 rt Fields with induftry and labour, and therein afforded mutual afliftence each to 
 " other? they then conftituted Judges, and kept Courts, they built Houfes 
 " both for private Dwellings and publick Meetings, with many other things 
 " commendable, and worthy of praife. Thofe Laws and Statutes which their 
 " Princes from the mere light of reafon dictated and prefcribed to them , they 
 " readily embraced, and thereunto directed and conformed all their A&ions in 
 " that exact manner, that for my part I cannot but prefer thefe Incas of Peru, not 
 " onely before the Inhabitants of China and Japan, and all thofe of the Eafi-indies ; 
 " but even before the Natural Gentiles of Afia, and the Nativesof Greece .- For if 
 " it be well considered, the labour and induftry which Numa Pompilius^&erclfed in 
 " framing and conftituting Laws agreeable to the humour and difpofition of the 
 : ' Romans ; and that Solon was an excellent Legiflatour for the Athenians, and Licur- 
 
 * gut for the Lacedemonians, is not much to be admired, becaufe they were Men 
 f expert, and knowing in all the points of Humane literature 5 which was a great 
 K advantage, and availed them much in compofingLaws and Cuftoms proper and 
 " neceftary for thofe prefent days, and the happinefs and welfare of future Ages. 
 " But it is ftrange and wonderfull, that thefe poor Indians, who had none of thofe 
 " helps nor advantages, mould be able to lay fuch a folid foundation of excellent 
 ' Laws, which ( excepting the Errour of their Idolatrous Worlhip ) were truly 
 " rational and comparable in every refpedt to the Conftitutions of the moft lear- 
 tc ned Statefmen, and which thefe conftant Indians conferve with facrednefs and 
 
 * veneration unto this day : And which is moft ftrange, that without letters or 
 $ writing, and onely by knots of thread of divers colours they mould be able to 
 § diftinguilh their Laws , and reade them with their true fenfe and fignitica- 
 11 tion ; and fo well by this invention to commit them to the knowledge of po- 
 " fterity, that fince they were eftablifhed by their firft Kings , fix hundred years 
 " are fully elapfed, and yet are as faithfully and as lively conferved in the memo- 
 ' x ry of that people , as if they had been Laws of later date. Such was their 
 
 Municipal Law, which treated of the particular advantage of every Nation , 
 " and the Privileges and Immunities refpe&ive to every people. They had their 
 r ' Agrarian Law, which determined and meafured out the bounds and limits of 
 
 U % . Provinces, 
 
148 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 " Provinces, which was with lingular diligence and rectitude obferved -, for they 
 ' l had their fworn Meafurers, who meted out their Lands with Cords by Acres, 
 " which they called Tupu, whereby they made a juft divifion to the Neighbour- 
 " hood, affigning to every one his juft ihare and proportion. They had alfo that 
 " which they called a Common Law, which , as they faid , refpedted every one 
 " ( unlets Old Men, and fick, and Children, and infirm, which were exempted ) 
 " but all others were obliged to labour in matters relating to the benefit of the 
 " Common-wealth , fuch as in the building of Temples, Palaces for the King, 
 '"' and the great Lords , railing Bridges, making and mending High-ways, and o- 
 M ther matters of like nature. They had another Law, which they named the 
 b Law of Brotherhood, which laid an obligation on the people to be aiding and 
 " affifting one to the other, in plowing, and fowing , and gathering in the Fruits, 
 " and in building Houfes one for the other, without pay, or expectation of re- 
 " ward. They had another Law, which they called Mtachamcuy, which was as 
 " much as to fay, a rotation, or a turn , or circulation of labour, which was no 
 c more than that in all the work which was performed by publick alfiftence , the 
 
 * like account mould be obferved, and meafures taken, as was in the divifion of 
 " the Lands, that fo no Province, People, Lineage or Perfon, fhould be obliged 
 u to labour beyond their due proportion , but that their Lives fhould have their 
 u turns and times mixed with recreation and leifures, as well as labours. They 
 " had alfo a Sumptuary Law, which prohibited all kind of vanity and expence in 
 " C loathing and Adornments of them with Gold, or Silver, or pretious Stones j 
 " and efpecially all profufenefs in banquets and delicacies in Diet were forbidden, 
 " onely the Neighbourhood were enjoined to Dine two or three times a Month 
 " together, in prefence cf their Caracas, and then afterwards to exercife them- 
 " felves in feats of Arms, or in fports and divertifements, which was efteemed a 
 " probable means to reconcile Mens affections, and conferve them in love and 
 " friendfhip one with the other : And this Law was alfo made in favour to the 
 " Shepherds, and other Field-labourers, that fo they might taft fome pleafures 
 " and recreations. They had alfo a Law in relation to thofe whom they call 
 " Poor 5 which was, That fuch as were blind, dumb, lame, old, decrepit and lin- 
 " gering with any long or Chronical difeafe, fo as that they were uncapable of 
 " work, fhould be cloathed and fed out of the King's Store. Likewife it was a 
 
 * Law, that out of thefe Stores all Strangers and Travellers (hould be provided •, 
 " for whom alfo Inns and places of refrefhment were erected, which they called 
 " Cerfahtiaci, which is as much as a Houfe of Hofpitality in which Men had their 
 " charge and expence defrayed by the Publick : And in this Law alfo it was Or- 
 " dained, that twice or thrice a Month they were to invite thofe which, as before 
 " mentioned, are termed Poor unto their Meetings and publick Feafts, that fo 
 " their miferies might receive fome confolation and diverfion by the common joy 
 " and fociety. Another Law they called the Ordinance of good Husbandry, 
 " which enjoined and required two things : Firft, that no perfon fhould remain 
 
 * idle, or be exempt from labour 5 for (as we have laid befoic) even Children 
 " of five years of Age were employed in fomething agreeable to their capacities, 
 " nor were the lame and infirm altogether excufed , but fome work was given 
 " them, which they werebeft able to perfoim 5 for idlenefs, which was punifh- 
 " able with much cifhonour and infamy, was not indulged on any pretence but 
 " what was of neceffity, and unavoidable. And farther it was Ordained by this 
 " Law, That the Indians fhould dine and fup with their Doors open, that fo the 
 
 * Officers and Minifters of the Judges might have free and open accefs to them 
 " at their pleafure ; for there were certain Officers appointed to vifit the Houfes 
 " of particular perfons, as well as the Temples, and publick Houfes, and Edifices, 
 " whom they called LlaBacamayu ; and thefe were Monitors, or Vifitors, appointed 
 4i to overfee, and make enquiry into the Houfes of particular perfons, obferving 
 
 * the order, and regular care, and diligence which the Husband and Wife ufed in 
 
 * their labour and families, and what obedience and refpecl: the Children paid 
 <( unto their Parents •, the evidence and meafures of which they took from the 
 " neatnefs and politenefs of their Attire, and from the cleanlinefs of their Uten- 
 " fils and good Houfewifery in their Houfes •-. fuch as they found in all things 
 " cleanly, they praifed and commended in publick 5 and fuch as were flovenly and 
 " nafty, they punifhed with (tripes, whipping them on their Armes and Legs, or 
 " with fueh other infliction as the Law required ; by which care, and fevere in- 
 
 " fpection, 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 149 
 
 " fpe&ion, every one became laborious, and that induftry produced fuch abun- 
 
 " dance of all things necefTary to humane Life •■, that thofe things were given al- 
 " moft for nothing, which now are to be purchased at exceflive rates. What other 
 
 " Laws, and moral Conftitutions they obferved, either relating to Men in a com- 
 
 " mon or a fingle capacity, they were all regulated, and fquared by the rule of 
 
 " right Reafon-, and which may be known and collected from thofe particulars, 
 
 <c which we (hall hereafter relate, concerning the Lives and Cuftoms of this Peo- 
 
 " pie. And we {hall hereafter, in the eight and ninth Chapters, fpecifie the 
 
 " caufe and manner, why, and how they came to loofe thefe Laws and Cuftoms, 
 
 " which were thus worthy and commendable ; all which declined, and fell with 
 
 " the Government of the Incas .- And that the barbarity of the Indians is much 
 
 u more favage, and their living much lefs political, and greater want' of all things 
 
 " neceflary in thefe days amongft them, than was in the ancient times, when the 
 
 u Incas bore the fvvay and rule in thofe Dominions- 
 
 CHAP. XIL 
 
 How they conquered and civilized their new Subjeffs. 
 
 THE Policy and Arts which the Incas ufed in their Conquefts, and the man- 
 ner and methods they purfued in civilizing the People, and reducing them 
 to a couife of moral Living, is very curious, and worthy to be obferved. For 
 from the firft foundation, which their Kings laid of Government , which ferved 
 afterwards for an example , or pattern to their Succeflours, their Maxime was, 
 Never to make War on their Neighbours without juft caufe , or reafon ; fo the 
 Barbarity and Ignorance of the People feemed a good and lawfull motive, and 
 next the Opprellion and Violence which the Neighbours ufed towards their Sub- 
 jects, was another ^ but before they attempted on them by any adls of Hoftility, 
 they flrft fent their fummons three or four times, requiring their Obedience : Af- 
 ter any Province was fubdued, the firft thing that the Inca did, was to take their 
 principal Idol as an Hoftage, and carry it to Cozco, where it was to remain in the 
 Temple as a Captive, untill fuch time as the People, being difabufed by the Va- 
 nity and Inability of their Gods, mould be reduced to a complyanc£ with the 
 Incas in their Worftrip and Adoration of the Sun. Howfoever they did not pre- 
 fently overturn and demolilh the ftrange Gods of the Countrey fo foon as they 
 had fubdued it-, but rather out of refpedt to the Inhabitants, they tolerated for 
 fome time their Idols, untill that having inftru&ed, and perfuaded them in a bet- 
 ter Religion, as they thought, they might without their difpleafure, and perhaps 
 with their content, deftroy and fupprefe the God they had adored. Next they 
 carried the principal Cacique of the Countrey, with all his Sons, to Cozco, there to 
 carefs, and treat them with all kindnefs and humanity •-, by which occafion they 
 informing them of the Laws, Cuftoms and propriety of their Speech, and inftruft- 
 ing them in their fuperftitious Rites and Ceremonies, they became more eafily 
 reconciled to the Laws and Servitude of the Inca i After which the Curaca be- 
 ing reftored to his Ancient Honour and Rule, was permitted to return unto his 
 Subjects, who were commanded, as formerly, to obey him as their natural Prince 
 and Lord. And that the conquered Nations might be reconciled with their 
 Conquerours, and that the rancour and malice which lay on the Spirits of thole, 
 who conceived themfelves injured, by afts of Violence and War, might be aba- 
 ted, andafluaged by gentle Lenitives, an Ad of Oblivion was parted, and Ban- 
 quets were prepared for feafting of the new Subjects, together with the Conque- 
 rours of them, that fo a perpetual Peace and Amity might be concluded by a co- 
 alition of their Minds, reconciled at thefe Feafts-, to which alio the blind, the 
 lame, and the infirm were admitted, that fo they alfo might partake of the boun- 
 ty and liberality of the Inca. At thefe Banquets they were entertained with the 
 
 Dances 
 
i^o 'Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 Dances of the young Maidens, and a&ivity of the Youth, and with the military 
 Exercifes of the Souldiery ; befides which they prefented them with gifts of Gold, 
 and Silver, and Feathers, for the adornment of their Habits, at the times of their 
 principal Feftivals^ and alfo they gave them Cloths, and other (mall curiofities, 
 which they highly efteemed : fo that thofe People, though never fo barbarous 
 and brutifh at firft, were yet made fenfible of thefe kindnefles to fuch a degree, 
 that they never afterwards fo much as attempted to arife in Rebellion. And to 
 take away all occasions of complaint from the Subjeds of Aggreivances and Op- 
 preffions whatfbever •■, left thofe Complaints lhould from words proceed to blows, 
 and open violence-, wherefore to prevent that, their Eftates and Liberties were 
 always conferved to them ; onely they were required to be obedient to the Laws, 
 Statutes, and ancient Inftitutions, which were publiflied, and openly promulged 
 amongftthem, for unto thefe, and to the Worihip of the Sun, their lubmiiTion 
 was required, and no Difpenfation allowed in the cafe-, and being obftinate, they 
 were to be compelled by force-, fometimes, where it was convenient, they tranf- 
 
 Elanted Colonies from one place to another, but then they provided them with 
 ,ands, and Houfes and Cattel, and Servants, and whatfoever was neceflary and 
 requifite for their livelihood -, and into their places they tranfported perhaps fome 
 of the Citizens of Cozco, or others of approved Loyalty, which ferved for Guards 
 and Garrifons , to keep the Neighbourhood in awe and fubjedion , and alfo to 
 teach and inftrud thofe Savages, and ignorant People in their Laws and Religion, 
 together with the Tongue and Language of their Countrey. 
 
 All the other points of Government, and Injunctions impofed by the Lica Kings, 
 were more eafie and gentle than of any other Princes, who ruled the Nations of 
 the New World ■-, the which is not onely made manifeft and apparent by their 
 own HiftoricalKnots,by which they committed the occurrences of part times unto 
 memory, but are alio approved and confirmed by the faithfull Commentaries of 
 the Vice- King Don Franci/co de Toledo, who having informed himfelf of the Cu- 
 ftome and manners of every Province from the Indians themfelves, made a Col- 
 lection of them with his own hand- writing, and commanded his Vifitors, Judges 
 and Regifters to tranfcribe rhem, Copies whereof are conferved unto this day in 
 the publick Archives, and ferve to evidence that Benignity and Gentlenefs, which 
 the Kings of Peru in exercife of their Government ufed towards their Subjects : 
 for as we have noted before, that excepting fome particular matters, enjoined and 
 impofed for the Defence and Security of the Empire-, all other Laws, and Sta- 
 tutes had no other afped, than what regarded the fole benefit, and intereft. of the 
 Subjeds } for every Man's private Eftate and Patrimony had the fame Protection, 
 as that of the publick •■, no Souldiers were permitted to pillage, or plunder even 
 thofe People whom they had fubdued by force of Arms-, but received and treated 
 them, as if they were faithfull and true Servants : and for thofe who voluntarily 
 fubmitted and furrendred themfelves, they conferred in fome fhort time Places 
 and Offices of preferment, relating to civil or military Commands. 
 
 The Duty of Tribute which thefe Kings laid on their Subjeds was fo trivial, 
 and inconfiderable, that when in the fequel of this Hiftory we mail come to treat 
 of the particulars thereof, and wherein it confifted , it will feem ridiculous to 
 the Reader •-, in return notwithstanding hereof, the focas were not onely conten- 
 ted to beft ow on their Subjeds their Food and Rayment , but many other pre- 
 fents, which they bountifully conferred on die Curacy, and Great Men, extending 
 alfo their largefles to the poor, and neceffitous -, as if they had been Stewards or 
 Matters of Families, whofe Office was to make Provifionfor others, rather than 
 Kings, who bore the renowned Title of Capac Titu, which the Indians conferred 
 upon them •-, Capac fignifying as much as a Prince powerfull in Riches, and Tun is 
 as much as Liberal, Magnanimous, a Demi-God, or Auguftus. Hence proceeded 
 that great Love and Affedion which the Peruvians bore towards their Kings, that 
 even to this day, though they are become Chriftians, they cannot forget the me- 
 mory of them , but are ready on all occafions , when their prefent Oppreffions 
 grieve them, with fighs and groans to invoke their Names-, and in reality they 
 had much reafon , for we do not reade in all the Hiftories of Afia, Africa, or Eh- 
 rope, that ever thofe Kings were fo gratious to their Subjeds, as thefe , or that 
 they were fb frank, or familiar with them, or fo gentle and carefull managers of 
 their Intereft. And now, from what we have already faid, and what we fhall 
 hereafter declare, the Reader may be able to colled, and underftand what were 
 
 the 
 
3ook V. Royal Commentaries. 151 
 
 the ancient Laws , Cuftoms, and Statutes of the Indians of Peru, and how, 
 and in what manner they jived * and that by the fame accuftomed Methods of 
 Gentlenefs, we may believe, that thefe People may be bed and moft eafily redu- 
 ced unto the Chriftian Religion. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 How, and in what maimer they inftituted, and invefted Offi- 
 cers in their refpeftive Employments, 
 
 Bias Valera, in the procefs of this Difcourfe, hath one Chapter under this title, 
 and alfo how the Overfeers of the labours of the People diftributed to eve- 
 ry one his refpe&ive task. How alfo they difpenfed the Eftate belonging to the 
 publick, and to particular Perfons, and how alfo they proportioned and laid their 
 Tributes. 
 1 The Inca having fubdued any new Province, and carried the Idol God captive 
 - to Cozto, he then endeavoured to fatisfie and appeafe the minds of the Lords of 
 c the Countrey, and gain the good- will of the People-, commanding that all Indians 
 c in common, as alfo their Priefts and Sorcerers mould worfhip and adore the God 
 c Tied Viracocha, under the title and denomination of Pachacamac, which is as much 
 c as the Almighty, or fupreme God of Gods, The next command laid on them, 
 : was, That they mould acknowledge the Ma for their fovereign Lord and King 5 
 : and that the Caciques mould by their turns appear, and prefent their Perfons at the 
 : Court once every year, or every two years, according as the diltance of the Province 
 c was remote from Cow, by which means fo great was the concourfe of people to 
 c that City, that it became the moft populous part and place of the New World, 
 c Moreover it was ordained, that the Natives and Stringers which came to fojourn 
 c in any Province, fhould be numbred, and regiftred according to their Age, Line- 
 c age, Offices, Eftates and Qualities j all which being performed by help of their 
 : Threads of various colours, ferved afterwards for a rule , whereby they regula- 
 c ted and proportioned their Tribute ; and meafured every thing which had rela- 
 c tion to the publick Intereft. The next thing the lnca did after fuch Conqueft, 
 : was to nominate his Generals, and. feveral Officers of the Army, fuch as Colonels, 
 c Captains, Enfigns, Serjeants* and Corporals : Some of which commanded ten, 
 c fbme fifty Souldiers ■■, but a Captain of the moft inferiour degree was fet over at 
 c leaft an hundred , others commanded five hundred , others a thoufand , but the 
 c Major-Generals commanded four or five thoufand Men ; a General was not called 
 c fo, unlefs he were at the Head often thoufand Men, and then his Title was Ha- 
 c tun Afu, which was as much as Great Captain. Thole whom they called Curacao, 
 c were fovereign Lords, fuch as our Dukes, and Earls, and Marquefe, who being 
 c the Natural Lords of their People, ruled and prefided over them , both in the 
 c times of War and Peace. Thefe had power to make Laws, and tax the people 
 c for payment of their Tribute •, and it was their duty alfo to provide, and to take 
 c care for their Subjects in hard times of want and neceifity. The Captains of the 
 c higlieft, as well as thofe of inferiour rank, though they were not capacitated to 
 c make Laws, did yet by right of Inheritance fucceed into the Offices of their Pa 
 c rents-, their military Employments privileged and exempted them from the pay- 
 c ment of Tribute, being freed of all Taxes, and Impofitions, and in cafe of want. 
 c were to be fupplied out of the Royal, and not out of the common Stores. How- 
 c foever the Officers of inferiour rank, fuch as were the Chiefs often or fifty Men, 
 c were not feed of their Tribute, becaufe they were not of Noble Defcent. The 
 c Generals of the Armies had power to make and commiffionate Officers, and con- 
 c ftituce them in their Employments, but being once fo feded and eftablifhed, they 
 
 could- 
 
10 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 cc could not take away their Commiffions, or deveft them of their Offices. The 
 
 cc diligent and carefull difcharge which the Decurions performed in their duty, fuch 
 
 cc as iurveying the fields, overfeeing the true and lawfull difpofal of Inheritances, 
 
 cc the Royal Houfes, and difpenfing Food andRayment to the Com.nonalty, was 
 
 cc accepted in the place of their Tribute, and no other charge required at their hands. 
 
 cc Under the great Minifters other fubordinate Officers were fubfhtuted in all mag 
 
 cc ters relating either to Government, or to the Tribute, it being efteemed the beft 
 
 cc and mod certain way to prevent cheats and frauds in Accounts. They had alfo 
 
 cc Chief Shepherds, and fervants that were under them, to whofe care the Flocks 
 
 "were committed, which belonged both to the King, and to the Community, 
 
 ce which they conserved with that fidelity, that not a Lamb was miffing, nor Paftor 
 
 cc Fhh more faithfull to his charge, than thefe trufty Shepherds, whofe chief dread 
 
 cc and fear was of Wild-beads, which they watchfully chafed away-, but as for 
 
 cc Thieves, there being none, they palled their time with the lefs fear. They had 
 
 cc Guardians, and Surveyors of the Fields, and Pofleffions ■-, they had alfo Stewards, 
 
 cc Adminiftrators, Judges and Vifitors, whofe chief care and incumbency was to fee 
 
 cc that nothing fhould be wanting, either to the People in common, or to any pri- 
 
 cc vate perfon whatfoever 5 for in cafe any one did fignifie his neceffities to the De- 
 
 cc curions, they were obliged immediately to make their needs known to the Cum- 
 
 cc cxs y and they to the Inca, who readily fupplied their occafions, it being his greateft 
 
 cc Glory to be efteemed the Father of his Countrey, and the Guardian of his People. 
 
 cc It was the Office of the Judges and Vifitors to fee that the Men employed them- 
 
 cc felvesin then - refpe&ive duties-, and that the Women were good Houfewives, ta- 
 
 cc king care of their Houfes, keeping their Rooms clean, and nurling and educating 
 
 cc their Children ; and in (hort, that every one bufied him or herfelf in fpinning ana 
 
 cc weaving. That the young Women obeyed their Mothers and Miftreffes, and were 
 
 " diligent about the Affairs of their Houfes, and other works appertaining to their 
 
 cc Sex. The aged and infirm were excufed from all laborious works, and had no 
 
 cc injunctions laid on them, but fuch as tended to their own benefit, fuch as gathering 
 
 cc flicks, and ftraws, and loufing themfelves, being afterwards obliged to carry their 
 
 cc Lice to the Chief of their Squadron, and fo they took a difcharge for their Tri- 
 
 cc bute. The Employment for blind men was to cleanfe the Cottons of the Seeds, 
 
 cc and foulnefs, and rub out the Mayz from the ftalks, or Ears in which it grew. 
 
 cc And befides thefe principal Officers which refpefted the orderly Government of 
 
 cc the Commonwealth, there were Heads, or Mafter-workmen fet over the Silver- 
 
 ce Smiths, and Goldfmiths, Carpenters, and Mafons and Jewellers-, which Order 
 
 cc and Rule, had it been continued, and confirmed by the Ads and Patents of the 
 
 cc Emperour Charles the Fifth, with the fame care and policy, as it was fTrfr efta- 
 
 cc blilhed by the lncai, that People would at this day have been more flourilhing, 
 
 cc and considerable, and all things, both for eating and clothing, would have been 
 
 cc more plendfull, and this happinefsof affairs would have been a good preparation 
 
 cC to the preaching and admiffion of the Gofpel. But now our negligence, and want 
 
 cC of due care, hath been the caufe of the decay and mine of that People-, of which 
 
 cc the poor Indians were fo fenfible, that they often murmured, and complained of 
 
 cc the prefent Government in all their private Cabals, and Meetings ^ but how they 
 
 cc compared the particulars of thefe times with the Reigns of the Incas, we ihall dif- 
 
 cc courfe more largely hereafter, in the 9th Chap, of our 2d Book, fag.^s- Thus 
 
 far are the Words of Father Bin Valera. And this Authour proceeding farther, 
 
 in his Difcourfe, hath thefe words. cc Befides what we have faid already, they 
 
 cc had Officers fet over the Countrey Labourers, over the Fowlers, over the Fifher- 
 
 cc men, who fiflied either in the Sea, or in the Rivers -, fome alio were fet over the 
 
 cc Weavers, Shoemakers, and over thofe who hewed Timber for the Royal Palaces* 
 
 cc and publick Edifices-, alfo over thofe Smiths, who made inftruments of Copper, 
 
 cc for feveral ufes. They had alfo Heads and Chiefs over the Mechanicks, who did 
 
 cc all attend with great care and diligence to their Trades-,^ fo that it is Change to 
 
 " confider in thefe our days, that thefe People who were lb fond, and tenacious of 
 
 cc conferving their ancient Cuftoms and Pra&ices, mould be fo carelefs in conferva- 
 
 cc tion of their Arts, they being wholly difuled, and now loft and forgotten amongft 
 
 cc them. 
 
 . CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 GHAP. XIV. 
 
 What the Rule and Account wot which they obferved in pub- 
 lick. * n d private Eftates. 
 
 " A Fter the Inca had fubdued a Province, he confirmed the Right of poilefliori 
 " jHL to the Natives of it, and then conftituted Governours over the people, and 
 " Inftru&ors who were to teach them the Doctrine and Ways of Religion, and to 
 " compofe all troubles and differences arifing amongft them : For better difpatch 
 " of much, it was ordered, that they fhould decipher and fet down by their Knots, 
 " a Plat, or Map, of all the Meadows, Mountains, Hills, Arable Grounds, Mines, 
 " Salt-pans, Fountains, Lakes, Rivers, aad Plantations of Cottons and Fruit-trees 5 
 " together with their Flocks which produced' Wool, and Herds of other Cattel. 
 " All which particulars, with many more, they ordered to be meafured, and laid 
 " down diftin&ly by themfelves. As firft a Scheme was drawn of the whole Pro- 
 " vince ; then how it was divided into its feveral people ■■, and laftly, how it bor- 
 " dered on all parts and quarters on its Neighbours •, then the length and breadth 
 lC of it was meafured , and notice taken of the quality of the Land , as what was 
 " barren, and what part of it was fruitfull •, the defign of all which was, not in or- 
 
 * der to apply any part or parcel thereof to the Eftate, or benefit of the Inca •, but 
 " onely that a due knowledge and consideration being had of the fruitfulnefs or fte- 
 " rility of the Land, fure and certain meafures might be the better taken of what 
 " every Countrey was able to provide and give towards their Tribute ; and that 
 " having made a juft calculate of all things, they might be the better enabled to lay 
 " a due proportion of thofe fupplies which were required from them in times of 
 " Peftilence, Famine, or other Calamities : And laftly, it was publickly promul- 
 " ged, and made known to every Individual perfon, what Service the Inca, or the 
 " Curacy, or the Commonwealth required at his hands : And laftly, it was Ordai- 
 " ned, that according to fuch Models and Meafures as were iaid down of the Pro- 
 " vince, and the fituation of it, that Boundaries and Land-marks fhould be fet up 
 " for diftinclion and feparation from the Frontiers belonging to the Neighbouring 
 " Countries. And left in times to come there fhould happen out any miftakes or 
 " confufion for want of due diftin&ion, they gave new and proper Names to every 
 " Mountain, Hill, Field, Meadow, Fountain , and all other particular places ; and 
 " if any of them had Names anciently given them, they confirmed them again, ad- 
 " ding fomething new and more diftinguifhing •-, the which will be more remarka- 
 " ble when we treat of that great veneration and refpedt which the Indians conferve 
 " unto this day of feveral places. Afte.r this they divided and fhared out the Land 
 
 * by parcels to the people of the Province according to their proportions , ordering 
 " them efpecially to be carefull, that thefe Lands thus meafured, and laid out, and 
 " bounded, fhould in no-wife be mixed or confounded with the Pafturage or Moun- 
 " tains of other people , but that every one fhould know its own Land-marks and 
 " Boundaries allotted. The Mines of Gold and Silver, whether anciently known, or 
 " difcovered of late times, were allowed to the CnracM to enjoy for themfelves, 
 " their kindred and fervants ; not for Treafure, for they contemned that, but onely 
 " to Adorn their Cloaths and Veftments with which they were apparelled on Fefti- 
 " val-days, and with fuch a quantity as might ferve for Cups and Veflels for the 
 
 * Curaca to drink in, for he was ftinted and limited to fuch a certain number of 
 ■ them : befides thefe ufes, they had little regard unto their Mines, but rather fuf- 
 " fered them to be forgotten and loft •, which was the reafon , that when the Spani- 
 " ards came in, though the Artifts and Labourers in other Crafts were very nume- 
 " rous, yet in this alone few Founders, or skilfull in Melting Ore, were to be found. 
 " Such as were employed in the King's Service were abundantly provided with all 
 " Utenfils and Inftruments, together with Cloaths and Diet at the charge and ex- 
 " pence of the King, or of the Lord. Thefe Artifts were obliged to work two 
 
 X " Months 
 
154 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 " Months of the Year in Service of the Inca, which was in difcharge of their Tri- 
 " bute, the remainder of the Year was their own, free, and might difpofe of them- 
 " felves as they thought fit ; this was a particular Trade and Myftery, and fuch as 
 " laboured in it were called Smelters. That fort of Copper which they called A»- 
 " ta, ferved them in the place of Iron, of which they made their Knives and Car- 
 " penters Tools, and the great Pins with which the Women tucked up their Cloths? 
 " and hereof they made great and large Plates, which ferved for Looking-glafles 5 
 " and likewife of the fame Metal they made all their Rakes and Hammers ; fo that 
 " being of an Univerfal ufe to them, they preferred it before Gold or Silver , and 
 " for that reafon worked more in the Mines of Copper, than in the richer Mines 
 " of Gold or Silver. 
 
 " The Salt which they made, whether it were from their Salt Springs, or Sea- 
 " Water., as alfo Fifh taken in the Seas, or Rivers, or Lakes and Fruit growing 
 " from their Wild Trees, as alfo Cottons and fine Rufhes were by Command of 
 " the Inca deemed and judged to be the Common Eftate of the people, and the 
 " Goods of the Inhabitants in every Province, of which they had right and licence 
 " to take and ufe as much as their occafions did require 5 but of thole Trees which 
 " any particular perfon had planted, the Fruit was peculiar, and appropriated onely 
 " to the ufe of him who planted them. 
 
 " The Corn which the Countries yielded for Bread, and thofe alfo which pro- 
 * duced other Grane, were by order of the inca divided into three parts, and ap- 
 " plied to different ufes. The firft was for the Sun, his Priefts and Minifters ■■, the 
 " fecond was for the King, and for the fupport and maintenance of his Governours 
 " and Officers, whom he difpatched and employed in foreign parts •, and the third 
 " was for the Natives and Sojourners of the Provinces, which was equally divided 
 " according as the needs which every Family required. This was the divifion 
 " which the Inca obferved and 'proportioned in all parts of his Empire •, fo that 
 " there was no other Tribute required of the Indians payable either to their King , 
 " or their Lords or Governours, or to the Temple or Priefts, or any perfon, or for 
 " any other matter or thing whatfoever. What overplus remained of the King's 
 " Provifions, were at the end of the Year tranfported to the Common Stores of 
 "• the people •-, and what overplus remained to the Sun, was diftributed amongft 
 " the poor, the lame, and the blind, and others who were in any manner difabled ; 
 " but no diftribution hereof was made , until! fuch time as the Sacrifices were 
 " completed , which were many 5 and plentifull provifion made for the Priefts 
 " and Minifters of the Temple, who were almoft innumerable. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries: 155 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 In what the Tribute was paid? and in what quantity > and 
 what Laws were made in relation to the fame. 
 
 COming now to difcourfe of thofe Tributes which the Inca Kings of Peru ex- 
 acted of their Subjects, they were (6 fmall and inconsiderable, that if we 
 1 duly reflect on the quality and quantity of the Matters required, we may boldly 
 : affirm, that the great Cafars, who were ftyled Auguft and Pious, were not to be 
 : compared to thefe Incas, in refpecl of that protection and compaffion they had to- 
 ; wards their People •, for indeed, if it be well confidered, thefe Princes teemed 
 : to have paid Toll and Tribute to their Vaflals, rather than they unto their Kings, 
 : whofe care and bufinefs k was to lay out themfelves for the good and welfare of 
 : their people- The quantity of their Tribute being reduced to the Account and 
 ' Meafures we make in thefe days, would be very inconfiderable •-, for the days 
 : work of the Labourers, and the value of the things in themfelves, and the con- 
 : fumption which the Incus made of their Stores, being all duly calculated , it will 
 ! be found that many Indians did not pay the value of four Ryals of our Money. 
 : And left this fmall Tribute (hould feem burthenfome in the payment thereof, ei- 
 [ ther to their Inca, or their Curaca, they exprefled much joy and chearfulnefs when 
 c they carried it into the Stores ■■, having fome consideration that the Tribute was 
 1 but fmall, and yet greatly tended to the confervation and benefit of themfelves 
 ' and the publick. Thofe Laws and Statutes which were made in favour of the 
 
 < Tributaries, were fo faithfully and inviolably conferved, that neither the Gover- 
 1 nours, nor Captains, nor Generals, nor the Inca himfelf had power to corrupt or 
 « cancel them in prejudice of his Subjects. The which Laws are thefe which fol- 
 1 low. The Firft and principal Law was this : That whofoever hath at any time 
 
 < been free, and exempt from Tribute, cannot at any time afterwards be obliged 
 ' to the payment thereof. Thofe that were free and privileged, were all thofe of 
 ' the Bloud-Royal , all Captains of high or low degree , even the very Centurions, 
 
 < with their Children and Grandchildren ; together with the Caracas, and all thofe 
 c of their Generation : Souldiers alfo actually employed in the War were excu- 
 
 < fed •, and Young Men, untill they arrived at the Age of twenty five, were not 
 
 < within the Order, becaufe untill that time they were judged to be under the Tui- 
 
 < tion, or Pupillage of their Parents. Old Men of fifty years, and upwards, were 
 
 * alfo exempted from Tribute , as likewife all Women, whether Virgins, or Wives, 
 •< or Widows : The fick and infirm, untill they had recovered their health, were 
 
 < excufed 5 and the blind, and lame, and deaf, and dumb, were employed in fuch 
 
 < Tributary Work as they were capable of. The Second Law was, That all others, 
 ' unlefs Priefts and Ministers attending on the Temple of the Sun, and the Seled: 
 1 Virgins, were all without any limitation, or reftri&ion, (except before excepted) 
 
 < obliged to payment of their Tribute. A Third Law was, That no Indian what- 
 
 < foever was obliged to pay his Tribute, or any part thereof, out of his own Stores 
 
 * orEftate, but onely by his Labour, or in difcharge of his Office, or by the time 
 
 < which he employed in the publick Service of his King and Countrey ■■, and here- 
 <■ in every Man was equal, the Rich being not farther charged than he that was 
 ' Poor : We call him Rich that had many Children and Servants, who affiited 
 
 * him in his Work, and fpeedily to difpatch the task of Tribute which was impo- 
 
 * fed upon him •, for a Man might be Rich in other things, and yet Poor in this 
 '<■ particular. A Fourdi Law was, That no Man could be obliged to any other La- 
 ' bour, but that which was properly his own, unlefs it were upon Tillage of Land > 
 
 < and in the Wars, for thofe were Matters of common concernment. A Fiftri 
 
 < Law was, That no Nation, or Province, in payment of their Tribute, was ob- 
 ' liged to any Contribution, but of that which was of the Growth of their own 
 
 X s "Countrey, 
 
 t 
 
i^6 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 " Countrey •, for otherwife it would be an agreivance unto the people to be obli- 
 " ged to wander into foreign parts for fruits of different nature to them which 
 " their foil did produce, The Sixth Law was, That all thofe Officers and Mafter- 
 " workmen who were engaged in fervice of the l/Aa, or the Caracas, were to be pro- 
 " vided at the charge of the Employers, with fuch Tools and Inftruments as their 
 " Trade , and fuch materials as their work required. As for example , he that 
 " worked upon Metalls was to be provided with Gold, or Silver, or Copper, on 
 " which he was to exercife his art and labour-, the weaver was to be fupplied with 
 " Wool, or Cottons, the Painter with Colours, and fo the like in other matters; 
 " fo that the Artift was not obliged to beftow more than his time and skill: and 
 " then at the end of two months, or three at moft, he was difmifled from his task, 
 " and made free from his Labour, for the remaining part of the whole year: and in 
 " cafe any one, out of his own voluntary good-will and pleafure, or out of a defire to 
 " finiih and perfect any part of his work, already begun, mould think fit to con- 
 " tinue his labour untill a longer time, then fuch overplus of time was pafTed to his 
 " credit, and difcounted in the two months of the following Year, and notified, 
 " and kept in memory by the help of their knots. The Seventh Law was, That 
 " all thofe Artifts who laboured in any Trade or Myftery, being in difcharge of 
 " their Tribute, were to be provided of all neceflaries, either for Food or Rayment, 
 " and of Medicines in cafe of fkknefs; and that not onely they, but alfo their 
 " Wives and Children, and thofe that came to their affiftence were alfo to be main- 
 " tained with the like provisions-, but then the account was kept according to the 
 " task impofed, and not by the time; for if a Man could, with the help of his Af- 
 " fiftents, perform that in a week, which would require two months of his own . 
 f fingle work, he was judged to have complied with his obligation, and fo difchar- 
 " ged from his fervice. And this (hall ferve to difcover the errour of thofe who al- 
 <c ledge , that anciently the Mother, and Sons, and Daughters, paid their Tribute, 
 " the fame being a miftake, by not rightly diftinguiftring that from right and duty, 
 " which was onely performed by a voluntary affiftence, which the Wives, and Chil- 
 " dren, and Servants, yielded to their Fathers and Mafters ; for in cafe the Husband 
 "of the Family were pleafed to labour fingly, and without other affiftence, his 
 " Wife, or Children, could not be forced to work-, nor had the Judges or Decuri- 
 " ons any other power, than to correct and puniih their idlenefs, in cafe they were 
 " negligent and remifs in their own Affairs: So that in the time of the Incas, 
 " thofe perfons were onely accounted rich, who had a numerous Family of Children, 
 " able to work, and to be affiftent to him, by whofe help a quick riddance was 
 " made of his task, whilft others moiling and toiling fingly for a long time at their 
 " work, untill their Tribute was accompli(hed, often fell fick, and fainted under 
 9 their burthen: Wherefore for eafe and remedy herein, a Law was made, that the 
 " rich Family having performed their own task, were to beftow the labour of a day 
 " or two on their fellows, which was very acceptable, and pleafing to all the I»- 
 
 " dlans. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 157 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 The Order they ufed in impofing and proportioning their Tri- 
 bute ; and how the Inca requited the Curacas in return 
 of thofe pretious things they gave him for Prefents. 
 
 <c 'T* H E Eighth Law ordained and prefcribed the manner and rule how every 
 " X perfon was to be taxed for his proportion of Tribute, for equality and juft 
 
 * proportion was obferved in all matters by them} and the manner was this: Up- 
 " on a certain day appointed, the principal People of every Province, fuch as their 
 
 * Judges, Tax-gatherers, Accountants, and Keepers of their Knots in threads , af- 
 " fembled together, by help of which, and of their Pebles, which were in number 
 " as many as the Inhabitants of the Province were, they made their Accounts lb 
 " exaft, that I know not who are more to be commended, either thofe who with- 
 " out figures of Arithmetick were able by a quicker way, than our Accountants, to 
 
 * make a fpeedy or juft reckoning, or the Govemour and Minifters, who eafily ap- 
 " prehended the method and reafon of their Accounts, by fuch obfcure and unin- 
 
 * telligible ways to us. 
 
 " By thefe Knots they were informed of the work done by every Indian, what 
 " Offices he had afted, what journies he had undertaken by order of his Curaca, or 
 " Superiour, what Trade he had exercifed , all which was placed to his Account, 
 " in difcharge of his Tribute. Then they readily made appear to the Judges and 
 " Governours every thing diftin&ly by it felf, as how much Provifion was laid up 
 "in the Stores, and what was the quality of them, as Pepper, Cloths, Shoes, 
 "Arms, and other things, which were matters of Tribute, together with the Gold, 
 B Silver, pretious Stones, and Copper ; and what thereof appertained to the Ima s 
 " and what proportion unto the Sun. They alfo accounted for the Stores of every 
 ■ Province-, and farther the Law ordained, that every Inca, Governour of a Pro- 
 " vince, mould keep a Copy of the Accounts or Tally in his own pofleffion, as a 
 " means to avoid and prevent all fraud and cheats in the Minifters. A Ninth Law 
 8 was, that what overplus remained of Tribute after the occafions of the Inca were 
 " fupplied, were to be tranfported to the common Magazines of the Countrey, and 
 " there lodged for common fupport and maintenance of the Natives in the times of 
 " fcarcity and famine, As to Jewels, and pretious Stones, Gold, and Silver, Fea- 
 " thers of Birds , with various Colours for Painting , and Miniature , with divers 
 " other Curiofities, which the Curaca* every year prefented to the Inca ; they were 
 " all taken, and difpofed of for adornment of the King, and his near Relations? and 
 " then afterwards, in cafe any overplus remained, or that there was more than the 
 " occafions of the Royal Family required, they were in grace and favour to the Cap- 
 " tains, and Lords, who prefented them, returned again to them j for though they 
 " were the goods and product of their own Countrey,, and that they could not make 
 " ufe of them-, yet being reftored with fuch obliging circumftances from the Inca, 
 " the favour and honour was highly efteemed : from all which it is evident, that the 
 " Incas enjoyed the fmalleft part of all the Tribute, and that the Taxes and Impofi- 
 " tions were more for the benefit of the People , than of the King. The Tenth 
 " Law enumerated, and particularized the feveral Works and Employments which 
 " were to be performed by way of Tribute, for fervice of the King and Countrey 5 
 
 * as making and plaining the High- ways, building or repairing the Temples of the 
 " Sun, and other Idolatrous Sanctuaries, erecting publick Houfes, as Store-houfes, 
 
 * and places for the Tribunals of Juftice , and feats for the Governours, making 
 " Bridges, or taking the Employment of MeiTengers, whom they called Chafqui, til- 
 " ling the Grounds, and inclofing Orchards , feeding Flocks and Herds of Gattel, 
 " watching the PoflefTions, and fowed Lands, building Inns, and places ofHofpi- 
 ' tality for Strangers and Travellers , and giving their attendance there for fuccour, 
 
 and 
 
158 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 " and help of fuch as were in their journey. Moreover they had fome farther charge 
 " and duty laid upon them, for the common good and benefit, and which had re- 
 " lation to the fervice of the King, and of the Curacas,\m. in regard there were at 
 " that time great numbers of Indians, which were obliged to take their turns in that 
 " Office, the which was obferved without partiality or favour to any, the time of 
 " the trouble was fo fhort, that no perfon could be fenfible of the inconvenience. 
 " It was alfo farther provided by this Law, that care iliould be taken for the amend- 
 " ment of the High- ways, and that theOverfeers mould repair the Bridges, and 
 " clear the Aquedu&s and Chanels by which the Lands were watered , all which 
 ' c being for the common good and advantage, was to be performed without any 
 ? charge or expence whatfoever. 
 
 Thefewere the principal Laws which had any relation to the Tribute; there 
 were other Orders of lefs confideration, which for brevity fake we omit; thus far 
 being the words of Bias Valera. And now I mould gladly demand of a certain 
 Miftorian this one queftion; Wherein did the feverity of thofe Laws, relating to 
 Tribute confift ? which he charges on the Incas ; and indeed I would the more wil- 
 lingly be refolved herein, becaufe I find that the Kings of Spain, of glorious me- 
 mory, did afterwards confirm the fame, which they would never have done, had 
 they been blameable, and fevere to that high degree which he pretends; and in this 
 opinion Bias Valera concurs with me. And thus let us now return to the Prince 
 Viracocha, whom we left embroiled in a thoufand difficulties to defend his own 
 Reputation, and the Honour of his Anceftours. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 The Inca Viracocha receives intelligence of the approach 
 of the Enemy, and of the Recruits and Succours coming 
 to him. 
 
 THE noble Actions of the Inca Viracocha, do now call upon us to omit other 
 Relations, and return to the Hiftory of his Wars and Bravery. We left 
 him towards the end of his Father's Reign at Muyna, from whence (as we faid) he 
 returned to Cozco, rallying, and gathering in his way the People into a body, who 
 were wandring, and difperfed through the Fields and Countrey ; and that when 
 he departed from the City, he intended to march towards the Enemy with refo- 
 lution to dye with Honour, rather than live with Infamy, and bafely to behold 
 his City made captive by the violence of Rebels, and the Temple of the Sun, 
 and the Convent of the pure Virgins, and all that was efteemed facred by them, 
 prophaned and unhallowed by the infolence of polluted Hands. Now we rauft 
 know , that about half a League Northward from the City, there is a certain 
 slain, where the Prince Viracocha appointed his general rendezvous; that the Peo- 
 ple both from Cozco, and other parts might there meet, and join in a Body, which 
 neing in a fhort time affembled, formed an Army of about eight thoufand Men, 
 who were all Incas, and refolved to dye before the face of their Prince, and in 
 defence of their Countrey. During this flay news came to the Camp, that the 
 Enemy was within nine or ten Leagues of the City, having already palled the 
 great River oiApurimac; but this ill news was the next day followed by a more 
 comfortable Meflage, which was, that from the parts of Contifuyu an Army- of 
 twenty thoufand Men were marching for relief of the Prince , being compofed 
 of the Nations of guechua, Cotapawpa, Cotanera, Tmara, and other parts, borde- 
 ring on the revolted Provinces, and that they were come near, and not many 
 Leagues diftant. 
 
 The 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 159 
 
 The guechms , who were the neareft Neighbours to the Chaaeat , were the 
 firft that difcovered the Confpiracy, and in regard the urgency of the Affair ad- 
 mitted of no delay, nor time to advife the Ma, and receive his orders, they imme- 
 diately complied with the prefent necetfity, and putting all their People into arms,, 
 they marched directly towards the City, refolving to evidence their Loyalty to- 
 wards their King with the laft drop of their Bloud. Thefe People were of thole, 
 who in the time of the Ma, Capac Yxpa»qxi, (as we have already declared) volun- 
 tarily fubmitted themfelves to the Obedience of the Ma , and therefore being 
 moved by a Principle of Love and Affe&ion towards his Government , did rea- 
 dily give a teftimony thereof, by the feafonable Succours they brought to his ier- 
 vice$ and alfo the ancient hatred they bore towards the Chancat was a farther in- 
 centive hereunto •, for being jealous, and fearfull, that in cafe the Chancat Ihould 
 prevail, they were in danger of falling again under their Tyranny, and the Yoke 
 of that Servitude, from whence they had been lately refcued by the power of the 
 -Jncas •, diey took a refolution to march with all expedition imaginable , that fo 
 they might arrive at the City before the Enemy could attempt ir, and croffing the 
 neareft way towards the Northward, the Enemy was not fooner come, than they 
 appeared alfo to bid them defiance. 
 
 The Prince Viracocha, and his People, were much furprifed with the news of 
 this unexpected Succour, admiring from whence it ihould come - ? untill at length 
 recollecting themfelves, they called to mind the Apparition of his Uncle Tlraco- 
 cha, who in a Dream promifed his favour and affiftence, at times of his greateft 
 Extremity, and that he being of his Bloud and Flefh, would in all occaf ions of 
 lecefTky perform the Office of a faithfull Kinfman : from the remembrance here- 
 if they certainly concluded, that thefe Forces and Recruits were effe&s andac- 
 omplilhments of this Promife, and were fent in an extraordinary manner, as it 
 vere, from Heaven •-, the which being often mentioned by the Prince, and incul- 
 ated into his People, it took fuch deep impreflion in their minds, that being eir 
 outraged thereby, they refolved with full aflurance of Victory to meet the Ene- 
 y, and attack them within the Hills, and difadvantageous Paftes, which are be- 
 •een the River Apurlmac and the Mountains of VUla-cmca, which being high 
 drugged, are not to be attempted without hazard and difficulty. Howfoever 
 it was refolved firft to attend the arrival and conjunction of the Recruits with 
 hem, and that then afterwards they ihould allow fome day of repofe and refreilr 
 nent to the Forces wearied with their long march, and (hould likewife give time 
 to the Enemy to diflodge themfelves out of their advantageous pods, and lhevv 
 themfelves in a more equal field : It was likewife agreed by the Prince and his 
 Council, that confidering the increafe of their Army, their belt and wifeft courfe ' 
 was to continue their Camp in their prefent ftation, where they were not onely 
 enabled to relieve the City, but alfo more eafily fupplied with Provifions and 
 Ammunition for their numerous Army : with this refolution the Prince remained * 
 quietly expecting his additional fuccours, which lhortly after arrived, to the num- 
 ber of twelve thouland Souldiers. The Prince received them with all the grati- 
 dus Expreflions of Thanks and Acknowledgments for their Loyalty towards the 
 Inca, and rewarding the Captains and Curacas of each Nation, together with the 
 Souldiery, with fuch Gifts and Prefents, as then offered-, he highly applauded 
 :heir Loyalty ; promifing for the future fome more fignal rewards for fuch emi- 
 \ lent and feafonable fervices. The Curacas having performed their Complements 
 md Refpe&s towards the Ma VWacocha, acquainted him that about two days 
 march off, were other five thoufand Men coming •, which for hafte and expedition 
 fake they thought not fit to expecl, but leave them to follow with what conve- 
 nient fpeed they were able- The Prince having returned them thanks for the 
 iffiftence of both Annies, and confuking with his Kindred in the cafe, gave or- 
 ders to the Curacas, immediately to difpatch an Expreis to thofe who were co- 
 ning, advifing them, that the Prince was encamped with his Army in the plains, 
 ind that they {hould march towards certain hollows, and clofe places in a moun- 
 tain not far diftant from thence, where they Ihould lie in ambuih, expecting the 
 Enemy, where, in cafe the Enemy ihould offer Battel, he with his Forces would 
 ae ready to enter into the heat of the fight, and they might them (ally forth, and 
 attacking one wing of them, might make the victory eafie and fecure 5 and in cafe 
 :hey declined the engagement, they had ftill performed the Office of good Soul- 
 diers, according to the Rule of Martial Difcipline. Two days after thefe Recruits 
 
 came, 
 
i5o Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 came, the Van-guard of the Enemy appeared on the top of the Mountain called 
 Rimtc-tamfH 5 where having notice that the Inca lay encamped about five Leagues 
 off, they made a halt, and palled the Word to the Rere, that both the Main Body 
 and Rere-guard fhould haften to come up and joyn with the Van of the Army. 
 In this manner arid order having marched the whole day, they came at length and 
 1 joined at Sacfahuana, a place diftant about three Leagues and a half from the Quar- 
 ters of the Prince Viracocha -, where afterwards that famous Battel was given be- 
 tween Gonc-alo Picarro, and de la Gafca. __ 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Of the Bloudy Battel which followed , and the Courage with 
 which the Prince overcame his Enemies. 
 
 THE Prince Viracocha fent his Ambafladours to the Enemy then encamped at 
 Sacfahuana, with offers of peace and friendlhip, promifing to them Pardon, 
 and an Aft of Oblivion for all that was part. But the Chancas being well infor- 
 med that the Inca Tahuar-huacac had left his City, and retired into feme remote 
 part ■-, they were fo encouraged thereby, that though they knew that the Prince his 
 Son was in Arms, and in a pofture to defend the City •-, yet they fo flighted his 
 Ambafladours, that they would not fo much as hear them, or give them Audi- 
 ence •, for being puft up with the vain opinion, that the Father being fled, the 
 Son would fpeedily give place , promifed to themfelves an afliirance of Victory, 
 with thefe hopes •, next day following they removed their Camp from Sacfahuana, 
 and marched towards C*uo •-, and though they made what hafte they were able -, 
 yet in regard they were to March in order of Battel , the night came on before 
 they could arrive at the Prince's Camp, and therefore they pitched about half a 
 League fhort of the Enemies Quarter : Notwithff anding which, the Inca Viracocha 
 difpatched other Meflengers to them with Tenders of Peace and Pardon 5 but the 
 Chamas ftuT continued obftinate, not vouchsafing other Anfwer, than with great 
 fcorn and difdain ; laying , That to morrow it fhould be determined who de- 
 ferved the Title of King, and in whofe power it'was to offer Peace, and Condi- 
 tions of Pardon. 
 
 This Anfwer being given, both Armies remained the whole night upon their 
 Guard, with Centinels fet on each fide ; and in the morning, by break of day, 
 the Squadrons Arming themfelves, with great Noife and Shouts, with found of 
 Trumpets, and Timbrels, and Cornets, they began the on-let. The Inca Viracocha 
 marching in the head of his Army, was he that threw the firft Dart at the Enemy, 
 with which the Battel began. The Chancas in hopes of Victory, of which they 
 feemed to be aflured , fought with great refolution : And the Incus, who did not 
 defpair neither of fuccefs, adventured to refcue the Life of their Prince, and re- 
 venge the affront which the Rebels offered. The Fight continued untill Noon, 
 being maintained with equal Courage on both fides •, the flaughter was great, and 
 not as yet determined to which party the Victory inclined : At length the <rooo 
 Indians which lay in Ambufh made their {ally, and with extraordinary refolution 
 and fhouts attacking the right Wing of the Enemy, began to give a turn to For- 
 tune •-, for being frelh, they fo prefied thz-Chancat, that they were forced to give 
 way, and retreat with great lois and flaughter : Howfbever, animating one the 
 other, they engaged a fecond time, endeavouring to recover the Ground which 
 they had loft, being enraged to meet that oppofition which they never expected, 
 and fo much difficulty in attaining a Victory which they promifed to themfelves 
 with fo much eafe and afliirance. 
 
 After 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. i5i 
 
 After this fecond onfet they fought two hours longer, the advantage ftill conti- 
 nuing doubtfull and uncertain : At length the Chancas growing tired and weary, 
 began to faint •, and oblerving that fre(h recruits continually re-inforced the Army 
 of the tons, the Chancas became diicouraged, and defperate of Victory : For 
 thole people, who before were fled from the City with fear, and the Neighbour- 
 ing Countries thereabouts, having received intelligence, that the Prince fW^.* 
 was returned, and made head againft the Enemy, in defence of the Temple of the 
 Sun -, they joined together into finall Bodies of fifty, and a hundred in a Com- 
 pany 5 and in fuch Troops ruined into the Battel with more noife than numbers. 
 The lncas obferving thefe unexpected fuccours to come in , cried out, that the 
 Sun and the God Viracocha had converted the Rocks and Stones of the Countrey 
 into Men, and had raifed them up to fight in defence of his own caufe and peo- 
 ple •■, the which report took the eafier impreflion in the minds of that people 5 
 who being accuftomed to the belief of fuperflitious Fables, were willing in this 
 exigence to fupport their courage^ with the power of a Miracle. The Chancas al fo, 
 who were a people of the like fuperflitious fancy, giving ready credence to this 
 rumour, were flrook and affrighted with a ftrange amazement •, and this belief fo 
 far dilated and radicated it felf afterwards in the minds of the fimple people of the 
 whole Kingdom , that it was accounted an Impiety, and a piece of Atheifin and 
 Prophanenefs to diftruft, or queftion, the truth of this report. Of which Geronlmo 
 Roman writing in his Treadle of the weft-Indies, and in die 1 1 th Chapter of his 
 fecond Book, fpeaking particularly of this Battel , hath thefe very words. 
 
 " It is certain, according to the report of all the lndians,viho difcourfe of that fa- 
 " mous Battel, that the to a remained Mafter of the Field, and won the day ; and 
 " they farther believe, that by a miraculous power of the Sun, the Stones of the 
 c Field were Metamorphofed, or transformed into Men , and arofe up in Battel 
 ' c againft the Enemy •, and that this was done in accomplifhment of thar promile 
 
 * which was given to the Valiant Vachacuti lnca Yupmqui •? for fo alfo they give 
 " this Title to the Prince Viracocha. Thefe are the Words of that curious Au- 
 thour of the aforementioned Book, who in the faid Chapter touches many points 
 in brief, of which we have recited fome , and lhall farther have occafion to 
 touch on others in the Sequel of this Hiftory of the Kings of Peru. In like man- 
 ner Acofta mentions the Vifion which appeared to Viracocha, though there be fome 
 difference in the proper Names belonging to the Kings of that Age. And indeed 
 both he and other Writers mention this Battel, as other matters, with fuch bre- 
 vity, that they feem almoft to pals it by, as a matter inconfiderable : And indeed, 
 for the moft part, all the Relations which the Spaniards give of the Indians are very 
 intricate and confufed ; the which we may lawfully attribute to the little know- 
 ledge they had of their Language, and the lofs of thofe Knots, which were the Mo- 
 numents and Characters of their Hiftory $ howfoever, they deliver the fubftance 
 of them without any regard either to time or order •, but in what manner or me- 
 thod foever that they are wrote, I am yet pleafed to recite the paflages which they 
 deliver, that fo by their Authority I may be acquitted of the Scandal of writing 
 Fables -, for if they prove fuch , they ought to be efteemed the Fi&ions of my 
 Parents, and fuch as the Spaniards themfelves have heard , and perhaps believed , 
 though not with fuch Faith as I have done , who fucked in thofe Stories with 
 my Milk, and received a deep impreflion of them in the time of my tender In- 
 fancy. 
 
 This Acofta farther proceeds in thefe words, which I have copied from the 2 1 ft 
 Chapter of his fixth Book. " Vachacmi to a Tuptmqm reigned 70 Years, and made 
 " great Conquefls ; the principal caufe and original of his fuccefs was occalioned 
 
 by his Elder Brother, who taking upon him the Government by confent of his 
 - Father, was overthrown in a Battel by the Chancas, who are a Nation which 
 
 inhabit in the Vally of Andaguaylas, which is about thirty Leagues diftant from 
 
 Cozco, in the way to Lima .- His Younger Brother Yupanqm taking advantage of 
 " this difgrace, feigned a report, that he being at a certain time penfive and me- 
 
 * lancholy in a folitary retirement, a ftrange Apparition under the Name of Vi- 
 " racocki prefented it felf before him •, complaining, that he being the Univerfal 
 ^ Creatour, and Lord of all things, who had made Heaven , and the Sun , the 
 
 t World, and Men, and placed them under his feet , and in fubje&ion to him, 
 "' ( had not received that due refped and obedience which was owing to him ; but 
 '' in lieu thereof, Mankind was become fo blind as to divide their Service and 
 
 Y • Worftiip, 
 
i^2 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 " Worfliip, and to {hare a proportion of the veneration which was owing to 
 " him the onely God, unto the Sun, to the Thunder, and other Creatures who 
 
 * had no other Being , Venue and Beauty, but foch as they received from him ; 
 " and that therefore he was now come to make known to him , that his Habita- 
 " tion was in Heaven where he was Worlhipped under the Title of Viracocha Pa- 
 " chayachachic, which fignifies the Univerfal Creatour of all things. And that 
 " they might be allured of the truth hereof, and that it was no Dream, or idle 
 " fancy, he promifed to raife him People and Armies by his Omnipotent power; 
 " and that though the Chmcas were numerous and victorious, yet he would fend 
 " him invifible Troops, and fuch as (hould not be known from whence they came, 
 " mould aid and fuccour him againft his Enemies. With this aflurance and belief 
 " he raifed his Men, which flocked to him in thofe Numbers, that he obtained 
 " a Victory 5 and afterwards depofing both his Father, and his Elder Brother, he 
 " made himfelf Abfolute and Sovereign Prince of the Empire. From the time 
 " of which Victory he Eftablimed a Law, that Viracocha mould be Worshipped 
 " and Adored as the fole and Supreme Lord of the Univerfe ^ and that the Ima- 
 " ges of the Sun and Thunder mould bow before his Idol, and doe him reverence ; 
 " and irom that time afterwards the Image of Viracocha was exalted above thofe 
 " of the Sun and the Thunder, and the other Minor Gnacas, or Little Deities. 
 
 * And though this lnca Tupan^ui did afllgn, and fet out Lands and Flocks for the 
 " maintenance of the Sun and Thunder 5 yet he made no Eftablimment for the 
 " Viramha, by reafon that he being the Univerfal Lord, and Creatour of all, con- 
 " tained All-fufficiency within himfelf, having no need of fupplies from the Crea- 
 " tures which his Power had made. 
 
 " After this Battel was ended with Signal Victory over the Chancas, he decla- 
 " red to his Souldiers, that it was not by their Force and Valour that their Ene- 
 " mies were fubdued, but it was by the Aid and Afliftence of Numbers of Men 
 " with great Beards, which the Viracocha had fent to fight for them, and that they 
 " were invifible to all, but to himfelf: And that now their Work being finilhed, 
 u they were returned again to their former invifible Beings, and Nature of Stones: 
 " Howfoever, it feemed neither decent, nor convenient to omit due acknowledg- 
 
 * ments, even to thofe infenfible Beings, which none but he could know ; and 
 " therefore going into the Mountains, he caft up heaps of Stones, which he cul- 
 " led and feparated with his own hands from the rel\ fetting them up for Gnacas, 
 " or Demi-gods, commanding Adoration and Sacrifices to be offered to them, 
 " calling them by the Name of Pururancas, the which they carried with them to 
 " the Wars with great devotion . And fuch credit did this Fable gain in their 
 " minds, that by force of this fuperftitious impreflion, this lnca obtained many 
 " great and fignal Victories. Thus far are the Words ofAcofta, which agree in the 
 fubftance with what we have before related -, but as to what he alledges concern- 
 ing the Image of Viracocha, that it was exalted above the Idol of the Sun ; it was 
 a novelty, and new manner of Worlhip introduced by the Indians, in compliance 
 with the Spaniards : For it is a miftake to conceive, that they apprehended any no- 
 tion of the Name of God, with a peculiar refpedl of his Supreme and Omnipo- 
 tent ElTence , for they had no conceit of any but of two Deities, one was the 
 invifible and unknown, which was the Pachacamac, the other was the Sun, which 
 was clear and apparent to the fight of the Univerfe -, but as to Viracocha, and 
 other Incas, they efteemed them as Children, and Off-fpring of the Sun. 
 
 CHAP. 
 

 Book V. Royal Commentaries. 163 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of the Gratuities which the Prince Inca Viracocha beftoned 
 on his Souldiers after the Vitlory. 
 
 TH E heat finding their Enemies to faint, and retreat, cried out the more 
 violently, invocating the Name of Sutlo Inca Viracocha, which was the Vi- 
 fion that appeared to the Prince , and therewith ftrenuoufly invaded the Enemy, 
 fubduing them with mere violence and dint of Sword ■-, great numbers and heaps 
 were (lain, and thrdwn one on the other 5 the remainder turned their backs, and 
 fled, not being able to make farther refiftence. The Prince hiving purfued the 
 Enemy a-while, caufed a retreat to be founded , and Command given to defift 
 from farther (laughter, the Vi&ory being already evident and complete ? and then 
 the Prince in Perfon ran through the Plain where the Battel was fought, giving 
 order to bury the dead, and to take care that the wounded and difabled mould be 
 cured : To the Prifoners he freely gave liberty and licence to return into their ow-n 
 Countries, proclaiming Mercy and Pardon unto all! The Battel continued for the 
 fpaceof eight hours, being fought withfuch courage and refolution, that the Bloud 
 did not onely Dye the Fields,but the ftreams of it overflowed the Banks of a Brook 
 which ran through the Plains •, for which caufe they gave the Name of Tahmr 
 Pampa to that place, which fignifies as much as the Field of Bloud. In this Fighc 
 there were thirty thoufand India/is (lain, eight thoufand of which were of the fide 
 of the Mas, the reft were 'fuch as took part with the Rebels, confifting of feve- 
 ral Nations ' of Cbanca , viz. Hancbohuaku, Vramarca, Villca and Vntmfulla, with 
 others. 
 
 Hanchohuallu having received a flight wound, \vas carefully cured •, and being ta- 
 ken Prifoner with two others of his chief Officers, were referved for the greater 
 glory and oftentation on the day of Triumph , which was afterwards with great 
 Solemnity performed. But fome few days after this Battel, an Uncle of the Prince 
 with much gravity reproved the bold infolence of thofe Prifoners, for daring to 
 raife themfelves up againft the Family of the Sun ; who, that they might appear 
 invincible, the very Stones and Trees, by virtue of the Sun were transformed in- 
 to Men, as was apparent in the laft Battel, and would again be made manifeft fo 
 often, as Enemies and Rebels fhould dare to lift up their hands and armes againft 
 the Divine Race. Many other Stories and Fables he recounted in favour of the 
 Incase concluding as the fum of all, that they were obliged in duty to render a 
 thoufand thanks to the Sun for fending his Gratious Children into the World, 
 commanding them to ufe compafficn and mercy, and to receive the Rebellious 
 Indians unto pardon \ for which reaibn the Prince did not onely confer upon them 
 their Lives as a gift, but reftore them alfo to their Eftates and Dwellings, and 
 their Caracas to their Dominion and Government , though the crimes they had 
 committed deierved no lefs than Death •, conditionally, that for the future they 
 behave themfelves as good Subje&s, left by a fecond offence they provoke the 
 Sun to avenge the firft, and caufe the Earth to open its bowels, and fwallow them 
 alive. After this Ledure the Caracas with profound humility acknowledged the 
 favour, prorailing all Loyalty, Duty and Obedience for the future. 
 
 After this Victory the Inca VWatocha immediately difpatched away three Ex- 
 preffes •, One of them was fent to the Temple of the Sun, to inform him of the 
 good news of this Victory, which by his aid and fuccour they had obtained ■■, for 
 though they efteemed the Sun for a God, yet in all refpeds they treated him as a 
 Man, and as one who had need of intelligence and information of matters which 
 fucceeded •, befides which, they formed other grofs conceptions of him •, as to 
 drink to him-, and that he might pledge them again on their Feftival-days, they 
 filled a Golden Cup with Liquour, which they fet in a part of the Temple, 
 which was mod open to the Sun-beams =, and what was exhaled by that heat, 
 
 Y i they 
 
!#4 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 they judged to be drank up by the Sun 5 they alfo fet meat for him to eat, and 
 when any novelty occurred, they fent him the advices of it by Meflengers, and 
 when they were victorious, they returned him Thanks for their Succefles. In 
 purfuance of this ancient cuftome the Prince Viracocha fent advice to the Sun of 
 this his Victory ■-, and commanded thePriefts, that having recalled thofe others, 
 which for fear were fled away, they mould join together in offering new Sacri- 
 fices, with Praifes and Thankfgivings, to the Sun. Another Meflenger he dis- 
 patched to the Houfe of the Select Virgins, giving them to underftand, that by 
 means of their Prayers and Interceflions, the Sun had beftowed that Favour and 
 Victory upon him. A third Meflenger, whom they call Chafqui, he difpeeded 
 to his Father the Inca, giving him the particulars of all the late Succefles, defiring 
 him to continue in the fame ftation where he was, untill he (hould in perfon pre- 
 sent himfelf before him. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 The Prince purfues his Conquefl, returns to Cozco, fees his 
 Father, and difpo/fefes him of his Empire. 
 
 HAving made thefe difpatches, he felefted fix thoufand Souldiers to accompa- 
 ny him in the purfuit of his Enemies-, the reft of his Army he disbanded, gi- 
 ving them licence to return unto their own homes-, the Body which he referved 
 was commanded, befides other inferiour Officers, by two Major Generals, who 
 were his Uncles-, and with this Force two days after the Battel, he marched in 
 the purfuit of his Enemies, not with intention to treat them ill, but to cure them 
 of their fears, afluring them of pardon for their late Offence-, fo that as many as 
 they overtook, in cafe they were wounded, he ordered them to be cured , and 
 fu.cn as were whole and found, he treated them with gentlenefs and kind ufage ; 
 fending likewife Meflengers to the refpe&ive Provinces and People, to aflure them 
 of the pardon and favour of the Inca, and that he was coming in perfon to give 
 them farther teftimonies thereof. Having by thefe pre-advices comforted and 
 encouraged the people, he marched with great expedition, and being come 
 to the Province of Antahuaylla, which belongs to the Chancas, all the Women and 
 Children aflembled together , and came forth to meet him, and carrying green 
 branches in their hands, went crying, O thou undoubted Child of the Sun, who an the 
 Lcrver and Favourer of the Poor, have companion upon us, and pardon us. 
 
 The Prince received thefe people with grace and favour, telling them, that it 
 was not they, but their Fathers, and Husbands, who were guilty of the crime •-, and 
 that even them alfo he had pardoned for their actual Rebellion ^ and to aflure 
 them hereof, and confirm them in this belief, he was come in perfon to pronounce 
 their pardon with his own mouth. He ordered likewife that they fliould give 
 them fuch provifions as their necefllties required, treating them with all civility 
 and affection imaginable, and that efpecial care mould be taken of the Widows 
 and Orphans of thofe who were (lain in the Battel ofTahuar Pampa. 
 
 In this manner he over-ran all the revolted Provinces, constituting his Gover- 
 nours with fufficient Guards over them , and made fuch expedition , that in a 
 months time (as the Indians report, who count their Months by their Moons,) he 
 finilhed his march, and returned again to his City of Coz.co. The Indians, as well thofe 
 who were loyal, as thofe who had rebelled, were wonderfully furprized with this 
 ftrange gentlenefs of the Prince, whofe Humour and Difpofition being fowre and 
 fevere, promiled nothing but Revenge and Deftrudlion to the lafr drop of his Ene- 
 mies bloud-, but finding his Nature otherwife changed, they concluded that the 
 
 command 
 
BookV. Royal Commentaries. 165 
 
 command of the Sun had altered his Difpofition, and reduced him to the natural 
 temper of his Fore-fathers. But the truth is, that Ambition and thirft of Honour 
 which makes great changes in the minds of Men, had fo miraculoufly operated on 
 his rough and hard temper, that his Nature feemed entirely to be altered, and to 
 have put on that gentle and fweet humour, which was Royal and natural to his 
 Family. 
 
 This being done, the Inca VtrMocha made his entry into Couo on foot, that he 
 might appear more a Souldier than a King-, he defcended thither by the way of 
 Caramenta, and in triumphant manner, being encompafted by his Souldiers, and on 
 each hand fupported by his two Uncles, that were Major-Generals, caufing the 
 prisoners to be conducted behind, with great joy and loud acclamations he was 
 received into the City. The grave Incas aged, and ftricken in years came forth 
 to meet him, and with due reverence having ialuted and adored him and acknow- 
 ledged him for a true Child of the Sun, entred amongft the ranks of the Souldie- 
 ry, to partake of the glory of this Triumph 5 adding farther this complement to 
 their Courtfhip, That they wifhed themfelves youthfull again for no other reafon, 
 than that they might be Souldiers , and ferve in the Wars under his fortunate 
 and aufpicious Conduct. His Mother alfo Coy a. Mama, chic-ya , with her Wo- 
 men, and others nearly allied in Bloud to the Prince, being attended alfo with a 
 multitude of Pallat, or Ladies, went forth, with Songs and Dancings, to meet 
 and receive him •, fome embraced him, others wiped off the fweat from his Brows, 
 others fwept the duft from his Feet, ftrewing the ways with Flowers, and odori- 
 ferous Herbs, in which joyfull and folemn manner the Prince firft vifited the 
 Temple of the Sun, in which making his entry on his bare Feet, according to 
 their ufual cuftome, he returned thanks for the Victory, which his Father the Sun 
 had given him. Then he vifited the Select Virgins, Wives of the Sun ; and af-. 
 ter thefe two Offices were performed, he departed from the City to fee his Fa- 
 ther, who all this while conierved himfelf within the Straits of Mttyna, and in 
 the fame place where he had formerly left him. 
 
 The IncaTahuar-Hnacac received the Prince his Sun with all the expreflions of joy 
 and contentment imaginable, congratulating his Succels, and victorious Atchieve- 
 merrts, but yet his Countenance appeared fo melancholy and referred, that he 
 feemed thereby to teftifie more of Emulation and Envy, than of real Satisfaction - y 
 for the (hame and confufion he conceived in feeing his Son victorious feemed to 
 upbraid his Cowardife $ nor can it well be determined, whether the Envy of his 
 Son's Honour, or the fenfe he had for bafely forfaking the Temple of the Sun, or 
 the fear of being depofed for his mean and pufillanimous Behaviour, was moft 
 prevalent in his confufed mind. But certain it is, that at this publick interview 
 Few words pafled between them -, what afterwards happened in private is not cer- 
 tainly known, but it is believed by the Indians, that the whole Difcourie was in 
 reference to the Government, which of the two mould reign, and which appea- 
 red by the fequel, it being refolved between them, that the Father having fbrfa- 
 ken and abandoned the City, was no more worthy to return unto it. For Am- 
 bition, and defire of Government, is fo prevalent in the minds of Princes, that 
 they are willing to take any pretext to cover their afpiring thoughts ^ and indeed 
 this imputation of Cowardife feemed the more plaufible reafon, in that it was fe- 
 conded by the fuflfrages of the people, and the confent of the Courts to which 
 the Father condefcended, being conftrained thereunto by force, and by an abhor- 
 rence he naturally had to War, efpecially to Civil DilTentions. Upon which 
 agreement the draught of a Palace was immediately defigned, and intended to be 
 built between the Straits of Muyna and £>uefpicancha , where was an excellent 
 Air, and plea fant Situation, and eafily improveable by Gardens, and Orchards; 
 and all the Divertifements of Hunting, Fifhing, and other Royal Paftimes-, be- 
 ing much advantaged therein by the benefit of the River Tucay, into which many 
 Streams and Brooks fall, on the Eaft-quarter of the Houfe- The Foundation of 
 thisHoufe being laid, (fome ruines of which do to this day remain) the Prince 
 returned to Cozco, where he changed his yellow for the crimfon Wreath, and vet 
 was contented that his Father mould (till conferve his Royalty in the colour of his 
 Ribbon, on condition that he renounced the fubftantial parts of Government } 
 for proud and ambitious Men can endure punctilio's, and immaterial circumftances 
 
 in 
 
1 66 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 in others, whilft Power and Greatnefs is referved for themfelves. This Fabrick 
 being completed, it was furnillied with all things neceflary, and fuch attendance 
 allowed, as was agreeable to the State and Magnificence of a King, fo that 
 Tahuar-haacac found no difference in his living, unlefs it were fn being freed and 
 eafed from the Burthen of Government. In this folitary manner this poor 
 King palled the remainder of his unhappy days, depofed from his Kingdom, and 
 confined to the Countrey, having exchanged his condition with his Son, who 
 now lived and governed in the City, whilft the Father lived an Exile in the fields, 
 having his Converfation with Beafts rather than Men. 
 
 This unhappy Fortune (as the Indians believe) was the effecT: of that direful! 
 Omen of weeping bloud ; but yet in their political reflexions on fome paflages, 
 they concluded, that in cafe the l»ca, in the time of the obftinacy and perverfe- 
 nefs of his Son, had, inftead of a confinement to a Countrey Life, given him a 
 fmall Dofe of that Poifon which was in practice amongft the Tyrants and Ma- 
 gicians of that Empire, he might eafily have diverted that fad Fate, which his 
 Tears of Bloud portended. But others, better inclined to fpeak favourably of 
 the Prince, for though they could not wholly acquit him of Crime towards his 
 •Father, yet they moderated it in fome manner, by alledging, that his Father's 
 Fate might have beenworfe, in cafe his Enemies had prevailed-, for having for- 
 faken the Protection of his City, and Empire, out of mere Cowardife, it was 
 fome Happinefs to have his Defaults repaired by the Valour of his Son, under 
 whom the Succeflion was fecured, and his own Life fpared and defended. O- 
 thers, fpeaking of the general Praife of their Kings, faid to this effect, That this 
 unhappy Inca had no thought or imagination of Poifon , for that all other his 
 Predeceflors having made it their bulinefs to prohibit the practice of it, and de- 
 ftroy the ufe of it in the World, he himfelf was ready to have checked any fuch 
 motion within 'his own Mind , in cafe either his Thoughts , or perfuafion of 
 others had fuggefted fuch a remedy to him. Others herein applauded the Reli- 
 gion and Generality of the Iwas, who fcorned to acl that which their own De- 
 crees had made unlawfully it being unfeemly, and beneath the Dignity of the 
 Sun's Race, to allow that in themfelves, Which they had made illegal in their 
 Subje&s. 
 
 Many fuch Difcourfes and Reflexions pafled on this matter, according to eve- 
 ry Man's particular fancy and opinion •, with which we mall conclude our Hifto- 
 ry otTahuar-Huacac, and not farther mention other particulars of his Life, leaving 
 him at his Countrey retirement to die with obfcurity. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of the word Viracocha, and why they called the Spaniards 
 by that Name, 
 
 BUT to return now to the Prince, to whom they gave the Name oi Viracocha, 
 by reafon that the Vifion which appeared to him in a Dream, fo called himfelf. 
 And in regard this Phantafm was defcribed by the Prince to appear with a long 
 Beard, and Garments trailing on the ground, which was a much different habit 
 to the fafhion of the Indians, who naturally have little Hair in their Faces, and 
 by cuftome wear Coats not reaching farther than their knees 3 fo foon as they had 
 a fight of the firft Spaniards that invaded Peru, and obferved their long Beards and 
 Garments which clothed all parrs of their Bodies ; and that their firft Action was 
 to take and kill Atahualpa, their Tyrant King, who not long before had murthe- 
 red Buafcar, the lawfull Heir and Succeflour, and deftroyed all thofe of the Royal 
 Bloud, which might endanger his Title to the Government , without any regard 
 to Age or Sex, with many other Cruelties, which we (hall recount in their due 
 place. When, I fay, they obferved that the Spaniards revenged the Bloud of 
 their Incas, and punimed the enormous Crimes, they called to mind the Appari- 
 tion Viracocha, and comparing the punifhment which he executed on the chancas 
 for their rebellion, with the Juftice which the Spaniards performed on Atahualpa 
 in revenge of the Murthers he committed on the Royal Family , they prefently 
 concluded, that the God Viracocha was the Parent of the Spaniards, for which rea- 
 fon they received and welcomed them to their Countrey, and worfhipped and 
 adored them with the Name of Viracocha ; and hence it was, that the Conqueft 
 of Peru became fb eafie, that fix Spaniards onely, of whom Hernando de Soto, and 
 Pedro de Barco were two, adventured to travell from Cajfamarca to Coze 0, which is 
 a Journey of two hundred and thirty Leagues, by which they made a difcovery of 
 the Riches of that City, and other places-, and to (hew their great kindnefs and 
 civility they carried them over the Countries in Chairs , or Sedans -, giving them 
 the Title of Incas, and Children of the Sun, in the fame manner, as they did their 
 own Kings. Now had the Spaniards taken the advantage of this credulity of the 
 Indians, perfuading them, that the true God had fent them, for their deliverance 
 from the tyrannical Ufurpations of the Divel, which enflaved them more than 
 all the Cruelties of Atahualpa; and had preached the Holy Gofpel with that fan&i- 
 ty and good example, which the innocence of that Doctrine requires, they had 
 certainly made great Progrefles in the advancement of Religion. But the Spanijh 
 Hiftories report things in a different way of proceedings, to which, for the truth 
 thereof, I refer the Reader, left being an Indian my felf, I fhould feem partial in 
 the relation : But this truth we may confidently aver, that though many were 
 blameable, yet the greater number difcharged the Office and Duty of good Chri- 
 ftians-, howfoever amongft a people fo ignorant and fimple, as thefe poor Gentiles, 
 one ill man is able to doe more mifchief , than the endeavours of a hundred 
 good Men are able to repair. 
 
 The Spanijh Hiftorians farther fay, that the Indians gave this Name to the Spani- 
 ards, becaufe they came over the Sea, deriving Viracocha from the composition of two 
 words, namely, VWa, which is vaft, immenfe, and Cocha, which fignifies the Sea or 
 Ocean. But the Spaniards are much miftaken in this compofition, for though Co- 
 cha is truly the Name for the Sea, yet Vira fignifies fatnefs •, and is no other than 
 the proper Name which that Apparition gave to it felf j the which I more confi- 
 dently aver, becaufe that Language being natural to me, and that which I fucked 
 in and learned with my Mother's Milk, I may more reafonably be allowed to be 
 a Judge of the true Idioms of that Tongue, rather than Spaniards, who are Stran- 
 gers and Aliens to that Countrey. But befides what we have already mentioned, 
 there may yet be another reafon for it, which is, that the Indians gave them that 
 
 Name 
 
ggg Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 Name from the Cannon and Guns they ufed, which they taking to be Lightning 
 and Thunder, believed them Gods, by whofe hands they were ufed. Bias Vakra 
 interpreting this word , fays , that it Signifies a Deity, which comprehends the 
 Will and Power of a God ■-, not that the word doth properly iignifie fo much, 
 but that it is a Name which the Indians found out to give to this Apparition 5 . 
 which they Worshipped in the fecond place to the Sun, and after that they Ado- 
 red their Kings and Incas, as if they had been Gods. 
 
 It is disputable whether the Inca Viracocha was more admired for his Victory, or 
 for his Dream ■-, but certain it is , that he was fo reverenced for both, that they 
 efteemed him for a God, and adored him as one exprefly fent from the Sun to 
 fave his Family, and the Divine OfF-fpring from utter mine; and becaufe that 
 by him the Imperial City, the Temple of the Sun, and the Convent of the Select 
 Virgins were preferved •, he was afterwards Worfhipped with greater oftentation 
 and honour, than any other of his Ancient Progenitors. And though this Inca 
 endeavoured to perfuade his Subjects to transfer the Honour which they gave to 
 him, unto his Uncle, the Vifion which appeared to him ■-, yet fo far was this de- 
 votion infixed in their minds, that they could not be diverted from performing 
 Divine Honours towards him, untill at length they compounded for their fuper- 
 ftition, and agreed to impart and_ divide their Worfhip equally between them 5 
 and whereas they had both the fame Name, they mould Adore them together 
 under the fame Title and Notion : And for this reafon the Inca Viracocha (as we 
 mall hereafter mention ) erected a Temple in Honour and Memory of his Qncle 
 Viracocha ; in which alio his own Fame was celebrated. 
 
 We may believe that the Devil, who is a cunning Sophifter, did appear to the 
 Prince either Heeping or waking in that Figure •, though the Indians confidently 
 report that the Prince was waking, and that this Apparition prefented it felf to 
 him as he lay repoiing himfelf under the ihadow of a Rock : We may imagine 
 alio that this Enemy of Mankind played this trick to delude the World, and con- 
 firm the Authority of that Idolatrous fuperftition, which he had already planted 
 in the minds of this people : the which feemed the moft plaufible way that he 
 could proceed -, for that in regard a foundation was already laid of the Indian Em- 
 pire, and that by the Conftitutions of it, the Incas were to be the Lawgivers, and 
 the Oracles of their Religion •-, and that they were to be believed, and efteemed, 
 and obeyed for Gods •, whatfoever contributed to this end, and to augment the 
 reputation and fanctity of the Incas, was a point gained towards the advancement 
 of this Gentilifm •, of which, though there go many Stories, yet none is recounted 
 by them with that admiration, as this Apparition of Viracocha, who coming with 
 the popular character of an Allye to the Sun, and Brother to the Incas .• And ha- 
 ving the good fortune to have his Dream confirmed with the fuccefs of a Victor}', 
 carried fo much force of belief with it, that on all occafions afterwards of their 
 diftrefs, they had recourfe to his Temple, where the Oracle was confulted, and 
 directions taken for the management of their affairs. This is that imaginary 
 God Viracocha, of which fome Writers report, that the Indians efteemed him for 
 their principal God, to whom they were more devoted than to the Sun : But this 
 is certainly a miftake, and ferved onely for a piece of flattery to the Spaniards, that 
 they might believe they gave them the fame Title and Name, as they did to their 
 chiefeft God : but in reality they Adored no God with fuch devotion as they did 
 the Sun, ( unlefs it were the Pachacamac ) which they called the unknown God : 
 For as to the Spaniards, they gave them at firft the Title of Children to the Sun , 
 in fuch manner as they did to the Apparition Viracocha. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V* Royal Commentaries. i6g 
 
 ■ . ■ ■ 
 ... 
 
 C H A P. XXII. 
 
 The Inca ViraCOcha gives Order for Building a Tern fie 
 in Memory of his Vncle , who appeared -to him in a 
 
 Vifion. 
 
 
 ■ ■ ; 
 
 TH E hca. tlracocha, that he might the better perpetrate the Memory' of his 
 Dream, and keep the Honour of it up in the efteern of the people, com- 
 manded that a Temple mould be ere&ed in Honour of his Uncle, who appeared 
 to him, and placed in the Countrey called Cacha, which is about fixteen Leagues 
 diftant from the City to the Southward.' He ordered, that the Fa brick and Mo- 
 del of it mould, as near as could be poilible, imitate, or referable the place where 
 the Vifion preiented it felf - ? which 'was like .the open Field, without covering 5 
 joining unto which there was to be a littleChapel with the roof of Stone, refem- 
 bling the hollow of the Rock, under whkH he repofed himfelf : The whole Fa- 
 brick was made of Stone rarely poliihed, as are all the Buildings of the Indies 5 
 it had four Doors correfponding to the' four Quarters of the Heavens v three of 
 them were ihut, being rather Portals, than Gates, ferving for Ornament more 
 than Ufe. The Gate which looked Eaftward, was that alone by which they en-' 
 tied, and by which they went out, being placed exactly in the middle-, and be- 
 caufe the Indians were not arrived to fuch Excellency in Archite&ure, as to lay 
 the weight of their Building on Arched Work ; they fupplied that defect by 
 ftrong and deep foundations of Stone Walls, which were more lafting than Tim- 
 ber, and for ever durable. Thele Walls were laid three Foot in thicknefs, and 
 feven Foot diftant each from the other, making twelve feveral Rows, or Ifles 5 
 the top was not covered with Boards, but paved Stone, for about ten Foot in 
 length, and half a Yard in thicknefs I At the Entrance to this Temple, turning 
 to the right hand, they walked to the end of the firft Ifle •, thence turning to the 
 left, they went forward to the end of this Walk, and then faced again to the right, 
 and fo winding about again through the feveral rows •-, they came at length to the 
 end of the twelfth Ifle, where was a Stair-cafe, by which they afcended to the 
 top of the Temple. At the Front of every Ifle, on each hand, there was a Win- 
 dow, like a Port-hole, to let in the light 5 and below every Window there was 
 a Nich made in the Wall for a feat, where the Porter might fit, without incum- 
 bring, or Hopping, the paflage. The Stair-cafe had two paflages, one to go up, 
 and the other to come down 5 that to go up fronted a top with the High Altar : 
 The Floor above was paved with a kind of black Marble, rarely poliihed , that 
 it looked like Jett, brought from fome Quarry, far diftant. In place of the High 
 Altar there was a Chapel of about twelve Foot fquare, covered with the fame 
 fort of black Stone, in-laid in divers Figures, in form of Mofaick Work, which 
 was the moft excellent piece of Art in the whole Fabrick : Within this Chapel 
 was the Image of the Apparition placed within the hollow of the Wall , as in a 
 Tabernacle, with which two other Tabernacles were made to correfpond on each 
 fide for ornament and better uniformity. The Walls of this Temple, from the 
 top to the bottorcywere but three Yards in height, without any Window, the 
 Cornilh of which' on all fides, both within and without, was made of poliihed 
 Stone ; and within the Tabernacle of the Chapel was placed a Pedeftal, on which 
 an Image of Stone was erected , reprefenting the Image of the Apparition , in 
 fuchfhape and figure as the Inca Viracocha had directed. This Image reprefented 
 the figure of a Man, with a Beard of about a fpan long, his Cloaths reaching to\ 
 his feet, not very wide, but fomething fcanty, like a Caflock : About his Neck 
 a ftrange kind of creature was chained, . with Claws like a Lion , the Image hold- 
 ing one of the links of the Chain in his hand 5 all which was framed and engra- 
 ven out of Stone : And left the Workmen, who had never feen this Figure, 
 
 2 fhould 
 
i j Q Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 fhould miftake any thing of giving it the due form •, it is reported, that the Inca 
 himfelf did oftentimes fit, and fhew himfelf to them in the fame habit and figure, 
 in which, he faid, the Apparition prefented it felf : Nor would he permit, that 
 the Image of the God Viracocha fhould be undervalued by any form, or other fliape 
 than that of a King , fuch efteem and fuperftition did they conceive of their Idol 
 Gods. 
 
 This Statue did fomething refemble the Images we make of our Blefied Apo- 
 ftles, particularly that of St. Bartholomew, whom they paint with the Devil at his 
 feet, as they did this Figure o{ Viracocha, with fome unknown Beaft couching be- 
 neath him. The Spaniards obferving this Temple, and the form and fafhion of 
 this Statue, will have it, that the Apoftle St. Bartholomew came as far as Peru to 
 Preach the Gofpel to thefe Gentiles, and that in Honour and Memory of him 
 the Indians had erected this Temple and Image. And fuch as were Natives 
 of Coaco, and of the Mongrel breed between Spanifh and Indian Bloud, have for a- 
 bove thirty years paft Aftociated themfelves into a Fraternity, or Community, in- 
 to which they would not fuffer any Spaniard to enter. Thefe upon their Solemn 
 days are at great Expences, taking Si. Bartholomew for their Apoftle, and in defpight 
 of all contradiction, they will have it, that he came and preached in Peru , and 
 for that reafon will own no other than him for their Patron ; which feemeth a ri- 
 diculous fancy to fome Spaniards, who laughing at the bravery and fine Veftments 
 they produce on that day, tell them, that thisFeftival and Proceffion is not defin- 
 ed in Honour of the Apoftle, but of the Inca Viracocha. 
 
 But why the Inca Viracocha fhould build this Temple in Cacha, rather than in 
 Chita, where the Spirit appeared to him , or in Tahuarpampa, where the Victory 
 was fought ; the Indians cannot well affign any more probable and juft reafon for 
 it, than the free will and pleafure of the Inca, unlefs it were fome fecret and hid- 
 den caufe, not revealed or made known to any. This Temple being of fuch an 
 odd and ftrange Model, as we have declared, was demolifhed by the Spaniards, as 
 many other ftately Fabricks in Peru have been deftroyed by them •, which in my 
 opinion ought rather to have been conferved and kept in good repair, that Ages 
 to come might fee and know the Grandeur and Valour of their Anceftours, who 
 were able by their good fortune and conduit to fubdue a Nation which was capa- 
 ble to erect fuch Buildings and Monuments of their Art and Wifedom •, but per- 
 haps envy or feorn of that people might have moved the Spaniards to deftroy their 
 Works, not allowing them the Honour to be maintained in repair ; and indeed 
 the Dilapidation hath been fo great', that fcarce one Stone remains on another? 
 the which deftruction, Men of Curiofity, and Lovers of Antiquity, do much la- 
 ment. But the reafon which they give for it is, that they could not be perfua- 
 ded, but that much Treafure lay buried under the Foundation of thofe Buildings, 
 which could not be difcovered, but by a totaj Aibverfion of the Fabrick. The firft 
 thing demolilhed in this Temple was the Statue, they having an opinion, that 
 much Gold was buried under the Pedeftal on which it was erected : other parts of 
 the Temple they digged up, fometimes in one place, and then in another, untill 
 at length they-defaced^or deftroyed the whole Pile and Mafs of Building : How- 
 foever, the Image of Stone is ftill in being unto this day, though much broken and 
 battered by the Stones, which they threw at it. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 171 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Of a famous Piclure ; and of the Reward which was given 
 to thofe who affified the Prince. 
 
 IN this our difcourfe concerning Viracocha, we muft not omit to add how much 
 joyed and pleafed he was with the new Adoration and Worlhip which the 
 Indians gave him •, fo that he did not think fit to terminate the Magnificence of 
 his Royal Mind with the ftately Structure of this Temple onely , but to extend 
 his A&s and Monuments with greater glory to pofterity ; and to this purpofe he 
 caufed an Emblem to be drawn, representing the low and mean fpirit of his Fa- 
 ther, and the generofity of his own mind , ordering it to be painted on one of 
 thofe many Rocks , amongft which his Father abfconded himfelf , when for fear 
 of the Cbaricas, he abandoned and forfook his City. The Emblem was of two 
 Birds , which the Indians call Cumur , which are Fowl of fuch large fpreading 
 Wings, that they meafure five Yards from the end of one Pinion, to the tip of 
 the other : they are Birds of prey, and fo very fierce, that Nature denied them 
 Talons to their feet, giving them onely Claws, like thofe of a Herj ■, but their 
 Beak is fo ftrong and (harp, that with one nip they are able to tear out the Skin 
 of a Bullock j and two of them are fufficient to kill an Ox, as if they were 
 Wolves. They are of a brownifh colour, with white Spots, like Pyes. Two 
 Birds of this.fort he ordered to be painted , one of them with his Wings clofe 
 clapped together, his Head fhrung in, and drooping, like an affrighted Hen, which 
 hides it felf, with its Beak turned towards Collafuyu, and its Tail towards Cozco .• 
 the other Bird was on the contrary painted in a Rampant manner, with its Wings 
 extended, hovering on the Wing , and ready to ftoop at its Prey. The Indians 
 fay, that the firft of thefe reprefented the Father in his timorous and deje&ed con- 
 dition 5 and the other was the Emblem oiViracocha, under the covering of whofe 
 Wings the City and Empire was fecured and defended. 
 
 This Picture, in the Year i j 8 o, was in being, and very perfect •, and in the Year 
 i S9 S> I asked a certain Prieft which was born there, and who came from Peru in- 
 to Spain, if he had feen it, and in what condition it was? and he told me, that it 
 was fo defaced by Rain, and the weather, none taking care to preferve it, that it 
 was fcarce difcernible what it was $ the which was the fate and misfortune alio 
 of divers other Antiquities in that Countrey. 
 
 The Inca Viracocha having in this manner obtained a fupreme and abfolute Do- 
 minion over all his Subjects, being infinitely beloved, and reverenced, and adored 
 by them as a God ; his great Work at the beginning of his Reign, was to Eftablifh 
 his Dominions in perfect peace and tranquillity for the good and benefit of all his 
 Subje&s. 
 
 In order unto which, the firft thing he did was to gratifie and reward all fuch 
 with Favours and Honours who had ferved him in the late War, and taken Arms 
 in his affiftence againft his Rebellious Subjects ; and herein a more particular no- 
 tice was taken of the Sluechua*, who belonged to the Countries of Cotapampa, and 
 Cotanera ; for in regard that they had been very active in promoting the intereft 
 of the l»ca, and unanimoufly arofe in Arms for his Aid and Defence •, he beftowed 
 on them the privilege of wearing their Hair {horn , and their Heads bound with 
 the Wreath, and of having their Ears boared after the manner of the Inca*, though 
 the holes of the Ears were not to be fo wide as theirs, but proportioned to fuch a 
 fee as the firft Inca, Manco Capac, had ordained. 
 
 To other Nations he beftowed Privileges of different Natures, as were moft 
 agreeable to their Countrey, and Conditions •, and in fine, every one remaining 
 entirely fatisfied and contented , he vifited his feveral Kingdoms, affording to his 
 people the fatisfadion of beholding his Perfon, which their Eyes fo much 
 longed to fee •, and of whom fo many Wonders and Miracles were recounted, 
 
 Z 7. that 
 
ij2 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 that nothing could come more defirable, and nothing more welcome than his 
 Prefence. Having in this manner fpent fome Years, he returned to Cozco, where 
 by advice of his Council , he refolved to conquer thofe great Povinces, which 
 are called, Caranca, Vllaca, Lit ft and Chkha; the Subjection of which was omit- 
 ted by his Father, who was diverted from that defign by the jealoufie and fear 
 he conceived of this his Son , as we have already mentioned ; but now in or- 
 der to this Expedition, the Inc* Viracocha commanded that thirty thoufand Soul- 
 diers mould be raifed in ColLtfuyu , and Cnntifuyu , and put in a readinefs againft 
 the next Spring -, one of his Brothers, called Pahuac Mayta Inca , he made his 
 General, or Commander in Chief •, the Sirname ot Pahuac (which fignifies fly- 
 ing) was given him for his admirable iwiftnefs, being nimble and aftive, beyond 
 any Man in his time. 
 
 For the afliftence of his Brother he ordained four Incas to be Counfellours, and 
 Major-Generals , who departing from Co«e, collected their numbers and increa- 
 fed their Army in the way, as they marched. At length they arrived at the afore- 
 faid Provinces, two of which, called Chica, and Ampara, adored the lofty top of 
 a fnowy Mountain for their God-,' for. they admiring the Beauty and Heighc 
 thereof, from whence thofe Streams proceeded which refrefhed their Lands, and 
 made their grounds fruitfull, they were eafily perfuaded in natural gratitude to 
 own that for their Deity, from whence they received fuch benefit and bleffing. 
 In thefe proceedings they encountred fome light Skirmifhes with the Enemy, 
 who rather defigned to give a proof of their warlike Difpofition , than fight in 
 hopes of prevailing againft the Mas, whofe Reputation was exalted fo high by 
 the Valour and Atchievements of Viracockt ; that their power feemed invinci- 
 ble, and not to be fubdued by humane force. For this reafon , thefe great Pro- 
 vinces fubmitted to the Dominion of the Incas yielding with more readinefs, and 
 with Iefs danger, and lols of bloud than was expected from a people, efteemed 
 numerous, and of a warlike Temper. Howfoever three years paft in this expe- 
 dition, before the Conqueft was completed, and the Nations reduced to an ab- 
 folute and entire fubmifuon. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Of the New Prov'mces, fubdued by the Inca, and of the 
 Chanels they made to water their Paflures. 
 
 THE Inca Pahuac Mayta, and his Uncle having concluded this War, and pla- 
 ced Governours and Officers to rule and inftrucl: their new Subje&s, they 
 returned to Cozco, where they received from the Inca a hearty wellcome, being 
 rewarded by him with fuch Honours and Favours, as their Services and Labours 
 had deferved. And now it feemed as if the Inca Viracocba had extended his 
 Territories to the utmoft limits of the Univerfe, for to the Eaftward they reached 
 as far as the foot of the fnowy Mountain 5 to the Weftward they were bounded 
 by the Sea; to die Southward they extended to the utmoft parts of the Pro- 
 vince of the Charcot, which are above two hundred Leagues diftant from the 
 City, fo that on all thefe three Quarters there remained no farther Land to con- 
 quer •, for on one fide the Sea bounded their proceedings, and the Snows, and 
 inacceffible places of the Mountains of Amis on the other •, and to the South- 
 ward the Delarts and Sands between Pern, and the Kingdom of Chili, made die 
 way impaflable for the march of an Army. Howfoever the Defire of Rule, and 
 the unfatiable thirft of Dominion moved the mind of this Inca to bend his forces 
 towards the Northern Countries, which are in the DiviCion otcbinchafuyu, and 
 
 having 
 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 173 
 
 having communicated his refolution to thofe of his Council, he appointed that 
 an Army mould be raifed, intending himfelf in perfon to command it, with the 
 afliftence of fix others, who were men of Valour and Experience. During the* 
 abfence of Viracocha the City was governed by his Brother Pahuac-Miyta, whom 
 he left Deputy in his place-, and all things being provided, and in a readinefs, the 
 Army marched towards the parts of Chincafiyu, and came to the Province Anta- 
 httylla, which belongs to the Chancas , a people branded with the infamous Epi- 
 thete of falfe , and treacherous , by realon of their Rebellion againft die Inca, 
 which imputation hath fo clofely cleaved to them even to this day, that (carce at 
 any time are the Chancas mentioned without the addition of Anca, wliich is as 
 much as falfe, or treacherous; this word alfo fignifies a Tyrant, a breakerof his 
 Faith, and every thing which denotes Falfenefs and Treachery : Moreover it may 
 ferve to exprefs Contentions, and Battels, by which variety of fignifications, we 
 may obferve how copious and full this Language of Pern is, which comprehends 
 fuch variety and diverfity of fenfes in one word. 
 
 The yoox Chanca* confcious of their former crimes, feared greatly the approach 
 of the lnca. Vlrococha, left he fhould now revenge their offence upon them 5 buc 
 then finding, contrary to all expectation , nothing but Mercy and Gentieneff ia 
 their Prince, they prefently quitted their Fears, receiving him with all the De- 
 monftrations of Joy and Feftivity, that an afflicted people was capable , to ex- 
 prefs. And to confirm them in this good humour, he not onely treated them 
 with gratious Words, but conferred on them Prefents of Garments, and other 
 curiofities. He alfo vifited the feveral Provinces, taking care to provide what 
 was wanting, and to amend that which was amifs; and then appointing a Gene- 
 ral rendezvous for the whole Army , he marched forwards to thofe Countries, 
 which were not as yet reduced to Obedience. The firft and neareft province, 
 rich and populous, was Huaytara, a people warlike and mutinous, fuch^as had 
 mewed themfelves in the Head and Van of the Rebels. But how flout foever 
 they had been, fo foon as the Inca Viracocha had fent them a fummons by his Am- 
 bafTadours, they with readinefs fubmitted and obeyed, coming forth with all hu- 
 mility to receive and acknowledge him for their Lord •, for as yet the Battel 
 of Tahaar-pampa was frefh in their memory , and the fuccefs thereof confirmed 
 them in a belief, that the Inca was invincible c this humble Submiffion met a 
 like Generofity in the Inca, who received them with .a gratious acceptance agree- 
 able to their Humility, onely charging them to live , quietly and in peace, as be- 
 ing moft for the common - good , and moft acceptable to himfelf. 
 
 Thence he marched forwards to another Province called Pocra, known fbme- 
 times by the name of Huamanca; thence he proceeded to Afanca.ru, Parco, 
 Piety and Acos, all which chearfully fubmitted, efteeming it a great honour to re- 
 main under the Empire and Protection of the Inca, whole mighty Actions had 
 acquired him Renown in all Quarters of that new World. And having thus gai- 
 ned this people to his power, he difpeeded his Army away, left they ihould be 
 burthenfome to the Countrey, and then employed his Thoughts and Endeavours 
 for fecuring his Government , and performing thofe matters wliich might con- 
 duce to the common Good and Welfare of the people j particularly he opened 
 and made a Chanel of water , of about twelve Foot in depth, running for about 
 one hundred and twenty Leagues in lengdi : the fource or head of it arofe from 
 certain Springs on the top of a high Mountain, between Pare* and Piety, which 
 was fo plentifull , that at the very head of the Fountains they feemed to be Ri- 
 vers. This Current of Water had its courfe through all the Countrey of the 
 Rucanas, and ferved to water the Pafturage of thofe uninhabited Lands, which 
 are about eighteen Leagues in breadth, watering almoft the whole Countrey of 
 
 Peru. 
 
 There is another Aqueduct much like this, wliich traverfes the whole Pro- 
 vince of Cuntijiytt, running above one hundred and fifty Leagues from South to 
 North; its Head or Original is from the top of high Mountains, the which Wa- 
 ters falling into the Plains of the guechuas, greatly refrefli their Pafturage, when 
 the heats of the Summer and Autumn have dried and burnt up the moifture of the 
 Earth. There are many Streams of like nature, which run through divers parts 
 
 of 
 
174 Royal Commentaries Book V. 
 
 of the Empire, which being conveyed by Aqueducts, at the charge and expenfe 
 of the Incus, are works of Grandeur and Oftentation, and which recommend the 
 • Magnificence of the Incus to all pofterity. For thefe Aqueducts may well be 
 compared to the miraculous Fabricks which have been the works of mighty 
 Princes, who have left their prodigious Monuments of Oftentation to be admired 
 by future Ages-, for indeed we ought to confider, that thefe Waters had their 
 fourceand beginning from vaft high Mountains, and- were carried over craggy 
 Rocks, and inacceflible paiTages-, and to make thefe ways plain, they had no 
 help of Inftruments forged of Steel or Iron, fuch as Pick-axes, or Sledges, but 
 ferved themfelves onely of one ftone to break another •, nor were they acquainted 
 with the invention of Arches, to convey their Water on the level from one pre- 
 cipice to the other-, but traced round the Mountain, untill they found ways and 
 paflages at the fame height and level with the Head of the Springs. The Ci- 
 fterns , or Confervatories, which they made for thefe Waters at the top of the 
 Mountain, were about twelve Foot deep 5 the paflage was broken through the 
 Rocks, and Chanels made of hewen Stone of about two yards long, and about 
 a yard high 5 all which were well cemented together, and rammed in with earth, 
 fo hard, that no Water could pafs between to weaken or vent it felf by the holes 
 of the Chanel. 
 
 This Current of Water, which pafles through all the Divifion QiCumlfuyu, \ 
 have feen in the Province of guechm, which is part of that Divifion, and confi- 
 dered it as an extraordinary Work, and indeed furpafling the Defcription and 
 Report which hath been made of it: But the Sfmiards , who were Aliens and 
 Strangers, little regarded the convenience of thefe works, either to ferve them- 
 felves of the ufe of them, or keep them in repair-, nor yet to take fo much no- 
 tice of them, as to mention them in their Hiftories -, but rather out of a feorn- 
 full and difdaining humour , have fuflered them to run unto mine, beyond all 
 recovery. 
 
 The fame fate hath befallen the Aquedu&s, which the Indians made for wa- 
 tering their Corn-lands, of which two thirds at leaft are wholly deftroyed, and 
 none kept in repair, unlefs fome few, which are (b ufefull, that without them 
 they cannot fuftain themfelves with Bread, nor with the neceflary provisions for 
 Life. All which works are not fo totally deftroyed, but that there ftill remain 
 fome mines and appearances of them. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 The Inca vifits the remote parts of his Emfire , dnd Am- 
 baffadours come thither to him * offering the Subjection, 
 and Vaffalage of their People. 
 
 T 
 
 HE tic* Yiracockt having provided all tilings towards the work of this great 
 Aqueduct, which was neceflary for watering the Herbage of thofe Coun- 
 tries, he palled from the Province of ' Chinchafuyu, to Omfipau, with intention to 
 vifit all the parts of his Empire. The firft Provinces which offered in this Jour- 
 ney, belonged to guechua, two of which being of greater note, than others* 
 were Cotapampa, and Cot aner a -, to which the hca. made extraordinary demonftra- 
 tions of Honour, out of refpect to the Service they had done him , in his late 
 War againft the Chancat. Thence he travelled forwards through all the other 
 Provinces of Cmtifttyu, as well the Mountainous Countries, as the Plains and Val- 
 lies, and Lands along the Seacoft, that fo no place or Region might complain of 
 disfavour, or want of the Inca's pretence, which was the moft welcome and defi- 
 rable object to them in the whole Univerfe. 
 
 In all the places where he came , he made ftrid inquifition concerning die be- 
 haviour of his Officers and Ministers, and in what manner they difcharged their 
 Duty and Truft; fuchaswere found guilty of any neglect, orinjuftice, he puni- 
 fhed with the utmoft rigour and feverity, faying, that thofe who had made ufe of 
 the Royal Authority to pillage or opprefs his Subjects, were more criminal than 
 thofe common Robbers, who in contempt of the Imperial Ordinances and Laws, 
 and by force of their own private power, invaded the Rights and Properties of 
 the People. From Cttntifuyu he entred into the Provinces of ColLtfuyu , paffing 
 from one unto the other, as they offered in his way, all which he comforted with 
 the Rays of his Favours, which he imparted in their refpe&ive degrees, as well 
 to the Commonalty, as to the Curacas - 7 and on the Sea-coaft he journyed as far as 
 
 to Taracapa. 
 
 During the flay which the l»ca made in the Countrey of the ckww.tr, Am- 
 
 bafladours came to him from the Kingdom o{ Tucma, which the Spaniards 
 
 call Tucuman , being diftant about two hundred Leagues Southwell from the 
 
 Chancass addreffing themfelves unto him after this manner. " Moft mighty 
 
 " Prince, Capa Inca Vlracocha, The Report of your famous Deeds, the Equity 
 
 " and Juftice of your Proceedings, the Excellency of your Laws , inftituted for 
 
 u the fole Benefit and Welfare of your Subjeds , the Purity of your Religion, 
 
 '' Clemency and Mercy, and the wonderfull Miracles which your Father the Sun 
 
 ' hath performed in your favour, and for your affiftence, hath reached the utmoft 
 
 " Confines of our Dominions, and is yet carried farther on the Wings of Fame 5 
 
 ' the which Report hath made fuch impreflion on the Hearts of all the Cnrac<u : 
 
 * of Tuonan, that they have fent us hither to implore the powerfull Protection of 
 u your facred Empire, and that you would vouchfafe to own them for your peo- 
 ' pie, and that as fuch you would appoint Inca* of the Royal Bloud to prefide 
 x over them, who may not onely adminifter Juftice to them, but likewife inftruct 
 ' them in thofe Laws, and Cuftoms, and Religion, which they are to obferve ; 
 " in hopes and expectation of which, we do here in the name and behalf of all 
 " our Kingdom, proftrate our felves before you, as die undoubted Off-fpring and 
 
 * Iffue of the Sun, acknowledging you for our King, and Lord, and in teftimo- 
 " ny thereof, we do here offer our Perfons, with the Fruit of our Lands, as Li- 
 ' very and Seifin, and in token and evidence that we furrender our Perfons and 
 
 Lands into your pofteffion. Having faid thus much, they kid open dieir Pre- 
 fents of Garments, made of Cotton, Pots of excellent Honey, asalfoCorn, and 
 clivers forts of Pulfe ; but as to Gold, or Silver, they produced none, being not 
 
 of 
 
•gn£ Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 of the Growth of their Countrey ■-, and which the Spaniards, notwithftanding the 
 fearch and purfuit which they made after it, have not difcovered in thofe Quar- 
 rprs 
 
 The Ambaffadours ha\|ng>made thefe Prefents, they proftrated themfelves with 
 profound reverence before the Inca, who received them with a gratious acceptance, 
 according to his accuftomed goodnefs 5 and in farther token of his favour, he com- 
 manded the Incas, who iwere his Kindred, to drink with them, which was the 
 greateft Honour he could confer. At this entertainment they were farther allu- 
 red of the Good- will of theVw-*, and how much he took this voluntary fubmif- 
 fion and refignation of themfelves and Countrey in good part ; in return where- 
 unto, they aflured them of all the kind treatment imaginable , and that the lnca 
 diftinguithed between thofe, who out of good-will and affe&ion, freely became 
 his Subjects , and thofe who by force of Arms were compelled to Obedience. 
 Then they gave them for Prefents to xheir Curacas, Veitments of fuch fort as were 
 made for the lnca, woven by the hands of the Seled Virgins, and which, for that 
 reafon, were accounted Divine and Sacred 5 and to the Ambaffadours many other 
 Prefents were made of different qualities. Then the Inch of the Royal Bloud 
 were appointed , who were to inftruft them in Religion , and prelide over them 
 asGovernours 5 that leaving their beftial and brutifli courfe of living, they might, 
 receive and obferve the Laws and Ordinances of the Incas .- And in company 
 with thefe Minifters, feveral Artifts and Workmen were fent, who were skilfull 
 in making' Aqueducts, and cultivating die Lands, that fo by good husbandry the 
 Eftate of the Sun, and of the King, might be improved and increafed. , 
 
 The Ambaffadours having been thus entertained for fome days at the Court 
 of the lnca, where they obferved the good Order, and Rule, and Excellent Laws 
 of his Government : They confeffed, that fuch Conftitutions as thofe could have 
 no other Original than from the Sun, or fomething Divine i and that their own 
 Cuftoms and Laws did partake of nothing but what was brutifh, and without any 
 Morality. And with this confederation being made zealous for the Ws Service 
 and Glory, they expreffed themfelves in this manner to the lnca: Sir, (aid they, we 
 
 are greatly fenpble that the World is made happy by your Laws and Government ; of which 
 that every fart may partake fome fhare and proportion, we are to make known unto yon, that 
 not far from our Countrey, to the South- We fi from us, there lyes a Kingdom called Chili, 
 which is very rich and populous ; and though we our f elves have had no Commerce, or cor- 
 refpondence therewith, by reafon of thofe fnowy Mountains, and inacceffible Paffages, which 
 divide mfrom them •-, yet we have received by an undoubted Tradition from our Forefathers ■ 
 that there is fuch a Nation worthy the Employment of your Arms, and of your Dominion : 
 Tloe which we the more willingly difcover, that fo they a/fo with m may Adore your Father 
 the Sun, and enjoy the fame common Benefits and Laws which are made and defigned to civi- 
 lize and improve the Nature of Mankind. The Inca having taken notice of this ad- 
 vice, ordered the Ambaffadours to be difpatched, that they might return again- 
 into their own Countrey. 
 
 Thence he proceeded forward on his progrefs through all the Provinces of Col- 
 lafuyu, difperfing his Favours and Rewards to the Curacas and Captains, not neg- 
 lecting the Commonalty, and people of low degree and condition -, fo that all 
 forts, from the higheft to the loweft, received particular fatisfa<5rion and content- 
 ment from the prefence of the Inca • For fo much had the Fame of his Divine 
 Dream, and his Viftory at Tahuarpampa, raifed his Efteem in the minds of the peo- 
 ple, that they not onely received him with Joy and Acclamations, but paid him 
 Divine Honours and Veneration, as if he had been fome New God -, though 
 now by the Mercies of the true God they have quitted that Idolatry , and being 
 difabufed, and rightly informed in Religion, they onely conferve a gratefull Me- 
 mory of that King, who was fo fortunate and propitious to them both in War 
 and Peace. 
 
 From Collafuyu he paffed into Antifuyu, where the people being poor and mean, < 
 were not able to demonftrate fuch Oftentation and Magnificence as others had 
 done ; howfoever, according to their degree and quality, they (hewed as joyfull \ 
 hearts, as their fimplicity was capable to exprefs : In evidence of which, they erec- 
 ted Triumphal Arches in the way by which he was to pafs •> the which being 
 formed of Timber, they covered withRufhes, and crowned with Garlands, (trow- 
 ing 
 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. \nn 
 
 ing all the ways with Flowers, expreffing the joyfulnefs of their hearts, after the cu- 
 ftome of their Countrey, and as was Ufual at their greateft Feftivals. In thefe vifits 
 the inca fpent three years, not omitting at the due feafons to celebrate the Feafts of 
 the Sun, which they called Raymi, and Citua .- And though they could not be per- 
 formed with fuch Solemnity as at Cozco, yet in compliance with their Religion, 
 they exprefled their Devotion with fuch Rites and Ceremonies, as the circumftan- 
 ces of time and place would admit. 
 
 And now having accomplifhed his Progrefs, he returned to the City, where 
 his Prefence was greatly defired, as the Prote&our and Defender of it, or rather 
 as he who had laid a new foundation of an abandoned and ruined place : And 
 therefore the Court and City aflbciated together with new Sonnets and Panegy- 
 ricks, compofed in his praife, to meet and conduct their Adored King to his place 
 of Refidence. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 The Valiant Hanco-huallu flies out of the Empire of the 
 Incas. 
 
 THus, in-the manner which we have declared, this Inca travelled twice through 
 all Quarters of his Dominions , and when that in his fecond Progrefs he 
 palled through the Province of the chkhas, which is the mod remote part of 
 Peru to the Southward, News was brought him of the flight of the brave Hanco- 
 huallu; at which he was greatly concerned, wondring at the reafon, or caufe, for 
 fuch a refolution. 
 
 This Man, it feems, was King of the Chancas ; and though for nine or ten 
 Years he had proved the gentle Government of the Incas, who in revenge, or pu- 
 nifhment, of his late offence, had not diminifhed the lead point of his Power or 
 Jurifdidiion -, but rather, on the contrary, treated him with due honour and re- 
 fpeft -, yet in regard that he and his Forefathers had reigned as abfolute Lords 
 and Princes over many Nations, whom they had fubdued by their Arms and 
 Power - 7 his generous fpirit could not yield to any Subordination, or hold his 
 Countrey in feud to a Superiour : He alfo envied the guechuas for the Efteem 
 they had gained in the favour of the Inca, by the Services, which in the late War 
 they had performed •, and by whole means and afliftence the Vidlory was wrefted 
 from himfelf : Nor could he endure to behold that people which was Inferiour, and 
 once truckled to him, to ftand now in equality, and in competition with him for 
 Honour and Power : the which unpleafing imaginations fo poflefled his difquiet 
 mind, that contrary to the fenfe and opinion of the Lords and Nobles of his 
 Countrey, he refolved to purchafe his own Liberty, and abfolute Power, though 
 with the lofs and refignation of the Eftate he poflefled in his own Dominions. 
 In order hereunto he imparted his Refolutions to certain Indians, who were his 
 Friends, and faithfull to his Intereft •, giving them to underftand, that he could 
 not fupport a Subjection to the Will and Dominion of another •-, and therefore 
 was refolved to Abandon his Native Patrimony and Inheritance, to recover an 
 Abfolute Sovereignty in remote parts, or dye in profecution of it. This defign 
 of Hanco-huaUu being rumoured abroad amongft his people , it was agreed, that 
 fuch Men as inclined to his party, fhould, with their Wives and Children, depart 
 privately in fmall Companies, left Numbers of People and Troops fhould make 
 a noife,and give jealoufie to the Inca •, and that at length they fhould aflemble and 
 meet at a general Rendezvous in fome place beyond the Dominions of the Inca, 
 where he himfelf would follow after tnem, and appear in the Head of them as 
 
 A a their 
 
j«8 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 / 
 
 their King and Leader. This feemed to he the rr.oft agreeable couniei, and beft 
 expedient to recover their Liberty $ for that it were a folly, and rafhnefs, to en- 
 deavour it by force, or to fet op their Power againft the Fu; (lance of the Inc* i 
 Nay, though fuch a defign Ihould feem feafibie, and practicaole, yet coniidering 
 the gentlenets of the hca, and with what kindnefs and humaniry he had returned 
 the Acts of HoftUities which they had offered him, it would feem a part of in- 
 gratitude and perfidioufnefs, which could not enter into the Breaft of a Gene- 
 rous Prince to rife again in Arms againft him : But then to recover their Li- 
 berty by a peaceable furrender of their Eftates and Power, was not onely inno- 
 cent and inoftenfive, but allowable alio under the ftrifteft circumftances and ob- 
 ligations by which they were bound to the Inca, than whom there could not be 
 a more benign, and more indulgent King in- the whole Univerfe. 
 
 With thele Arguments and Reafons the brave Hjmca-huallu prevailed on the 
 minds of thofe to whom he firft communicated his defign •-, and they whifpering 
 it one to the other, it became the common difcourfe •■, and found fuch a general 
 approbation and concurrence, that the Chancas, who naturally loved their Lord 
 and Sovereign, were eafily perfuaded to run the fortune of their Prince •-, fo than 
 in a fhort time they numbred 8000 fighting Men , which in a Body marched out 
 of theirCountrey, befides Women and Children, under the Command and Con- 
 duel of the Valiant Hamo-huallu - 7 the fame of whofe Courage, and the fiercenefe 
 of the Chancas, who were always reputed for a fighting and warlike Nation, (truck 
 fuch terrour in all places and regions through which they marched, that none durft 
 oppofe , or interrupt them in their paflage : The fear likewiie of them caufed 
 the Inhabitants to furnilh them with Provifions untill they came to the Provinces 
 of Jarma &nd'Pnmpu, which are about 70 Leagues diftant from their own Coun- 
 trey. And though in this March they encountred certain inconfiderable Skir- 
 mifiies, and could eafily-have overcome the Natives, and planted themfelves in 
 their pofleftions 5 yet they Teemed as yet to have too near a Neighbourhood with 
 the Empire of the Inca, whofe ambition might foon arrive them, and bring them 
 under the fame fubje&ion from which they fled, and endeavoured to avoid : For 
 which reafon they marched forward, removing themfelves as far as it was poffible 
 from the reach of die Inca, at leaft to fuch a diftance, as during his life, it was 
 not probable that his Arms could extend. With this intention they travelled, 
 bending on the right hand towards the great Mountains of Amis, with defign to 
 inhabit there, and people thofe places which were moft commodious for Humane 
 life. Thofe of this Nation of the Chancas report, that they removed 200 Leagues 
 from their own Land, but at what place they entred, or what parts they peopled, it 
 is not certain-, onely that they entred by a great River, and planted their Colonies 
 by the banks of a great Lake, where it is faid, they encreafed in fuch Riches, and 
 performed fuch mighty Acts, that they feem rather Romances , than Reports fie 
 for a true Hiftory. And though we may believe, or fanfie nothing too great for 
 the Courage and Wifedom of Hanco-hmHu ; yet his Actions not falling within the 
 fubjeft of our Hiftory, we (hall put a period to a Relation of them in this place, 
 as impertinent and foreign to our prefent difcourfe. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
■ y 
 
 Book V. Royal Commentaries. s 17^ 
 
 C H.A P. XXVII. 
 
 Of the Colonies fent to inhabit the Lands of Hanco-huallu ; 
 and the Defer iption of the Valley of Yucay. 
 
 / 
 
 TH E Inca Viracocha was much furprifed With the News, that Hanco-huallu wa? 
 fled-, and had abandoned his Countrey, which he would have prevented 
 had he been pre-advifed of his Intention •, but fince now there was no remedy, 
 and that no caufe was given to move or force his departure, the hca was the lefs 
 concerned, though the people were generally rejoyced at his Flight, to whom 
 the Humour and haughty Difpofition of a Prince, like him, was never pleafant. 
 The News of the flight o{ Hanco-huallu, with all the particulars of it, being made 
 known and confirmed ; the Inca commanded his Brother Pahuac Mayta, whom he 
 had left Governour at Cozco, with two others of his Council, to pais with a con- 
 siderable number of Souldiers, into the Countrey of the Chance, there to fee and 
 inform themfelves of the true ftate of that remaining people, whom they were to 
 treat andcarefs with all gentlenefs, giving them comfort and aflurance of Protec- 
 tion 5 for that though their Prince was fled, yet they mould not want the care of 
 the Inca, who was both more able to defend them, as alfo more mild and loving 
 
 than their fierce Hanco-huallu. 
 
 Thefe Twos' having vifited all the Provinces belonging to the Chancas, and dif- 
 pofed them to a quiet and fatisfied condition, they went to the two famous For- 
 trefles of Hanco-huallu, built by his AnceftourS called Cha/lcu marca, and Sura mar' 
 ca; Marca in that Language Signifying a Caftle or Fortrefs. In thefe places Hanco- 
 huallu palled fome days before his departure, which (as the Indians report) he was 
 more troubled to leave, than all the other pofleffions he enjoyed in his Domini- 
 ons. The difturbance which the flight of 'Hanco-huallu had caufed, and die confter- 
 nation in the minds of the People, being in fome manner quieted and appeafed 5 
 and all other matters of the Empire being well ordered and eftablifhed, the lnca 
 returned again to Coz,co to enjoy the fruits of Peace, and employ his time in the 
 adminiftration of Juftice, and performance of matters beneficial to the wellfare of 
 his Subjects •, hoping that with time the fears artti jealoufies which Hanco-hu*llu 
 had raifed, would blow over, and vanifh. The firft thing therefore that he did 
 was to publiih certain Laws, which in that conjuncture of Affairs werefeafona- 
 ble and convenient, and which ferved to prevent infurre&ions of the like nature 
 for the furure. Next he fent a Colony of about ten thoufand Perfons, under the 
 Command (tineas, into the Countrey of the Chancas, to fupply the places of thofe 
 who were flam in the Battel oiTahuar-pampu, and of thofe who had deferted their 
 Countrey in company with Hanco-huallu. Then he appointed feveral fumptuous 
 Houfes to be built in all places of his Empire, particularly in the valley otTucay, 
 which is lower than Tampu. For this Valley is the moft pleafant and delightful! 
 place in all Peru •, having for that reafon been chofen by all the Kings, fince the time 
 of Manco Capac, for their Garden, and place of Recreation •-, to which they often 
 retired, to refrefh and divertife themfelves after the toils and labours which are 
 incident to Government. The fituation of it is about four Leagues diftant North- 
 eaft from the City, in a moft fweet and healchfull Air, where the Climate is fo 
 temperate, that neither cold or heat are in excefs •, the Waters are excellent and 
 cool, nor are the Flies or Gnats troublefome, or any other infect there poifonous 
 or vexatious. Ic is placed between two Mountains, that to the Eaft is the fnowy 
 Mountain, an arme of which extends to the plain, and fupplies it with continued 
 ftreams, from which they draw feveral Branches, and convey it by Chanels to wa- 
 ter their Grounds. Though the middle of this Mountain be lofty, rugged and af- 
 perous -, yet at the foot and skirts of it are verdant Paftures, and Lands abounding 
 with Fruits: where alio are all forts of Game , fuch as Stags , and Fallow-Deer, 
 
 A a 2 the 
 
180 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 the Httanacws and Vicunna, (which is a Mountain Goat, from whence they have 
 the Bezar-ftone,) asalfo Partridges, and all forts of other Fowl* and though the 
 havock which the Spaniards have made hath deftroyed all the Game in thofe 
 parts, yet in the place thereof they have planted Vines, and Fruit-trees, and Su- 
 gar-canes, which is the improvement they have maderin that quarter. The other 
 Mountain to the Weft is not fo high, or lofty, being not above a League in the 
 afcent. At the foot thereof runs the plentifull River ofYucay, deep, and not ra- 
 pid, but parting with a fmooth and gentle Current, and therefore abounds with 
 great quantities of excellent fi(h , and is frequented with Hearns, Wild-Ducks, 
 and all forts of Water-fowl. Thofe that were fick at Cozco, which is a cold and 
 iharp Air, and therefore not fo proper for infirm Bodies ufually reforted thither to 
 recover their healths-, fo that there is now no Spaniard who lives at Cozco, and 
 efteemed a Man of an Eftate, but who hath a Country-houfe, or fome pofleffion 
 in that Valley. This lma Viracocha had a particular delight and afte&ion for that 
 places and therefore built feveral Houfes there, both for oftentation, andforplea- 
 fure. 
 
 He enlarged the Temple of the Sun, both in the Building, and alfo in the num- 
 ber of Servants and Officers, endowing it with a Revenue agreeable to the En- 
 largement. And as all the Incas conceived a particular Veneration, and Devotion 
 for that Temple, fo Viracocha feemed more fenfibly affe&ed from his religious fer- 
 vour to that Spirit which appeared to him. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 The Name which Viracocha gave to his E/deft Son ; and 
 his Prophecy concerning the Inuafion of the Spaniards. 
 
 WE have feen already by what hath preceded, in what manner Viracocha paf- 
 fed fome years, and in what tranquillity and profperity he governed his 
 Empire. We are now to fpeak of his Children and Family •, his Elded: Son was 
 born of Coya Mama Runtn, who»was his Sifter, and true and lawfull Wife -, he was 
 at firft called Tim Manco Capac, though afterwards by the laft Will and Appoint- 
 ment of his Father, his Name was changed to Pachacutec, which fignifies as much 
 as one who fubverts the World, or turns it upfide down 5 and though it was com- 
 monly taken in the worft fenfe, for fome alteration from bad to worfe, yet it is 
 faid he was fo affected with this Word, that he was defirous to have called him- 
 lelf by that Name j but in regard that the Name of Viracocha was ft» dilated over 
 all Countries, and the Voices of the people fo accuftomed to it-, that he could 
 not aflume that Appellation to himfelf, yet he was defirous to communicate it to 
 his Son, being, as he believed, a means to keep alive the memory of the Appa- 
 rition, and the renowned A&ions of his Father. Acofta in the zoth Chap, of his 6th 
 Book faith, " That the people were fo much fcandalized at the Name of Viracocha, 
 " which this lma took to himfelf, becaufe it was the proper name of God, that 
 " he was forced to clear himfelf of this prophanation , by faying that the Spirit 
 " which appeared to him in his Dream, had commanded him to take that Name 
 " and Title upon himfelf: And that the lma Pachacuti, who fucceeded him, was 
 " a great Souidier and Politician, having invented many fuperftitious rites, which 
 " he introduced into the Worfhip of their Religion $ which are the words with 
 which Acofta concludes that Chapter: All which is in confirmation of what I 
 have faid, namely, that a Vifion appeared to him in his Dream , that he took 
 the Name of that Apparition, and that afterwards he gave the Name of Pachacu- 
 tec to the Son who fucceeded him. 
 
 The 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. \%i 
 
 The Name of the Queen was Mama Rimh , which Word Runtu fignifies an 
 Egg, fo called, becaufe of the whiteneis of her Face being perhaps fairer than the 
 Women commonly are of that Countrey. 
 
 The Indians report, that ilm Viracocha was the Authour of the Prophecy which 
 foretold the Invafion of the Spaniards, and was conferved amongfr the Archives 
 of the Kings of Peru: which was, " That at a certain period of Years after the 
 " fucceffion of fuch a number of Kings, there fhould come a fort of people from 
 u far remote Countries, never feen, or known before in thofe Regions, who fliould 
 " take away their Religion, and fubvert their Empire. The fubftance of which 
 Prophecy was contained in two fuch obfcure Sentences, as were difficult to be ex- 
 plained or interpreted. The Indians fay, that this Inca, after the fuccefs and veri- 
 fication of his Dream , became the Oracle of Mankind 3 for that the Amatttas , 
 who were the Philofophers of thofe times, as alfo the High Prieft, and the moft 
 Ancient Elders of the Temple of the Sun, who were the Magicians , that preia- 
 ged of things to come, did often interrogate him concerning his Dream, and of 
 Comets feen in the Heavens, as alfo of Divinations by the flying and finging of 
 Birds, and of feveral other fuperftitious Prognoftications which they made from 
 their Sacrifices, and Entrails of Beafts; and to all theRefponfes which Viracocha 
 made to their Enquiries, they yielded entire Faith and Credence, efteeming him 
 the Oracle, and chief in Divination: What he delivered in this manner, was 
 judged worthy to be conferved by Tradition in the memory of their Kings onely ■-, 
 and that the knowledge of fuch divine Revelations was not to be made com- 
 mon, or prophaned by the Difcourfe of the People; for that it was not fit for 
 them to be pre-acquainted with the times and feafons, when their Idolatrous Wor- 
 fhip mould nave an end, and the Empire be overthrown, and the Divinity of the 
 Mm queftioned, and changed into the ftate and common condition of humane 
 kind. For which reafon there was no farther mention made of this Prophecy, 
 untill the time ofHuajna Capac, who revealed it openly a little before his Death , 
 as we fhall hereafter declare more at large; though fome Hiftorians make but a 
 fhort tale of it, and fay, that a God which the Indians worihipped, called Tied 
 Wracocha, delivered this Prophecy. But for what I have delivered herein, I have 
 the authority of an old tea, whom I have often heard recount the Fables and 
 Antiquities of their Kings in prefence of my Mother. 
 
 And in regard the coming of the Spaniards into Peru, and the Conqueft of 
 it by them •-, the deftruction of their Idolatry, and the preaching of the Gofpel of 
 Chrift in thofe parts, did correfpond with the Prophecy of Viracocha; the Indians 
 did therefore give the Name of Viracocha to the Spaniards , fanfying them to be 
 , Sons of that imaginary God, whom he had purpofely fent (as we have already 
 laid) to relieve the Incas from Ae Opprefiion and Violence of the cruel Tyrant, 
 Thus we have curforily touched on this wonderfull Prophecy , which for many 
 years had been revealed to the toa-l&ngs--, and which was afterwards accomplim- 
 ed in the Reigns ofHuafcar, and Jtahualpa, which were great Grandchildren to 
 the third Generation to this Inca Viracocha. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
jg 2 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX 
 
 Of the Death 0/ Viracocha; and how the Authour [aw his 
 Body. 
 
 AT length the Inca Viracocha, in the Height of Majefty, and Zenith of his 
 Profperityl, fubmitted to the common fate of Mankind •, he was gene- 
 rally lamented, and bewailed by all the Empire, and adored afterwards as a Child 
 of the Sun, to whom they offered Prayers and Sacrifices. He left to Pachacmec, 
 his Eldeft Son, the Inheritance, befides whom he had many legitimate Sons and 
 Daughters of the Royal Bloud, with others born to him by his Concubines: he 
 conquered and reduced Eleven Provinces, four of which were to the South of 
 Cozco, and feven towards the North. It is not certainly known to what age he 
 lived, nor how long he reigned, though according to common report, he gover- 
 ned above fifty Years ; and fo he feemed to me to have been an ancient Man, when 
 I faw his Body at Cozco, about the beginning of the Year 1 570. which was the 
 time when I was upon my departure for Spain; and then I remember, that going 
 to take my leave of the Governour', or Chief Juftice of the City , called Paul 
 Ondegardo, a Native of Salamanca; amongft other Favours which he did me, he 
 was pleafed to lead me into an inward room, and there tell me, that before I de- 
 parted it would be convenient for me to have a fight of fome of my Relations, 
 that fo I might have another Story to tell of them in Spain % with that he (hewed 
 me five Bodies of Incas, three of Men, and two of Women; one of which 
 the Indians report to have been the Body of Viracocha, which feemed to be ve- 
 ry aged, the Hairs of the Head being as white as Snow : The fecond they fay 
 was the Great Tupac Tupanqui, who was great Grandfbn to Viracocha: The third 
 was Huajna Capac, the Son of Tupac Tupanqui; and Grandfon of the »Fourth 
 Generation to Viracocha ; the two laft were Men with gray Hairs, yet did not 
 (eem fo aged as Voracocha. One of the Women was laid to be the Body of 
 the Queen Mama Runtu, Wife of Viracocha; the Other of Coya Mama Occlo, Mo- 
 ther of Huayna Capac; and it is probable that thej might be Husband and Wife, ! 
 confidering that the Bodies were laid and found fo clofe together; and what is 
 more ftrange, thefe Bodies were more entire than the Mummies, wanting nei- 
 ther Hairjon the Head, nor Eye-brows , and even the very Eye-lafhes were vi- 
 fible. They were clothed with the fame fort of Garments which they wore 
 in their Life time-, the Lift or Wreath appeared about their Heads, which was 
 all the Badg or Ornament they (hewed of their Royal Dignity. The pofture they 
 were in was fitting, after the, manner of the Indians, their Hands crofted on their 
 Breafts, with the right hand upon the left, their Eyes caft downwards looking 
 towards the Earth. Acofta it feems had feen one of thefe Bodies , of which dii- 
 courfing in the 2 1 ft Chap, of his 6th Book, faith, " That it was fo well con- 
 " ferved by a certain fort of bituminous matter, with which they embalmed it, j 
 " that it feemed to be alive; die Eyes were fo well counterfeited by a mixture of 
 " Gold, that they feemed lively and natural. I muft confefs, that my want of | 
 Curiofity did not move me to make fo narrow a fcrutiny into this matter, as I \ 
 fliould have done, had I believed that I (hould have had occafion to write of them ; : 
 for then I (hould not onely have viewed and confidered the Bodies them (elves 
 more exactly, but alio have made enquiry of the Natives concerning the manner j 
 and receipt of this way of embalming-, which perhaps they might rather have im- 
 parted to me,., who am a Native, and one of their Relations, than to the Spam* 
 hrds, who are Strangers and Aliens to them, unlets perhaps the Art and Secret isj 
 loft amongft them, as many other things are, of the like nature. For my part, if' 
 could not difcover any thing of this bituminous matter, of which Acofta (peaks, 
 though certainly there muft have been fome excellent Secret , without which 
 it was impoffible to have conferved Bodies, with their Flefli fo plump and full! 
 

 f : W 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 183 
 
 as thefe were. This Acofta treating farther of thefe Bodies, in the 6th Chapter 
 of his jth Book, hath thefe Words which follow. " In the firft place, faith he, 
 " they had an Art fo conferve the Bodies of their Kings, and Great Men, with- 
 " out ftinking or corruption, for the fpace of above two hundred Years •-, in which 
 " manner the Bodies of the /w*-Kings were found at Cczco, erefted in their Cha- 
 " pels and Oratories, where they were adored ; which the Marquefs of Camete, 
 " when he was Vice-roy of the Indies, caufed to be removed from thence, that lie 
 " might abolith the Idolatrous Worftiip, which they performed towards them, 
 " and tranfported three or four of them to a place called the King's Town 5 which 
 * appeared very flrange and ftupendious to the Spaniards, to fee Bodies after fo 
 " many years fo firm and found as they were. Thefe are the Words of Acofta, 
 from whence I obferve, that thefe Bodies had been removed to the King s Town 
 almoft twenty years before he had a fight of them •-, which being a hot and moift 
 Air, was more apt to taint and corrupt Fleih, than the cold and dry Air of Cozco 3 
 and yet notwithstanding he faith , That twenty Years after their removal they 
 were flill firm and uncorrupt, as formerly, and appeared with iuch Life, that they 
 wanted onely Speech to make them feem to be living. I am of opinion, that the 
 way to conferve Bodies, is after they are dead to carry them to the Mountains of 
 Snow, where being well dried, and congealed by the cold,- and all humours con- 
 fumed and digefted •■, then afterwards to apply that bituminous matter, which may 
 plump up the Flelh ; and render it full and folid as the Living. But I onely ad- 
 venture on this conjecture, from what I have feen the Indians doe , when they 
 have carried a piece of raw Flelh into the cold Mountains, where after it hath 
 been well dried by the Froft , they have kept it as long as they pleafed with- 
 out {alt, or any other prefervative* and this was the manner which the Incas ufed, 
 for drying and keeping all the flelli Provifions which they carried for Food to 
 maintain their Army. I remember that I once touched a ringer ■ of Huayna 
 Capac, which feemed to me like a flick of wood-, and fo light were thefe Bodies, 
 that an Indian could eafily carry one of them in his Armes, or on his Shoulders, 
 to the Houfes of Spanijb Gentlemen, who defired to fee them. When they car- 
 ried them through the Streets , they covered them with white Linen , and the 
 Indians falling down on their knees before them, fighed, and wept, Ihewing them 
 all the reverence imaginable ^ and fome of the Spaniards alfo would take off their 
 Ops, and uncover their Heads to them, as they patted, in teflimony of the re- 
 fped: they bore to the Bodies of Kings ■-, with which the Indians were fo pleafed, 
 and overjoyed, that they knew not in what manner to exprefs their thankfulnefs 
 to them. 
 
 This is all that we have been able to deliver concerning the Actions ofPlraco- 
 cha in particular -, the other Monuments and Sayings of this famous King are loft, 
 for want of Letters and Learning to record them to poflerity, and have incurred 
 the Fate of many famous Men, whofe glorious Exploits and Deeds have been 
 buried in the Graves with them. 
 
 Onely Bias Vakra reports one memorable Saying of this Viracocha, which being 
 often repeated by him, was obferved by three Mai, who kept it in remembrance 5 
 as alfo the Sayings of fome other Kings, which we fhall hereafter fpecifie. That 
 which this Inca delivered, had reference to the education of Children, of which 
 he was made the more fenfible , by that Severity and Disfavour with which he 
 was treated by his Father in the time of his Minority -, bis Saying was this, That 
 
 Parents are oftentimes the caufe of mine to their Children, when either they educate them 
 with fuch fondnefs, that they never crofs them in their Wills, or de fires, but fujfer them to 
 all and doe whatfoever they pleafe, whereby they become fo corrupt in the manners of their in- 
 fancy-, that Vice grows ripe with them at the Tears of Manhood. Others , on the contrary , 
 are fo fevere and cruel to their Children, that they breaks the tender nefs of their Spirits, and 
 affright them from learning , difcouraging them in that manner by menaces and leEtxres 
 of a fupercilious Pedant , that their Wits are abafed, and defpair of attaining to knowledge 
 and vert ue. The- way is to keep an indifferent mean between both, by which Touth becomes 
 valiant and hardy in War, and wife and political in the time of Peace. With which Blot 
 Valera concludes the Reign of this Inca Viracocha. 
 
 BOO 
 

(i8 5 ) 
 
 Royal Commentaries, 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 C H A P. I. 
 
 Of the Buildings , Ornament and Furniture of the Royal 
 Palaces. 
 
 THE Services and Ornaments of the Royal Palaces belonging to 
 the Kings of Peru, were agreeable to the Greatnefs, Riches and 
 Majefty of their Empire, with which alfo correfponded the Mag- 
 nificence of their Court and Attendance-, which, ifwellconlid'e- 
 red, might equal, if not exceed the State and Grandeur of all the 
 Kings and Emperours of the Univerfe. As to their Houfes and 
 Temples, Gardens and Baths, they were all built of Free Stone, rarely well po- 
 liced, and fo well joined together, and fo clofe laid, that they admitted no kind 
 of Cement-, the truth is, if any were ufed, it was of that fort of coloured Mor- 
 tar which in their Language they call Llancac Allpa, which is a fort of (limy Ce- 
 ment, made up like a Cream, which fo united and clofed the Stones together, 
 that no feam or crevife appeared between them -, for which reafon the Spaniards 
 were of opinion, that they worked without Mortar •-, others faid, that they ufed 
 Lime, but both are miftakes ; for the Indians of Peru neither knew the manner 
 or ufe of Lime, Mortar, Tile or Brick. 
 
 __ In many of the Royal Palaces , and Temples of the Sun , they clofed up the 
 Seams of their Building with melted Gold, or Silver, or Lead. Pedro de Cieca, a 
 Spani/h Hiftorian, faith, That for greater Magnificence they filled the joints be- 
 tween the Stones with Gold or Silver, which was afterwards the caufe of the to- 
 tal deftruction of thofe Buildings 5 for the Spaniards having found thefe exteriour 
 appearances of Gold, and fome other heaps of Metall within , have for farther 
 Difcovery fubverted the very Foundations of thofe Edifices, in hopes of finding 
 greater Treafure, which otherwife were fo firmly built, as might have continued 
 for many Ages. Pedro de Cie$a confirms the fame at large, and faith farther, That 
 the Temples of the Sun were plated with Gold, as alfo all the Royal Apartments. 
 They alfo framed many Figures of Men and Women, of Birds of the Air, and 
 Fifties of the Sea -, likewife of fierce Animals, fuch as Tygers , and Lions , and 
 Bears, Foxes, Dogs and Cats, in ihorr, all Creatures whatsoever known amongft 
 them, they caft and moulded into true and natural Figures , of the fame lhape 
 and form ofthofe Creatures which they reprefented, placing them in corners or 
 cones of the Walls, purpofely made and fitted for them. 
 
 B b They 
 
j g5 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 They counterfeited the Plants and Wall- flowers fo well, that being on the Walls* 
 they feemed to be Natural: The Creatures which were fhaped on the Walls, 
 fuch as Lizards, Butter- flyes, Snakes and Serpents, fome crawling up, and fome' 
 down, were fo artificially done, that they feemed Natural, and wanted nothing 
 but Motion. The Inca commonly fate on a Stool of Maffie Gold , which they 
 called Ttana, being about three quarters of a Yard high, without Armes or Back, 
 and the feat fomething hollow in the middle * this was fet on a large fquare Plate 
 of Gold, which ferved for a Pedeftal to raife it. All the Veflels which were for 
 the fervice of the Inca, both of the Kitchin, and of the Buttery, were all made 
 of Gold or Silver ; and thefe were in fuch quantities, that every Houfe, or Palace, 
 belonging to the Inca, was furnifhed in that manner with them, that there was 
 no occafion, when he Travelled, to remove them from one place to the other. 
 In thefe Palaces alfo there were Magazines, or Granaries, made of Gold and Sil- 
 ver, which were fit to receive Corn, or Grane, but they were rather places of State 
 and Magnificence, than of ufe. 
 
 The Inca had his Palace well furnifhed with Bedding , and fo many changes of 
 Apparel, that having worn a Suit twice, he gave it to his Kindred, or his Ser- 
 vants. Their Bed-cloaths were Blankets , like our Freezes made of Goats Wool, 
 and fo foft and fine, that amongft other curiofities of that Countrey, they car- 
 ried over fome of the Blankets for the Beds of Philip the Second King of Spain .- 
 thefe Blankets ferved them for Beds to lye on, as well as Coverings : But they 
 would by no means be reconciled to Quilts, or be perfuaded to fleep upon them 5 
 perhaps becaufe, that having feen them in the Chambers of the Spaniards, they 
 feemed too effeminate and foft for Men, who made profeflion of a more hardy 
 life i and who had not created to themfelves fo many fuperfluous neceflities as 
 Men, who ranged both Sea and Land for Riches and Treafure. They had no 
 occafion of Hangings for their Walls, which ( as we have faid ) they Adorned 
 with Plates of Gold or Silver : The Diflies of Meat provided for the Inca's Ta- 
 ble, were many, becaufe many Incas of his Kindred were his frequent Guefts, 
 and his Servants were veiy numerous, being all to be fed at the charge and care 
 of the Inca. The ufual hour of Eating, for all forts of people, was from eight, 
 to nine in the Morning •, in the Evening they fupped by Day-light, making no 
 more than thefe two Meals. In Drinking they were more intemperate ; for 
 though they did not Drink during the time of their Meal, yet afterwards, when 
 , they fate to it, they drank commonly till Night. But this was a cuftome amongft 
 the Rich, and Men of Ef fates, and not amongft the Poor, whofe poverty obliged 
 them to a neceflky of being abftemious : And the common cuftome and prac- 
 tice amongft all in general, was to retire betimes to their repofe, and to rife early 
 in the Morning to follow their Employments. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. l< &7 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 How all the Ornaments and Curiofities, which Beautified the 
 Royal Palaces^ were made of Gold and Silver. 
 
 ALL the Royal Palaces had their Gardens, and Orchards, and places of Plea- 
 fure, wherein the faca might delight, and divertife himfelf-, and thefe 
 Gardens were planted with Fruit- trees of the greateft beauty, with Flowers, and 
 Odoriferous Herbs, of all forts and kinds which that Climate did produce. In 
 refemblance of thefe they made Trees, and Flowers of Gold and Silver, and fo 
 imitated them to the life, that they feemed to be natural : fome Trees appeared 
 with their Fruit in the bloflom, others full-grown, others ripe according to the 
 feveral feafons of the year •, they counterfeited alfo the Mayz, or Stalk, of the 
 Indian Wheat, with all its Grane and Spikes : Alfo the Flax with its Leaves and 
 Roots as it grows in the Fields •, and every Herb and Flower was a Copy to them, 
 to frame the like in Gold and Silver. 
 
 They fafhioned likewife all forts of Beads and Birds in Gold and Silver ; name- 
 ly, Conies, Rats, Lizards, Serpents, Butterflyes, Foxes, Mountain Cats, for they 
 had no tame Cats in their Houfes •, and then they made Sparrows, and all forts 
 of lefler Birds, fome flying, others perching on the Trees ^ in fhort, no Creature, 
 that was either Wild, or Domeftick, but was made and reprefented by them ac- 
 cording to its exact and natural fhape. 
 
 In many Houfes they had great Cifterns of Gold in which they bathed them- 
 felves, with Cocks and Pipes of the fame Metal for conveyance of the Water. 
 And amongft many other pieces of State and Magnificence, they had heaps, or 
 ftacks, of Faggots and Billets made of Gold and Silver, piled up in their Store- 
 houfes, as if they had been there laid for fervice of the Inca. 
 
 The greateft part of thefe Riches, when the Spaniards came in, were thrown 
 into Wells, and deep waters, by the Indians, who obferving their Enemies to be 
 covetous, and thirfty of Gold , out of Malice to them, concealed, or deftroyed 
 them in fuch unrecoverable places, where they could never be again retrieved , 
 that fo the Memory and Tradition of the hidden treafures might be designedly loft 
 to their pofterity, becaufe they thought it a Prophanation to have that Wealth 
 and Subftances which was Dedicated to their Kings, to be converted to the com- 
 mon benefit and ufe of Strangers. Whatfoever we have related concerning the 
 Riches of the Mas, is confirmed by all the Hiftorians who write oiPeru, with a 
 more enlarged report of the prodigious Treafures. Thofe Writers who treat. of 
 
 thefe matters moft fully, are Pedro de Cieca de Leon, and Attguftin de Carate, who 
 
 was Accountant- General in thofe parts •, which latter, in the 14th Chapter of his 
 
 firft Book, hath thefe words : '" Gold was a Metal of great efteem amongft 
 
 them, becaufe the principal Veflels for fervice of their Kings were made there- 
 
 * of, and the Jewels of his Dignity and State were fet in it : Likewife they 
 
 ' made Offerings of it in their Temples : And the King Ttgaya made 
 
 a Chair of Gold, in which he fate weighing twenty five Quilats , and which 
 
 was worth twenty five thoufand Ducats, and was the fame which Don Francifce 
 
 de Picarro challenged for his own prize ; becaufe it was agreed, at the time of 
 
 the Conqueft, that befides his own (hare and proportion with the reft, he might 
 
 claim that Jewel which he fhould chufe and efteem of the greateft value, 
 
 Guaynacava, at the Birth of his Eldeft Son, made a Chain of Gold fo big and 
 
 \ weighty, that 200 Indians having feized the Links of it to the Rings in their 
 
 ' Ears, were fcarce able to raife it from the ground : And in memory of this joy 
 
 ' at his Birth , and of this great Chain , they gave him the Name of Guafca, 
 
 1 which is as much as Chain, or Cable, with the Addition of Inca. , which was 
 
 the Title of all belonging to the Royal Family. The which particular I pur- 
 
 B b 2 pofely 
 

 
 1 8g Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 pofely alledge in this place to confute the opinion of thole who living in Spain, 
 and being ignorant of the affairs of the Indies , believed that the Indians had no 
 efteem of Gold, nor knew the value or price of it : Befides which, they had 
 Veflels made of Gold wherein to lodge their Corn, alfo the Figures of Men, of 
 Trees, and Plants, and Herbs made in Gold , as all Animals of what fort ibever : 
 which are the Words of that famous Authour in his Hiftory of Peru. 
 
 That rich Prize which fell to the lot of D. Francifco Picarro, was part of that 
 which Atahuciba gave for his Ranfome, and which Picarro juftly claimed as his 
 due by Military Right, being General of the Army : He might moreover chal- 
 lenge, by agreement, the beft Jewel from the great heaps of Riches : And though 
 there were others perhaps more valuable, fuch as Jars, and Veflels of Gold 3 yet 
 in regard that this had been the Seat of a King, and the feizure of it prefaged 
 the Dominion of the Spanijh Monarchy, it feemed a prize more Angular, and 
 worthy the choice of Picarro before any other of greater eftimation. In the Life 
 of Huayna Capac, who wfes the laft of all the Incas, we (hall Ipeak more at large 
 of this Gold Chain, which was a thing incredible. 
 
 What Pedro de Cieca writes of the Riches of Peru , and how the Indians made 
 them away, and concealed them, is that which he fpecifies in the 21ft Chapter of 
 his Book , as follows : " If, fays he, all that which was buried in Peru, and in 
 " thefe Countries, were difcovered, and brought toufeand light, the value of it 
 " would be ineftimable, and all the poflefllons of the Spaniards inconfiderable in 
 " companion of the hidden treafures : For, fays he, I being at Cozxo, in prefence 
 " of many Perfons of Quality, heard Paulo the lnca difcouriing of this matter, 
 " and faying , That if all the Treafures which belonged to the Provinces and 
 " Temples, which are now loft, fliould be again recovered and amafled toge- 
 " ther, they would be fo immenfe and great, that all the Riches which the Spa- 
 " niards poftefs, would be no more in comparifon of them, than a drop of water 
 " is to a whole Bucket : And to make the iimilitude more clear 5 the Indians ta- 
 " king a handfull of Grane from a whole meafure, faid, Thus much the Chri- 
 " ftians have gained ■-, and the remainder is lodged there, where neither we, nor 
 a any elfe is able to aflign : Whatsoever this Treaiure may have been, though 
 " the Spaniards had not been Mailers of it, would certainly have been offered to 
 " their Devils, and Temples, and Sepulchres of their Dead •, for the Indians, who 
 " neither purchafe Lands, nor Houfes, nor Cities with it, nor efteem it the finews 
 " and nerves of War, do onely Adorn themfelves with it, being alive, and bury 
 " it with them in their Graves, being dead : Howlbever, in my opinion, it was 
 
 ' our duty to have advifed the Indians of thefe Errours, and to have made it our 
 " bufinefs to inftrucl: them in the knowledge of the Gofpel, and our Holy Faith, 
 " rather than our profefflon and whole concernment, to fill our Furies, and en-t 
 " rich our Coffers : Thefe are the Words of Pedro de Cieca, in the z 1 ft Chaptq 
 of his Book, which I have copied Verbatim from thence. This lnca, which was 
 called Paulo, or by them Paullu, of whom all the Spanijh Hiftorians make mention, 
 was one of the many Sons of Huayna Capac, being a Man of Courage, who took 
 the King of Spain's fide in liis Wars againft the Spaniards •-, at his Baptifm he took 
 the Name of Chriftopher Paullu, to whom my Mafter Garcilafo de la Vega was God- 
 father, as alfo to his Brother Titu Aqui, who afterwards was Baptized by the 
 Name of Philip, in refpect to Philip the Second, then Prince of Spain ; I was well 
 acquainted with them both, as alfo with their Mother called Annas', though the 
 two Sons died foon afterwards. 
 
 Lopen de Gomara writing of the Riches of the Kings of Peru, in the 1 zid Chap- 
 ter of his Book, hath thefe very words : " All the Utenfils of tea's Houfe; 
 " Table and Kitchin, were all of Gold and Silver, at leaft of Silver and Coppen- 
 " In the with-dravving Rooms and Antichambers, were Statues of Gold caft ir# 
 " the form of Giants, and the Figures of all kinds of Animals in a like large pro- 
 " portion, as alfo Trees and Herbs, Fifhes of the Sea, and frefh Waters of all 
 " forts, which their Kingdom produced : they had alfo Ropes and Chains, Bis- 
 " kets and Hampers of Gold and Silver, and Faggots of Gold, piled up in Stacks, 
 " as if they were intended for fewel: In fhort, there was no Figure of any Crea* 
 
 ' ture in the whple Kingdom, which they did not imitate, and reprefent in Gold: 
 " They report alio that the Incas had a Garden fituated in an Ifland near to PunA\ 
 " where being defirous to enjoy the Air of the Sea, they pafled over to divertile, 
 " and recreate themfelves •■, and therein were Trees, and Plants, and Flowers made 
 
 " all i 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 189 
 
 " all of Gold and Silver, with rare Art and Invention : On the other fide of this 
 " Ifland were vaft ; 'heaps of Gold and Silver laid up, with intention to carry it 
 * to Cozxo, that it might be worked there ; all which was loft by the Death of 
 " Guafcar •. For the Indians obferving that the Spaniards thirfted after Gold, and 
 ,c tranfported all into Spain, that they could feize, and lay their hands upon ■■, they 
 " made it away, and concealed as much of it as they were able. Thus far are 
 the Words of Lopez, de Gomara. As to the Garden, which he fays, the Kings of 
 Peru had near Puna, in which all Creatures were reprefented in Gold and Silver-; 
 he particularly fpecifies that place, becaufe that when the Spaniards came in, ic 
 was the onely Garden which continued in its Beauty and Ornaments •■, for the In- 
 dians, in defpight of their Enemies , deftroyed all the reft, and confounded the 
 Riches of them in fuch manner, as are never to be recovered ; in which Relation 
 this Authour, and all other Spanijh Hiftorians, do agree. That infinite treafure 
 of Gold and Silver, which, he fays, was heaped up with intention to be carried 
 to Cozco, and there worked , was the furplufage of what remained, after all the 
 Royal Palaces were furnilhed, and adorned in the manner we have before related. 
 This may not feem incredible to thole who have accounted and'obferved thofe 
 vaft and immenfe quantities of Gold and Silver, which have been tranfported from 
 my Countrey into Spain, there having palled over the Bar of St.Lucar, in the 
 Year i ty j, in the fpace of eight Months, onely five and thirty Millions in Gold 
 and Silver. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Servants of the Court , and thofe who carried the 
 Kings Chair., or Sedan. 
 
 THE Servants deftined for the Services of the Court were many in number, 
 fuch as Sweepers, Carriers of Water , and Cleavers of Wood, Cooks, 
 Butlers, Porters, Keepers of the Ward-rope, and of the Jewels, Gardiners and 
 Stewards of the Houlhold ; in (hort, there were as many Officers and Servants re- 
 tained in this Court, as in the moft magnificent and fplendid Palaces of our Kings, 
 or Emperours : But herein there was fomething different from our Courts 5 for 
 here particular Men had not the charge of an Office committed to them •, but it 
 was the care, or incumbence of two or three Provinces to provide fufficient Men 
 for every Office, fuch as were faithfull, diligent and dexterous for the place •■, and 
 fuch a number of them, as that they might take their turns by Days, or Weeks, 
 or Months, as often as they fhould think fit to exchange them. This being part 
 of the Tribute which was exacted from every Province, great care was taken in 
 the choice of able Men ; for that the default, or crime, of every particular perfon, 
 refle&ed on the whole Province, who made themfelves anfwerable for his good 
 behaviour, and were accordingly" punlthed with fuch feverity, as all offences a- 
 gainft the Royal Majefty did require. And fince we have fpoken of Hewers of 
 Wood, we mu(t not underftand, as if thefe were fent into the Mountains to cut 
 and fell Trees •, but fuch Timber or Wood as was brought by the Vaffals in pay- 
 ment of their Tribute, was received by thefe Officers, and by them and their Af- 
 firmants laid up, and (lowed in the Houfes for that purpofe : The like may we 
 underftand of all other Offices, wherein there was no iervile labour appointed ; 
 it being a gentile employment to ferve the bwa in fuch capacity, and to be near 
 his Royal Perfon, which was the greateft honour and happinefs that any one could 
 afpire unto. 
 
 Thofe who were qualified to be Servants and Officers in the Court, were peo- 
 ; pie of the Neighbourhood, and parts adjacent, within five or fix Leagues of the 
 
 City 
 
 
i go Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 City of Cezco , and were the Generation or Children of thofe Fathers whom the 
 firft hca, Munco Capac, fent abroad, to inftrucl: and reduce the wild Salvages of 
 thofe times to a Humane manner of living 5 and to whom, as a particular note 
 and favour of diftin&ion from the more rude and uncivilized Nations, he be- 
 ftowed the Honour and Title of Ucat , with privilege to wear the Habit and 
 Wreath belonging to the Royal Perfon. As we have declared at the beginning 
 of this Hiftory. 
 
 The Sedan -men that were appointed to carry the hca in his Chair of Gold up- 
 on their Shoulders, were always chofen out of two Provinces, which have the 
 fame Name, and border one upon the other, being both called Rucana ; but for 
 diftin£rion fake, one was called Hatm Rut-ana, or Rue ana Major : the Inhabitants 
 thereof are a ftrong, nervous people, healthy and well-complexioned, and about 
 fifteen thoufand Inhabitants in number. Thefe people had a cuftome to train up 
 the Young Men at about twenty years of Age to carry Chairs fteady, and with- 
 out tottering or {tumbling •, for in cafe any Man mould be fb unfortunate as to 
 fall, or {tumble, in carrying the Am, the Chief or Cape of thefe Sedan-men was 
 obliged to punifh him withfome notorious difgrace, and cafhiere him from farther 
 fervice of the Inca 5 as is pra&ifed alfo in Spain 5 and as a certain Hiftorian reports, 
 the misfortune of fuch a failure was punimed with Death. This Service was the 
 Tribute which this people paid the Inca 5 who being many in number, took their 
 turns, fo that the attendance was the lefs grievous ; and in regard it was a Angular 
 honour to carry the Inca's Perfon, his weight feemed no burthen 5 of which fb much 
 care was taken, that left by mifchance any of the Chair-men mould {tumble, or 
 fall, there were twenty four or twenty five Men attending on each fide ready to 
 catch the feat, and prevent the fall. 
 
 The Provifion of Victuals for the Court, efpecially of Flefh, was very great, 
 becaufe that all thofe of the Royal Family refiding in the City, were fupplied out 
 of the King's Kitchin : Howfoever, there was no great confumption of Bread 
 made of Mayz , becaufe no other provifion was made thereof, than what was 
 fufTicient for the immediate Attendants in the Family •-, for all Houfes and Fami- 
 lies had their feparate Allowances of Bread laid up in their Store-houfes, as we 
 have before mentioned. All forts of Game, fuch as Deer, Stags, Wild Goats, 
 and the like, were not ordinarily killed for common provifion of the Court, or 
 the Tables of the Cttraeas, or Lords, but were referved for Sports and Hunting, 
 which they called Chacu -., and the Fledi, and Wool, and Skins of fuch Game as 
 was taken, was afterwards diftributed amongft the Poor and Rich : of which we 
 ihall treat in a particular Chapter. 
 
 The Drink fpent in the Court of the Inca was great •-, for in regard that their 
 courtefie was fuch, as to make every one drink that came thither ; whether they 
 were Curacat, or Commoners, or came upon bufinefs, or on vifits, or comple- 
 ments 5 there was no fet or eftablifhed Allowance for it , but the entertainment 
 was free without meafure or account , and the quantity confumed was almoft in- 
 credible. 
 
 CHAP. 
 

 Book VI. Royal Commentaries. ioi 
 
 C H A P. IV. 
 
 Of the great Halls, and Rooms of State, and other things 
 belonging to the Court. 
 
 IN many of the King's Palaces were long and fpatious Galleries, of about two 
 hundred paces in length , and about fifty or fixty in breadth , wherein they 
 often danced and celebrated their Feafts at thofe feafons of the year, when the 
 Rains and bad weather incommoded them in the open Air. I remember that in 
 Cozxo I faw four of thefe Galleries, which when I was a Child, were ftill in be- 
 ing, and not ruined : One of them was in Ama.ruca.ncha. Street, where Hernando Pi- 
 carro then lived, and is now the Jefuits College: The other was in Cafima Street, 
 but now built and converted into Shops, the Rent of which belonged to my 
 School-fellow John de Cillorho : Another was in Collcampata Alley, where the Inca 
 Pau/fa, and his Son Don Carlos, who alfo was my School-fellow, had a Rent in 
 Houfes : This Gallery was the leaft of all the four, and the biggeft was that of 
 Cajfana, being capable to receive three thoufand perfbns. It is wonderfull to 
 confider, where it was poffible for them to find Timbers fb long and fquare, as 
 were fit for the Roofs of fuch Edifices. The fourth Gallery is now turned into 
 the Cathedral Church. One thing is remarkable, that the Indians of Peru in 
 building their Houfes, did never raife one Story above another, nor did they join 
 one Room to another , but always left fome fpace or diftance of one Chamber 
 from the other, and perhaps a whole Court- Yard, or Quadrangle, between, un- 
 lefs fometimes to their large Halls they built at the corners 'fomeClofets,'or with- 
 drawing Rooms, for better convenience $ and in the Divifions they made of their 
 feveral Offices, they railed Walls of Apartment to keep them private one from 
 the other. It is farther alfo obfervable, that when they had built the four Walls 
 of Stone or Brick for a Houfe or Chamber, they erected Pillars, or Polls, in the 
 middle of it, for fupport of the Roof •-, for they knew not how to crofs their 
 Beams, or Rafters, or how to faften them with Nails, or Wooden Pins, but laid 
 their Timbers loofe upon the Walls, faftning them onely to each other with Spart, 
 or Cords made of Straw, or Rufhes, as ftrong as our Hempen Ropes. Thefe 
 main Beams they crofled with Rafters , faftning thegi one to the other •, on 
 which they laid a covering of Straw fo thick, that the Thatch was a Yard deep, 
 extending its Eves above a Yard over the Walls, fo as to be a Pend-houfe to them 
 to preferve them from the Rain. I remember that in the Vally of Jucay I once 
 (aw one of thefe large Rooms, which was about feventy Foot fquare, covered in 
 form of a Pyramid •, the Spire of which was twelve Rod high, though the Walls 
 were not above three, having two little Chambers on each fide, This Building 
 was not burnt by the Indians, when they made their general Insurrection againft 
 the Spaniards ; for though they destroyed many other Houfes of pleafure in that 
 Vally, the Ruines of which I have feen 5 yet they fpared this Structure out of re- 
 fpect to their Incas, who had frequented this place, being a large and open Square, 
 or Quadrangle, which ferved for a wide and fpatious Theatre whereon to repre- 
 fent their (hows and fports at the times of their principal Feftivals. 
 
 Befides the Walls of Stone, they made alfo Walls of Clay, which they for- 
 med in Cafes or Moulds, for that purpofe, mixing the Clay with Straw for bet- 
 ter binding. The Moulds they made as little, or as large as they pleafed in mea- 
 fure, or proportion to the Wall $ the ihorteft were about a Yard long, and about 
 the fixth part of a Yard broad, and of a like thicknefs ; which, after they had 
 well dried in the Sun, they laid them one upon another in order •-, and after that 
 they had lain two or three Years under covering from the Sun, and the Water, 
 fo that they were fully dried •, they then ufed them in their Buildings, as we do 
 our Bricks, cementing them with the fame Clay, well tempered, and mixed with 
 Straw. 
 
 They 
 
102- 
 
 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 They knew not how to make Mud- Walls, nor did the Spaniards ufe other than 
 Clay, in making their Sun-burnt Bricks. In cafe any of thefe great Houfes which 
 we have mentioned mould by any accident have been burnt, they did not build 
 again upon the fame Walls; becaufe, as they faid, the Straw which ftrengthened 
 arid bound the Clay, and made it firm, and folid, being confumed by the fire, the 
 Wall muft neceiTarily be weakned, and the Clay become loofe , and unable to 
 bear the weight of the roof and covering which was laid upon its but this was 
 but an erroneous conceit of theirs, for I have feen and obferved feveral of the 
 Walls of thofe Houfes, which have been burnt, that have remained firm and fo- 
 lid as before. 
 
 So foon as the King happened to dye, they prefently locked the door of the 
 Chamber where he did ufually fleep, with all the Ornaments and Riches of Gold 
 and Silver, which furnifhed it, or were found therein at the time of his death; 
 and this Chamber was in this manner kept always locked, that none mould enter; 
 for that place being ever afterwards efteemed facred, was not to be prophaned by 
 the Feet of any; onely the room was without-fide kept and maintained in good 
 repair. The like Ceremony was obferved in the Chambers of all the other Royal 
 Palaces, where the IMA had repofed and flepr, though it had been but the fpace 
 of one night, as he travelled, or in a journey where ne pafled : And then imme- 
 diately they fell to building other Chambers for the living Succeflbur, in place of 
 thofewhich had been (hut up at the death of the late King. 
 
 All the Veflels and Services of Gold and Silver, which Delonged to the former 
 Ma, fuch as Cups, Jarres, or Goblets of Gold, in which he drank, as alfo all the 
 Dimes and Plates of his Kitchin, with Cloths, and Jewels, appertaining to his Perfon, 
 were all buried and interred in the fame Grave with him •, which abfurdity pro- 
 ceeded from an opinion they had, that the Inca would have occafion of fuch Uten- 
 fils and Services in the next World. All. the other Ornaments of Majefty and 
 State which belonged to the Chambers, Gardens, Baths, and the like, were the 
 Inheritance of the Succeflbur, and converted to his ufe and Service. 
 
 All the Wood and Water which was confumed in the Ws Court at Cozeo, 
 was brought thither by the People of the four Divifions, (called Tavantinfnyu) be- 
 ing the Inhabitants neareft adjacent to the City, that is within fifteen or twenty 
 Leagues about. The Water which they ufed for their beverage, (which in their 
 Language they call Aca) was a fort of heavy water, and fomething brackHh; and 
 indeed they did not much defire a fweet and light Water, for they were of opi- 
 nion it made them lean, and would not (tick by the ribs, but eafily corrupted in 
 the Stomach \ for diis reafon the Indians not being curious in their Waters, did 
 not delight in fountains, or clear Springs-, nor indeed was there any good Water 
 near the City of Cozco. When my Father, after the War of Francifio Hernandez, 
 Giroa, in the Year i j> 5. aid — 56. was Governour of the City, they then brought 
 their Water from Tidatica, which water was excellent good, arifing about a quar- 
 ter of a League from the Ttawn, to the chief Market-place ■■, from whence, as I 
 hear, they have now turned it by a Conduit pipe, to the Square of St. Francifio ; 
 and inftead thereof they have brought another Fountain to that place, of exquifite 
 Water, running with a plentifull ftream. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 193 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 
 Of the manner how they bit erred their Kings 5 and that the 
 Obfequies and Rites of Burial continued for the fpace of 
 a whole Tear. 
 
 THE Rites of Burial which they performed for their Kings were folemn, and 
 of long continuance. In the firft place they embalmed their Bodies with 
 fuch rare Art, that (as we have faid before) in the year 1 ss9- they were fo firm 
 and plump, that they feemed to be living Flefh. Their Bowels were interred in 
 a Temple, which was fituated in the Countrey, called Tampu, upon the Banks of 
 a River, below Tucay, about five Leagues diftant from the City of Cozco, where 
 were many ftately Edifices of Stone. Of which Pedro de Cieca fpeaking in tie 
 94th Chapter of his Book, faith that it was reported for certain, how that in fome 
 places of tne Palace, or Temple of the Sun, the Stones were joined or cramped 
 with melted Gold, which with the cement they ufed, were well fixed and conso- 
 lidated together. 
 
 When the Inca, or fome principal tunic* dyed , the Servants , who were his 
 greateft Favourites, and the Wives, that were the mod: beloved by him, did ei- 
 ther kill themfelves, or offer themfelves tobe buried alive iri the Tomb of their 
 Mafters, that fo they might accompany tH'em into the other World, and renew 
 their immortal Services in the other Life, which, as their Religion taught them, 
 was a corporeal, and not a fpiritual Being •, whereby it may appear, that whan 
 fome Hiftorians write relating to this matter , namely, that they killed the Ser- 
 vants after the death of their Mafters, is a miftake -, for that would have been, a 
 piece of Tyranny, and Inhumanity, above the capacity of humane Nature-, for 
 under this pretence one Man might lawfully kill another, and remove him out of 
 the way who was hatefull to him, or ftood in opposition to his Defigns or Inte- 
 reft. The truth is, they needed no Law or compuHion to enforce them to follow 
 the Fate of their Matter-, for when he was dead, his Servants crouded fo faft af- 
 ter him, defiling death, that the Magiftrates were forced fometimes to interpofe 
 with their Authority, and perfuade them, that for the prefent their Mafter had no 
 need of more attendance, but that in due time, when they naturally yielded to 
 their own Mortality, it might then be feafonable enough for them to repair to 
 their Services and Offices in the other World. 
 
 The Bodies of their Kings, after they were embalmed, were feated before the 
 Image of the Sun, in the Temple at Cozco, to whom they offered Sacrifices, as 
 to Demons, or Men of Divine Race. For the firft month after the death of the 
 Inca, the whole City bewailed their lofs with loud cries and lamentations, and 
 every Parifh, or quarter of the Town, went out in their feveral Divifions into the 
 fields, carrying the Trophies of the Inca, his Banners, and Arms, and Garments, 
 and whatfeever was to be buried in the grave with his Bowels -, with their lighs 
 and lamentations they mentioned and repeated the mighty Ads that he had done 
 in the Wars, and the good Acts of Charity and Beneficence that he had fhewed 
 to them and their Neighbourhood. After the end of the firft month, they then 
 commemorated the Death of their Inca, at the Full and New of the Moon, and 
 fo continued till the end of the firft Year, when they concluded the folemnity 
 with full pomp and ftate, appointing Men and Women pradifed in the Art of 
 Cries and Lamentations, who, like excellent Tragedians, aded their parts of for-^ 
 row in the moft formal and pafuonate manner imaginable , finging the Ads of 
 the dead Kin™, in forrowfull Tones and Accents. What we have faid hitherto, 
 ' was the part onely of the Commonalty , belides which the Court and Nobility 
 performed the Obfequies with as much difference to thofe of the people, as there 
 
 C c was 
 
jQA Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 was of Eminence in their condition, and of Wealth and Politenefs in the manner 
 of their living. 
 
 What was pra&ifed in the City of this kind was alfo imitated in the Countries, 
 the refpeftive Curacas ftirring up the people to demonftrate by their outward ge- 
 stures and aftions, their inward forrow and paffion for the death of their Inca. 
 With theie Cries and Lamentations they went to vifit all the places within their 
 Province, where at any time their Inca. had pitched his Camp, or made his abode 
 or residence, though but for a night -, and there they all with loud Lamentations 
 repeated the Favours, and Honours, and Benefits that he had performed for them 
 in that place. And thus much ihall ferve to have faid touching the Funeral of 
 the IncM, in imitation of which, fomething of this nature was performed in ho- 
 nour of their Caciques, of which I remember to have feen fome pallages in the 
 time of my infant Years •, for in the Province of the Jguecbuas, I once faw a mul- 
 titude of people gathered in a field, to lament the Death of a Cacique, carrying 
 his Garments upon Poles, in fafliion of Banners, or Enfignes; my curiofity promp- 
 ted me to ask them what all that noife and tumult meant ; to which they anfwe- 
 red me, that it was the Funeral Lamentation of Huamam-paltya, for fo they caU 
 led the deceafed Cacique. 
 
 CHAP. VL 
 
 Of the General and Solemn Huntings which the Kings made 
 in all parts of their Kingdom. 
 
 "V H E Kings of Peru enjoyed , with their other parts of Greatnefs and State, 
 A certain days appointed for Solemn and General Huntings, called in their 
 Tongue Chacu. And herein it is to be obferved, that all forts of Game were for- 
 bidden to be killed, unlefs Partridges, Pidgeons, Doves, or lefler Birds, for the 
 Service and Table onely of the Incas, who were Governours, or of the Curacas 5 
 nor was thus much permitted neither, but under a limited quantity, and by com- 
 mand and order alio of the Juftice. 
 
 This prohibition was obferved under the fame penalties that all other obfer- 
 vances of their Law were enjoined , and herein they were rigorous, and fevere, 
 left Men betaking themfelves to the pleafure of the Field, mould delight in a con- 
 tinued courfc of fports, and fo neglect the neceflary provifions and maintenance of 
 their Families. 
 
 By which ftritt reftraint the Game both of Birds and Beafts was fo common, 
 and in abundance, and tame, that they entred even into their Houfes -, where 
 though they could not kill them, yet howfoever they might affright and drive 
 them out of their Fields and Paftures ; for that though the Inca was Matter of 
 the Game, yet he loved his Subjects better than to have them prejudiced by Laws 
 which were made for the good, and not for the detriment of his People. 
 
 At a certain feafon of the Year, after breeding-time was over , the Inca ap- 
 pointed a place for Hunting, where either his own pleafure directed, or where 
 was moft convenient for his Affairs, either of War or Peace 5 and there he ap- 
 pointed 20 or 30000 Indians to encompafs all that fpace of Land, which was de- 
 signed for the Hunt ; half of whom taking to the Right-hand, and the other half 
 to the Left, were to beat twenty or thirty Leagues round, by the fides of Ri- 
 vers , and Brooks , and through woody and mountainous places , wherefoever 
 the limits and bounds of th_e chafe did extend , but by no means were they to 
 touch or encroach on other Lands , which were laid out for the Hunt of the 
 following year. Thus they went beating and peeping into every bufh, and when 
 
 they 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. io^ 
 
 they faw or met any game, they hooped and hollowed to give notice thereof to 
 their Companions, and fo marched along till they came fo to ftraiten the hearts 
 on all (ides with a narrow compafs, that they could come and take them up with 
 their very hands. 
 
 What fierce Beafts they encountred, as they beat the Woods and Mountains , 
 fuch as Lions, Bears, Foxes, Mountain-Cats, which they call Ozcollo, as alfo Ser- 
 pents and venomous Creatures they killed before they came within the Field, or 
 Circle of their Hunting. We make no mention here of Tygers, becaufe there 
 were none in thofe Countries, but onely in the vail: and horrid Mountains of An- 
 tu. What number of Game they might kill at fuch a Hunting, is uncertain, 
 that happening according to the Countrey, and their fortune •, forlometimes they 
 killed twenty, thirty or forty thoufand head of Beads, fuch as Stags, Fallow Deer, 
 the Hhmoch which yields a fort of courfe Wool, and the Vim™, which is a Goat 
 with very fine Wool ; with many other Creatures, which afforded not onely pro- 
 fit, but fport and paftime in the taking of them. Such in thofe times was the 
 abundance of their Game \ but now it is faid, that fuch havock hath been made 
 by the Guns which the Spaniards ufe, that there is fcarce a Huanacw, or Vicuna to 
 be found •-, but what are affrighted into the Mountains, and inacceffible places, 
 where no path or way can be made. 
 
 All the Game being thus furrounded and encompafled , they took up with 
 their hands. The Female Deer, whether red or fallow, they fuffered to efcape, 
 becaufe they had no Wool , but old and barren Does they killed : they let go al- 
 fo as many Males as were thought neceflary to ferve the Females, and all the 
 reft they killed, and divided their Flelh amongft the Commonalty, likewife ha- 
 ving (horn the Huanaau and the Vicuna , they let them efcape , keeping an exacl 
 account of all thefe wild Cattel, as if they had been tame Flocks , noting them 
 in their Sjnpts, which is their Book of Regifter, diftinguifhing the Males from 
 their Females in exadt and orderly manner. They likewife noted the Number 
 of the Beads they killed, as well fuch as were fierce and hurtfull, as thofe that 
 were tame and ufefull, that fo knowing the direft Numbers that remained, they 
 might the better fee at their next Hunting feafon, how their ftock was multiplied 
 and increafed. 
 
 The courfe Wool of the Huanacm was distributed amongft the common peo- 
 ple •, and that of the Vicuna, becaufe it was very fine, was referved for the Inca i 
 who divided it alfo amongft the Incas of his Kindred : For befides them, no other 
 upon pain of Death might prefume to wear it, unlefs in favour •, fome part there- 
 of was given to a particular Curaca, who upon no other terms could pretend to 
 that honour and privilege. The Flefh of the Huanacm and Vicuna was diftribu- 
 ted amongft the common people, with whom the Curacas would vouchfafe to 
 take fome part, as alfo of the Venifon ■■, not that they wanted it, but to (hew 
 their compliance and familiarity with thfe-people ; and that they who laboured' in 
 the Hunting, did not fcorn to receive their (hare of the prey. 
 
 Thefe general and folemn Huntings were appointed every fourth Year in the 
 refpe&ive Divifions 5 for the Indians were of opinion, that in fuch time the Wool 
 of the Vicuna would be at its full growth , and that the wild Cattel would have 
 time to increafe ; and would be lets affrighted at the approach of Men, than if 
 they were every year teafed and hunted : Howfoever, they hunted in one place or 
 other every year •, but with fuch method and order, that the Provinces being divi- 
 ded into four parts, each divifion took its turn but once in four years. 
 
 In this orderly manner and method the Incas appointed the times of Huntings 
 as well for the pleafure and delight, as for the profit of his people 5 it being an 
 opinion amongft them, that the Pachacamac, or the God and Creatour of all things, 
 had commanded that the fame care fhould be taken of the wild, as of the tame 
 Flocks •■, and that they were to deftroy the hurtfull and devouring Beafts, as they 
 were to cut and root out noxious Weeds or Herbs out of their Corn, and Fields 
 that were fown. And fince we obferve the order which thefe Incas directed in 
 their very Huntings, which they called Chacu 5 how can we doubt, but that thefe 
 people maintained the like in matters of Government, and things of greater im- 
 portance , and were not fo brutilh and falvage as the World hath figured them. 
 It is farther to be noted, that the Bezar-ftone brought from that Countrey, ( in 
 the goodnefs whereof there is great difference ) was taken from fome of thofe 
 wild cattel, which we have before mentioned. 
 
 Cci According 
 
lq $ Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 According to the fame form and method the hcas, who were Vice-Kings, 
 praftifed and regulated their Huntings in their refpeftive Provinces, at which 
 they were for the moft part perfonally prefent •, not onely for pleafure and recrea- 
 tion, but to infpeft and overfee the juft and due diftribution of the Venifon ta- 
 ken in Hunting amongft the common people •? and fee that thoie alfo who were 
 old, or fick, or infirm, mould have their ihare and juft proportion. ■ 
 
 Unlefs it were the ColUu, the Commonalty m general were4o poor in Cattel, 
 that they feldom or never eat Flefti, but what was difpenied to them oy the Cha- 
 rity and Beneficence of their Caracas s, unlefs (bmetimes they killed a few tame 
 Conies which they kept and fed in their Houfes, called by them Coy: So that the 
 ima. and the Cmmcm, took great care, that an equal divifion mould be made a- 
 mongft the Commonalty of all the Venifon which was taken in Hunting : the 
 which Flelh they cut out into large flices,. (called Cktrqui) and then dried them 
 in fuch manner, that they were not fubjeft to corrupt ■-, and being abftemious and 
 frugal in their diet, their provifion ferved them for the whole year round, untill 
 the^next feafon of Hunting returned again. 
 
 In drefling their Meat, they ufed all forts of Herbs, whether fweet, or bitter, or 
 fower, or of any quality, but fuch as were poifonous or hurtfull : The bitter Herbs 
 they did ufually boil in two or three feveral Waters, and then dried them in the 
 Sun , and ufed them at thofe feafons when green were not to be procured. And 
 fo fond they were of green Herbs, that they would eat the Duck-weed which 
 grows in Ponds ; which after they had well warned and dried, they would eat in 
 the feafon j as alfo Herbs raw or crude, fuch as Lettuce and Radiihes, which were 
 efteemed fubftantial Dimes, rather than Salads, or Sauces to provoke an appetite. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Tofts, and the t)ifpatches which they carried. 
 
 TH E Ports, or Carriers, who were intruded with the charge of carrying the 
 King's Orders and Commands were called Cha/qui $ and thefe alfo brought 
 the News and Advices to the Court from the moft remote Provinces : In fettle- 
 ment of which Pofts , they ordained and appointed four or fix nimble Indian 
 Boys to be laid at the end of every quarter of a League, and lodged under a Stall 
 like that of our Centinels, to defend them from the Sun and Rain. Thefe had 
 the charge of carrying the Meffage from one Poft to another, and to take their 
 turns in running •, and alfo of fallying out to fee or difcover at a diftance the co- 
 ming of a Poft, that fo they might be ready to take his meftage without lofs of 
 time. And thefe Stalls, or Lodges, were raifed fomething high, and placed with 
 that advantage, that they might be feen at a diftance, and not farther than a quar- 
 ter of a League one from the other •■, being fo much as they faid , a Man may be 
 able to run in full breath and ftrengch. 
 
 The word Chafqm fignifies changing , or giving, or taking , for they gave and 
 received their Meflages interchangeably one from the other. They were not 
 called Cacha, for that fignifies a Meflenger, and, as they ufed it, an Ambafladour, 
 whom they fent to Sovereign Lords and Princes. The Advices which the Cbafqui 
 carried were by word of mouth , for the Indians did not underftand Letters : 
 Wherefore the Meflages were ordered, and difpofed in fuch lfiort and condfe 
 words, as were eaiily apprehended and remembred. He that brought the Mef- 
 fage, before he came to the Lodge, cried loud, and called out as he ran to give 
 warning of his coming, as our Pofts wind their Horn to give notice at the Stage 
 of their near approach 5 and when he was come, he then delivered his Meflage 
 to the other Poft-boy, repeating the words two or three times, untill he had 
 
 rightly 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 197 
 
 rightly underftood them , and taken the words fo perfe&ly, as to be guilty of no 
 miftake. 
 
 If there were any other Meflages, they were committed to writing, and not to 
 word of mouth : Writing, I mean, not fuch as we deliver and exprefs in Letters, 
 but in Knots made up in different threads of various colours, which ferved for 
 cyphers, which were well underftood by the Inca and his Governours : For by 
 thefe Knots and Colours of thread, they fpecified what number of Souldiers, whac 
 Garments, what Provifions, and what other neceilaries were to be furniihed, 
 and put into a readinefs for the fervice of the Army. Thefe knotted threads 
 which the Indians called JHftiprt, were the Cyphers which they ufed in all their Ad- 
 vices, and the Figures in their Accounts : of which we lhall treat more at large 
 in the following Chapter. But as to thefe Chafqui, or Pofl-boys, when at any 
 time any extraordinary bufinefs was in a&ion , they encreafcd them often to ten 
 or twelve in number at every Stage. And to make thefe Pods the more ready 
 and quick; if at any time an extraordinary, occafion happened, they gave their 
 Signal in the day-time to them by making a fmoak, and in the night-time by the 
 flame of a Beacon; which being difcovered at a diflance, it ferved as a warning 
 to every Stage to have their Ports in a readinefs, and to watch night and day for 
 the coming of this Meflage. But thefe Beacons were never fired but on fome 
 great occafion of Rebellion, or Infurredion of a Province , that fo the news of it 
 might fpeedily arrive at Court in the fpace of two or three hours, though it hap- 
 pen five or fix hundred Leagues from thence •, the which ferved to give an Alla- 
 rum untill fuch time as the particulars of the News arrived with greater certainty. 
 And this was the Office and Ufe of the Chafqui. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 That they made their Reckonings and Accounts by Threads 
 and Knots ; and that the Accountants were Men of great 
 faith and integrity. 
 
 QVim fignifies as much as Knots, and fometimes Accounts 5 in ordering of 
 which, the Indians Dyed their Threads with divers colours ; fome were of one 
 colour onely, fome of two, others of three, or more; which, with the mixed co- 
 lours, were of divers and various fignifications. Thefe firings were twifled of 
 three or four Threads, and about three quarters of a Yard in length ; all which 
 they filed on another firing in fafhion of a Fringe. And by thefe colours they 
 underftood the number and meaning of every particular : By the yellow they fig- 
 nified Gold, by the white Silver, by the red Souldiers and Armies, and fo of other 
 things diftinguifhed by their colours. 
 
 But as for other things which could not be fo diftinguifhed by Colours, they de- 
 fcribed them by their order and degrees of quality and goodnefs: For as we in Spain 
 take every thing in their degrees of companion, fo they having occafion to men- 
 tion Corn, do nrft nominate Wheat, then Barly, then Peafe and Pulfe, &c So 
 when they gave an account of Arms ; the fir ft mentioned were the mod Noble , 
 fuch as Lances, next Darts, then Bows and Arrows, Pole-axes and Hatchets, and 
 fo forward. So when they had occafion to number the people and feveral Fami- 
 lies : The firft were Aged Men of feventy years and upwards, then Men of fifty, 
 and fo to feventy, then of forty ■■, and fo from ten to ten , untill they came to 
 fucking Children : The which Order alfo was kept in numbring their Women. 
 
 Then amongft thefe groffer firings , there were others which were more fhorr; 
 and flender adjoining to them ; and thefe were Exceptions to the other more ge- 
 neral 
 
jog Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 neral Rules; for in the account made of Men and Women married, there was 
 another firing annexed to it, which fignified Widows, and Widowers of fuch an 
 age-, all which accounts ferved onely for one Year. 
 
 Thefe Knots expreSIed numbers in their feveral orders, as by units, tens, hun- 
 dreds, thousands, tens of thoufands, but feldom went fo far as to hundreds of 
 thoufands; but in cafe they mould have had occalion to have arifen to fo great a 
 number, no doubt but their Language, which is full and copious, would have 
 found words fufficient to exprefs that fum , and the greateft number to which 
 Arithmetick could arrive. All which Accounts were made by Knots on firings, 
 one underneath the other, and knit on a cord, as the knots are on the Girdle of 
 St. Francis. 
 
 At the top of the cord the greateft number was placed, as the tens of thoufands, 
 under that ftood the thoufands, and laft of all was the place of the units-, all which 
 were placed direftly with exactnefs one under the other , as our good Accoun- 
 tants, well skilled in the Art of Cyphering, are ufed to let and place their figures. 
 The Indians who kept the 2a}pm , or to whofe charge the keeping of Accounts 
 was committed, were called ^uipamaju, and were efteemed Men of good repu- 
 tation, and chofen for that Service, on good aflurance and proof of their fidelity 
 and honefty ; and though the Simplicity of thofe people in that Age was with- 
 out any mixture of malice , and that the ftri&nefs of the government admitted 
 no cheats, or frauds on any fcore whatfoever ; yet notwithstanding great care was 
 taken to chufe Men for this work of approved Ability, and of a tried and expe- 
 rienced Faithfulnefs and Probity. For indeed Offices were never amongft them 
 chofen for favour, nor bought, or fold, becaufe that Money was not current a- 
 mongft them •, but it was Vertue and Merit onely which purchafed a Truft and 
 Office : And though buying and felling was not known to them, yet it was or- 
 dinary for them to truck or barter their provifions of Food one for the other.; 
 but nothing elfe either of Garments, Houfes, or Inheritance. 
 
 The QuipHcamayus, or Accountants, being honeft and faithfull, (as we have 
 faid) ferved in the nature of Regifters, of which there were four at leaft appointed 
 for every Lineage, or People, how little foever it were; and in cafe the Countrey 
 was great, they entertained twenty or thirty, for though one Accountant might 
 have ferved the turn, yet to avoid all miftakes and frauds , they judged it requi- 
 site to constitute many in an Office of fuch importance. 
 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 What it was that they fet down and placed in their Accounts jl 
 and how they underfiood them. 
 
 ALL the Tribute that was yearly payable to the Ma, was palled to account, 
 as alfo what every Family, according to their degrees, and qualities, were 
 to pay. The people likewife which went to the War were numbred •, and Bills of 
 Mortality were kept of as many as dyed , and were born , or mifcarried by any 
 accident 5 which were all noted in the months wherein they happened. In Short, 
 they noted every thing that could fall under Numeration, as now many Battels 
 or Skirmishes were fought, how many AmbaSIadours had been fent to the Inca, 
 and how many Anfwers the King had been pleafed to return thereunto. But 
 what the fubftance of thofe EmbaSFies was , or what were the particulars of the 
 King's Difcourfe, or what occurrences paSled in way of Hiftory, were too various 
 to be exprelled by the barrennefs of their Knots, which ferved onely for numbers, 
 but not for words; wherefore to fupply this defect they framed certain historical 
 Hieroglyphicks, which ferved for Monuments , in an obfcure manner, of what 
 
 had 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. inn 
 
 had occurred in War and Peace 5 as alfo of EmbaiTies from foreign Princes, and 
 the feveral Negotiations with them 5 which Work was the Office of the j^ipu- 
 mayas, who made fome fhort and concife Memoir, leaving the reft to the remem- 
 brance of the Age, who by tradition conferved the fame to fucceeding Genera- 
 tions: And herein every Province was particularly attent, and carefull to con- 
 fcrve the Hiftory of its own Countrey , for on that ,, and on the Actions of 
 their Anceftours, they much efteemed and valued themfelves. The Amautas, or 
 Philofophers, for a farther help to Hiftory, did compofe certain Novels, or Fa- 
 bles, mixed with true paflages, which they made fo familiar , and eafie to the 
 capacity of Children , and common People , that they attentively hearkened to 
 them, and were fo pleafed with them, that recounting them one to the other 
 in common Difcourfe, and way of Converfation , they fo inculcated them into 
 the minds of the hearers, that the Tale becoming common, was transferred from 
 one Generation to another. The Poets likewife, whom they call Haravkm, were 
 great Confervators of Hiftory •, for they in verfe, and in fhort and compendious 
 Sentences couched the A&ions of their King, fuch as the Embaffies he received, 
 the Anfwers he gave, the Battels he won, and the Triumphs he celebrated; and 
 that wherein the Sluipm, and the Amautas came fhort, was all fupplied by the 
 fancy of Poets, whole Verfes ferved for Sonnets, and Ballads, which they fang 
 at their Feftivals, and on the days of Triumph. All which notwithftanding were 
 faint Reprefentations and imperfect Confervatories of true Hiftory, in companion 
 of the Reports we deliver to faithfull Writings and Letters, which perpetuate 
 the memory of A&ions to all Ages- Howfqever we may here obferve the inge- 
 nuity of that people , who allayed and offered at fomething like our Letters, 
 though it were by Knots, and Novels, and Hieroglyphicks, and Verfes-, fuch is 
 the delire of Mankind to perpetuate their Beings in the memory and minds of 
 all Ages. ' 
 
 When any Curaca , or Noble Perfon , defired to know r , and be informed of 
 things palled, and matters occurring in their Provinces, they prefently fent to the 
 guipicamajus to be fatisfied in their demands 5 and they, or their Under-Officers, 
 who kept the Regifters, making fearch into their Knots and Cyphers, made fuch 
 Anfwers as appeared in their Regifter. 
 
 By the fame Rule, they anfwered the Enquiries made of Laws, and Rites, and 
 Ceremonies, which were expreffed by the colour of their Knots-, and of what 
 punimment was inflicted for fuch and fuch Crimes. By the fame Rule alfo they 
 were put in mind of the Sacrifices and Ceremonies which were to be performed 
 at the feveral Feftivals, celebrated in honour of the Sun -, with what provision 
 was made for Orphans, and Widows, and Poor, and Travellers, and of all other 
 matters which were committed to the cuftody of Tradition : For thefe feveral 
 Knots ferved to put them in mind of all particulars, which they defired to have 
 remembred j for as we by the number Ten remember the ten Commandments, 
 and by other numbers call to mind the Sacraments, good Works, and Ads of 
 Mercy, which we learn in our Catechifm, fo thefe Indians, by thefe Knots, and 
 Strings, and Colours, remembred more perfectly what their Fathers had delive- 
 red to them by Tradition , which they regarded with refpect and reverence due 
 to the facred Confervatories of that Law , and Idolatrous Religion, which they 
 profefled; for without this help, having no Writings, they would certainly have 
 been as ignorant of their own Hiftory, as the Spaniards themfelves are, or any 
 other Strangers, or Aliens. The knowledge which I had of their £>uipns, and 
 Knots, I gained by the means of fome Indians, who ferved my Father, and of 
 certain Caracas, who came every Midfummer and Chriftmas to the City, to pay 
 their Tribute ■, and thefe Curaca* defired my Mother that me would prevail with 
 me faithfully to examine their Accounts, and read the Acquittances which the 
 Spaniards had given them, for they were jealous of their actings, and repofed much 
 more confidence in me, than in them-, which when I had perufed, and read to 
 them, they compared them with their Knots, and finding them to agree, they re- 
 mained fatisfied. And by this means I came to have fome knowledge in their 
 way of Accounts. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
2oo Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 The Inca Pachacutec vifits fever al parts of his Empire, and 
 conquers the Nation of Huanca. 
 
 THE Inca Viracocha being dead, Pachacntec, his legitimate Son and Heir, fuc- 
 ceeded in the Empire, and having folemnly performed the funeral Rites of 
 his Father, he refided for three Years at his Court, attending to the due admini- 
 stration of his Government. Afterwards he took a progrefs into all parts of his 
 Dominions, pafling orderly from one Province to another •, and though the pre- 
 fence of the Inca might feem of no moment, in regard the Lords, and Governours 
 were fo diligent, and faithfull to their truft, that the Inca, in all the way he travel- 
 led, received no complaints from the people of Aggrievances and Oppreffions, 
 laid illegally on them by their Rulers •, for the frequent appearance of the Inca at 
 certain times, did fo overawe the Minifters, that they were fearfull to a<5t any 
 thing which was not permitted to them by Law or Equity. Moreover the ap- 
 pearance of the Inca perfonally before his Subje&s, gave them the opportunity to 
 prefer their Petitions, and offer their Complaints by way of immediate Addrefs, 
 which was much more beneficial to the Subjects, than to have their Aggrievances 
 made known by a third hand, which by favour or friendship might diSguiSe the 
 laments, and make Injustices appear lefs than they were, to the prejudice of the 
 Plaintiffs ^ and herein fuch care was taken, that never any people, who lived by 
 the mere Light of Nature, and Law ofReafon, did ever furpafs the equitable 
 proceedings of the Mas •? which indifferency, and unbiased judgment , gained 
 them that love of their people, that even to this day, and to many future Ages, 
 will their Memory be fweet and pretious. At the end of three Years this Inca 
 returned again to his City, and left he fhould feem to fpend all his time in Peace 
 and Repole, he judged it convenient to attend at length unto military Exercifes, 
 and gain the Reputation of a Souldier by War, as well as of a civil and juft Go- 
 vernour in the time of Peace-, to this end he raifed an Army of thirty thoufand 
 Men, with which together with his Brother Capac Yupanqui, a valiant Man, and 
 worthy of that name, he marched through all the Divifion of Chinchafuju, un- 
 til! he came to PtBca, which was the utmoft extent on that fide of their Con- 
 quefts. 
 
 There he remained himfelf, whilft he fent his Brother with an Army well fur- 
 nifhed with all provisions of War, into the Province called Saafa, which the Spa- 
 niards corruptly call Xanxa , which is a moft pleafant Countrey, containing about 
 thirty thoufand inhabitants, all of the fame Lineage and Name olHuanca. They 
 boafted themfelves to be defcended from one Man, and one Woman, which they 
 fay had their Original from a Fountain ; they were a fort of fierce and warlike 
 people, fleaing thofe whom they took in the Wars, the Skins of which they fil- 
 led with Allies, and hanged them up in their Temples, for Trophies of their 
 Victories i with the Skins of fome they made Drums, being of opinion, that the 
 found of them would terrifie and affright their Enemies. Thefe though they were 
 a fmall people, yet had well ftrengthened and fortified themfelves , for being all 
 of one Nation, they united their Interefts to encroach on the Lands and Territo- 
 ries of their Neighbours •, and to make that good which they had acquired , they 
 fortified themfelves in fuch places of Defence , as were accuftomary in thofe 
 Countries. 
 
 In the times of their ancient Gentilifm before they were reduced under th 
 power of the inca, they worshipped the Image of a Dog in their Temples, eatinj 
 the Flefh of Dogs for the greateft rarity and delicacy in the World $ fo that it i 
 believed their Appetite to Dogs-flefh was the original of their Devotion, which 
 was fo great to that Beaft $ that the moft folemn Feafts and Entertainments were 
 
 ferved 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 2d 
 
 ferved with many Dimes of Dogs-flefh ; and to demonftrate their great refpecT: 
 to Dogs, they made a fort of Trumpet with their Heads, which they founded 
 for their mod pleafant Mufick, at times of their moft folemn Feftivals, and Dan- 
 cings-, and in their Wars they ufed the fame to terrifie and affright their Ene- 
 mies, for, faid they, our God caufes thefe two different Effe&s by the fame In- 
 ftruments ; in us it raifes Joy and Delight, and in our Enemies Horrour and Con- 
 fternation: But all thefe Superftitions and Errours were quitted, and rooted out 
 by the better Inftruftion and Rudiments of the Inca-? howfoever to indulge their 
 humour fo far as was warrantable, they permitted them in place of Dogs-heads to 
 make their Trumpets with the Heads of Deer, or Stags, or any other Wild-beaft, 
 as they pleated, which afterwards they ufed at their Feftivals and Balls, and times 
 of rejoicing $ and becaufe the Flelh of Dogs was fo extremely pleating and fa- 
 voury to them, they gained the Sirname of Dog ; that whenfoever Hxaxca was 
 named, they added Sir-reverence the Dog. They had likewife another Idol, 
 in figure and fbape of a Man, which was an Oracle through which the Devil 
 Fpake, and returned Anfwers to all Demands, which uttering nothing that was 
 in contradiction or difparagement to the Religion which the hcas profefled, was 
 ftill conferved, and left undemolifhed, though the Idol of the Dog was broken 
 down and confounded. 
 
 This confiderable Nation, and the moft kindly affectionate to Dogs, the hca 
 Capac Tttpanqui fubdued by fair terms, and prefents, rather than by force 5 for this 
 was always the Mafterpiece of the hcas , who made it their Profeffion to take 
 the Bodies of Men, by captivating firft and alluring their Souls and Minds. AH 
 things pafling in this manner fmoothly with the Huancas , and every thing being 
 fettled in peace and quietnefs, the hca divided their Nation into three Divifions, 
 the better to divide and fuperfede the old Feuds and Difputes amongft them, ari- 
 fing about the Boundaries and Limits of their Land : The firft Divifion they 
 called Saufa, the fecond Mana vllka , and the third Llacfapallanca. The attire of 
 their Heads was ordered not to be altered in the form and manner of it, but dif- 
 ferenced onely for diftincHon fake, by variety of colours. This Province, which 
 anciently was ailed Huanca, was by the Spaniards, I know not for what reafon, 
 named Httancavilka, without confidering that there is another Province, called 
 Hnanca vilka, not far from Ttmqiz, and three hundred Leagues diftant one from 
 the other: This latter is fituate on the Sea-coaft, and the former far within 
 the Land , the which we here intimate to the Reader, that fo he may know in 
 the perufal of this Hiftory to diftinguifh one from the other, that when we (hall 
 come to relate many ftrange occurrences in the Countrey of Huancavilka, he may 
 not be confounded by mif taking it for Hna»ca. 
 
 
 
 D d CHAP. 
 
202 Royal Commentaries. Book VL 
 
 T ■ " — 
 
 — 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 Of Other Provinces which the Inca fubdued; of their Man- 
 ners and Cu/ioms, and the feverity they ufed again ft thofs 
 who were guilty of Sodomy. 
 
 ■ 
 
 BY the fame good policy the Inca Capac Tupanqui allured and invited feveral 
 other Provinces to fubmiffion and Obedience, which extend themfelves on 
 both hands of the common road ; amongft which the Provinces of principal note 
 and confideration were Tarma and Pumpu, which rhe Spaniards call Bombon, being 
 very fertile Soils, and abounding with all forts of ^ruic. 1 hcfe being allured by 
 fair Words, and Promifes, gently fubmitted to the affcble and courteous treat,- 
 ment of Capac Tupanqui ? howfoever thefe people being wariike, and fierce by 
 Nature, did not entirely yield to the perfuafions of their Enemies, but wkhftood 
 them in fome Battels and Skirmifhes, though the Defeacc they made was ren- 
 dred more faint than was expected, by the Wheedles, and rine Words, and Gifts 
 of the Inca. 
 
 The Inhabitants of thefe Provinces of Tarma and Tompu, and the borderers up- 
 on them, did in fignal of Matrimony, feal the Agreement with a kifs, the Bride- 
 groom kifling the Bride on the Fore-head, or the Cheek. Widows could not 
 marry within the Year, and more the Hair of their Heads for a fign of Mour- 
 ning. The Men on their fading days neither ate Flem, nor Pepper, nor Salt, nor 
 accompanied with their Wives : Such as were Priefts, or aadi&ed themfelves 
 much to religious Worfhip, fafted the whole Year in this kind of Abftinence. 
 
 In this manner the Inca Capac Tupanqui reduced the Provinces of Tarma and 
 Pompu, with many others, lying Eaft ward, near Ant is -^ the Natives of which 
 lived like Salvages, without Order, or Government, or Religion •■, and as Brutes, 
 and Wild-beafts, were difperfed through the Woods and Mountains, killing one 
 the other, as they cafually mnet, or encoutred, without knowing or aligning any 
 caufe or reafon for their Slaughters •, thefe Men lived in a ftate of common War, 
 becaufe they were ignorant of the ufefulnefs of Peaces and having no Lord 01 
 Ruler, had confequently no Name, their Countrey being onely diftinguifhed by 
 the Climate or Pofition of the Place under fuch a degree, running thirty degrees 
 North and South, and as many Eaft and Weft. Thefe were with great facility 
 reduced to the Obedience of the Inca; for being a fort of poor fimple Animals 
 which were.eafily allured by the good was offered them, were willing to embraa 
 the Religion and Manners which were taught them, and to fuffer themfelves to b< 
 carried to any Place or Colony, where the Inca mould think fit to tranfport them 
 Of thefe People nothing offers farther, nor of any other Province worthy to b< 
 related, untill we come to the Countrey of Chucurpu , which was well peoplec 
 with a warlike Nation, barbarous and fierce in their Nature and manners; and a 
 an evidence hereof, and in a conformity to this humour, they worfliipped a Tyge 
 for their God. 
 
 The Fiercenefs and natural Bravery of this Nation made them to fcorn all pro 
 pofals of Accommodation, and bid Defiance to their Enemies-, fo that Capac In 
 panqui being put by his Art of gentle Iufinuations, was forced to have recourfe ti 
 his Arms, and engaging in fevetal Skirmifhes, wherein above four thoufand iwL 
 *ns were flain, they at length yielded and fubmitted themfelves to the invincibl 
 Prowefs and force of the Inca, which yet had not {o great an influence over their 
 as had the gentle Temper and compaffionate Bowels of the Inca-, for they bein; 
 fenfible, that when it was in the hand of the Inca to have deftroyed, and totall 
 exterminated them , yet even then he ufed a tendernefs towards them , offerin 
 them the conditions of an advantageous Peace-, with a fenfe of which being i 
 part overcome, they affented to an Accommodation, receiving the inca Pachaa 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries 203 
 
 tec for their fupreme Lord and Matter , embracing his Laws and Cuftoms, and 
 forfaking their God the Tyger, they were ever after contented to adore the Sun, 
 and live after the manner of his Followers and Worfhippers. 
 
 This fierce and refolute people having received Conditions and Terms of Peace, 
 and fubmitted themfelves to the Obedience of the Inca, Capac Ynpanqui, efteemed 
 his fuccefs herein to be a great piece of his Art, and an Etfed of his good Con- 
 duct, as well as of his Fortune-, for had they peififted in that obftinate refolution 
 of dying as one Man, the deftru&ion and {laughter of this whole People, would 
 have blafted that good opinion which the World conceived of the Gentlenefs 
 and Mercy of the I»ca 5 and on the other fide for the Inca, on confideration of Com- 
 panion and good Nature, to have defifted from his Conquefts, and left them free, 
 would have argued Cowardife, or want of power to fubdue them •, fo that ufing 
 force , and fair terms, equally between thefe two extremes all matters were re- 
 conciled, and the Province of Chucurpu received into friendship : And fo consti- 
 tuting Teachers to inftrudt them in Religion, and Governours to rule them accor- 
 ding to Law ; Garrifons and Souldiers were (et over them, to conftrain and con- 
 tinue them in their Obedience. Thence taking the right-hand from the great 
 Road, with the fame good Fortune and Conduct, he reduced two other Pro- 
 vinces, large and populous, the one was called Ancara, and the other HuayUas, in 
 which, as in the others, he left Teachers, and Governours, and Souldiers, to keep 
 them in Awe and Obedience. In the Province otHuayllas fbme accufations were 
 brought againft certain Perfons , who fecretly pradtifed that abominable fin of 
 Sodomy, which wickednefs having not been as yet known amongft the Indians of 
 the hilly Countries, though in the Plains it had fome times been (ecretly pradi- 
 fed, gave fuch a general fcandal to all that heard of it, that they detefted the So- 
 ciety of the Huay/las, and in common Reproach and Derifion of that Nation 
 would commonly feoff at them, and fay, Aftaya Hnayllas, which is as much, as 
 faugh, be gone Huayllas, thou (linked, and art loathfome-, fuch deteftation had the 
 Indians of this fin, though it were a&ed in (ecret, and had already been feverely 
 punifhed by the Inca Capac Tupanqui ■-, who having performed what we have rela- 
 ted, and made fufficient provifion for fecurity of his Conquefts , which reached 
 feventy Leagues in length. North and South $ and all the Plains in breadth to the 
 foot of the fnowy Mountain, he thought it convenient after three years, fince the 
 time he had departed from Cozto, to return again to the City, where his Brother 
 Pachacutec received him with favour and kindnefs, commanding the People to re- 
 joyce for the fpace of a whole Moon, (for the Indians make the account of their 
 Months by Moons) and to celebrate their feftival with triumphal (ports for the 
 victories obtained. 
 
 Ddi CHAP. 
 
% a Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of their Edifices, and Laws, and new Conquers obtained 
 by the Inca Pachacutec. 
 
 THE Holy-days or Feftivals being over, the Officers of the Army, Caracas 
 and common Souldiers, were rewarded according to their refpective de- 
 grees and qualities, and merit of their valour --, for the Actions of particular Per- 
 fons were taken notice of, and as every one fignalized himfelf fo was his Reward. 
 Then did the Inca refolve again after fome few months to vifit his Dominions, 
 which were always pleafed and enlivened with the Blefiing and Favour of his 
 Prefence. In the more famous Provinces where he paffed, he commanded rich 
 and magnificent Temples to be erected, wherein the Indians might with the more 
 awe and reverence adore the Sun; and likewife founded Houfes for the felect 
 Virgins-, for thefe two were always Neighbours, and where one was, the other 
 was built by it. This great care which the Incas took to have their Subjects in- 
 cited in their Devotion, was a farther endearment of them to their Kings-, for 
 it made them not onely religious , but gave them the privileges of Naturaliza- 
 tion, and being Citizens of the City of Cozco. Befides thefe Temples lie buik 
 Fortrefles and Caftles on the Frontiers, and Royal Palaces in the Vallies, and in 
 the places of beft Air and moil: delightfull fituation, and in thofe parts which 
 were in the common Road and way, at fuch diftances as were mod convenient 
 for the Mas to take up their Lodgings and Refidence , when they travelled or 
 marched with their Army : He alio built Magazines, and Store-houfes in every 
 Province, for the provifion and maintenance of the People in years of Dearth and 
 Famine. 
 
 He ordained many Laws and Statutes, indulging to every People and Nation 
 their own ancient Cuftoms , in fuch things as did not contradict or interfere witti 
 the Religion eftabMied, or oppofe the rules of common honefty, by which gen- 
 tlenefs the people lived without Tyranny or Compulfion , not being fenfible of 
 any unpleafant alteration, but fuch as tended to their good and benefit, leading 
 them from a beftial to a rational and moral Life, which was the great defign and 
 intention of the Jticas. 
 
 Having in this Vifit and Travails fpent three Years, he returned again to Cozco% 
 where having pafled fome Months in joy and feftivals, he confulted with his Bro- 
 ther, who was his chief Minifter, and others of his Council, concerning the en- 
 tire Conqueft of the Provinces of Chinchafayu, for there were no other Countries 
 on that fide remaining to be fubjected to their Dominion ; for on the other quar- 
 ter, towards Antifuyu, bordering on the fnovvy Mountain, there was nothing dif- 
 covered befides Rocks, and Precipices, and inacceflible places. 
 
 The hca, Capac Yupanqtu having fo well acquitted himfelf with.Prudence and 
 Valour in his late Expedition, it was refolved, that he (hould again take upon 
 himfelf the Command and Conduct of the Army; and that his Nephew, called 
 Tttpanqm, who was Prince, and Heir apparent , a Youth of about fixteen Years 
 old, (hould accompany him in die War, it being the-cuftome for young Men of 
 that Age, to take up their Arms, and make their firft Campaign ; according to 
 the Ceremony practifed in Htiaracu, (as we (hall hereafter more particularly Dif- 
 cooi fe) "that fo they being initiated , <and' exenSfed in military Difcipline , and 
 Arts, might btcom€ experienced and valiant Captains in their more mature years. 
 To this intent fifty thoufand Souldiers being levied, and put in a pofture of War, 
 the Uncle and Nephew marched with the Van, which was one third of the Ar- 
 my towards the Province called Clmcwpa, which was the ultimate extent of the 
 Empire on that fide. 
 
 Thence 
 
 i 
 
 : 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries .205 
 
 Thence were the ufual Summons difpatched to the Inhabitants of the Province 
 called Pine* j who finding themfelves in no condition to refift the power which 
 marched againft them ; and being well informed of the happinefs of thofe people, 
 who became Vaflals to the Inca s they readily accepted the Propofitions of Peace, 
 with this Complement, That they rejoiced to receive the Blelfings of the Ixca's 
 protection, and to be numbred with thofe Subjects who were under his Domi- 
 nion and Empire. Thus the Incas entred that Province, from whence they fent 
 the like Summons to the Neighbouring Countries, of which Haaras, Pifcopampu, 
 and Cunchucn were the chief. But thefe, inftead of following the example of 
 TincH, unexpectedly took other counfels, and confederating one with the other, 
 refolved to join in the common defence \ agreeing to fend this Anfwer, That 
 they would rather dye, than receive new Laws, new Cuftoms, or a new Reli- 
 
 5 ion s for they were fo well fatisfied with thofe Gods, which they and their 
 ^.nceftours had from all Ages ferved and adored $ that they had no need to change 
 them for that fpecious fhew of Religion, by which the Inca had allured and de- 
 ceived the Neighbouring Nations, and ufurped a Tyrannical Power and Domi- 
 nion over them. 
 
 Having given this anfwer, and knowing themfelves unable to refift the Inca, in 
 open Field, they retired to their ftrong holds and faft places , being refolved t6 
 defend the narrow and difficult Pafles J and to that end, with all diligence and 
 care, they Victualled their Gamp, making the beft provifions they were able a- 
 gainft a long fiege. 
 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 The Inca fubdues the Rebellious Provinces by Famine, and 
 Strategems of Wan 
 
 THE General Capac Yupanqui received, without the leaft furprize, this rude 
 and obftinate Anfwer from his falvage Enemies ; for being a Perfon of great 
 Prudence and Conftancy, he had learned how to bear with the fame equality, 
 as well the good as unfortunate fuccefles, and not to be moved into paflion by the 
 wild and furly Anfwers of an untaught and immoral people. But not to defpife 
 the weaknefs of an Enemy, which was retired into their ftrong Holds, he divi- 
 ded his Army into four Battalions, each of which confifted often thouiandMen, 
 commanding th^m to march towards the Fortrefles of the Enemy, but not to en- 
 gage with them, but onely to befiege and ftraiten them in fuch manner, that 
 at length being almoft famiihed, they might be compelled to a voluntary furren- 
 der-, and that he, with the Prince, would poft himfelf in that advantageous ftation, 
 as to be ready on all occafions , and emergencies , to adminifter Succours where 
 his afliftence was required- And left the deftru&ion which the Enemy had made 
 of all provifions, for fuftenance of an Army, fnould occafion great Famine, and 
 fcarcity of all things neceflary, he commanded that the Neighbouring Provinces 
 mould bring fupplies, and adminifter a quantity of all provifions, double to that 
 proportion which was ordinarily appointed. 
 
 In this manner Capac Yupanqui being well provided, a moft cruel and defperate 
 War began with great Mortality on both fides •, for the Enemy defended them- 
 felves and their ftrong holds with much bravery and courage 5 and when they per- 
 ceived the Incas cautious, and backward to attack them, they would then adven- 
 ture to make their (allies, every Party and Province of them endeavouring to out- 
 ▼ye each other, and demonftrate its Valour by fome fignal action, 
 
 the 
 
20 5 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 The Incai all this while remained on the defenfive part, refolving to ftraiten 
 the Enemy by Famine, and force them to a furrender by other inconveniencies 
 of War --, and when they found any of the Women, or Children, belonging to 
 the Enemy wandring in the Fields and Countrey , which by reafon of weaknefs, 
 or ficknefs, were not able to keep company with their friends and relations ; the 
 Inca* took care of them, nourifhed and careffed them, fed them and cloathed 
 them 5 °iving them affurances, that their defign was no other, than to better their 
 condition by good and reafonable Laws and Cuftoms, and not to tyrannize over 
 their Perfons or Liberties : And then afterwards they gave and permitted them 
 free and fafe paffage into the quarters of the Enemy -, and herein they adted with 
 a kind of Military fubtilty and policy, knowing that the numbers of ufelefs people 
 were cumberfome to an Army, and ferved to increafe their troubles and neceffi- 
 ties 5 and that the cries of Wives and Children for bread and fuftenance would 
 ferve to affect the minds of the Husbands and Parents, and fooner move them 
 out of tendemefs and compaffion to them unto a furrender, than bow their fierce 
 and ftubborn fpirits with fear, or dread of any mifery, or death which the Enemy 
 
 This kindnefs towards the Women and Children was well taken by the Ene- 
 my, but yet did not fo far affeft them, as to foften their fpirits, but rather feemed 
 to 'enflame and harden them with greater obftinacy and refolution. Untill per- 
 fifting in this manner for the fpace of five or fix Months, when Famine and Sick- 
 nefs began to rage amongft them ; they then cafting a companionate eye on their 
 Wives and Families, entertained thofe thoughts for their fakes of a furrender, to 
 which otherwise neither fair promifes could have allured them, nor Sword, nor 
 Famine, nor Death it felf could have affrighted them. But now being mollified 
 and worked into a more gentle temper , by common confent of the Captains 
 and Souldiers of the refpective Forts, they difpatched Ambafladours to the imas, 
 with inftru&ions to ask pardon for the rebellion and offences committed, and to 
 offer themfelves for the future to become Vaffals, and obedient to the Empire of 
 
 The incas received this fubmiffion with their accuftomed clemency and gentle- 
 nefs, treating them with the kindeft words they were able to exprefs, exhorting 
 them to return to their people and families •■, for that by being onely loyal and 
 faithfull Subjects to the lma 3 they would merit his favour, and caufe him to for- 
 get their Rebellion, and pafs an Ad of Oblivion for all that was paft. 
 
 The Ambafladours highly fatisfied with this Gratious Anfwer, returned to 
 their people •, who being over-joyed with this happy negotiation , received the 
 good news with hearts now revived , having been lately dead, and benumbed 
 with fear and defpair : And in compliance with the Commands of the Incas, they 
 immediately repaired to their homes and dwellings, where care was taken of them, 
 and provifions made for the firft year wherewith to feed and fuftain them 5 and 
 in regard, that during the time of War, there had neither been fowing nor plan- 
 ting , fo that all provifions failed, there was occafion to make ufe of that double 
 proportion of Victuals, which Capac Txpayiqui had providently appointed at the be- 
 ginning of the War : Befides which, iuch Officers were ordained as were required 
 for adminiftration of Juftice amongft them, and to overfee the Revenue, and in- 
 ftrud them in matters of their Idolatrous Religion and Worihip. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 * 
 

 Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 207 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Of the good Curaca Huamachucu ; and in what manner he 
 was reduced. 
 
 TH E Inca proceeding forward, after his Conqueft arrived at the Confines of 
 that Province, which was called Huamachucu , where lived a certain great 
 Lord of the fame Name, efteemed for a Perfon of profound judgment and pru- 
 dence 5 to him therefore he difpatched his ufual Summons, offering terms of Peace 
 and Friendmip, provided that he would receive fuch Laws, Cuftoms and Religi- 
 on, as mould advance and improve his Countrey to a more happy and bleffed con- 
 dition : For the Nation which he governed was a barbarous and cruel people, 
 abominable in their manners and facrifices 5 Worshipping Stocks and Stones, elpe- 
 cially fuch as had brightnefs and luftre with them : the Jafpar was efteemed a 
 God , and all the pebles near banks of Rivers, which had any variety of colours, 
 were efteemed to have {bmething of Divinity in them , and therefore they care- 
 fully gathered them, laid them up in their Houfes, and Worshipped them. Their 
 Sacrifices were of Humane bloud, living in the Fields and Mountains, under iheds, 
 like brute beafts, without rule or order. AU'this falvage manner of living, the 
 good Huamachucu endeavoured to reform ; but the fear he conceived of this wild 
 people fuporefled the defires he had long entertained, untill he was encouraged by 
 the meflage fent him from the Inca. And then being ready to put the concepti- 
 ons he had formerly figured to himfelf of a Moral and Rational life into practice, 
 did with a deep fenfe of joy entertain the Meflengers of the Inca, telling them 
 how pleafed he was, that the Dominion and Empire of their Mafter was exten- 
 ded to the Confines of his Province : For having heard fuch an admirable report 
 and defcription of their Laws and Religion , he had long defired the Govern- 
 ment of the Inca, and to be enrolled in the number of his VaiTals •-, but in regard 
 he lived amidft a barbarous people, and furrounded with Neighbours, who were 
 Enemies to the Inca and his Empire, he durft not adventure to fhew his affection 
 thereunto, or own the honour and obedience he fecretly entertained towards the 
 Perfon and Laws of the Inca .• And that therefore fince he had now means and 
 opportunity to make his inclinations known , he befeeched the Inca gratioufly to 
 receive thefe late ^'emonftrations of his duty, with the fame favour and compaf- 
 lion as he had done to other Indians, who lived under the happy influence of his 
 beneficence and direction. 
 
 The Prince 7'::panqui, and the General his Uncle, being invited by thefe ex- 
 preflions of Huamachucu, marched into his Countrey ; at the entrance into which, 
 the Curaca met them, with fuch Prefents as his Countrey afforded, offering them 
 his People and Eftate to ferve them •, and putting himfelf into an humble po- 
 fture before them, worlfiipped them with fuch devotion, as was due to the Chil- 
 dren and Off-fpring of the Sun. The General received him with his accuffo- 
 mary favour and clemency , returning him thanks for his affection and good- will 5 
 and the Prince beftowed feveral Garments on him and his relations, and his com- 
 panions with him, of fuch fort and finenefs, as were worn by himfelf and his Fa- 
 ther 5 afluring him of the great efteem which the Inca had for his Perfon, in 
 confideration of the fervice he had done him by that voluntary and free furren- 
 der •, the which was made good by the Inca Pachacutec,_ who conceiving a parti- 
 cular kindnefs and affection for this Huamachucu and his Family, enobled them af- 
 terwards with Titles of Honour and Dignity. 
 
 The Ceremonies and Rejoicings at this Reception being paft, the great Curaca 
 Huamachucu defired the General, that he would be pleafed to modelize and reform 
 with all expedition the corrupt and falvage manners of his State, and to beftow 
 upon them other Cuftoms and Religion in place of thofe beftial and ridiculous 
 
 practices 
 
ao g Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 pra&ices which were obferved amongft them •, for they being now his Vaflals, 
 he might exercife an abfolute and defpotical Power over them , they being ready 
 to hear and receive all the Commands and Rules which the Sun and his Children 
 mould enjoin them. According to thefe defires the lnca in the firft place com- 
 manded that the people, who were difperfed through the Countries under (beds 
 and trees, mould be gathered into a Political fociety, and live like Citizens in 
 friendihip and amity together, in a Town regularly built with Streets, and fituate 
 in fuch a Countrey as was both fruitfull and pleafant. Then he commanded that 
 Proclamation mould be made, that they mould own and worfhip no other God 
 but the Sun , and that the pebles and mining ftones which they kept in their hou- 
 fes for divine Worfhip mould be thrown into the ftreets 5 and for better govern- 
 ment and inftrudlion of this people, Governours and Teachers were appointed 
 and fet over them. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 The People of CafTamarca make fome refiftence, but are at 
 length fubdued. 
 
 ALL thefe things being performed and eftablifhed according to the defire of 
 HuamachucH, the lncas proceeded forward in their Conquefts 5 and being 
 arrived on the Confines of Cajfamarca, ( which was a place famous for the impri- 
 lbnment of Atahuatya ) being a rich and fruitfull Province, and the people ftout 
 and warlike ; they difpatched their ufual Summons by a Herald, requiring them 
 to yield themfelves on terms of peace and friendfhip. 
 
 The people of Cajfamarca having long obferved the progrefs of the lncas, and 
 the motion which their Arms had made towards them, had already provided for 
 a War, having poffefled the ftrong Holds and Palles of the Countrey, and fur- 
 nifhed them with Victuals, and Ammunition of War 5 and in confidence of fuch 
 fecurity, returned a proud anfwer of defiance to the lncas, giving them to under- 
 ftand, that they would neither accept of new Gods, nor new Laws -, nor a Stran- 
 ger, or Foreigner, for their King 5 but would adhere to thofe ancient Statutes and 
 Religion, which were known to them and their Anceftours 5 and rather than re- 
 linquifh them, to embrace Novelties, they were refolved to dye, and undergo all 
 the miferies which a cruel and enraged Conquerour could inflict. With this An- 
 fwer Tufanqui being provoked, entred boldly into the Confines of Cajfamarca, where 
 the Natives, like a brave and hardy people, manfully oppofed themfelves againft 
 him in all dangerous and difficult palles , being refolved to dye or overcome. 
 The lnca, though unwilling to engage, out of a defire he had to fpare the eflfu- 
 fion of bloud, was yet forced fometimes to fight, that he might gain poileffion of 
 the mod difficult pafles 5 in defence of which, the Enemy combating with all 
 their might, many were (lain on one fide and the other •, nor did they fometimes 
 refufe Battel in the open Field 5 but in regard the Conduct and Numbers of 
 the lnca was more excellent and great, than that of the Enemy, they were forced 
 to retreat into the Mountains, and Rocks, and faft places •■, from whence making 
 oftentimes their Sallies, great daughters did enfue. Thus was the War continued 
 for the fpace of four Months , becaufe the lncas were unwilling to take advanta- 
 ges entirely to deftroy them , but rather to fuffer, and weary them out, untill 
 their fury and mettle began to abate ; During all which time, the lncas ufed their 
 accuftomary lenitives, endeavouring to win them with all fair and mild treatment 5 
 for as many as they took in War, they releafed ; fuch as were wounded, they hea- 
 led and cured , and then fent them away 5 alluring them, that fo often as they 
 took them, they would ufe them with the fame compaffion, being never wearied 
 
 with 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 200 
 
 with doing good-, for that was the profeflion of the /«**, and was their method 
 to overcome by Mildnefs and Beneficence, rather than by Tyranny and Oppreflion , 
 the Women and Children which they found in the Mountains and Caves, after 
 they had fed them, and treated them with refpecl, and gentle terms, they fent 
 away, that fo they might relate the courtefies they had received, and perfuade 
 their Fathers and Husbands not to perfift longer in their Oppofition and Rebellion 
 againft the invincible Family of the Sun- 
 
 Thefe and fuch like Inftances. of kindneft being frequently repeated during the 
 whole courfe of the War, began to operate on the rude and fierce difpofition of 
 this People, whofe hard and obdurate temper being a little foftened, it was obvi- 
 ous and plain to them, that it could be no unhappy condition to fall into the 
 hands: of fuch, who being incited by a thoufand provocations to deftroy them, did 
 not onely feek ways to preferve and keep them from utter mine, but how alfo to 
 beftow benefits, and even allbagainft their own Will to (hew them mercy. They 
 confidered alfo that the power of the I»ca did daily increase!, as theirs did dimi- 
 uilh, and that Famine and the Sword were evils inevitable. Wherefore conful- 
 ting with their Qwmm upon thefe difficulties, they concluded and agreed to re- 
 ceive the conditions offered them by the I»ca, rather than perim out of an obftir 
 nate and perverfe humour- Upon this refolution they difpatched their AmbafTa- 
 dours to the he*, conferring the Faults and Errours they wereguilty of, in lb long 
 oppofing and trying the Patience of the Imm, whofe Generofity could not be pa- 
 rallelled by any of humane Race-, and therefore confefTing them to be of the lucid 
 family of the Sun, they with all humility begged to be received into the num- 
 ber of their Vaffals-, and that both the Prince, and the General his Uncle, would 
 be pleafed to intercede with the Majefty of the Imperial hca in their behalf, that 
 fo he would condefcend and vouchfafe to own and receive them for his Subjects. 
 
 Scarce were thefe Ambaffadours come into the prefence of the Inca, before the 
 Cftraca Cafimarca, and his Nobles refolved to go themfelves , and perfonally de- 
 mand Pardon for their Offences; and accordingly appearing before the General, 
 they proftrated themfelves after the mod humble fauhion of their Countrey, re- 
 peating in fubftance the fame words which their Ambaffadours had uttered. The 
 hca Capac Tup<viqtti gratioufly accepted this Addrefs, encouraging them with great 
 affurances of the Iwa's Pardon and Favour-, and that he would be as kind and ten- 
 der of them, as he was of his other Subje&s-, and for the oppofition they had al- 
 ready made, and the adts of Hoftility committed during the time of War, they 
 fhould never more be called to remembrance, provided that they continued obe- 
 dient, and by their Services and Duty performed and endeavoured to deferve 
 thofe benefits which the Sun had encharged unto his Children to communicate 
 unto fuch who willingly and without compulfion yielded themfelves and their 
 people faithfull and loyal Subjects to the lnca, which being (aid, the Curaca and 
 his followers bowed themfelves, and worfliipped, faying, that their Generofity 
 and Heroick Actions defervedly entitled them to an universal Dominion over all 
 others, and gave a clear evidence of their undoubted Defcent from the Sun, and 
 Extraction from fomething elfe than humane Race. After which they were dif- 
 mifled, and returned to their own Habitations. 
 
 E e CHAP. 
 
zlo Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of the Conqueft of Yauyu ; and of the Triumph celebrated 
 in honour of the Vncle and Nephew. 
 
 TH E General was much pleafed with this Conqueft , and confidering the 
 fruitfulnefs of the Soil , and pleafant Situation , he efteemed it the beft 
 Flower he could add to his Brother's Crown, and therefore moft worthy to be 
 improved % to which end, he directed that the fcattered Cottages, mould be redu- 
 ced into a Town, in which the people might live in a more comfortable and po- 
 litical Society. That a Temple mould be ere&ed to the Sun , and a Houfe for 1 
 the felect Virgins, the which were afterwards fo well endowed, and adorned by 
 the Magnificence of fucceeding Princes , that they became the moft renowned 
 and famous Edifices of all Peru. Moreover Teachers were appointed to inftruft 
 them in the Rules of their Idolatrous WorQiip, and Governours, and Magi- 
 strates fet over them to precide in civil matters 5 Officers were alfo ordained to 
 gather the fruits belonging to the Sun, and to the I»c a; befides Engineers, and 
 Workmen for making Aquedu&s, and draining Lands ; and laftly, Guards were 
 
 Suartered in their Countrey , to fecure the Peace, and conferve them in Obe- 
 ience. 
 
 All which being performed and eftablifhed •-, they refolved to return to Cw»; 
 but by the way to fpend a little time in reducing a corner of Land, which they 
 had left behind, for which being out of the way, they had not touched at it in 
 their march outward. This Province was called Tauju, the Countrey was moun- 
 tainous, and rocky, and the people warlike-, hovvfoeverit being concluded that 
 twelve thoufand Men were fufficient for this Atchievement, the reft of the Army 
 was difmifled , that they might not be harafled and wearied with unneceflary 
 Marches. Being arrived on the Confines of this Province , the ufual fummons 
 were difpatched, offering them terms either of War or Peace- 
 
 The Tauyt'wes entred into consultation upon the matter of thefe fummons, and 
 in debate thereupon divers opinions arofe-, fome were ftout and obftinate, and 
 were ready to dye in defence of their Gods, and their ancient Cuftomes •, but 0- 
 thers, of more cool and prudent temper, refuted the rafhnefs, and folly of fuch 
 refolution, confidering that they were already furrounded by a puiflant Enemy , 
 whom other greater Provinces than theirs were not able to refift, nor their Gods 
 to defend them. That the Clemency and Wifedom of the hats was amiable, 
 and fuch as ought to move them to defire, and embrace rather than decline their 
 Government: With which confideration they unanimoufly concluded on a fur- 
 render, the contrary courfe threatning nothing but entire ruine and defolation-, fo 
 that this more moderate counfel prevailing, they unanimoully received the Incas 
 with folemn Feftivals and Rejoicings •, and the I«cm in return vefted their Curacas, 
 and Nobles, with Garments of the fined fort, called Compi, and the Commonal- 
 ty with Avafca, which was of a courfer thread, all concluding to the general fa- 
 tisfadtion of that people, who were overjoyed and proud to become the Subjects 
 of fo gratious, and powerfull a King. Officers and Governours being here appoin- 
 ted and eftablifhed, according to the ufual Stile and Cuftome j the heat returned 
 to Cozco, whence the foca Pachacmec went out to meet his Son and Brother, and 
 conduct them to the City ; commanding that they fhould be carried in rrium- ; 
 phal Chairs on the Shoulders of fome People belonging to the late conquered Pro- 
 vinces, and received with all the joy, and feftivity, which was due to the folem- 
 nity of that day. 
 
 The feveral Nations which lived in the City, and the Caracas which prefided 
 over them, did every one in their- feveral orders, with different inftruments of 
 Drums, and Trumpets, and Cornets, prefent themfelves after the fafhion of their 
 
 Countrey, 
 
Book VI. Royal .Commentaries. 211 
 
 Countrey, chanting out the Songs which they had compofed in honour and 
 praife of the mighty and excellent A&ions performed by the General CapacTi/pan- 
 qui, and his Nephew the Prince, by whofe happy beginnings his Father concei- 
 ved entire fatisfa&ion and hopes, that he would one day anfwer the defires and 
 expectations of his Subjects. After the Citizens the Souldiers followed in their 
 ranks and orders, according to their Companies and Divifions ■■> finging alfo the 
 Songs which they had compofed in praife of the Heroick A&ions of their Incas, 
 making their Valour , and Conduct , and Excellencies, the fubjecT: of their Son- 
 nets, adjoining thereunto Panegyricks in commendation of their Piety, Charity, 
 Liberality and Magnificence towards their Captains and Souldiers , filling up the 
 burthen of their Songs with the Names of the Uncle and Nephew, adding Titles 
 unto them, and Dignities which their Vertues and brave Actions had acquired- 
 After the Souldiers followed the Incas of the Bloud, all armed with the fame fort 
 of Weapons, as well thofe who had remained at home , as thofe who had been 
 at the War-, all being equally to fhare in the Booty and Honour-, the Merits of 
 thofe who had prefided over the Civil Government at home, being no lefs eftee- 
 med than the hazards and labours of thofe who adventured abroad 
 
 Amidft the Incas was the General and his Nephew furrounded, and after them 
 came the Inca Pachacutec, mounted on his Chair of Gold, in which order they 
 proceeded to the facred Limits and Verge of the Temple, where the Incas alight- 
 ing, took off their Shoes, and all, excepting the Inca, who was Emperour, wal- 
 ked barefoot to the Gate of the Temple j at which place alfo the /« himfelf 
 with bare feet, attended onely by hcas, entred in and worshipped} and having 
 given thanks for the Victories obtained, they all returned to the publick Market- 
 place, where they celebrated the Feftival, with Songs and Dances, with Eating 
 and Drinking, which was their beft entertainment on thofe days of merriment. 
 In their Dancings they obferved this order to avoid confufion. That every Nati- 
 on according to their Seniority and Place took their turns in Dancing after the 
 mode and fafhion of their Countrey, whilft their Servants beat the Drums, and 
 other Instruments, joining in the Chorus at the end of every period. Thofe who 
 had performed their Dances drank one to another, and then arofe and danced 
 again, in fuch manner, as this paftime interchangeably continued for the whole 
 day. And in this manner was the Ceremony and folemnity of their Triumphs 
 obferved, for the fpace of a whole month-, which we have here defcribed more 
 particularly on occafion of the Victories which Capac Tupanqui had obtained --, be- 
 ing then folemnized with the moft order and magnificence. 
 
 Ee 2 CHAP. 
 
iu Royal Commentaries. Book Vl. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Two Vallies are fubdued: with the proud and infolent Anfwer 
 of Chinca. 
 
 AFcer the Feftivals were finifhed, the heat pafled three years in peace and re- 
 pofe-, dedicating their time to the adminiftration of Juftice and adornment 
 of the Empire, improving the Provinces with Fountains and Aqueducts, and 
 ftately Edifices. After fuch time that the Souldiers had taken their repofe, ano- 
 ther War was agreed and concluded to be carried on towards the Plains, or Low- 
 Countries, not having on that fide extended the borders of the Empire, farther 
 than to Nanafia-? for this defign thirty thoufand Men were defigned to be raifed, 
 and immediately to be difpeeded for this Conqueft -, and in regard thefe Vallies 
 were very unhealthfull, and fickly for the camp-, it was refolved at a Council of 
 War, that another Army 6f thirty thoufand Men fliould be raifed, which every 
 two months was to relieve the other, and fo interchangeably take their turns and 
 hazards in that unwholfome Air, which to the Natives themfelves was almoft pe- 
 ftilential. 
 
 The Armies being raifed , the Inca Pachacutec commanded , that thirty thou- 
 fand Men mould quarter in the neighbouring parts, fo as to be ready for the Inva- 
 fion, and relief of the Guards at the times appointed •■, and with the firft Army he, 
 with his Son the Prince, and Brother Tupanqui proceeded by ihort marches to the 
 Provinces called Ruatna, and Hatum-rucma, refolving there to fix his Court, as 
 the moft convenient place near the confines, whence at all times he might be in a 
 readinefs to give theSuccoUrs which the War required, and apply thofe arts which 
 were agreeable to Peace. In the mean time the hcas, who were his Son and Bro- 
 ther, proceeded towards Nmafea, and being arrived there , they difpatched their 
 ufual Summons to the People, who live in the Valley of 7m, lying northward 
 from Naitafca. The Natives defired time to communicate, and conhder together 
 concerning the Propofals offered them, who after they had held a confultation 
 which admitted of fome debate 5 they refolved to recewe the Inca for their Lord 
 and Mafter, being thereunto the rather moved from the report they had heard of 
 the gentle Government of the hcas, and which they had already, by reafon of 
 the Neighbourhood with Nanafia , in part known and tried. By this Example 
 the Natives likewife of the Valtey ofPifio fubmitted, though their ill Neighbours 
 of the Valley ofChkha endeavoured to corrupt and alienate their Minds from Obe- 
 dience to the Inca, by promifes to enter into a League and mutual Confederacy 
 with them •, but they being fenfible that their united ftrengch was not able to de- 
 fend them from the prevailing power of the Inca, refolved to take the fecure, and 
 faving courfe of Submiflion, and accept the Laws, Cuftoms, and Religion of the 
 Incas, promifing to adore the Sun, and efteem all other Gods vain and Idolatrous, 
 but fuch onely as the hcas mould impofe upon them. 
 
 This Vale of Tea, is a fertile and fruitfull foil, as are all thofe other low Lands 
 and Vallies, and therefore efteemed worthy to be improved by the Power and 
 Induflry of their Kings, in order whereuntb they erefted a fair Aqueduct, where- 
 by the waters were conveyed from the higheft part of the Mountains by a plenti- 
 full ftream 5 the which naturally running from the Eaft, they with art turned to 
 the Weft, by bringing the Current to fall into a Chanel which received the Rains 
 in the ,Wiflt6r , which being dried up in the Summer , all thofe Plains became 
 ftutnt, aVid torched up for want of fnoijture, which was afterwards fupplied by . 
 the great convenience and benefit of thefe new Waters-, fo that their Tillage and 
 Lands were improved thereby, that ever after the People lived with great eafe 
 and abundance -, which when the conquered Indians, and thofe not as yet fubdued, 
 had feen and proved, they became Admirers of the Twvw-Empire, and defirous to 
 be numbred with the Subjects to it, that fo they might lay claim to a lhare of 
 
 thofe 
 
Book VI. Koyal Commentaries. 210 
 
 thofe bleflings, which the vigilance and ingenuity of the lma beftowed on his 
 Vaflak 
 
 It is here to be noted , that the Indians, who inhabited along the Coaft for the 
 fpace of almoft 500 Leagues, extending from Trugillo to Tarapaca, which is the 
 utmoft border North and South o{Peru, generally adored and worfliipped the Sea 
 for God, (unlets it were fome petty Idol, or diminutive God, which was peculiar 
 to the Province) by reafon that the Sea fed and fuftained them with Fifli for their 
 nourithment, and threw up vaft quantities of Pilchards, with the Heads of which 
 they dunged their Lands, ( as we have faid before) by realbn of which benefits 
 they gave it the Name of Mamacocha, or Mother-fea. They likewife adored the 
 Whale for its vaft bulk and bignefs 3 and fome Provinces adored this, and others 
 that fort of Fi(h, as they were moft plentifull, and yielded mod benefit to the 
 Natives. This was, in fhort, the Idolatrous Religion of the Tunas before the 
 times of the Incas, or that they came to have Rule and Dominion over them. 
 
 The Vallies of Tea and Pifco being thus reduced, the Incas difpatched their Sum- 
 mons to the great and powerfull Valley 0$ Chincha, (fo called from Ch'mhafuyu, 
 which is one of the four quarters into which the lncas divided their Empire) re- 
 quiring them either to pay their Obedience to the Ima Pachacurec, who was a 
 Child of die Sun, or otherwife to prepare themfelves for War, and defend their 
 Caufe and Countrey with their Arms : But the people of Chincha confiding in 
 their Numbers, and puffed up with an opinion of their bravery, and skill in War, 
 returned an anfwer of Defiance •, that they would neither receive the Sun for their 
 Goct, nor the Inca for their King ; that the Sea was the Deity, which they had 
 moft reafon to Adore, in regard it fupplied them with Fiih for their nourithment, 
 and was in other particulars and inftances the moft ufefull and beneficial ■-, whenas 
 the Sun on the other fide fcorched their Countrey, and parched and tormented 
 their Bodies •-, to that they wilhed rather to live remote from him , than to be 
 troubled with the inconveniences of his Neighbourhood -, that perhaps he might 
 be a more proper God for thofe who inhabit the cold Climates under the frozen 
 Zones ; but as to themfelves, his Rays and Prefence were ofFeniive. That as to 
 the King, they had a Natural Prince of their own, whom they loved, and would 
 not part with for all the race and lineage of the Sun •, and for their Arms, they 
 were always ready to be employed againft thofe who provoked their Paffion, or 
 infringed their Liberty, or invaded their Countrey or defpifed their Gods •, the 
 chief and principal of which was called Chincha Camac, who was the Maker and 
 Confervator ofchinca, a God fo powerfull .that the Incas would doe well to con- 
 fider how they provoked or injured the King of Chincha, who was fupported by 
 the Providence of that powerfull God. The Natives of this Countrey do like- 
 wife much avail themfelves on a Tradition, that their Forefathers came from a 
 far Countrey, (though they do not fay whence) under the Conduct of a valiant 
 and religious General, by force of whofe Arms they conquered that Countrey, 
 by deftroying all the people, which were the natural Inhabitants of it not fuf- 
 fering one of them to furvive, becaufe they were a vile and brutifh Race •, be- 
 fides many other brave A&ions, which they recount of their Fore-fathers. 
 
 j 
 
 ■ 
 
 T 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 - 
 
ii a Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 'I 
 
 Of the Obftinacy which the People of Chincha Jhewed ; and 
 how they were at length reduced. 
 
 TH E Incas, heated with the difdain of this Anfwer, proceeded towards Chin- 
 cha , and the Curaca, or Lord, called by the fame Name, with a considera- 
 ble band of Men as readily marched to encounter them , and skirmished with 
 them in the Valley •, but the Sand and Duft was fo great, that the Armies could 
 not remain long engaged 5 wherefore the Tunca* retreated to take pofieffion of a 
 Pafs, at the entrance to which, though they oppofed the Incas, yet fo faint was the 
 refiftence which they made, that they gave ground and admiflion to the Enemy 
 to lodge, and take up their quarters within the place which they endeavoured to 
 defend: All which was performed with fignal courage, and with bloud and 
 wounds on both fides 5 the Tunas labouring to defend their Countrey, and the 
 Mas to enlarge and advance their Dominion. 
 
 During thefe many days of SkirmiShes and Defiance, the Incas did not omit 
 their invitations and perfuafions to prefer terms of Peace, before the cruelties and 
 extremities of War --, but all to little purpofe, for the fmcas continuing obstinate 
 in their refolutions, and being of opinion that the heat of the Sun would at length 
 conftrain the Enemy, accuftomed to a more moderate climate, to relinquish their 
 defign 3 refufed all propofitions of Peace, rather mewing themfelves every day 
 more averfe and rebellious on confidence of thefe hopes and expectations : Not-. 
 withstanding which, the Incas ftill maintaining the ancient principles, and con- 
 ftant practice of gentlenefs and moderation , did not take the advantage they 
 might have done on many occafions, to the deftru&ion of their Enemies ; but ra- 
 ther endeavoured to weary them out, and by long patience work them into a more 
 pliable temper 5 for continuation of which, at the end of two Months, the Army 
 which was appointed to relieve the other, was commanded with all diligence to 
 march, and take the place of thofe who had preceded them, before the heat of 
 the Countrey had produced Calentures amongft them, or any other diSeafes inci- 
 dent to the bodies of Men unaccuftomed to excefs of heat. 
 
 The Officers haftning the March of the Army, with all expedition poffible 
 they arrived in a few days at Chincha, where the General fupanqm Stayed to re- 
 ceive them, and difinifs the former Army , which he ordered to be lodged and 
 quartered in fuch Neighbouring places, as to be near and ready to relieve the 
 Guards another time, if the obftinacy of the Enemy Should protract and delay 
 the accomplishment of their fubje&ion. The Prince departed with the Army 
 which was relieved, for better fecurity and confervation of his health. 
 
 The War being renewed by exchange of Forces, the General befieged and 
 ftraitned them , as clofe as he was able , destroying their Harveft and Fruits, and 
 hindering all Provisions from coming to their Camp : He alfo cut off their Cha- 
 nels of Water, fo that they could not refreSh their Fruits and Plantations ; every 
 thing being burnt, and fcorched up, but what they had already reaped, and ga- 
 thered in ; and this was the greatest mifery that afflided the Tmcas, whofe Coun- 
 trey being exceeding hot, was not capable to produce any Fruit but what was wa- 
 tered every three or four Days. 
 
 The Tuncas grew now more fenfible of their loft condition, for finding their 
 Streams of Water to be cut off, and themfelves ftraitned in the narrowneSs of their 
 quarters ■? and being difappointed of the hope and expectation they once concei- 
 ved, that the Heat of the Countrey, and the ill Air, would conftrain the Incas to 
 quit and abandon it ; and, on the contrary, perceiving the policy of their Govern- 
 ment, that by relieving and exchanging their Guards, they were enabled to con- 
 tinue the War, they began to abate Something of their pride and confidence ; 
 but were not as yet fo humbled, as readily to fubmit without trying the utmoft 
 
 extre- 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. zi* 
 
 extremity : F3r in this pofture of War they perfifted for the fpace of two Months 
 longer, refufing all propofals of Peace , though tendred to them every eight Days 
 by the Imas •, and oppofing them with Arms in their hands, in deipight of Fa- 
 mine, and Sword, and all the inconveniences of War i imploring in the mean 
 time with earneft devotion, and vows, the afliftence of their God Chimha Camac; 
 to whom the Women efpecially directed their prayers, and with tears and facri- 
 fices begged his protection and deliverance of them. 
 
 It is obfervable that the Indians of this famous Valley of Chimha adored an Idol, 
 which they called Chimha Camac, fafhioned after the form of Pachacamac, or the 
 unknown God, whom (as we have faid before) the Incus fpiritually, or mentally, 
 adored : for they taking notice, that the Inhabitants of the Neighbouring Valley 
 had erected an Idol, named Pachacamac, which fignifies the Suftainer of the Uni- 
 verfe, and dedicated a Temple to it •, did after their example mould another Idol 
 after fimilitude of the former, giving it the Name of Chimhacamac, or the Suftai- 
 ner, or Protector of Chimha ; for the other denomination being Univerfal, feemed 
 in their fancy, of fuch a vail extent, that the God, who had fo great an employ- 
 ment, as the care and confervation of the Qniverfe, could not be at leifure to de- 
 fend them, or think fo narrow a corner, as Chimha, worthy his trouble or con- 
 cernment -, wherefore that they might gain a more peculiar Deity, and fuch as 
 they might appropriate to themfelves, they figured a Chimha camac, or a Dome- 
 ftick God, by whofe favour and power they promifed to themfelves fuccour and 
 deliverance from their Enemies. 
 
 The Incas all this while patiently endured the teadioufnefs of this War, and 
 the obftinacy of their Enemies, who could not as yet provoke them to deftroy 
 them utterly, though policy of War and neceffity compelled them to ftraiten, and 
 diftrefs them as far as they were able. At length Capac Tupanqui having obferved 
 the obftinate refolution of the Enemy, and that he loft both time and reputation 
 by a teadious attendance on their pertinacious humour ; and confidering that this 
 gentlenefs and mercy towards the Enemy, might be converted into a cruelty to- 
 wards his own Subjects, in cafe that long delays, and protraction of time, mould 
 produce a ficknefs in the Camp, as was much to be feared from the violent Heats, 
 and unwholfome Air : Wherefore to avoid, and prevent this danger, he difpat- 
 ched a Meflenger to them •, acquainting them in exprefs terms, that having alrea- 
 dy complied with the companionate and tender Inftructions of his Brother the 
 Jma, by his long forbearance of them 3 he fent now to let them know, that he 
 gave them eight days to yield, and furrender themfelves -, in which fpace of time, 
 in cafe they fubmitted, they fhould then be pardoned, and received to mercy $ 
 and if they refufed, that they fhould no longer expect compaffion, or quarter, for 
 that he was refolved to put them all to the Sword, and people their Countrey 
 again with a new Colony and Nation more wife and obedient to the Ima .• which 
 mefiage being delivered, he ordered the Heralds to return without attending for 
 an anfwer. 
 
 TheTwKvw being terrified with this pofitive meflage, apprehended that the juft 
 rage of the Imas might reafonably tranfport them to an execution thereof •■, for 
 that the Imas having received fuch bad returns for all the pity and gentlenefs they 
 had fhewn towards them, no other forbearance could be now expected •, and con- 
 sulting their prefent ftate of famine, and want, and other incommodities of War, 
 they took a refolution to fend their Ambafladours to the Ima to implore his par- 
 don, and that he would vouchfafe to receive them for his Subjects, promifing to 
 exchange the rebellion and obftinacy they had ufed, into a faithfull and loyal Obe- 
 dience to the Ima •, the day following the Curaca, accompanied with his Kindred 
 and Nobles, went to kifs the hands of the Ima, and perfonally make tender of 
 their Duty and Obedience. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
2I 6 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of the Ancient Conquefts, and vain Rodomontadoes y of the 
 Chinchas. 
 
 TH E I»ca much fatisfied with this fubmiffion, congratulated with the Curaca 
 Chincha the happinefs of the enfuing Peace, whereby an end was put to the 
 miferies of a bloudy War, which was deftructive to his people : And fpeaking 
 kindly to this great Commander of the Ymcas, aflured him of pardon from his. 
 Brother the Emperour 3 ;'and becaufe he perceived him to be much deje&ed and 
 afflicted for his fault, he' encouraged him with many kind and obliging exprefli- 
 ons, telling him, that the King his Brother was a gratious and mercifull Prince, 
 who never recalled to memory the enmity fhewn him at firft, provided that ha- 
 ving once fubmitted, and acknowledged him for their Lord, they did never af- 
 terwards return to their rebellion : And as an evidence of favour and acceptance, 
 he commanded, that Veftments mould be given them of the fineft fort 3 and fo all 
 concluded in a mutual fatisfa&ion. 
 
 Thefe Indians of Chimha boaft much of this refiftence they had made againft 
 the Incas, pretending that they repelled them twice, becaufe they reckoned the ex- 
 change of the firft Army with the fecond to be a kind of retreat. They report 
 alfo, that the Incas were many years before they could conquer them , and that 
 at length they fubmitted upon conditions and promifes 5 and that they were won 
 rather by gifts and prefents, than fubdued by force of Arms. Thus was the mild 
 ufage and treatment which the Incas (hewed to them , interpreted for a fign of 
 their own Valour and Courage ; whenas, in reality, the power of the Incas was 
 fo great in thofe days, that they could with facility have fubdued them, had they 
 in earneft applied their Strength, and Military Art, in that Conqueft : but Men 
 have liberty to talk of the Mighty Actions of former times, and of their Ance- 
 flours, without offence to any in the prefent Age. 
 
 They report farther of themfelves, that before they were Subjects to the Ma, 
 they were of that power, and Martial difpofition, that they made frequent Incur- 
 fions into the Neighbouring Countries, from whence they carried Spoils and 
 Trophies of Victory -, that they were fo dreadfull to thofe who inhabited the 
 Mountains, that thofepeople, for fear, of them, deferted their Countrey, and that 
 they often came as fir as the Province of Colla. All which appears to be falfe, 
 becaufe thefe tomcats are naturally a iluggifti and dull Nation, and not given to 
 hbour, or travel , and therefore it is not probable, that they would undertake a 
 March of almoft ico Leagues, through greater Provinces, and more populous 
 than their own. And that which makes this report ftill more improbable is, 
 That the Yuncas, being ( as we have faid ) born in a very hot Countrey, where it 
 never Rains, and where confequently the noife of Thunder is never heard 3 are fo 
 affrighted with the found, and claps of it, fo often as they enter into the Hilly- 
 Countries, that with confternation and terrour they return into their own Cli- 
 mate \ and therefore it is not credible they mould adventure into Mountains 
 where the voice of Thunder is often heard , and which their ignorance made fo 
 horrible and affrighting to them. 
 
 Whilft Yupanqui employed himfelf in Eftablifhing the Government of Chincha, 
 and putting all things into thebeft order and pofture he was able 3 he gave intelli- 
 gence to his Brother of the fuccefs of his proceedings, defiring him to relieve the 
 Army, which remained then on Duty •, by exchange for another, that fo he might 
 proceed in the entire conqueft of ttieTtmcM. And whilft he was thus fetling the Go- 
 vernment in Chincha, and impofing new Laws and Cuftoms on them 3 Informations 
 were brought him againft certain perfons guilty of Sodomy, to which fin that Coun- 
 trey was much addicted : All which he took, and condemned, and burned alive 3 
 commanding their Houfes to be thrown down, their Inheritances to be deftroyed, 
 
 their 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries zij 
 
 their Trees rooted up, that fo no fteps or marks might appear of any thing which had 
 been built, or planted by the hands of Sodomites, and that their memory, as well 
 as their actions, might be abolimed-, with them they deftroyed both their Wives 
 and Children, which feverity, though it may feem unjuft, was yet an evidence of 
 that abhorrence which the Incas conceived againft this unnatural Crime. 
 
 Some time after this Conqueft the Incan-Kings honoured, and enobled this val- 
 ley of Chincha, with a famous Temple dedicated to the Sun, with a Houfe alfo 
 for the Select Virgins 5 it contained about thirty thoufand fouls, being one of the 
 moft pleafant and delightfull Vallies of Peru. The Actions and Exploits of the 
 lnca Pachacutec were many and various, though his Conquefts for the moft part 
 were performed in the fame manner ; wherefore to divert the Reader with fome 
 varieties, we mall now intermix our Difcourfe with two principal Feftivals which 
 the hcai celebrated with the greateft folemnities , and then we (hall return again 
 to the Life and Atchievements of this King. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Of the principal Feftival of the Sun ; and in what manner 
 they prepared themf elves for the Celebration of it. 
 
 TH E principal Feftival was called Raymi, which founds, or at leafts fignifies as 
 much with them as Pafcha, (which with us in Englilh is Eafor) amongft the 
 four Feftivals, celebrated by the Incus in the City of Cozxo, which was the Metro- 
 polis of their Religion, (as Rome is to us) none was obferved with that folemnity, 
 as this which they called Tntip Raymi, held in the month of fmte, in honour of the 
 Sun, foon after the Summer Solftice ■■, and if Aey attributed this name of Raymi to 
 any other Feaft, it was in reference, or as it depended on this chief Feftival. 
 
 This Solemnity was performed to the Sun, under Notion of the Supreme, Sole 
 and Univerfal God, by virtue of whofe Heat and Light all living Creatures were 
 generated and fuftained. At which alfo they commemorated their firft Father ln- 
 ca Manco Capac, and Coya Mama. Occlo, his Wife and Sifter, owning and acknow- 
 ledging them to be defcended from the Sun, and fent by him into the World for 
 the common benefit of Mankind. For which important Reafons this Feftival be- 
 ing efteemed the moft folemn , all the principal Captains and Commanders of 
 the Army, and Curacas or Lords of Provinces, aflembled themfelves at Cozco to 
 celebrate this Feaft ; not that it was of Precept or Injunction, but out of mere 
 Devotion to the Sun, and refpect to the lnca. In cafe any Cnraca or Officer were 
 hindred by Age, or Infirmity, or by any diftant Employment in fervice of the 
 lnca, he then fent his Son, or his Brother, or fome other Relation, to afllft at this 
 Function in his Name and Place-, nor did the lnca efteem himfelf excufed front 
 this perfonal attendance, unlefs the War, or remote Vifits of his Kingdoms obli- 
 ged him to be abfent. 
 
 At the firft Ceremonies the King, as High-Prieft, did always adminifter; for 
 though there was another High-Prieft, of the fame legitimate Bloud, being a Bro- 
 ther or Uncle of the lnca, to whom it properly belonged at other times to offi- 
 ciate •-, yet this being the chief of all the Feftivals, was ever graced and honoured 
 by the adminiftration of the lnca, who was the firft and eldeft Child of the Sun. 
 
 The Curacas were habited and drefled at this time in the fineft Cloths and gay- 
 eties that they could bring 5 fome wore Garments plated with Gold and Silver, 
 adorning themfelves with Garlands , or Crowns of Gold , platted over their 
 Wreaths-, fome of them appeared in Lions Skins, having their Heads and Bo- 
 dies covered with them, and thefe were fuch, who boafted themfelves to be de- 
 fcended from that generous Creature. 
 
 F f Suck 
 
218 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 Such as had a great efteem and veneration for that Fowl which they call Cmtnr, 
 fo as to fanfie the Original of their firft Parents to be defcended from it, appeared 
 in fafhion of Angels, with the Wings of that Bird, which they fay are fo large, 
 that fome of them being killed by the Spaniards, have meafured fourteen or fifteen 
 Foot from the point of one pinion to the other. 
 
 Others appeared in antick Shapes, with horrid Vizards, and thefewere7i»Hw, 
 who, to make themfelves the more ridiculous, entred with Grimaces , making 
 mouths, and turning themfelves into a thoufand fantafh'cal geftures, like Fools, or 
 Madmen •, carrying inftruments in their hands v agreeable to their poftures, fuch 
 as Flutes, and ill-tuned Cymbols, without Mufick or Harmony, which ferved to 
 make up their wild Mafquerade. 
 
 The Cfiracas, according to their qualities, carried the Enfigns of their refpe&ive 
 Countries -, fome bore the Weapons which they ufed in War, fuch as Bows and 
 Arrows, others Launces, and Darts, and Slings, and Pole-axes to be managed with 
 one hand, and Halberts whicrwhey weilded with both ■-, in their Colours and En- 
 figns the Adtions and Stories oftheir Valour, which they had adted in the Service 
 of the Sun, and Inca were painted'and defigned : in Ihort, every Curaca came be- 
 habited in the beft manner that he was able, and attended with his beft: Equipage, 
 every one endeavouring to outdoe his Neighbour, or Companion, in fomething 
 that was fine and extraordinary. 
 
 Fading was the general preparation and introduction to the Raymi, or Feftival 
 of the Sun, which was fo rigorous, that it continued for the fpace of three days; 
 during which time they ate nothing, but a little white Mayz unbaked, with a few 
 herbs called Chucam, and drank nothing but water-, no fire was kindled in the 
 whole City, during this folemn faft, nor was it lawfull for any Man to accompa- 
 ny with his Wife. The Fall: being ended, upon the Eve or Vigil thereof the In~ 
 cas, who were Priefts, and appointed to offer the Sacrifice, were employed in pre- 
 paring the Sheep, and Lambs, and Drinks, which the day following were to be 
 offered to the Sun-, all Which were provided according to the number of the peo- 
 ple which came to the Fefiival, in regard, that not onely the Curacas, and tnek 
 Deputies, but the common People, and their Servants, were to partake of the 
 Benefit and Bleffings of thefe Sacrifices. 
 
 The Virgins, or Wives of the Sun, were employed on the Eve in kneading 
 great quantities of Dough, made of Ivlayz, which they call Canco, which they fafhio- 
 ned into round Cakes about the bignefs of our Apples. For it is obfervable, that 
 the Indians never eat their Mayz kneaded into Bread, but at this Feaft, and at the 
 other which they call Cltm ; nor do they eat this Bread at their Meals, but one- 
 ly two or three mouthfulls at the beginning $ for that which they ordinarily ufe 
 for Bread is Cara, which they either parch, or boil before they eat it. 
 
 The Flowefcof this fort of Bread which the Inca and thofe of the Royal Family 
 did eat, was grinded, and kneaded by the felect Virgins, who were Wives of the 
 Sun, and who likewife drefied all the other Dimes which were provided for this 
 Feftival ; fo that the Sun rather feemed to entertain his Family, than his Chil- 
 dren to beftow a Treat or Banquet upon him : But as to the common fort, great 
 numbers of other Women were fet at work to make Bread , and drefs Victuals 
 for them -, in making this common Bread great care was taken to have it of 
 the beft Flower, and fuch as was pure , and without mixture, being efteemecf 
 facred, and fuch as was not to be eaten, but onely at this Feftival, which wa 
 the principal of all their Feafts. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 210 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 How having adored the Sun, they went in Proceffion to his 
 Temple, and Sacrificed a Lamb to him. 
 
 ALL things being well prepared, and difpofed on the Eve, the Feaft being 
 come, the Inca, accompanied with his Brethren, and every one ranked in 
 his place and order, according to his Quality and Age, went in proceflion by break 
 of day into the Market-place of the City, which they call Hauca^ata, where re- 
 maining bare-foot, they looked attentively toward the Eaft in expectation of the 
 Sun's Rifing^ whenfo foon as they faw him appear, they all immediately, cart- 
 ing themfelves down on their breeches, (which is as much as with us on our knees) 
 adored and worshipped him, and with open Armes and Hands lifted up, putting 
 them before their Mouths, threw empty Kiftqs into the Air, and To worfhipped 
 with profound reverence, acknowledging the Sun for their God, and their natu- 
 ral Father. 
 
 The Caracas, which were not of the Bloud Royal, aflembled in a feparate 
 Company in another place called Cufllpata, j where they performed the fame Cere- 
 monies with the Incas. Then the King railing himfelf on his Feet, whilft the 
 others remained fitting, he took two great Cups of Gold, which they call ^qm'/Lr, 
 into his Hands, filled with that Drink which is their chief Beverage •, aud then in 
 the name and ftead of his Father the Sun, (being efteemecj the firft-born) he lif- 
 ted up the Bowl, which he held in his Right-hand, v and* invited the inca, being 
 himfelf, and all his Relations, to the Feftival, to pledge Mm in that Liquour:, for 
 this Ceremony of drinking one to another, is the moll: familiar inftance an be gi- 
 ven of Friendship and Good- will. 
 
 Having performed this Ceremony of Invitation, he poured the Drink which 
 was in his Right-hand Bowl into a golden Jarr, dedicated to the Sun , from which 
 the Liquour ran into a fmooth Chanel, made of Stone, which reached from the 
 Market-place to the Temple, as if the Sun himfelf had drank it. Then the Inca 
 drank of the Bowl which he held in his Left-hand, pledging the Sun, giving to 
 every Inca. fome part thereof, in a (mall Cup of Gold, or Silver, which every one 
 had ready to receive it-, fo that by little and little they had d^ined the great 
 Bowl-, the Liquour of which being fan&ified by the hand of the Sun, or the Inca, 
 was efteemed of Virtue and Bleflings to all thofe who communicated of it-, and 
 of which all thofe of the Royal Family received. The Curacas drank of another 
 Cup, though of the fame fort of Liquour, prepared by the Wives of the Sun •■, 
 which was not efteemed fo holy and facred as that which was confecrated by the 
 I»ca himfelf. 
 
 This Ceremony being performed, which was but an Antepaft to what they 
 had afterwards to drink, they proceeded all in their order to the Temple of the 
 Sun ■-, and being about two hundred paces from the door, they all (except the 
 King) pulled off their Shoes, and walked to the Gate of the Temple. Then the 
 Inca, and all his Kindred, entred in, and performed, as legitimate Children, their 
 Obeifanceand Adoration to the Image of the Sun-, whilft the Curacas, as un- 
 worthy of fo great a Privilege, attended without in the great Court, which was 
 before the Gate of the Temple. 
 
 Then the Inca offered with his own hand thofe Veflels of Gold with which 
 he had performed this Ceremony -, and the other Incas delivered theirs into the 
 hands of the Priefts, who were Incas and particularly nominated and dedicated to 
 the Sun-, for it was not lawfull for any Inca to officiate at this holy Service, who 
 was a Secular, or not ordained to this facred Function. When the Priefts had 
 thus received the Chalices from the he as, they went afterwards to the Gate, to 
 
 F f 2 take 
 
2 2d Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 take others from the hands of the Curacas, every one of which proceeded in their 
 order, according to feniority, or priority of time , in which they had become 
 Subjects of the Empire, and fo configned into the hands of the Priefts their Vef- 
 felsof Gold and Silver, with all forts of Animals, fuch as Sheep, Lambs, Li- 
 zards, Toads, Serpents, Foxes, Lions and Tygers, &c. all rarely well caft, and 
 moulded in Gold and Silver, which they prefented for their Offerings to the Sun, 
 every one in fome fmall quantity according to their Abilities. 
 
 The Offertory being made, every one returned to his place, and then the hcas 
 who were Priefts came with great droves of Lambs, Ewes and Rams of divers 
 colours-, for the Hocks of thole Countries have as much variety in their colours 
 as the Horfes have in Spai» j all which Cattle were the proper Goods and Eftate 
 of the Sun 5 out of which they chofe a black Lamb, for that colour was prefer- 
 red before all others, as moft proper for Sacrifice, and moft pleating to Divinity-, 
 for they faid, that brown Cattel were of the like colour, as well within as with- 
 out, and that the white, though white over all their Bodies, had yet fome black 
 fpots on the tip of their Snouts, or Nofes, which was efteemed a defect, and there- 
 fore lefs fit for unfpotted Sacrifices; for which reafon the Kings moft commonly 
 were clothed in black, their mourning being a kind of yellowifh, and fpotted co- 
 
 From the firft Sacrifice of the black Lamb, they made their Prognoftications, 
 and Divinations of matters 1 relating to the Feaft; likewife in all matters of im- 
 portance, relating to Peace or War, they took their Omens and Signs from tie 
 Sacrifices of Lambs, fearching into their Heart and Lungs ; and thence divined 
 from the colour and clearnefs of them, whether their Offerings were acceptable to 
 die Sun, or not 5 whether the day of battel were to be fuccefsfull and victorious; 
 and whether the Year were to be fruitfull : Howfoever they did not always con- 
 fult the entrails of Lambs-, but in fome matters they opened the Bowels of a 
 Ram, in others of a barren Ewe; for it is obfervable, that they never killed a 
 breeding Ewe, but fuch onely as were barren, or by age unfit for Procreation. 
 When they killed a Lamb, or Sheep, they turned his Head towards the Eaft, 
 and without tying his Legs, either before or behind, three or four Indians held 
 him faft •, and laying him down, the Prieft opened his left fide, into which thruft- 
 ing his Hand, he tore from thence his Heart, and Lungs, and all his vitals, not 
 cutting them, but tearing them out whole with his hand, from the very upper 
 parts of the Throat and Palate, to the lowermoft Entrails, great care being taken 
 that all the Veflels (hould be kept entire, and united with the fame connexion 
 that they had in the Body. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. zii 
 
 CHAP. XXlt. 
 
 Of the Divinations made from thefe Sacrifices, and the Fire 
 with which they were confirmed. 
 
 THE moft happy Omen of all they held to be the throbs and palpitations of 
 tbe Lungs, which if they ftill moved, and continued living when they 
 were firft drawn from the Body, they then efteemed the Omen certainly good, 
 and could difpence with other lefs promifing Symptoms, for that this had a fupe- 
 riour and an over-ruling power over all other unlucky appearances. Then they 
 drew out the Guts, and blowing them up with Wind, they tied the neck very 
 hard and clofe, and they prefled them on each fide with their Hands, obferving 
 by which way the Wind found its eafieft pallage into the Veins and Lungs, which 
 the more they fwelled, and became replete with Wind, the better was the Omen 
 accounted. There were many other particulars obferved by them, which I have 
 forgotten, but thefe which I have before mentioned I am well allured of, having 
 noted them in my Journals, and remember, that when I was a Youth, I faw 
 them twice performed by certain old Indians, not as yet baptifed-, I do not mean 
 the Sacrifice ofRaymi, for that was aboliihed long before I was born-, onely the 
 fuperftitious infpe&ion into the Entrails of Lambs, and Sheep, in order to Divi- 
 nation*, and the Sacrifices of them after fuch infpe&ion was frill continued in my 
 time, the which Sacrifices were offered after the manner of thofe at the principal 
 Feafts. It was held for a very bad Omen if the Lamb, or Sheep, after they had 
 opened his fide, proved fo ftrong as to be able by ftrugling to get the Maffery of 
 them which held him, and to ftand upon his Feet. It was alfo efteemed for a 
 bad Omen , if in drawing out the Entrails the mouth of the Small-guts broke 
 off from the Ligatures of the Stomach, fo as not to come out whole and entire. 
 It was alfo a bad Omen for the Lungs to come forth bruifed, or broken, or the 
 Heart wounded -, befides other things, as I have faid, which I neither noted, nor 
 made enquiry of, onely thefe I remember, being told me by certain Indians, whom 
 I found offering thefe Sacrifices-, and indeed they were willing to be free with me, 
 and refolve me in any thing I asked them concerning their good or bad Omens 5 
 for I being then but a Youth, they entertained no jealoufie or fufpjcion of me. 
 But to return to the Solemnity of tne Feftival oiRaymi, we farther fay, If the Sa- 
 crifice of the Lamb declared not that fortunate Omen which was defired, then 
 they made trial of another with a Ram, and if that neither promifed fair or hap- 
 py Tidings, then they confulted the Bowels of a barren Ewe, and if that alfo did 
 not foretell fomething more hopefull, they then proceeded in their Sacrifices and 
 Solemnities of the Feaft, with Sorrow and Mourning, faying, that the Sun their 
 Father was for fome Crime, or Omiffion in his Service, angry and difpleafed with 
 them, and therefore in vengeance thereof, expecled the punifhment of War or 
 Famine, or fome other Judgment-, but then when the Omens were happy and 
 fouling, they rejoiced with high contentment, being full of hopes and expectati- 
 ons of fortunate fuccefles. 
 
 This Sacrifice of the firft Lamb , from whence they made their Divinations, 
 being offered -, great droves of Lambs and Sheep were brought afterwards for the 
 common Sacrifice •, but then they did not open their fides, being alive, as they 
 did the firft, but after the ufual manner they fairly cut their Throats, and flead 
 them-, the Bloud they faved, and with it offered the Heart unto the Sun, bur- 
 ning the Body altogether, untill the whole Lamb was confumed, and converted 
 into Afhes. 
 
 The Fire for that Sacrifice was to be new, and then kindled (as they called it) 
 from the hand of the Sun-, to allight this Fire they made ufe of a great Bracelet, 
 worn by the High Prieft, which they called Chipana, being after the fafhion of 
 thofe which the Incat commonly put on the Wrift of their Left-hand -, this being 
 
 greater 
 
 
2 21 Royal Commentaries, Book VI. 
 
 greater than ordinary, was held over a Cylinder of thebignefs of a half Orange, 
 aright and well polifhed, which uniting the Rays of the Sun in one point, cart 
 "ucn a reflexion into the Cylinder, as eafily fet fire to the Cotton, which being 
 inely combined, was put into it, and readily received the flame: With this fire 
 alighted from the Sun, they burnt their Sacrifices, and drefled all their Meat for 
 that days provifion-, of this fire they carried fome into the Temple of the Sun, 
 and fome to the Convent of the Select Virgins, to be there conferved for the 
 fpace of the following Year; being efteemed a moft unhappy Omen, in cafe it 
 mould by any accident have been extinguished. If on the Vigil or Day before 
 the Feftival, which is the time when they prepared all things in a readinefs for 
 the Sacrifice, the weather fhould have proved cloudy, ib that the Sun did not ap- 
 pear, then for kindling this Fire they made ufe of two round pieces of a hard fore 
 of Wood, being about the bignefs of the middle finger, and about half a yard 
 long, called Vjaca, which being rubbed hard together, produced a Flame, and 
 with thefe the Indians ftruck fire, as we do with a Steel and Flint , when they 
 travelled, and paffed through defartand unpeopled Countries, and I have frequent- 
 ly feen the Shepherds make ufe of the fame. 
 
 Howfbever it was accounted a bad Omen to be enforced on that day to have 
 recourfe unto that inftrument •, for in regard the Sun did then hide his face from 
 them, it argued his difpleafure and anger for fome offence committed. All the flelh 
 which was prepared for that Sacrifice, was drefled in the publick Market-place, 
 and there divided amongft the Guefts which came to the Feaft, and diftributed 
 firft to the Incas, then to the Curacat, and afterwards to the Commonalty, accor- 
 ding to the feveral Orders and Degrees. The firft Difh, or Courfe, ferved in ac 
 this folemn Banquet, was that fort of Bread wliich they called Cancu; then they 
 brought in feveral varieties of Meats, without Drink, it being the cuftome over 
 all Pem, not to drink at the time of their Meals. 
 
 From what we have faid concerning the Indians lipping from the Bowl or Cup, 
 offered them by the hand of the Prieft, the Spaniards raifed a report, that xhz Indi- 
 ans communicated in the fame manner as do the Chriftians ; but having plainly de- 
 livered the matter of Fad, we fhall leave the fimilitude, or comparifon, to every 
 Man s fancy. 
 
 The Dinner, or Banquet of Meats being over, great quantities of Drink were 
 brought in, in which the Indians were notorioufly addicted to exceed, though by 
 the Mercies of God , they are fo well reformed from that Vice , by example 
 of that Temperance and Sobriety which they obferved in the Spaniards, that it is 
 now a ftrange thing to fee an Indian drunk, the Vice being generally become de- 
 teftable, and efteemed infamous j ib that had the like good example been fhewn 
 in other things to this People, as hath been in this, it might have produced the 
 fame good efjeft, and fignahzed the Spaniards for true Apoftolical Preachers of the 
 Gofpel. 
 
 CHAP 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. zz^ 
 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Of the Order in which they dratik. one to the other. 
 
 1"HE Jnca being feated on his Chair of Mame Gold , raifed on a Pedeftal of 
 -*■ the fame metal, he fent a Meilage to his Kindred called Hanan Cozco, and 
 Hurin Cozco, that they mould in his name drink a Health to thole Indians, who 
 were the moft famous and renowned in their refpec"tive Nations. Firft they no- 
 minated the Captains, who had fignalized their valour in the War , being for 
 their Martial Exploits, preferred before the Curacy ; and in cafe a Curaca, who 
 w^ a' Lord over fomeVaflals, had merited alfo the honour of a Captain, they 
 called and mentioned him with both Titles. In the next place the Inc* lent to in- 
 vite unto drinking, the Caracas who lived in the parts adjacent, near to Cozco, be- 
 ing fuch as had been reduced by the firft Inca Mann Capac, and for that reafon ha- 
 ving the privilege of being called focas, they were preferred in the next place to 
 the Ibcm of the Royal Bloud, and before all other Nations 5 for it was a Maxime 
 ■ amongft thofe Kings never to alter or diminifh thofe Titles of Honour or Privi- 
 ; leges which their Anceftours had beftowed as favours on their Subjeds, but were 
 rather willing to confirm and enlarge them. 
 
 Now their form and manner of Drinking one to another, was this-, all the ln- 
 
 xi.ir.s generally (according to their condition and quality) had and do ftill keep a 
 
 couple of Cups to drink in, equally matched, being of the fame fize and ihape, 
 
 and of the fame Metal, either of Gold , Silver , or Wood , that fo every Man 
 
 ! might drink alike, and have his equal proportion one with the other. He that 
 
 invited to the Drink, held up his two Cups in each hand, and then gave to him 
 
 1 whom he invited the Cup which was in his Right-hand, in cafe he were of greater 
 
 ! Quality, and if he were of inferiour Degree, then that in his Left, and then both 
 
 1 drank at the fame time •■, and afterwards receiving his Cup again, he returned to 
 
 i his place-, though commonly at thefe Feafts the Perfon inviting was greater than 
 
 : the Perfon invited, fo that the Invitation was an evidence of grace and favour of 
 
 the Superiour to his Inferiour ; though from this Cuftome afterwards it came , 
 
 1 that when the Inferiour invited the Superiour, it was by way of acknowledgment 
 
 1 of his Service and Vaflalage. 
 
 In obfervance of this common Cuftome of Invitation, the Mas , who carried 
 the Drink from the King, faid to the Perfon invited, The Capa Inca hath fent me to 
 
 invite you to drinking, ayid I am come to drinks with yon in his name. Whereupon the 
 
 Captain, or Cm-aca, took the Cup into his Hands, and lifting up his Eyes unto 
 the Sun, as if he would return him thanks for the great Favour he received from 
 his OfT-fpring ; and then having taken the Draught with filence, returned back 
 the Cup , making figns of profound Reverence and Adoration with his Hands, 
 and kifling the Air with his Lips. 
 
 But it is to be noted, that the lnca did never fend Invitations of drinking to all 
 the Caracas in general, but to fome particular perfons of them, who were famous, 
 and had a great intereft with their People, and well beloved by the Commonal : 
 ty, and were Men zealous of the publick good 5 for this matter of publick good 
 was the great concernment to which the lnca, the Caracas, and all the Minifters 
 of War and Peace bended their chief aim and ftudies. To other Caracas the In- 
 cm who carried the Cups drank in their own, and not in the name of the lnca, 
 with which the Caracas were abundantly fatisfied, acknowledging it an Honour 
 
 I fuffkient for them to drink with one who was of the Family, and allied to the 
 
 I Sun, as well as the King himfelf. 
 
 The firft Ceremony of Drinking being finimed, then immediately the Captains 
 and Caracas of the feveral Nations made their Invitations in the fame manner and 
 order as diey had been themfelves invited; fome making their immediate Ad- 
 
 drefs 
 
2 24 Royal Commentaries. Book VL 
 
 drefs to the King, and others to the Incas, in return to their late Complement. 
 When they approached the Inca, it was with deep filence, and humble proftra- 
 tion-, and the Inca received them with great Courtefie, and gratious Counte- 
 nance 5 and in regard he was to pledge them all, he took the Cup from every 
 Man's hand, touching it with his Lips-, though he drank more plentifully out of 
 the Bowl of thofe to whofe Dignity and Quality he bore fome particular refpecl; 
 what remained at the bottom of the Cop, the Inca. commanded his Servants, who 
 were alfo Incas by privilege, to drink of the remainder, which being done, the 
 Cups were again returned to the Owners. 
 
 Thefe Cups having touched the Hands and Lips of the Capa Inca, were ever 
 afterwards conferved as facred Reliques, and held in great Veneration, never af- 
 terwards being applied to common ufes, but feparated, as were their Idols, for 
 Worfhip and Adoration ^ for in reality fuch was the interiour Devotion which 
 they conceived towards their Kings, that we cannot exprefs the Love and Vene- 
 ration which thefe poor Indians entertained of every thing which had relation to 
 them. 
 
 In this manner the Healths being gone about, and every one pledged, they all 
 returned orderly to their places-, and then the Dances and Songs began-, all Na- 
 tions prefenting themfelves refpecYively in their Mafquerades, and Colours, and 
 antick Poftures, according to the fafhion of their Countrey -, during all which the 
 drinking itill went on, the Incas inviting each other, as alfo the Captains and C«- 
 racas entertaining their Friends, and Acquaintance, and fuch as were Neighbours 
 and Relations in their feveral Countries. 
 
 Thus were nine days fpent in the folemn celebration of this Feaft of Raymi, 
 where was plenty of Meat and Drink (as we have (aid) accompanied with all 
 kinds of Mirth and Jollity-, though the firft day onely was appointed for Sacri- 
 fices, and for infpe&ion into the Entrails of Beafts, from whence they made their 
 Divinations of future Events. After the nine days were over, the Cur ocas taking 
 their leave of the King, returned to their refpe&ive Countries, having received 
 entire fatisfa&ion in the folemn performance of the principal Feaft, which they 
 dedicated to their God the Sun. When the King was employed in the War, or 
 was far remote in vifitations of foreign Countries, he always obferved the folemn 
 Celebration of this Feftival, in that place, where his occafions had drawn him, 
 though not with the pomp and magnificence, as it was performed at Cozco; where 
 in the abfence of the King , the Governour and High-Prieft, who were always 
 Mas of the Bloud, took care to celebrate the Feftival, at which the Cnracas, or 
 their Deputies did appear for them, with a great concourfe of people from the 
 adjacent Provinces. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 12.5 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 In what manner the Incas took, their Degrees of Chivalry 
 and what Examination they faffed. 
 
 THis word Huaracu is of the true Peruvian Language, and fignifies as much as 
 to arm a Cavalier-, meaning no other thing than thofe Badges of Honour 
 and Banners which they gave to the young Men of the Royal Bloud , whereby 
 they received their firft admiffion into the War, and were capacitated to take their 
 Degrees and places of Dignity ■-, without thefe atteftations given to thefe young Men, 
 they could pretend to no Place, or Degree, in Civil or Martial Affairs-, and farther 
 to capacitate them thereunto they were to be Batchelours, or (ingle Men, according 
 to the Books and Rules of Chivalry. Now to qualifie therri farther to receive 
 thefe Honours, they were (as we (hall more amply difcourfe hereafter) to pals a 
 moft fevere and rigorous Novitiate, which was an examination of all the Toils, 
 Labours and Hardlhips incident to War, and which became a Souldier to under- 
 go in profperous or adverfe Fortune. For the better underftanding of which, it 
 will be neceflary to recite all the particulars performed at this Feftival-, which, 
 considering the barbarity of this People , is extraordinary, and admirable, and 
 which might be owned by fuch as are expert, and far advanced in the Art of Mi- 
 litary Difcipline. At this Feftival the Common People demonftrated great Joy, 
 and the Incas both old and young received the Honours due to their Merit and 
 Condition --, the old Men were pleafed to have their valiant and noble a<5ts reci- 
 ted, and young Men to be thought worthy of being admitted and enrolled in the 
 Lifts of Chivalry; and becaufe the Honour or Dishonour of thisTeft, which 
 the Novices underwent in their Examination, was derived to all their Parentage, 
 and Kindred -, the clear and handfome approbation which every one received, be- 
 came the concernment of the whole Family of the incas, though they were more 
 particularly interefted in the Reputation of fuch who were of the limpid and 
 lawfull Bloud. 
 
 Every Year, or two, more or lefs, according as it was judged convenient, the 
 young Incas, of fixteen Years and upwards, were admitted to this military pro- 
 bation-, and no others, though Sons of the greateft Lords, and Cnracas: Their 
 Cuftome was to educate them in a certain Houfe properly conftituted for thefe 
 military Exercifes, built within the precindts of Collcampata , which I remember 
 once to have feen, when they celebrated fome part of thefe Ceremonies in.it, 
 but fell fb fhort of the greatnefs of the ancient Exercifes, that they may be ra- 
 ther called fhadows, or reprefentations , than real performances of them. The 
 Mafters or Inft ru&ers of the Novices in this Houfe were ancient Incas, who were 
 well experienced in the Arts of War and Peace-, and thefe were thole who made 
 trial of them in thefe following particulars-, and in others which I have now for- 
 gotten. One of the trials they made of them, was, how they were able to en- 
 dure a faft of fix days, onely with fome few handfulls of unbaked Car a, which is 
 a fort of their Wheat, and with no other Drink than a fmall Jarr of Water, and 
 without any thing elfe, either Salt or Vchu, which is the red Spanijh Pepper, 'yiel- 
 ding fuch a pleafing fort of tafte to tTiem, that it made every thing to relifli, and 
 for that reafon it was forbidden to the Novices in their fallings. 
 
 This fevere Faft was never enjoined to any above three days, but onely to the 
 Novitiates, who were to be proved to the utmoft extremity, whether they were 
 able to fuffer Hunger, and Thirft, in the Wars, in cafe any accident (hould necessi- 
 tate them thereunto -, but then another Faft, lefs rigorous than this, the Fathers, 
 Brothers, and near Relations to the Novitiates impofed on themfelves, which they 
 folemnly obferved, fupplicating their Father the Sun, that he would vouchfafe to 
 beftow on his Children, who were now Probationers, force and ftrength to un- 
 dergo their task, and acquit themfelves with honour ; for fuch as were not able to 
 
 G g fuftain 
 
2,2,6 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 Main fuch hardfhips as thefe, they reje&ed, as not worthy to be admitted into 
 the number of Novitiates. The Faft being performed, and that they were re- 
 freihed and ftrengthened again with their utual nouriQiment-, then trial was made 
 of their natural nimblenefs, and activity of Body in running, from the Mountain 
 called Haanacauri, which was efteemed facred by them, to the Caftle of the City, 
 being about a League and a half ; at the end of which race a fignal was fet up , 
 where he that firft arrived, was elected Captain over all the reft. Nor did all the 
 others lofe their Honour hereby, for the fecond, third, unto the tenth, acquired 
 reputation; but thofe who fainted in the courfe, and were not able to hold out, 
 were noted for fluggards and Cowards, and pitifull perfons ; and therefore their 
 Parents and Relations, would intercept them in the way as they ran, encouraging 
 them to ftrain and force themfelves all they were able, telling them, that they had 
 better dye, and break their hearts in the Race, than come off with Infamy and 
 
 Dimonour. ,,..,,. 
 
 Another day thefe Novitiates were to be divided into two equal parts-, one 
 half was togarrifon and maintain theFortrefs, and the other half was to afiault and 
 ftorm it-, and having thus fought and contended a whole day, then the day fol- 
 lowing they changed their ftations, and thofe who had before defended the For- 
 trefs, were now to affault it; fo that trials were made in every refpecl: of their 
 Strength and Agility of Body, and of their Art and Conduct in War. In thefe 
 Skirmimes, though they fought with blunted Arms, yet fo much was the heat 
 with which both fides contended for their Reputation, that many were wounded, 
 and oftentimes fome killed in earneft. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 That tbefe Novitiates were to lyiow bow to make their own 
 Arms a?id Shoes. 
 
 HAving performed thefe Exercifes, they were in the next place to wreftle one 
 with the other, being matched according to their age, and proportion of 
 Body, th$n they were to leap, and throw the Stone, the Launce, and Dart, and 
 other Weapons, which were throvyn by hand 5 then they mot at Butts with 
 Bow and Arrows, to try their dexterity in Archery -, then they tried who could 
 throw fartheft againft the Walls of the Fortrefs, for proof of the ftrength and ex- 
 ercife of their Armes-, in like manner they threw at marks with their Sling, and 
 managed all forts of Arms which they ufed in War; then they tried their vigilance 
 and watchfulnefs, how well they were able to endure the want of Sleep, fetting them 
 on the Centinel for ten or twelve nights together.; and in cafe any one was found 
 fleeping on the Guard, he was feverely reproached, as unworthy to take any De- 
 gree of military Order. They tried alfo how hardy they were in their Flelh, and 
 how able to endure and fuffer Wounds, which they made with the fharp points 
 of Rods in their Arms and Legs, and other parts, which according to the Habit 
 and Fafhion of Peru, were commonly naked; they obterved when thofe Wounds 
 were made, with what courage they received them, whether they changed dieir 
 countenance, or lhrunk up their Legs or Arms; for unlefs they feemed infenfible 
 of the fmart, they were rejected as nice, and effeminate, and their Fleih not har- 
 dy, nor enduring the Blows and wounds of an Enemy. 
 
 Sometimes they placed them in a narrow Trench, where a Fencing-mafter with 
 a club, wielded with both hands, or a Quarter-ftaff, which the kdiam call Macau, 
 came to them, or with a haff Pike, which they call Chuqai, which they brandiflied 
 and flouridied before their Eyes and Faces, making offers at their Legs and Heads, 
 at which if they unluckily feemed to wink, or (brink away, as if they feared the 
 
 blow, 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries, zzj 
 
 blow, they were rejected, and not fuflfered to pafs the Mufler, faying, that fuch 
 as were fearfull of receiving blows, which were practifed in Exercife onely, with- 
 out defign of hurt, would be much more timorous when they appeared before the 
 face of an Enemy, from whom they could expect nothing but Death, or Wounds 
 without favour or mercy •, fo that none were approved, but fuch as were unlha- 
 ken, and were Bullies as immovable as the Rock it felf. 
 
 Moreover and befides all. this, they were to have learned the.Trade of making 
 with their own hands all forts of offenfive Arms, which were uied in the War, 
 at leaft, fuch as were moft common, and which were made without the help of 
 a forge, or art of a Smith ; fuch as Bows and Arrows, and Launces, which were 
 fharpened and pointed without Iron ; and Slings which were made of Hemp or 
 Flax •, of all which Arms they were to make ufe, as occafion required : As to 
 defenfive Arms they made ufe of none , unlefs they were ihields, or Targets, 
 which they called Hnalcanca. Thefe Targets they were obliged to make with 
 their own hands, at leaft to know how to make them •, as alfo their Shoes, which 
 they call Vfuta, which is a Sole of Leather tied about the Foot with packthread, 
 fuch as ibme wear in Spain, and are like the Sandals of the Francifcan Friars. 
 
 The firings which they ufed for thefe Shoes were made of Wool twifted with 
 a Spindle, which they held in one Hand, and the Thread in the other, the firing 
 was made as thick as the middle finger, and broad, that it might not hurt or gaul 
 the Foot, half a yard whereof for each Foot was fufficient, which may ferve to 
 confute the Words of a Spanijh Hiflorian, who, writing of the Indians, fays that 
 they wove they knew not how, nor for whom •, but we may pardon this falfe Re- 
 lation, fo much to the Difreputation of the Indians, which alio is not altogether 
 without fome reflexion on the Spaniards themfelves ; for fuch Men as thefe being 
 Strangers, and not verfed in the Cufloms of that Countrey , take up at hazard 
 any Report which Men out of Ignorance or Interefl deliver to them. Onely this 
 Opinion I would have the World to entertain of thefe Indians , that of all the 
 Gentiles in the World, there never was any Nation more manly, and which va- 
 lued themfelves more on the account of Hardinefs and Bravery, in deteflation of 
 all forts of effeminacy , than did the Inou; for they being generally puffed up, 
 and exalted with the lofty thoughts of Alliance to the Sun, were Heroick to an 
 high Degree , and afpiring to greater matters than thofe which fall within the 
 fphere and compafs of their management. 
 
 This manner of fpinning Wool they called Milluy, which fignifies as much as 
 to fpin Wool for making firings to tie Shoes, or Ropes for carriages or Burthens 5 
 the which work was the proper bufinefs of Men,^ the Women had another fort of 
 Spinning, which they called Buhca, which fignifies as much as to fpin with a Di- 
 flaff, and is that Word which is onely applied to the Work of Women-, which 
 different Expreflions and Proprieties of Speech I have denoted, for fctisfadion of 
 fuch as are curious in this Language, for want of which knowledge in the propriety 
 of Words belonging to that Speech, many Spaniards who have writ Hiftories of 
 Peru, and difperfed them in Spain, have been guilty of grofs miflakes, having 
 charged the Incas with many Cufloms and Practices never known , or in ufe 
 amongfl them. But to return again to our purpofe: We fay, that the Novi- 
 tiates were obliged to learn the Trade of making their own Arms and Slices, fo as 
 to be able to provide themfelves with fuch neceflaries at any time, when the ur- 
 gency of War, or any other emergent accident conftrained them to have recourfe 
 to their own Art and Induflry. 
 
 Gg z 
 
 CHAP. 
 
ug Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 That the Prince himfelf underwent the rigour of Approba- 
 tion , and that they dealt more feverely with him than 
 with others. 
 
 DUring the time of Probation one of the Captains, or Matters of thefe Cere- 
 monies, did every day make a Speech to the Novitiates, putting them in 
 mind of their lofty Lineage, and dependency from the Sun, repeating the noble 
 and heroick A&ions performed and atchieved by their Kings, and other famous 
 Princes of the Royal Bloud ; and that according to their Examples they ought to 
 fignalize their Vertue and Valour, towards the enlargement of their Dominions, 
 and with generous Conftancy and Patience exert all the faculties of Heroick 
 Souls. Moreover they recommended to them Clemency, Piety, and Gentlenefs 
 towards the poor, Impartiality in their Juftice, and to fee that none did Wrong 
 without due punifhment, to be liberal and magnificent, as became the bright Sons 
 of lb glorious a Father : and in fum, they inftrutted them in all thofe Lectures of 
 Morality unto which their Philofophy had as yet attained, ever inculcating the re- 
 membrance of their more than Humane Race, and of their Defcent from the Ce- 
 leftial Region. They made them alfo deep on the ground, walk bare-foot, exer- 
 cifing them in all other points of hardfhip which was incident to a Souldier's Life. 
 Nor was the Prince, who was the Eldeft Son, and Heir to the Inca, exempted 
 from thefe Exercifes of Probation, or treated with lefs rigour or feverity than the 
 others, unlefs perhaps the greatnefs of his Birth might excufe him from the labour 
 and fatigue of the Race, which being run by others, the Flag, which became the 
 prize and reward of the mod fwift, was by him laid at the Feet of the Prince, as 
 his undoubted right, to whom alfo the Inheritance of the Kingdom appertained; 
 but as to all other Exercifes, fuch as Fallings, military Difcipline, making his 
 own Arms, and Shoes, fleeping on the ground; eating and faring hardly, and 
 marching bare-foot, they were required of him, as the moft neceflary qualities 
 belonging to a Prince, who being exalted above all others in the fublime Station 
 of his Power and Sovereignty, was alto to excell others in his Vermes and Abili- 
 ties, both of Body and Mind : For in cafe at any time their Princes fhould be re- 
 duced to an equality of Fortune, it would not become the Royalty of their Per- 
 fons to be lefs worth than other Men, or lefs able to contend with the crofs ac- 
 cidents of an adverfe condition-, for as they had the advantage of others, both in 
 Profperity and Adverfity, fo ought they to be endued with predominant Vermes 
 (efpecially fuch as are warlike) above the ordinary capacity and fcantling of the 
 multitude. 
 
 By virtue of fuch Excellencies as thefe, they were of Opinion, that the Prince 
 deferved the Inheritance, and claimed it on a better Title , than of being born 
 Heir to his Father. They were of opinion alfo, that it was neceffary for Kings 
 and Princes to have tried and experienced in their own Perfons the Labours and 
 Difficulties of War, that fo they might be more fenfible, and better able to judge 
 of the merits, and gratifie the hazards of their Souldiers. During all this time of 
 ' Approbation, which continued for the fpace of one New Moon to another, the 
 Prince went habited in the moft poor and mean Clothing that can be imagined, 
 being all made up with rags and patches-, with which he was not aihamed to ap- 
 pear in publick, fo often as his occalions required: And this was done with this 
 farther intent, that when he fhould behold himfelf on the Throne of his Majefty, 
 he fhould look down from thence with a compaffionate Eye on the poor, in re* 
 membrance that he himfelf was once one of that number, and on that fcore en- 
 dearing his Perfon to them with Friendfhip and Charity he might duly claim the 
 Title of Huachacujac, which fignihes a Lover of the Poor- Thefe Exercifes of 
 
 Probation 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. %^g 
 
 Probation being paft, they were declared worthy of being dignified by the hca, 
 and to be entitled true and legitimate Children of the Sun. Then came the Mo- 
 thers and Sifters of thefe young Men, bringing them V fin as , or Sandals of Pack- 
 thread, which they put on their Feet, in teftimony that they had pafled and over- 
 come all the fevere methods of military Exercifes. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 That the Inca conferred onely th chief and principal MarJ^ 
 of Dignity ; and that one of his Kindred conferred the 
 reft. 
 
 THefe Ceremonies being performed, notice was given thereof unto the Inca, 
 who being attended with the grave Seniours of his Royal Family, came to 
 "the Novitiates, and in a (hort Oration, acquainted them, that they were not to 
 reft in the bare Formalities of Chivalry, and Marks of the Royal Bloud, onely to 
 fatisfie their light humour with the vanity of empty Honour •-, but to emulate the 
 Vermes of their Anceftours in their Juftice to all, and Mercy to the poor 5 and 
 that being the true and undoubted Progeny of the Sun , they ought to imitate 
 their Father, fhining with the fplendour of good Works, which tended to the 
 common benefit of all his Vaflals, which was the fole Defign and Errant for 
 which they were made, and fent from Heaven to inhabit the Earth. Then the 
 Novitiates came one by one to the King, and prefenting themfelves before him 
 on their Knees, they received from his hand the firft Mark and Signal of Royal 
 Dignity, which was to have their Ears bored, and pierced by him in the fbft part 
 of the Ear, with a large Nail of Gold, leaving it in the holes both for cure of the 
 Wound, as alfo to widen the Orifice, and ftretch the Ear, being often extended 
 to an incredible bignefs. 
 
 The Novitiates, in recompence for this favour, killed the Hand of the Inca, and 
 every one in his turn having received the order, arofe from his Knees from before 
 the other I*ca; who was Brother, or Uncle, to the Inca, and the Perfon next in 
 Authority to him-, who having loofed their Vfutat of unfpun hemp, lhod them 
 with Sandals of Woollen Manufactory, of the moft gentile and famionable fort, 
 after the manner of the King, and the twos, that in token of Approbation, and 
 having pafled examination, were found and efteemed worthy. This Ceremony 
 of putting on the Shoes, did fomething refemble the practice of buckling the fpurs 
 on the heels of Knights of the- military Order in Spain; which being done they 
 killed them on the right Shoulder, faying, That Child of the Sun, who hath given 
 
 thefe evidences of his Merits, de femes to be tjffed; For the fame Word which with 
 
 them fignifies Kifles, fignifies alfo Adoration, Honour and Courtefie. This Ce- 
 remony being paft, the Novitiate was introduced into a round Chamber, adorned 
 with Hangings, where the ancient Ineas vefted him with the Habit agreeable to 
 his Order, which, untill that time, it was not lawfull to put on. This Veftment 
 was made with three corners, two of which hung down at length, to cover the 
 Privy-parts, being girt about the Waft with a Twift of the Thicknefs of a finger ; 
 the other part behind was girt or laced about the Thighs, fo that though all the 
 other Garments were ftripped off, yet this habit would remain a fufficient and de- 
 cent covering for the Body. 
 
 But the chief and principal Mark of this Order was the boring of the Ears, 
 which, as it was a Badge of Royalty, fo this of the Veftment was of Chivalry 1 
 the Ceremony of the Woollen Shoes was a Novelty introduced , lignifying the 
 Wearinefs of the Novitiate after his Labours, and were beftowed by way of re- 
 
 frefhmenc 
 
 I 
 
2,30 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 frefhment rather than as any eflential Ceremony belonging to the Order. From 
 this word Huaracu, which fully expreffes all the Solemnity of this Feftival, the 
 word Huara is derived, which Signifies a Cloth or Veftment, and implicitely de- 
 notes, that that Perfon who deferves fuch Habit, hath a lawfull Title of pretence 
 to all thofe Dignities, Honours, and Royalties, which may be acquired, either by 
 War or Peace. Moreover they placed on the Head of thefe Novitiates Garlands 
 of two feveral forts of Flowers $ one was of that which they call C^»f »f, being of 
 a very beautifull form, and of various Colours, fuch as yellow, murry, red, and 
 others, all being very lively and chearfull. The other fort of Flower was called 
 Chihuayhua, being of a deep incarnation, not unlike the Gilliflowers of Spain. Thefe 
 two forts of Flowers were appropriated onely to thofe of the Royal Family •, it not 
 being lawfull for the Commonalty, nor for any Qn-ack, how great foever he were, 
 to wear that fort of Flower. Moreover they wore upon their Heads the Leaf of 
 an Herb called Vinay Huayna, which fignifies youthfull, being very verdant snd 
 green, and bearing a Leaf like that of the Lilly ■, it conferves it lelf freih for a long 
 time, and though it be withered, yet it continues its colour. 
 
 All the Badges of Chivalry and Honour, fuch as the Flowers and Leaves be- 
 fore mentioned, and other things, were conferred alike on all Novitiates, as well 
 as on the Heir apparent-, who was differenced from them onely in the Wreath 
 which bound his Temples, which was four fingers broad, not round, as the Spani- 
 ards imagine it, but like a Fringe, made of Wool 5 for the Indians had no Silk in 
 their Countrey ■-, the colour was of a pale yellow, like a Lemon-colour. This di- 
 ftioftion war- not worn by the Prince, untill he had 'paffed his time of Appro- 
 bation, and then it was his fingle and peculiar Badge of Honour , not being al- 
 lowed to any other, no not to his own Brother. 
 
 The laft Royal diftindtion they gave unto the Prince, was a kind of Pole-ax, 
 with a Handle of about a yard long, which they called champi. This Iron had an 
 edge like a fword on one fide, and the point of a Diamond on the other, being 
 like a Partefan, onely that it wanted a point. When this Weapon was put into 
 his Hand, they faid Aucacmaptc, which is a Noun of the Dative Cafe, and figni- 
 fies for Tyrants, for Traytors, for cruel Perform for falfe Breakers of their Faith, 
 for this and much more this word Auca fignifies •, thefe Arms which were put in- 
 to his Hands, ferved for an Embleme of Juftice, with which he was to punifh 
 Offenders: the other particulars of Flowers, and odoriferous Herbs, fignified Cle- 
 mency, Piety, Gentlenefs, and other Vermes and Royal Endowments of a Prince, 
 which he ought to make ufe of towards his faithfull and loyal Subjects. For as 
 his Father the Sun had caufed thofe Flowers to grow in the Fields for the con- 
 tentment and pleafure of Mankind-, fo'likewife ought a Prince to cultivate the 
 Flowers of Vertue in his Mind, that fo he might juftly claim the Title of Lover 
 of the Poor, and that under that character and notion his Name might fmell 
 iweet, and be pretious in the World. 
 
 The Officers of Chivalry having in the prefence of the hca made and conclu- 
 ded this Difcourfe unto the Prince j then immediately the Uncles and Brothers of 
 the Prince prefenting themfelves on their Knees before him, adored and reverenced 
 him for the true and undoubted Child of the Sun, and Heir of the Inca. The which 
 Ceremony feems a kind of Inftalment of the Prince, and Admiffion to the here- 
 ditary Succeflion of the Empire ^ which being done, they bound his Temples with 
 rhe yellowilh Wreath. And thus the Feaft of the Novitiates, admitted into the 
 Order of Chivalry, concluded. 
 
 CHAP 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. x->\ 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 The DiftinSiions which the Kings, and the other Incas, and 
 the Mafters of Novitiates wore. 
 
 THE King wore the fame fort of Wreath about his Temples, but of a dif- 
 ferent colour, being red, befides which the Inca carried another more pecu- 
 liar^diftinftion, proper to himfelf, which was the two pinion Feathers of the Bird 
 called Corequenque ; the which are ftreaked white and black, and as large as the 
 Wings of a Falcon, or long-winged Hawk-, they were to be fellows of the fame 
 Bird, as I once remember to have feen them planted on the Head of Inca Sayri 
 Tupac. The Birds which have thefe Feathers are found onely in the Defart of 
 VMcanuta, being about thirty Leagues diftant from the City ofCozco, fituate near 
 a little Lake, lying at the foot of the inacceffible fnowy Mountain. Thofe that 
 are acquainted with that fort of Fowl fay, that never above two of them, namely 
 a Male and Female, are feen together ; but whence they come, or where they 
 are bred, is not known: befides which place, the Indians fay, that none are feen 
 in any other part of Peru, though there are other Lakes, and fnowy Mountains, 
 and Defarts, befides that oiVillcanuta: perhaps this Bird may be like the Phenix, 
 which none having feen, we may fanfie it after the form and colour of this Bird. 
 m Now in regard that thefe Birds were fingular in the World, and that none be- 
 fides them were ever feen before, nor fince, the Incas efteemed them fuch a rari- 
 ty, as did not become any befides the Royal Head} for thefe Birds, for the fin- 
 gularity of them, refembling (as they faid) their two original Parents, Man and 
 Woman, which defcended from Heaven, ferved to continue the memory of them, 
 and therefore as their Feathers were facred , fo they were the peculiar note and 
 mark of the Imperial Dignity : For my part, I am of opinion that there are ma- 
 ny other Birds of the fame fpecies with thefe 5 and that though I will not deny 
 but that there may be a Phenix in the World , yet that this Bird is not of that 
 kind is molt probable; howfoever the Indians may maintain what opinion they 
 pleafe, and in devotion to their Fore-fathers, may fanfie them like thefe Crea- 
 tures which are rare, and efteemed facred. It is certain that the Feathers of thefe 
 Birds were highly efteemed of in thofe days, though they are more common now, 
 being worn by many, who falfly pretend to a defcent from the Royal Bloud of 
 the Incas, though in reality the Race of thole Princes is almoft totally extinct, for 
 in regard the example of foreign falhions hath confounded the true diftinftions on 
 the Head, by which the quality of every Perfon was known, fo it gave a confi- 
 dence to many to ufurp this Royal Mark, and pretend to Princely Defcent, eve- 
 ry one almoft aftuming the Title of an Inca, or a Pallas. 
 
 Thefe Feathers were planted over the coloured Wreath which bound their 
 Temples, the pique Feathers pointing upwards, removed at a little diftance one 
 from the other, as they were naturally fpread. Having thefe Feathers on their 
 Heads, they carried great refpeci for all forts of Birds and Fowjl, fo that they took 
 care how they affrighted or chafed them away. Every new idea that fucceeded to 
 the Empire, procured new Feathers ; for that the former belonged to the King 
 deceafed, who being embalmed, conferved all his Enfigns of Regality, of which 
 thefe Feathers were an efpecial mark. Such was the Majefty of this Bird Core- 
 qttenque, and fuch was the Reverence and Refpect which the Incas expreffed to- 
 wards it-, which though the matter it felfbe of little importance to the People of 
 Spain, yet the knowledge thereof may be pertinent to fuch, as have the curiofity 
 to be acquainted with the Cuftoms and practices of the Incan-Kings. But to re- 
 turn again to c ar Novitiates : So foon as they had received thefe Marks of Chi- 
 valry, they w 7 ere conducted to the principal place of the City , where a general 
 Feftival was publickly folemnized for many days with Songs and Dances, in ho- 
 nour and triumph for their Victories-, the like alfo was more privately celebrated 
 
 in 
 
22 2 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 in the Families of their Parents and near Relations ; who boafted and rejoiced 
 much in the proficiency of their Sons, challenging to themfelves a fhare in their 
 commendations-, for they having inftrufted them in martial Exercifes, how to 
 manage their Arms, and make their Shoes, and educated them with hardfhip re- 
 mote from effeminacy and foftnefs, did juftly triumph and glory, that having per- 
 formed their duty towards their Sons, in their Childhood, had now accomplifhed 
 them with Abilities to ferve their Countrey either in War or Peace. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 i 
 
 How Chuquimancu, a Lord of four Vallies, yielded him- 
 felf. 
 
 BUT to return again now to the Reign and Conquefts of the Ima Pachacutec, 
 we are to underftand, that the General Capac Tnpanqui having fubdued and 
 conquered the great Curaca Chincba, fent to the King his Brother for a new Army, 
 whereby he might be enabled to overcome thofe Vallies, or Plain Countries which 
 presented themfelves before him. The Jwa with all readinefs fupplied him with 
 new Forces, commanded by good Officers, providing them with all forts of Vic- 
 tuals and Ammunition, agreeable to the greatnefs of the Enterprife. The new 
 Army being come, with which alfo the Prince Tupanqui returned, being very de- 
 firous to exercife and fignalize himfelf in the War 5 the General otCh'wha boldly 
 proceeded out of his Quarters, and pofted himfelf in the pleafant Valley diRuna- 
 buanac -, which is as much as the People s Terrour , becaufe in the River which 
 runs through that Valley many people had been drowned, who fuppofing the Wa- 
 ter to be as (hallow in the Winter as in the Summer, rather than go a League a- 
 bout by way of the Bridge, have foolifhly adventured to wade over it --, but the 
 Chanel being deep, and the Current rapid, have moft miferably perifhed in the 
 Waters. But the Spanish Hiftorians give this Valley, and the River, the name of 
 Lunagmna, by corruption of three Letters of this Word-, one Writer fays, that 
 the Word Guano fignifies mudd , or dung, becaufe it affords good Sullage , and 
 great improvement for their arable Lands-, but this Letter G. ought to be H. fo 
 that the true word is Huano, for the Peruvian Tongue doth not admit of the Letter 
 G. which word Huano fignifies dreadfull -, by this particular, and many other in- 
 ftances that we could give, it is very apparent how little the Spaniards underftood 
 that Language ^ and what grofs miftakes alfo the Mongrels, or thofe that are 
 mixed ofspanifb and Indian Bloud, did likewife make; for they taking the accent 
 in part from their Fathers, both in fpeaking and writing are often guilty of ftrange 
 corruptions-, which when I have obferved , I have endeavoured to correct a- 
 mongft them, but to little purpofe , confidering how prevalent conversation is, 
 and trie communication of a people to whom they are fubdued, and become Vaf- 
 fals. 
 
 In thofe days this Plain olRmahuanac was greatly peopled, as alfo another Low- 
 Countrey lying to the Northward of it called Huarcu, which contained thirty 
 thoufand Inhabitants •-, in like manner alfo Chincha was inhabited, and other Coun- 
 tries fituated North and South of it % but now there are not two thoufand Inhabi- 
 tants reputed to be there in all, and fome lie wholly defolate, unlefs they be fbme 
 few Spaniards who have taken up their dwellings in thofe parts. 
 
 Having already related the Conqueft of Tuncas, we are now to take notice, 
 that the Plain olRmahmnac with three others to the Northward of it called Huarca, 
 Malla, Chillca, were all in fubje&ion to a great Lord called Chuquimancu, who ha- 
 ving feveral of thefe Provinces under his Jurifdiclion prefumed to give himfelf the 
 Title of King, and by reafon of his Power claimed an Authority and Dominion 
 
 over 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. Z33 
 
 over others , who were not really, and duly his Subje&s. This King ( for Co 
 we may term him) hearing that the Mas marched againft him, joined what forces 
 he was able to make, and boldly attempted to meet, and give a ftop to the Ene- 
 my at the pafs of the River $ where after feveral Skirmilhes, wherein many were 
 flain on each fide, the Inca at length palled the River by help of fome flat boto- 
 med Boats, and Floats, which he had made for that purpofe. Nor did the Tancas 
 make all the refiftence they were able, in regard their King Chuquimancu declared 
 his Defign of retreating to the Valley of Huarcu, which, as he falfly fuppofed, 
 was the moft advantageous Poft ■■, but being unskilfull in the Art of War, he was 
 deceived in his meafures, as will hereafter appear ^ for the Incas having well en- 
 camped thek Army , made their benefit of this ill Counfel , and in lefs than a 
 months time gained all the delightfull and pleafant Valley of Huarcu. 
 
 The Inca, for fecurity of his Arrear, and for Convoy to his Provifions, having 
 left a fufficient force in Rumbuanac, marched forward into Huarcu, where a cruel 
 and bloudy War began, for Chuquimancu having gathered all his Forces into a 
 Body, to the number of twenty thoufand Men, pretended widi good Conduct 
 and Strategems of War to defend his people,_ and gain the reputation of a renow- 
 ned Captain. On the other fide the Incas uted all their Arts to fubdue them with 
 theleaft effufion of Bloud that was poflible-, though in this War eight months 
 time pafled, with many bloudy Skirmifhes, not to be avoided, during which time 
 the Incas relieved their Armies with three, fome fay four exchanges of their forces, 
 and that the Enemy might defpair of wearying them out, and conftrain them at 
 length to remove their Camp ; they gave them fure evidences of their refolution 
 to continue in that ftation untill their furrender •, for as a token that they lived at 
 eafe, with all the conveniences of the City, they called the Quarter of the Inca 
 Cozxo •, and to the parts about it, where the Army was lodged they gave the name 
 ! of the principal ftreets. Pedro de Cieca fays, that this War continued above four 
 years, and that the Inca in that time founded a new City, which he called by the 
 name of Cow, but this Relation he pretends to have received from the Tuncas 
 themfelves, who out of vain glory might be apt to magnifie the greatnefs of their 
 Adions: But the truth is, the four years were no other than a relieving of the 
 Army four times, and the Foundation of a City was no other than the denomina- 
 tion of Cozjco given to the Camp. 
 By this time the Tuncas began to be fenfible of Hunger and Famine, which is 
 , the moft cruel Enemy, and that which abates and brings low the heat and refolu- 
 tion of the moft proud and haughty Spirits 5 but fome time before that extreme 
 Famine diftrefled them, the Natives of Rmahuanac had inftantly petitioned their 
 King Chuqmmancu to fubmit to the Incas, before it was too late, and before their 
 ■ obftinacy had exafperated the mind of the Incas to give away their Houfes, Lands 
 ' and Inheritances to their Neighbours ofchlncha, who were their mortal Enemies : 
 The people being apprehenfive of thefe matters, and finding their King obftinate 
 in his refiftence, privately with-drew, and fled from the Camp, giving private in- 
 [[ jtelligence to the Inca of the condition and want in the Enemies Army. 
 
 Chuquimancu growing now fenfible of his Weaknefs and Diftrefs, and fearing to 
 be wholly abandoned by his people, and at length to fall without any conditions 
 ; 'into the hands of the Incas, began to fhew himfelf inclinable to hearken to pro- 
 pofals of Peaces whereupon calling a Council, they refolved to go in Perfon, and 
 without Mediation of Ambafladours, to humble themfelves before the Incas , and 
 accordingly they proceeded to the Royal Quarters, where calling themfelves on 
 their knees, they begged Mercy and Pardon for their Offences, declaring their rea- 
 dinefs to acknowledge themfelves Vaflals to the Inca, fince it was the pleafure and 
 determination of the Sun his Father to make him fupreme Lord and Sovereign 
 of the Univerfe. 
 
 The Incas, both Uncle and Nephew, courteoufly received them, according to 
 heir ufual Grace and Favour, alluring them of pardon, and having vefted them 
 A'ith fuch Garments as were accuftomary, difpatched them with contentment, and 
 icence to return unto their own homes. 
 
 The Natives of thefe four Provinces, like thofe of Chincha, make great boaft- 
 ngs of the wonderfull Prowefs and Valour of their Anceftours, whom the Incas 
 yere not able to fubdue in lefs than four years War ^ befides many other Sto- 
 ies of their mighty Deeds, which we omit, becaufe they are not pertinent to our 
 liftory. 
 
 H h Hovvfo^ 
 
 % 
 
2^4 Royal Commentaries. Book VL 
 
 Howfoever this is certain, that the lncas efteemed it fo great a work to have 
 conquered the King Chuauimancu, that as a Trophy of their Vi&ory, and in per- 
 petual remembrance of the valiant Aftions performed in this War, both by their 
 own people, and by the Tmcas in their own defence, they built a Fortrefs in the 
 Valley of Huarcu, which, though it were of little compafs, yet it was a wonder- 
 full and rare Work for that people, being made with due Symmetry, and accor- 
 ding to die Rules of Fortification 5 and for that Reafon, and for the fituation of 
 the place, being built on the Sea more, it ought to be permitted to remain for an 
 ancient piece of antiquity, and indeed the work was fo ftrong and durable, 
 as may laft for many ages without any repair 5 for when I pafled by it in the Year 
 1 s6o, it ftill fhewed what it had been, and which neither I nor any other could 
 behold, without fome refenting thoughts of this unconftant and tranfitory 
 World. 
 
 CHAR XXX. 
 
 Of the Vallies of Pachacamac and Rimac ; and of their 
 Idols. 
 
 THE King chuquimamu being thus fubdued, and the Government eftablifhed 
 in his Countrey, according to the Laws, Rites and Cuftoms pra&ifed and 
 obferved by the Subjects of the Inca. They pafled forwards in farther purfuance 
 of their Conquefts, over the Vallies of Pachacamac, Rimac, Chancay and Httaman, 
 (which the Spaniards call the Baranca, or Breach of Earth between two Hills,) all 
 which four were under the Command and Dominion of a powerfull Ruler, called 
 CuyfmancH, whoalfo had the vanity to take upon himfelf the Title of King-, and 
 though amongft the Indians they have not a word properly to exprefs the name of 
 King, yet the term of Hat an Apu, which is as much as a great Lord , hath ibme 
 affinity with that fignification : And as to thefe Vallies of Pachacamac and Rimac, 
 which I (hall fay once for all, that the Spaniards, by corruption of the laft Word, 
 give it the name of Lima, by which it is known to this day. 
 
 Now as we have faid before, fo we muft fay again, and as all the Spanijh Hi- 
 ftorians write, That the Kings of Peru did by the mere light of natural Reafon 
 attain to the knowledge of one God, the Maker of all things, whom they called 
 Pachacamac, and Suftainer of the Univerfe; the which Do&rine was more anci- 
 ent than the time of the lncas, and which was difperfed through all their Kingdoms, 
 both before and after their Conquefts. They farther affirmed, that he was invifi- 
 ble, and becaufe he would not fuffer himfelf to be feen, for that reafon they did 
 not build Temples 1 him, nor offer him Sacrifices, as they did to the Sun, but 
 onely adored him interiourly with profound Veneration in their Hearts, as may 
 appear by their outward geftures, of bowing their Heads, lifting up their eyes. 
 and opening their Arms whenfoever his facred Name came to be mentioned. 
 This Do&rine (as we have faid) was everywhere dilated •-, for fo fbon as any peo- 
 ple was fubje&ed to the Inca, this Principle was inftilled, in cafe it had not n 
 ken place and root before : But thofe who had chiefly admitted and received thi 
 Docliine before the times of the lncas, were the Anceftours of this King Qr/ 
 mancu, who having built a Temple to Pachacamac, did afterwards give the farm 
 Name to the Valley where it was ere&ed •■> which in thofe days was of the grea 
 teft Fame and Renown of any in that Coaft. In this Temple the Juncas pfecec 
 their Idols, which were the Figures of divers forts of Fifh 5 and amongft then - 
 they had alfo introduced the Image of a Shee-fox. 
 
 Thi 
 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 235 
 
 This Temple ot Pachacamac, which was the onely place fo dedicated in all Pe- 
 ru, was very magnificent both for the ftrudture, and for the fervices performed 
 there ; for the Tuncas offered many Sacrifices of Beafts, and other things-, not ex- 
 empting the Bloud of Men, Women and Children, which they killed at their 
 principal Feftivals, being practifed alfo in many other Provinces, untill reformed 
 by the Government of the hcas ; and this (hall ferve at prefent to have fpoken of 
 Pachacamac, intending to touch farther thereupon, as we fhall have occafion in 
 jhe occurrences of this Hiftory. 
 
 The Valley of Rimac lies four Leagues to the Northward from Pachacamac ; 
 Rimac fignifies fomething which fpeaks, having its name from a certain Idol, of 
 the Figure of a Man , which fpake , and anfwered queftions, like the Oracle of 
 Afollo at Delphos, and feveral others in the World, by. which the Devil deluded 
 the people in times of the ancient Gentilifm. This Idol was feated in a mod 
 fumptuous Temple, though not fo magnificent as that of Pachacamac, to which 
 the Great Lords of Peru either went in Perfon, or enquired by their Ambafla- 
 dours, of all important Affairs relating to their Provinces. The Tuncas held this 
 Idol in great Veneration, as likewife did the hcas, after they had fubdued that 
 pleafant Valley where the Spaniards founded that City which they call the King's 
 City, or Kings-Town, having had its firft Foundation begun on that day which we 
 celebrate in remembrance of our Saviour's firfl manifefting himfelf to the Gentiles 5 
 (o that Rimac and Lima, or the King's-Town, is all one, bearing Three Crowns, 
 with a Star, for its Arms. 
 
 The Spanifh Hiftorians confound the Temple of Rimac with Pachacamac, faying 
 that the Idol of Pachacamac was the fpeaking Oracle ; but this is but one of thole 
 many miftakes of which, for want of knowledge in the propriety of that Tongue, 
 they have been guilty-, and indeed the neighboured of tnofe Vallies, and vicinity 
 of one of them to the other, being not above four Leagues diftant, may make 
 their Errour the more tolerable. And thus much (hall ferve to (hew that the (pea- 
 king Idol was Rimac, and not Pachacamac -, with which let us return to our for- 
 mer purpofe. 
 
 Before the General Capac Tupanqui arrived with his Army at the Valley of Pa- 
 chacamac, he difpatched after his ufual Cuftome, his Summons to the King Cuyf- 
 mancu, requiring him to yield Obedience to the he a Pachacutec , and that he 
 fhould prepare to acknowledge and receive him for his fupreme Lord and Sove- 
 reign, and to obferve his Laws and Cuftoms, and that renouncing all other Gods 
 and Idols, they (hould adore the Sun for the chief and principal God : Thefe 
 were the conditions which he offered to him, which if he tefufed to accept, he 
 was refolved to make War upon him, and conftrain him thereunto, either by fair 
 means or foul, by gentle perfuafions, or ruder arguments of the Sword. 
 
 H h 2 CHAP. 
 
2,, 5 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. 
 
 Of the Anfwer demanded 0/ Cuyfmancu to thefe Summons i 
 and of what Capitulations were made with him. 
 
 THE late fuccefles of the Inca in the neighbouring Countries, had fufficient- 
 ly allarmed this great Prince Cuyfmancu , and warned him to provide for a 
 War, and for his own defence ■■> wherefore having gathered his Army, in prefence 
 of the Captains and Souldiers he received the Summons of the Ma-, for anfwer 
 whereunto he replied, That neither he nor his people flood in need of other 
 Prince or Ruler befides himfelf, that the Laws and Cuftoms which they obferved 
 were defcended and derived to them from their Fore-fathers, which they found fo 
 good and laudable, that they could not refolve to forfake them to embrace Man- 
 ners and a Religion whollylftrange and foreign to them ; that amongft other Gods 
 they adored the Pachacamac, who was the Maker and Suftainer of the Univerfe, 
 and for that reafon muft be greater than the Sun-, that they had built a Temple 
 wherein they facrificed unto him of the beft of their Subftance, and offered the 
 Bloud of their Men, Women and Children to him, efteeming nothing too dear 
 whereby they might teftifie the great Reverence and Veneration they had for him, 
 which was fo profound and dreadfull, that they durft not behold his Image in the 
 Face, but approached to him at his hinder parts, as alfo did the Priefts, who durft 
 not fo much as lift up their Eyes to behold him •, that they had another God cal- 
 led Rimac, whom alfo they adored, who was more familiar with them, and diC 
 courfed and talked with them, and gave them Counfel in their moft difficult Af- 
 fairs-, that they worfhipped alfo a Fox for his Craft and Subtiky, and the Mama- 
 cocha, or Mother-Sea, becaufe it provided them with Fiih for their nourilhment * 
 all which were a fufficient number of Gods for their protection and ufej but as to 
 the Sun, they never had heard any great report of him for a God, or that any had 
 heard him fpeak like Rimac =, nor nad they need of much more heat than what 
 was natural to the Climate of their Countrey, and therefore they defired the Inca, 
 to grant them Liberty of Confcience, and Freedom in their way cf Worfhip, for 
 that they did not find any great need they had either of the tmai Government, 
 or his Religion. 
 
 The Incas were fo well fatisfied to underftand that the Tuncas conceived much 
 Devotion for the Pachacamac, whom they inwardly and mentally adored in their 
 Hearts, that they propofed to reduce them without War, and overcome them 
 with perfuafions, reafonings and gentle promifes and allurements , referving the 
 force of Arms and compulfion for the laft and ultimate Remedy. 
 
 With this Intention the Incas proceeded into the Valley of Pachacamac, where 
 they were encountred by the King Cuyfmancu with a ftrong Band of Men, refolved 
 to defend their Countrey: Whereupon the General Yupanqui difpatched a Mef- 
 fenger to them, advifing them not to engage in Battel, untill fuch time as they 
 had palled a Conference together, touching the Honour and Worfhip of their 
 Gods : For that befides the Sun, whom they adored, they thought fit to acquaint 
 them, that they conceived a great Devotion for the Pachacamac, to whom though 
 they had erected no Temples, nor offered Sacrifices , becaufe he was invifible, 
 and incomprehenfible, and above their Conceptions, yet they inwardly worfhip- 
 ped him in their Hearts, and conceived fo great an Awe and Reverence for him, 
 that they durft not take his Name in vain, or pronounce it with their Mouths, 
 without profound and humble Adoration -, wherefore fince they worfhipped the 
 fame God, and were of the fame Religion, there was no ground or foundation of 
 Quarrel •-, but Reafon rather perfuaded, that they fhould live in Friendfhip and 
 Amity together. Moreover the Incas, befides this Devotion which they paid to 
 Pachacamac, whom they held to be the Maker and Suftainer of the Univerfe j 
 
 they 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. %^j 
 
 they had a farther Honour to the facred Oracle of Rimac, which the Tmcas alfo 
 adored 5 and therefore fince the Incas condefcended fo far to them, as to worihip 
 their Idol of Rimac, they ought alfo to correfpond with the like Brotherly kind- 
 neis, and comply with them in the religious Worihip of the Sun, who was a vi- 
 able God, and whofe Beauty and Splendour deferved Veneration, and whofe Be- 
 nefits beftowed on Mankind, did merit the gratefull acknowledgment of all Crea- 
 tures, being much more to be preferred before the Deity of a Fox, or other low 
 and infignihcant Animals of Sea and Land, to which they paid Divine Honours. 
 Wherefore now by way of friendly Accommodation they propofed to them to 
 acknowledge the Inca his Brother for their Lord and Sovereign, and to obey him 
 as a true born Child of the Sun, being efteemed for fuch, and a God upon Earth, 
 the which he evidenced and proved by his impartial Juftice difpenfed to all by his 
 Clemency and Piety, by his Gentlenefs, and by the Excellencies of his Laws and 
 Government, which were fo eafie and beneficial , as rendred him amiable, and 
 defired by many Nations, who upon the Report of his Vermes, and rare qualifica- 
 tions of his Majefty, have voluntarily defired to be admitted, and came from re- 
 mote Countries to lift themfelves in the Roll of his Subjects-, wherefore fince the 
 Inctt hath been pleafed to fpare them thefe pains, and come and offer them in their 
 own Countrey fo much felicity, there was no reafon they mould neglect or refufe 
 fo pretious a Blefling, becaufe it was free: Wherefore they entreated them again 
 to confider, without prejudice or paffion, of thefe Offers, and not conftrain the 
 Inca to impofe that on them by rude and forcible terms, which he defired gently 
 to inftill into them with the moft foft perfuafions imaginable, and not be forced 
 to have recourfe unto his Arms, againft which no humane power was capable to 
 make refiftence. 
 
 The King Cuyfmancu and his Subjects lent a favourable Ear to all thefe Dif 
 courfes, and having obtained a Truce for fome days, at length by the Induftry 
 and Prudence of the Incas, a Peace was concluded on thefe following Conditions: 
 
 That the Tuncas fhould adore the Sun and the Incas; that they mould build a 
 Temple apart to Pachacamac, where they might facrifice, and make him any Offe- 
 rings they pleafed, provided they were not of the Bloud of Mankind 5 it being 
 againft the Law, and light of Nature, for one Man to murther another, or kill 
 him for a Sacrifice to his God : Wherefore that Gift ome was wholly to be abo- 
 lifhed. That all the Idols in the Temple of Pachacamac fhould be ejected thence, 
 it being neither reafonable, nor decent to entertain mean and petty Deities in the 
 Temple of that Great God, who is the Maker and Suftainer of the Univerfe •■, and 
 who being invifible, ought invifibly to be worfhipped 5 and for that reafon, that 
 no Image or Reprefentation of him mould be eredted in his Temple, where it 
 had not pleafed himfelf to difcover his Shape and Form, or to evidence his Beau- 
 ty in that manner as the Sun daily appears unto us. That for the better Orna- 
 ment and Fame of this Valley of Pachacamac, a Monaftery of Select Virgins fhould 
 be founded there, with a Temple dedicated to the Sun, both which gave a great 
 Reputation to this Valley, becaufe it refembled the City of Cozco in that matter 
 which made the City it felf illuftrious and facred. That the King Cuyfmancu 
 fhould ftill remain Prince in his own Dominions, and the Curacas continue with 
 their Authority, onely that they fhould acknowledge Obedience to the Inca , as 
 their Supreme, and obferve his Laws and Cuftoms. And finally, That the Incas 
 fhould bear all Reverence and Refpect to the Oracle of Rimac, and fhould com- 
 ■ mand all their People and Subjects to doe the like. 
 
 Upon thefe Terms and Conditions a Peace was concluded between the Gene- 
 ral Capac Tupanqui and the King Cuyfmancu, to whom he gave a Memorial of all 
 the Laws and Cuftoms which the Inca commanded him to obferve •, together 
 . with thefe Conftitutions, which relate to the Tribute payable to the Sun, and In- 
 ca; all which feeming to be juft and honeft, the King received diem with much 
 alacrity. All which matters and things being orderly ordained, and eftablilhed, 
 and Officers, with a fufficient Guard, being placed for better fecurity of the Coun- 
 trey, the General with his Nephew returned to Coz,co, to render the Inca an Ac- 
 count of their Succefles, and Subjection of the Tmcas. And that the Inca might 
 have the Acquaintance of the Cuyfmancu, and own him for his Confederate and 
 Allie, rather than his Vaflal, he was invited to accompany the General to Co*.™ 5 
 
 with 
 
238 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 with which Cuyfmancu was greatly pleafed, having not onely the opportunity here- 
 by to fatisfie his curiofity in the fight of that famous City, but to receive the ho- 
 nour of kiffing the hands of the Inca. 
 
 The Inca Patentee, who at the beginning of this War, had feated himfelf in 
 the Province of Rue ana, was now upon the news of his Brother's good Succefs re- 
 turned back to Cozco, from whence he went to meet his Brother, and Son, wel- 
 coming them home with all the Joy and Triumph he was able; and having re- 
 ceived CuyfmancH with obliging Terms, and encouraging expreflions, he comman- 
 ded that he fhould take his place in this folemnity amongft the Mas of the Royal 
 Bloud, of which Cuy/manca was not more proud, than envied by his Caracas. 
 
 This Triumph being folemnized, the Inca gratified Cujfmancu with many Ho- 
 nours, and difpatched him to his own Countrey laden with his Favours-, as he like- 
 wife did to the other Caracas, who accompanied him, and all returned greatly fatis- 
 fied, proclaiming the Inca for the true Child of the Sun, and to be adored, and 
 ferved in all parts of the Univerfe. It is very obfervable : That fo foon as the De- 
 vil law, that the Inca was become Mafter of the Valley of Pachacamac, and that 
 the Temple there was defpoiled of all the little Images and Idols, which poflefled 1 
 it, he prefently contrived to make it a Habitation for himfelf, and to be there 
 worfbipped for the unknown God ■-, that he might vent his Lies and Deceits in 
 all Shapes and forms, and fet them to fale with beft advantage. To which end 
 he whifpered into the Ears of the moft eminent Priefts from all the corners of the 
 Temple, telling them, that fince the Temple was now freed of the falfe Idols 
 which polluted it, he was ready to give anfwer to all the Queftions and Demands 
 - which mould be enquired of him ; not that he would attend to the frivolous and 
 impertinent Queries of the common People, but onely to fuch as fhould be put to 
 him by their Mas, and Princes, who were defirous to be refolved in matters of 
 great importance, relating to the Government, and alterations of State and Reli- 
 gion. And that the common People alfo might not want a Director, he was 
 pleafed to commit the care of thofe Refolves to his Servant the Oracle Rimac, 
 whom he had infpired with Wifedom to anfwer all their Enquiries. From which 
 time it became a Cuftome to confult all matters of State with the Oracle Pachaca- 
 mac, and to make common and vulgar Enquiries at Rimac $ which becaufe they 
 were many, and that this Oracle was ever folicited with a multitude of Demands, 
 he was called the prating Oracle; for being obliged to anfwer-all, it was necefiary 
 for him to talk much •, the which paffage Bias Valera touches briefly in his Hiftory. 
 
 And now at length the Inca Pachacutec thought it convenient to defift for fome 
 years from farther progrefs in his Conquefts over the new Provinces, by which 
 time of Peace his Armies would be able to recover and refrefh themfelves, and he 
 having leifure thereby to attend his Civil Government, might alfo have means to 
 enoble his Kingdoms with magnificent Edifices, Laws, and Rites, and Ceremo- 
 nies, agreeable to the new Reformation he was making in Religion, that fo his 
 Actions might correfpond with the fignification of his Name, and his Fame eter- 
 nized for a great and wife King in Government, for a fandified High-Prieft in 
 Religion, and for a great Captain in War; and indeed the truth is, he gained 
 more Provinces than any of his Fore-fathers, and enriched the Temple more than 
 any particular Inca before him-, for he plated all the Walls with Leaves of Gold, 
 both of the Temple, and Chambers and Cloifters about it. In that place where 
 formerly was the Image of the Sun, is now the Altar of the Blefled Sacrament; 
 and thofe Cloifters ferve now for Procefllons at the times of Feftivals; that Fa- 
 brick being now the Convent of St. Domini ck : For which happy Alteration may 
 the blefled Name of the Eternal Majefty be for ever praifed and exalted. 
 
 CHAP 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 230 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. 
 
 Of the Conquefi over the King Chimu, and the cruel War 
 againft him. 
 
 AT the end of fix years the Ma Pachacutec finding his Kingdoms rich and hap- 
 py by the advantages of fo long a Peace, commanded an Army of thirty 
 thoufand Men to be raifed to fubdue thofe Vallies which lie along the Coaft of 
 Cafimarca, and which were the confines of his Empire, on the fide, or at the foot 
 of the high Mountain. 
 
 The Army being raifed, was commanded by four Major Generals under his 
 Son, the Prince Tupanqui, for he having been- exercifed for fome years under the 
 Inftru&ions and Example of that famous Commander his Uncle, was now be- 
 come fo good a Proficient in War, that he was capable to conduct and lead an 
 Army on the moft difficult and hazardous Defign. And for Tupanqui, Brother to 
 the Inca, and whom he juftly called his Right hand, he defired to ftay, and keep 
 company with him, that fo he might reft, and take repofe after his many and 
 great labours $ in reward of which, and for his Royal Vermes, he beftowed upon 
 him the Name and Title of his Lieutenant General, and fecond Perfon in all 
 matters and caufes relating to War and Peace, with abfolute Power and Com- 
 mand in all parts of his Empire. 
 
 The Army being in a readinefs, the Prince marched with a Detachment of abouc 
 ten thoufand Men by way of the Mountain, untill he came to the Province ofYauyu, 
 which lies overagainft the City of the Kings, or Kings- town, where he made fome 
 ftay, untill the reft of his Army was come up to him-, with which being joined, 
 he marched to Rimac, where trie prating Oracle had its Temple. To this Prince 
 Tupanqui the Indians attribute the honour of being the firft who made Difcovery 
 of the South-Sea, and fubdued many Provinces in thofe parts, as will appear more 
 at large in the Hiftory of his Life. The Prince being in thofe parts, was met by 
 the Curaca of Pachacamac, called Cuyfmancu, and of Runahuanac ; named Chuquimancu, 
 who with their Spuldiers received him with much Honour, aod with intention to 
 ferve him in the War ^ and the Prince on the other fide gratified them with de- 
 monftrations of his ufual Favours and Bounty. From the Valley of Rimac they 
 went to vifit the Temple of Pachacamac, where they entred with a profound fi- 
 lence, without vocal Prayer or Sacrifice, onely with figns of mental Devotion, as 
 we have before exprefled. Thence he made his Vifit to the Temple of the Sun, 
 where he offered many Sacrifices , and other gifts both of Gold and Silver. 
 And to pleafe the Tmcas he vifited the Idol Rimac, and in compliance with the 
 late Capitulations between the Ima and them, he commanded many Sacrifices to 
 be offered, and enquiry to be made of that Oracle concerning the fuccefs of that 
 expedition ; to which having received anfwer that the defign (hould be profpe- 
 rous, he marched forward to that Valley which the Indians called Huaman , and 
 named now by the Spaniards the Barranca; from whence he fent his ufual Sum- 
 mons to a certain Lord called Chimu, who commanded all the Vallies reaching 
 from the Barranca to the City TrHxilh, and are many in number-, but the chief 
 and moft principal of them are five, namely Parmunca, Huallmi, Santa, Huanapu and 
 Chimu, which is the Countrey in which Trttxilh is fituated, and are all five moft 
 pleafant and fruitful! Vallies, and well peopled -, the Prince giving himfelf the 
 Title of the powerfull Chimu from the name of that Province where he kept his 
 Court. He alfo took on himfelf the Title of King, being feared and honoured by 
 all his Neighbours, who bordered on his Countrey, that is to the Eaft, North 
 and South-, for to the Weft he was confined by the Sea. 
 
 This great and powerfull Chimu having received thefe Summons, gave a quick 
 Anfwer, That he was ready with his Weapons in his Hands to defend his Coun- 
 trey, Laws and Liberties-, that he would not know, nor receive new Gods-, and 
 
 that 
 
240 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 that the Inca fhould take this for a pofitive Anfwer, without feeking farther Re- 
 folution or Query in the cafe. Upon this Anfwer the Prince Tupanqui marched as 
 far as the Valley Parmunca, where he expected to meet and engage with his Ene- 
 my, and had not long attended before they appeared with a ftrong band of Soul- 
 diers, who readily made trial of the Force and Valour of the fncas; the Fight was 
 fharp and long, in defence of a Pafs, which, notwithftanding the refiftence made 
 by them, the Incas poflefled, and lodged themfelves in it, many being flain and 
 wounded on both fides. 
 
 At length the Prince obferving the refolution with which thefe Tuncas defen- 
 ded themfelves, and that this confidence proceeded from a contempt of his fmall 
 numbers, lent unto his Father an account of all his proceedings, defiring him to 
 fupply him with a recruit of twenty thoufand Men, not that he would relieve his 
 Army, as he had formerly done, and thereby give rime and breath to the Enemy, 
 but that he might be enabled to fall upon them with a double force. 
 
 Thefe Advices being difpatched to the Inca* the Prince clofely attended to all 
 the advantages of War, in which he found himfelf much aflifted by the two Ca- 
 racas of Pachacamac, and Runahxanac, who having formerly been mortal Enemies 
 to Chlmu on the old Quarrels about their Confines , and "Pafturage, making one 
 the other Slaves and Vaflals, did with great animofity and malice take this op- 
 portunity in conjunction with the Inca, to vent their malice, and fatisfie their 
 revenge, which the Chimu did more fenfibly feel than any other circumftance, 
 and therefore heated with anger and indignation prepared the more obftinate- 
 ly to defend themfelves. 
 
 Thus did the War become mod cruel and bloudy being encreafed by the 
 ancient animofities between the Tuncas, which they exercifed one againft the 
 other in fervice of the Inca , and which was fo fharp , that in few days the Inca. 
 gained the Valley oiParmunca, driving the Natives out , and forcing them to 
 retire into the Valley of Huallmi, where alfo happened many Skirmifhes, and en- 
 gagements, and being alfo driven from thence, they fled into the Valley ofSanfta, 
 efteemed the moit pleafant and delightfull place in thofe days of any upon the Sea-' 
 Coaft, though now it remains almoft defolate, becaufe the Natives have deftroy- 
 ed both this, and all the other Vallies. 
 
 The Inhabitants ofSantTa appeared more warlike than thofe of Huallmi and Par- 
 munca, fo that Skirmifhes and Battels frequently happened •-, and fometimes with: 
 that equality of Fortune, that they gained the Honour and Reputation of good 
 Souldiers in the efteem of die Incas, and raifed the hopes of the great Chimu ; for 
 he flattering himfelf with the valour and courage of his own Souldiers •■, and en- 
 tertaining fancies and imaginations to himfelf, that this Prince, who had been 
 educated in the foftnefs of his Fathers Court, would quickly be tired with the 
 long continued rudenefs of War, and fo be defirous to enjoy the pleasures of peace 
 and quietnefs at home •, that the natural defire alfo of his" Souldiers to fee their 
 Wives and Families, would cool their ardour and heat towards the War •, and. 
 that the heat of the Countrey would abate their Mettle, and incline them to a 
 lazy Humour, or elfe caufe Difeafes and Indifpofitions amongft them •, with which 
 vain imagination the refolute Chimu entertaining his thoughts, refufed to hearken 
 to any Propofitions which the Inca from time to time offered to them •-, but rather 
 reinforcing his Army with all the recruits thofe Vallies could contribute , he re- 
 newed the War with frefh vigour and courage, fo that many being killed and 
 wounded daily on both fides, 'twas accounted the moft difficult and bloudy War 
 that was ever waged at any time by the Incas. Howfoever the Captains and Cm- ■ 
 racas of Chimu, who with due confideration weighed the true ftate and condition 
 of Affairs, knew well that this oppofition could not continue long, but that ei- 
 ther fooner or later they muft yield unto the Enemy; and therefore inwardly were 
 enclinable to hearken unto Propofitions of Peace and Friendfhip, though in refpeft 
 to the Will and Pleafure of their Lord, they patiently endured all the labours and 
 dangers of War, not daring to exprefs their opinions to the contrary, untill fuch 
 time as they favv their Wives and Children feized and carried into fiavery. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 141 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. 
 
 Of the Miferies and Sufferings of the Great Chimu 5 and 
 of his Obftinacy therein ; a?id how at length he was forced 
 to yield. 
 
 WHilft the War was thus carried on with great refolution, the twenty thon- 
 fand Souldiers which the Prince had demanded for a recruit to his Army 
 arrived , which much abated the haughty and confident humour of Chimu, find- 
 ing, to his great forrow, all his hopes and expectations difappointed 5 for on one 
 fide he perceived the force and ftrength of the hca to be doubled, when he fuppo- 
 fed, Or imagined it to be decreafed ■-, and on the other, he found the fpirit and 
 courage of his own people to be dejected and terrified with the appearance of a 
 new Army •, being of opinion, that they were now rather to fight in compliance 
 with the humour of their Prince, than in hopes of making defence againft the 
 power of the Enemy : Wherefore being much ditmayed and terrified, the chief 
 and principal Lords addrefled themfelves to Chimu, advifing him not to contend, 
 or hold out until 1 the latt extremity, but rather accept the offers and propofitions 
 made to them by the Inc.i 5 there being no reafon to perfift longer in this obftina- 
 cy, which would give opportunity to their inveterate Enemies to enrich them- 
 felves with their fpoils, carrying away their Wives and Children into flavery : To 
 prevent which, no farther delays ought to be made, left their lafting obftinacy 
 fhould provoke the Inca beyond all fuflerance, and bowels of humane companion 5 
 and that cafting away the terms of Mercy, he ihould entirely extirpate their race 
 with fire and fword. 
 
 With this difcourfe and admonition of his Friends, (which feemed rather like 
 Menaces, than wholfome counfel ) the brave Chimu loft his wonted courage , not 
 knowing what to doe, or unto whom to fly for fuccour -, all his Neighbours and 
 Allies fainting under the fame dread and fear of the Inca .- So that at length not 
 knowing where to turn, he refolved to accept the firft offers and propofitions 
 ' which Ihould be made to him by the Inca ; for his great Sc*l could not bear a fub- 
 milfion in Perfon, or that the firft proffers fiiould come from him , left it fhould 
 , betray a meannefs of his Spirit, but rather that the Propofels and Articles of 
 Peace Ihould come to him from the lnca. And in the mean time covering this 
 i his intention to his own people, he encouraged them to continue the War •, tel- 
 ling them, , that he had ftill hopes, and did not fear with the help and valour of 
 his people, but to conclude this War with great honour and advantage. And 
 I therefore he encouraged them to ftand up in the defence of their Countrey, for 
 whofe fake and fafety they were obliged to dye with Weapons in their hands, and 
 not for every fmall difafter to faint and yield ; it being the manner of War to be 
 doubtfull, and to lofe that one day, which they might re-gain the next : If they 
 ; were troubled to have feen fome of their Wives and Children carried into flavery, 
 that they ihould comfort themfelves with the thoughts, that they had the advan- 
 tage of their Enemy in that particular, having made greater Depredations on their 
 Wives, than they ever did upon theirs. And therefore that they fiiould not mew 
 any Defpondency of mind, but rather truft to his judgment and perfuafions, who 
 had more care of their fafety than he had of his own. 
 
 With thefe faint encouragements and counfels, rather than with folid hope, 
 the Great Chimu difmifled his people, amongft whom he was much troubled to 
 find fuch dejecled and difconfolate countenances •, howfoever, putting the beft^ 
 face he could on the bufinefs, he maintained the War, untill fuch time as the ufual* 
 Propofitions came from the Inca, offering pardon, peace and friendftrip according 
 to the accuftomed ftyle often and often repeated. Having heard the Propofals 
 pronounced again to him, he feemed to entertain them with the fame indrfferency 
 
 I i as 
 
 
242 Royal Commentaries, Book VI. 
 
 as formerly --, howfoever, as if he were become a little more pliable than he had 
 been, he anfwered, that for his part, he continued in die fame refolution never to 
 condefcend, unlefs for the good and quiet of his Subjects, whom he would there- 
 fore confult, and act according to their Directions and Refolves 3 and fo having 
 aflembled his Relations and Captains, he acquainted them with the Propofitions 
 of the Inca, and that they mould confider of them, and of their own welfare ; 
 for if it were their opinion to fubmit, and obey, he would prefer their will and 
 fafety, before his own Honour, or Sovereignty. 
 
 The Captains were over-joyed to find their Curaca thus to meet their deiires, 
 and to recede from that principle, which would have been their deftruction ■-, and 
 thereupon took the liberty to tell him, that it was reafonable and juft to yield un- 
 to fuch a mercifull Prince, as was the Inca , considering that when it was in his 
 power to have fubdued them by force, he would rather invite them by the terms 
 of Mercy. This being the general fenfe of all the people, it was pronounced with 
 a confidence of Free-men, and not with the awe and reverence of Vaffals , and 
 therewith the Great Chimu being alfo convinced, and affenting, difpatched his 
 Ambafladours to the Prince Tupanqui, fupplicating, that he would be pleafed to 
 difpenfe one Ray of that mercy and companion to him and his Subjects, which like 
 the bright Children of the Sun, they had cafl: upon all the four quarters of the 
 World, which were fubjected to their power : the which he with the more confi- 
 dence implored, having had fuch frequent examples and precedents of Clemency 
 and Juftice, which both his Father the Inca, and others of his Anceftors, had dai- 
 ly and freely imparted to Mankind ; and therefore he was no lefs aflured of his 
 indulgence towards his Subjects, who had lefs fault than himfelf , having rather 
 continued in their rebellion by his mitigation and encouragement, than by any 
 inclination or perverfenefs in themfelves. 
 
 The Prince being well fatisfied with this Embaffy, that he might fpare the ef- 
 fufion of that bloud which he had fo long feared, received the Ambafladours ac- 
 cording to his accuftomed grace and favour, encouraging them to lay afide all ap- 
 prehenfions of diftruft , and for better afliirance thereof, he advifed them to bring 
 their Curaca with them, that he might perfonally hear his Pardon and Abfolution 
 pronounced by the mouth of the Ma himfelf, and receive favours and prefents 
 from his own hand. 
 
 The brave ChAmu having abated the haughtinefs of his fpirit, with much humi- 
 lity and fubmiffion prefented himfelf before the Inca, and proftrating with his 
 face in the Duff, often repeated the fame fupplications, which he had made by 
 his Ambafladours : And in this poffure continued, untill the Prince, being great- 
 ly affected with the fenfe of his afflictions , commanded two of his Captains to 
 raife him from the Eafth •■> and then told him, that he did not onely pardon him 
 whatfoever was paft ; but allured him, that he could have done much more, in 
 cafe he had committed greater offences. That he was not come into his Coun- 
 trey to deprive him of his State, but to improve, and make it better =, inftructing 
 them in fuch Laws both of Religion and Civil government, as would greatly ad- 
 vantage their condition and happinefs of living : And in evidence hereof, that 
 Ch'mu might be fenfible that he was not to lofe his Eflate and Government -, he 
 did here freely refign it again into his hands, promifing unto him all fecurity in the 
 enjoyment thereof \ conditionally, that rejecting and deftroying all their Idols 
 which represented Fifh, and other Animals, they fhould Worihip and Adore no 
 other than the Sun. 
 
 Chimu being thus cheared up, and comforted with the pleafant countenance, and 
 obliging expreffions of the Inca -, again bowed himfelf, and adored him ; and told 
 him, that he was forry for nothing fo much, as that he had not yielded to his firit 
 Summons ; and though his Highnefs was fo Gratious as to pardon this fault, yet 
 he could not forgive himfelf, being refolved to puniih himfelf for this crime by a 
 perpetual penance, and grief, and lamentation for it in his heart •, and that as to 
 Religion, or Cuftoms, or Laws, he mould impofe what he pleafed, and they mould 
 be readily received- 
 
 . With thefe Conditions the Peace was concluded, and the 'chimn yielded to Sub- 
 jection and Vaflalage ; and thereupon both he and his Nobles were veiled and 
 honoured. After which, for the improvement and adornment of their Comr 
 trey, Orders were given to erect Royal Edifices, and make Aqueducts and Cha- 
 nels for carrying Water into their Arable Lands •, and for enlarging the Grounds 
 
 for 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 243 
 
 for planting and fowing, and all manner of Agriculture. Store-houfes alfo were 
 erefted wherein to lay the proportion of thofe Fruits which belonged to the Sun, 
 and to the Inca •, and for receiving fuch Provifions as were made againft the times 
 of famine, or years of fcarcity •, all which was agreeable to the ancient and lau- 
 dable cuftoms and care pradtifed by the Incai : More particularly in the Valley of 
 Parmunctt, the Prince commanded, that a Fortrefs mould be built, and there to 
 remain for a perpetual remembrance and fignal Trophy of their Vi&ory obtained 
 againft the King of Chimn, having been the place and feat of a bloudy War. The 
 Fort was ftrengthened with great Art, and adorned with Paintings, and other cu- 
 riofities : Howfoever, thefe rarities could not adminifter confideration to uncon- 
 cerned Strangers and Foreigners fufficient to fpare them, and free them from being 
 demolifhed 5 howfoever, they are not fo totally deftroyed, but that ftill fome 
 mines remain to ihew the compafs and circumference of that Work, 
 
 Things being quieted and fetled in Cbimu, Garrifons eftabliihed, and Minifters 
 appointed both for Civil Government and Matters of Religious Worihip •, the 
 Prince took his farewell of Chimu, who was greatly fatisfied to, fee himfelf conti- 
 nued in his Power and Rule ■■, and then the Prince returned to Cozco, where he was 
 received with the ufual folemnity, and the Feftivals of Triumph celebrated for the 
 ipace of a Month. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. 
 
 1 
 
 How the Inca improved bis Empire, and of bis other Aft ions 
 till the time of bis Death. 
 
 THE Inca Pachacutec being by this time grown aged, began to ftudy his quiet 
 and repofe, refolving not to engage himfelf farther in War for the enlarge- 
 ment of his Empire, having already extended the fame 130 Leagues North and 
 South, and in breadth as far as it is from the fnowy Mountain unto the Sea, which 
 1 is 70 Leagues Eaft and Weft •, and all in order to the propagation of thofe recei- 
 ' ved principles from their Anceftors, which were to doe benefit to Mankind, re- 
 ! ducing them to rules of Morality and good manners. 
 
 He planted many Colonies in dry and barren Countries, having by his Chanels 
 - : of Water made them fruitful]. 
 • He erected many Temples to the Sun, and Monafteries for the Select Virgins, 
 after the form and model of that at Cozco. He alfo made many Store-houfes for 
 : Corn and Vi&uals, and for Arms, wherewith to fupply his Army in their march, 
 : and maintain his people in the time of fcarcity, and alfo built feveral Palaces on the 
 great Roads for better accommodation of the Inca* in their Travels. In fliort, he 
 .reformed every thing that was amifs in the whole Empire, and added to his Re- 
 ligion many new Rites and Ceremonies, and introduced many laudable Cuftoms, 
 ; and new Laws, tending to the better regulation of Moral life : He ejected many 
 of the Idols formerly Worfhipped by his Subje&s out of the Temples, and forbad 
 many barbarous and abominable cuftoms in ufe amongft them. 
 And that he might (hew himfelf as great a Captain and Souldier, as he was a 
 . ; King and Prieft, he reformed the Militia, inftrucling them in the Difcipline of 
 War ; and for encouragement of his Souldiery, he eftablifhed new favours and 
 i honours for thofe that (hould deferve them. He alfo enlarged and beautified the 
 . J great City of Cozco with fumptuous Buildings, and fupplied it with new Citizens 
 and Inhabitants , and particularly he ereded a Palace for himfelf near thofe 
 Schools, which his Great Grandfather Roca had founded : For which Magnificent 
 adtions, and for his fweet and gentle difpofition, he was beloved and adored like 
 another fyiter. He reigned fifty years, and, as Come fay, feventy-, during all 
 
 Ii a which 
 
 
2,44 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 which time, he lived in great peace and profperity ; at the end of which he dyed, 
 being univerfally lamented by his Subjects, having his place allotted to him a- 
 mongft the Kings hisPredeceilbrs, and enrolled in the Lift and Number of their 
 Gods. He was embalmed according to the cuftome of their Countrey 5 and his 
 Obfequies performed with cries, and fighs, and facrifices, and other ceremonies of 
 Funeral, which continued for the fpace of a whole year. 
 
 He left thellniverfal inheritance of his Empire to hisEldeft Son Yupanaui, and 
 his Wife and Sifter Coja Anahuarque, befides which he left above three hundred 
 Sons and Daughters 5 and that in all, with legitimate and natural Children, he 
 made up the number of more than four hundred •> and yet the Indians efteem thefe 
 but few, considering they were the ifiue of fo great, and fo good a Father. 
 
 The Spanijh Hiftorians confound the Names of this Father and Son in one de- 
 nomination, calling the Father Tupanqui, and the Son Inca, whereas Inca was the 
 Royal Title, as Auguftm was to the Emperours. The caufe of this miftake a- 
 mongft the Spaniards arifes from the Indians themfelves, who having occafion to 
 
 mention thefe two Kings, fay Pachacutec Inca, Tupanqui -, which the Spaniards mif- 
 
 underftanding, take to be one perfon, and fo confound the Father with the Son ; 
 though, in reality, the Indians make great difference, diftinguifhing this Tupanqui 
 from his Father and others by the (irname of Tupac, which is as much as to fay 
 (refplendent) in like manner they diftinguifti another Inca Tupanqui, by the Father 
 of Huayna Capac, and another Tupanqui by the Grandfather of Huafiar 5 and fo 
 give fome diftin&ion to them all, which I denote for better- clearing the Hiftory 
 to obferving and intelligent Readers. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. 
 
 Of the Schools which he founded and enlarged , and of the 
 Laws he made for good Government. 
 
 BLas Valera difcourfing of this Inca, hath thefe following words : " Vir acock 
 " being dead, and placed by the Indians, amongft the number of their Gods 
 '' the Grand Tim his Son fucceeded in his Throne by the Name of Manco Capac 
 " untill fuch time as his Father gave him the Name of Pachacutec, which fignifie 
 " as much, as if they mould call him the Reformer of the World : the whicr 
 " Name was verified by the many famous A&ions he performed, and die man; 
 " wife Sentences and Proverbs which he uttered 5 the which were fo excellent anc 
 " renowned, that having deferved that Auguft Title, the former Name began tx 
 " be forgotten. This Inca governed his Empire with that vigilance, prudence anc 
 " courage both in War and Peace, that he not onely enlarged it towards all th< 
 " four quarters of the World, which they called Tavantinfuju , but ftrengthena 
 ' c and corroborated it by fuch excellent Laws and Statutes, as were judged worth] 
 " to be confirmed by the Wifedom of our Catholick Kings 5 thole onely excep 
 " ted, which had refpedt to the Idolatrous Rites of their Religion , and to ta 
 " permulions of their Inceftuous Marriages. This Inca, above all things, ampli 
 
 * fied and endowed with Honours and Revenues thofe Schools which the Inca Roc 
 " ca had firft founded at Cozco ■ He encreafed the number of Mafters and Tea 
 " chers-, commanding, that no Officer, Captain or Souldier, mould be capable 
 " any Honour, Office or Dignity, but he onely that could fpeak, and who wa 
 
 ' knowing and skilfull in the Language of Cozco. And that no perfon migh 
 
 * plead excufe for his ignorance therein, he ordained and appointed feveral Ma 
 " fters to teach that Tongue to all the Nobles, and to others capable to ferve ii 
 " publick employment $ fo that the Language of Cozco became the common am 
 :i univerfal Tongue of all P«r» .- However of late (I know not how) by negligeno 
 
 " 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. %^ 
 
 " of Officers, 'tis almoft loft and forgotten, to the great damage and obftru&ion 
 " of the Gofpel. Such Indians as to thefe days retain that Language, are much bet- 
 fi ter civilized, and more intelligent than thofe others, who are as grofs and cor- 
 " rupt in their Manners, as they are in their Language. 
 
 " It was this Pachacutec who prohibited all perfons, unlefs they were Princes, 
 " and of the Bioud-Royal, to wear Gold or Silver, or pretious Stones, or Fea- 
 " triers of divers colours, or the fine fort of Goats Wool, which they had learned 
 " to Weave with admirable Art. He commanded, that upon the firft days of 
 8 the new Moon, and other days of Feftival, they mould go decently, but not 
 " gaily drefled 5 by which means he made moderate cloathing to become a fafhion, 
 ' which to this day is obferved by the Indians, who are Tributaries , and hath 
 " that good effect upon them, that thereby they are freed from the danger of bad 
 " Arts, which oftentimes neceffitate Men to exercife unlawfull contrivances for 
 ** the fake of fine cloathing, and gay apparel. Though indeed at prefent thole 
 " Indians who are Servants to Spaniards, or live amongft them, are become greatly 
 
 • u corrupt in that particular, not valuing their honour or conferences in comparifon 
 [i with the gallantry and finery of their Apparel. This I»ca likewife enjoyned great 
 " temperance in Eating, though he gave more liberty to the Commonalty, as well 
 " as the Princes, in the excefs of Drink. He ordained particular Officers to 
 " overfee, and take notice of idle Perfons, and Vagabonds, not fuffering any per- 
 " fon to want bufinefs, or employment, but to ferve his Father, or his Mafter, 
 
 i " fo that Children of five or fix years of Age were not excufed from fome em- 
 " ployment and work agreeable to their years. Even the lame, and blind, and 
 " dumb had fome fort of work put into their hands •, the Old Men and Women 
 : ' were fet to affright away the Crows and Birds from the Corn, and thereby gai- 
 ' ned their Bread and Cloathing. And left Men, by reafon of continual labour 
 
 * and toil, fhould become weary, and their lives burthenfome, he provided, that 
 
 * for their better eafe, they mould have three Days of repoie and divertifement 
 ' in every Moon, by which they accounted their Month : He appointed three 
 ' Fairs in every Month, to be held at the end of every nine Days-, lb that fuch as 
 u lived in the Villages might at the end of the Week find a Market, at which to 
 " vend the Commodities they had made and worked : With occafion of which 
 
 J " meeting and concourfe of people, they heard and learned thofe Rules and Or- 
 ! " dinances which the he* and his Counfel publifhed and proclaimed, though af- 
 
 * terwards this King, for the better convenience of his people, appointed Markets 
 
 * to be held every day in the City, which they call Catn, and fo remain unto 
 ' this time : onely the Fairs he appointed to be kept on Feftival-days for the grea- 
 ' ter folemnity and divertifement of the people. He made a Law, that every 
 
 A " Province and Cky fhould affign Limits and Boundaries to their Mountains, Pa- 
 is P ftures, Woods, Rivers, Lakes, and Arable Lands, which they claimed and chal- 
 jp lenged , and fo to remain for perpetual fignals of their Rights and Inheritance , 
 I " that fo no Governour, or Curaca, might dare to encroach thereupon, or extend 
 t " his authority, or jurifdiction, beyond them •, but that the Inhabitants might en- 
 a * joy freely their own pofleffions without any difturbance from Aliens, or peo- 
 aa u pie of the Neighbouring Provinces : In like manner the Royal Rents belong- 
 ai u ing to the Sun, and the Inca, were affigned, which the Indians were to plow and 
 j y fow, and gather the fruits of them according to thofe rules and meafures which 
 !■" are before prefcribed by their Agrarian Law. Hence appears the errotir of thofe 
 J* who affirm, that the Indians allowed no right or propriety in their Inheritances : 
 ' For though the proportion of Lands was not fet out by any exact meafures of 
 " pofleffion , yet every Man's labour gave him a title to that Land which he was 
 able to Manure 5 for it was an Ancient cuftome of the Indians to meet together, 
 ^ 1 " and Manure not onely the Lands belonging to the publick , but fuch alfo as 
 '* were the pofleffions of particular perfons, which every one appropriated to him- 
 r e ; u felf by the right of that labour which he had beftowed upon it : For the man- 
 " ner was for the people to meet together, and then in the nrft place to plow and 
 ( ' fow the Lands belonging to particular men, affifting each other with common 
 A " t labour : Then they employed themfelves in Manuring the Lands belonging to 
 ' the Sun and Inca, with common labour, obferving the like rule in reaping and 
 " gathering in the Fruits in times of Harveft, and lodging them in the Royal Re- 
 ' politories, or Store-houfes. By the fame help, and almoft by the fame com- 
 i mon confent they built their Houfes, the Neighbourhood being appointed and 
 
 obliged 
 
246 Royal Commentaries, Book VI. 
 
 obliged thereunto by Orders of the Common Council within the refpeclive 
 Precin&s 5 to which the people fo readily concurred, and willingly contribu- 
 ted to fupply the neceflities of each other, that in a very {hort time they ran 
 up a Houfe, or Cottage, agreeable to the minds of thofe Inhabitants : the 
 which cuftome being very beneficial to the people, was afterwards made into 
 a Law, and confirmed by the authority of the Incas 1 And this ufefull afliftence 
 which fome Indians do unto this day afford unto each other, is like the Precepts 
 of our Chriftian Charity : And where this Rule is negle&ed by fome covetous 
 and fc\R(h Indians, there the common good is injured andabufed by thofe who 
 are neither ufefull to themfelves nor others. 
 
 1 
 
 CHA P. XXXVI. 
 
 Of many other Laws introduced by the Inca Pachacutec ? 
 \ / and of his Sentences and Wife Sayings. 
 
 "IN fine, this King, with the afliftence and wifedom of his Counfel, having 
 " k reviewed and weighed the feveral Laws, Statutes and Cuftoms in ufe and ' 
 " practice amongft the many Nations and Provinces which he had reduced , con- : 
 " firmed thofe of them which were good and profitable, and abrogated thofe 
 " which interfered with the common peace , and were repugnant to the Majefty 
 " and Sovereign Dignity of the Inca ; to which he added many other Laws againft 
 " Blafphemers, Paricides, Homicides and Traytors to the Inca, alfo againft Adul- 
 " terers of both Sexes 5 againft thofe who forcibly ftole away Daughters out of 
 " the Houfes of their Parents, or by violence committed Rapes on the Bodies of 
 u Women, or attempted the Chaftity of the Select Virgins, or robbed, or purloi- 
 " ned, or burned Houfes, or were guilty of Inceft in the right line. Belides 
 " which, he added many Rites and Ceremonies to be obferved in their Sacrifices, 
 " and confirmed thofe ancient Inftitutions of his Anceftors, relating unto their 
 1 Temples and Religion. He alio confirmed thefe ancient Laws following r 
 
 Namely ,_ That Children fhould obey and ferve their Parents untill the Age of 
 * twenty five years •, and that all contracts of Marriage before that time, without 
 " the confent of Parents on both fides, were void and null •, and that Children 
 " born in that condition were Baftards, and Illegitimate 5 but if in cafe, in the 
 ' Eftate of fuch Matrimony, the confent and approbation of Parents fhould after 5 ' 
 ' wards be obtained, then were the Children efteemed Legitimate, and reftorerf 
 " to the privileges of lawfull Inheritance. He moreover approved and confirmed 
 ' the Eftates which were appropriated to the maintenance of Lordfhips and Seig- 
 " niories according to the ancient cuftoms of Kingdoms and Provinces, in which 
 " cafes the Judges were not to receive Fees or Rewards for Judgment. Many o- 
 
 ther Laws were made by this Inca of lefs coniideration, the particulars of which, 
 " for brevity fake, we omit 5 and fhall hereafter difcourfe more fully of thofe 
 " Laws which he made for Regulation of Judges, of Matrimonial Contracts, and 
 " of the Teftaments of perfons 6.tcez.kd , and of what he inftituted about Milt 
 " tary Difcipline, and the account to be obferved in the courfe and circle of the 
 " year. In this Age of ours Don Frandfio de Toledo, changed and altered many of 
 ' thofe Laws and Statutes which were made by this Inca, in which the Indians ob- 
 " ferving and admiring his abfolute and uncontrollable power, gave him the 
 ' Name of Pachacutec the Second , which is as much as to fay, the Reformer of 
 " the Reformers 5 and fo great was that reverence which they bore to that Inca, 
 " that even to this day his Memory is dear and pretious to them. Thus far are 
 the words of Bias Vakra, which I found amongft his loofe Papers •, all other mat- 
 ters 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries, z^j 
 
 ters which he wrote concerning Judges and Marriages, with the account of their 
 Militia, and the courfe of their year were all loft, which was a general damage 
 to the whole World. Howibever, in a fcattered leaf, I found fome Sententious 
 Sayings of this Ma Pachacutec , which are thefe which follow. 
 
 When the Subjects, Captains and Curacas heartily and willingly obey their Prince, theti 
 doth the Nation enjoy perfect peace and quietnefs. 
 
 Envy is a Cancer which eats and gnaws into the bowels of the Envious. 
 
 He that is envious, ' and is envied, hath a double torment. 
 
 Better is it that thou fhouldft be envied by others for being good, than that thou fhouldfi 
 envy others, becaufe thou art bad. He that envies others, hurts himfelf. 
 
 He that envies good Men, contracts evil unto himfelf, as the Spider draws and fucks poi- 
 fon from flowers. 
 
 Drunkennefs, anger and folly are equally mifchievotis ; differing onely in this, that the 
 two fir fi are tranfient and mutable, tut the third permanent and continuing. 
 
 He that kills another without the authority of fuftice, pajfes fentence upon himfelf. He 
 ; i that flays another like himfelf, mufl neceffarily dye for it, and pay the punifhment with his 
 own life : for which reafon the Kings, Our Royal Progenitors, did ordain, that whofoever kil- 
 • led another, (hould pay the price of bloud with his own life. 
 
 Thieves are not upon any terms to be tolerated, becaufe they are a generation who would 
 '< rather live upon prey and robbery, than gain riches by honefi labour, or enjoy their poffeffions 
 by a lawfull title. 
 
 Adulterers, who take away the good reputation and hone fly of another Family , are diflur- 
 bers of the common peace and quiet, and are as bad as Thieves and Robbers J and therefore 
 to be condemned to the Gallows without mercy. 
 
 A truly noble and courageous fpirit is be ft tried by that patience -which he fhews in the 
 limes of adverfity. 
 
 Impatience is the character of a poor and degenerate fpirit, and of one that is ill taught 
 and educated. 
 
 When Subjetls are obedient, their Kings and Governours ought to treat them with gentle - 
 nefs and clemency t, but the perverfe and obfiinate are to be ruled with a feverity and rigour 
 moderated by prudence. 
 
 fudges, who are corrupted by Gifts clandeftinely received from Plaintiff or Defendant, are 
 '0 be eftecmedfor Thieves, and to be punifhed for fuch with capital punifhment. 
 
 Governours ought to have a fpecial eye unto two things ; firfi, that they themfelves obferve 
 
 tnd execute the Laws of their Prince, and not fufcr others to tranfgrefs them : And next, 
 
 'hat they ferioufly confider, and contrive all matters which may tend to the good and benefit of 
 
 •heir refpeBive Provinces. That Indian who knows not how to govern his own Family, will 
 
 ' "ie much lefs capable to rule a Kingdom. 
 
 A Phyfician, or Herbalift, who knows the Names, but is ignorant of the Virtues and Qua- 
 lities of Herbs ; or he who knows few, but is ignorant of mo ft, is a mere §jsack^and Moun- 
 I \ebank in Phyfick^ ; and deferves not the name and repute of a Phyfician, untill he is skilfull, 
 is well in the Noxious, as the Salutiferous qualities of Herbs. 
 
 He that would pretend to count the number of the Stars is a Fool, and worthy to be derided. 
 
 Thefe are the Sayings and Sentences of the Inca Pachacutec, which were confer- 
 red in memory by their Knots, they having not attained to the more ready way of 
 fitters or cyphers. 
 
 BOOK 
 
 

 
049) 
 
 Royal Commentaries, 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Colonies planted by the Incas, and of the two diffe- 
 rent Languages in Peru. 
 
 IT was a cuftome amongft the Incas to tranfplant the people from one Pro- 
 vince to another, that is, from barren Lands and Countries, to more 
 fruitfull and pleafant foils , whereby both the government was fecured 
 from rebellion, and the condition of the people advantaged by a happy 
 and profitable exchange : In performance of which deiign , the Incas 
 had always a refped to the condition and quality of the people, and the 
 temperature of the climate $ tranfplanting thofe who had been born and bred in 
 hot or cold Regions, into Countries of the fame degree, and equal temper of 
 heat and cold. Likewife in Provinces where the people multiplied greatly, and 
 : were become too numerous to be contained within the limits and compafs of it •■, 
 then did they fubtrad from thence fuch a number as might eafe the Province, 
 and fupply the wants of other places. The like was pradifed in Collao, which is 
 a Province of 1 20 Leagues in length, containing feveral other Nations under its 
 jurifdidion : This Countrey being very cold, produced neither Mayz, which is 
 Indian Wheat, nor Vcbn, which is Red Pepper, and yet it abounds with Pulfe, and 
 all forts of lefler Grane, fuch as that they call Papa and Sluirua, which do not 
 grow in hot Countries ; and is alfo rich in Flocks and Herds of Cattel. From all 
 thofe cold Provinces they tranfplanted great numbers of Indians to the Eaftward 
 by the Mountains oiAntis, and to the Weft ward along the Sea-coaft, where lyes 
 a vaft Countrey, containing many large and fruitful] Vallies, which produced Mayz 
 and Red Pepper in great abundance, and which before the times of the Incas, for 
 want of the Art and Knowledge of making Aqueduds and Chanels for watring 
 the Furrows of their Land, lay wholly difpeopled and deferted. The Incan Kings 
 having well confidered the benefit of thefe improvements, did frequently trani- 
 plant their people from the barren, to more commodious and happy foils ; and 
 for their refrelhment in thofe Plantations, furnifhed them with a quantity of Wa- 
 ter fufficient for their Lands ■■, making it a Law, that they (hould fuccour and help 
 one the other, and by bartering their commodities one for the odier, what one 
 wanted was fupplied by the other. By thefe means alfo the Incas fecured their 
 own Revenue, which was paid them in Mayz or Indian Wheat, for ( as we have 
 laid before) one third of their Fruits which their Lands produced, did belong 
 to the Sun, and another third to the Inca. 
 
 K k Moreover 
 
2 co Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 Moreover by this courfe the Incas were fupptted with great quantities of Mayz, 
 for maintenance of their Armies in that cold and barren Countrey-, fo that the 
 Collas were able to carry great quantities of guinua and China, and great flices of 
 that which they called Charqui, to their Kindred in other Plantations, and in ex- 
 change and barter for them, returned home laden with Mayz, and red Pepper, 
 and other Fruits which thofe Countries yielded ■■, which commodious way of trade 
 was of great benefit and confolation to the Indians. 
 
 Pedro Cleca de Leon, in the 99th Chapter of his Book, difcourfing of this man- 
 ner of mutual Commerce, faith, " That in fruitfull Years the Inhabitants of Col- 
 " lao live with contentment and plenty, but in dry years they fuffer great wants, 
 " and fcarcity of all Provifions. The truth is, had not the Incan-King prefcribed 
 " excellent Laws for the government of this People , and ordered every thing 
 " with a provident and induftrious regard, certainly thefe Countries would have 
 " laboured under great penury and wants, and perhaps have relapfed into the fame 
 " beftial condition, in which they once were before the times of the Incas. And 
 " thus much I affirm, becaufe I know that the Climate under which the Collas in- 
 " habited, is cold, and therefore not fo fruitfull as the warmer Regions of more 
 " happy Countries. And in regard the mountains of Andes did border on all 
 " fides of thofe Colonies-, it was ordered, that all parts fhould i flue forth a cer- 
 " tain number of Indians, with their Wives and Children, who being planted ac- 
 " cording to the direction of their Caciques in fuch places, as were convenient, 
 " might improve their Lands, and by Induftry and Art fupply that which was 
 " wanting by nature-, which People were called Mitimaes, and were fo obedient, 
 " and obfervant to their Lords and Captains, that to this day they are Drudges 
 
 to them, their principal care and bufinefs being to manure and cultivate the Co- 
 " ca Plantations, w'hich are fo pretious and profitable, that though in all Collao 
 " they neither low nor reap Mayz, yet neither the Lords, who are Natives, nor 
 " the Common People , who are induftrious , do want fufficient quantities of 
 " Mayz, Honey, and all other Fruits, in exchange for their Coca. Thus far are 
 the Words of Pedro de Cieca, extracted verbatim from his Original Writings. 
 
 Moreover they tranfplanted the people fometimes on other occafions, when ha- 
 ving fubdued fome warlike and ftubborn Nation , which being remote from Cozso, 
 might be apt to rebell, then in fuch cafe of fufpicion or jealoufie, to prevent all 
 danger of Mutinies , their practice was, to tranfplant the people from their own 
 foil to fome other Countrey, nearer, and within the reach of the Inca, where 
 rinding themfelves encompaffed with loyal Subjects, and friends to the Govern- 
 ment, more eafily fubmitted their Necks to the Yoke, and fo became faithfull 
 againft their own Inclinations. When any of thefe Exchanges were made of 
 Colonies, they were always accompanied with fome of thofe whom the firft Inca 
 ALimo Capac had honoured with the Title of being Picas by privilege ^ and thefe 
 were fuch as were appointed to govern and inftrucl: the others. The title of thefe 
 Incas was an honour to all thofe whom they accompanied, {o that they were much 
 more honoured and refpecled by the neighbouring and adjacent People. The 
 Colonies which were thus tranfplanted were called "by the common Name of 
 Afitmac. 
 
 Another piece of their policy much conducing to the regular Government of 
 their Empire, was a Command and an Injunction laid upon all their Vaflals, ob- 
 liging them to learn the Language of the Court, which to this day is called the 
 common or univerfal Tongue - for the teaching of which, certain Mafters, who 
 were Incas by privilege, were appointed and ordained to inftrucl: the People in it-, 
 befides which the Incas had a Court- language appropriated to themfelves, which 
 being efteemed the holy and divine Speech, was not to be prophaned by vulgar 
 Tongues. This, as they write me from Pern, is entirely loft ^ for the Empire of 
 the Incas being ruined, their Language ran the common fate of their other Regali- 
 ties. The Reafons why the Incan-Kings did command that one common Lan- 
 guage fhould be uied, was for two refpecls, firft to avoid the multitude of Inter- 
 preters, which would be neceflary for underftanding the variety of Languages 
 fpoken within the Jurifdiclion of that great Empire. And in the next place the 
 Iwas entertained a particular fatisfaclion when they could fpeak their own words 
 
 unto 
 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. z^i 
 
 unto their Subjects, and not be beholding to the Tongue of another-, believing 
 alfo that their Subjects with much more chearfulnefs received the gratious 
 Speeches of their Prince from his own mouth, than when they were conveyed 
 to them by the breath of their Officers : but the chief Reafon and Ground of 
 this policy was in reference to foreign Nations, who for want of common Speech 
 and Dialed, were fubjeet to mifunderftandings, whence Enmities and cruel Wars 
 arofe amongft them ; for appearing which , and reconciling their Affe&ions, no- 
 thing feemed more probably conducing than a communication in fpeech, where- 
 by all Mifunderftandings might be obviated, and the People be induced to love 
 each other, as if they were of the fame Family and Parentage. With this arti- 
 fice the hats reconciled different Nations in a ftrift alliance, who had before been 
 divided in their Idolatry, Cuftoms and Manners of Living, and fo effe&ual hath 
 this Expedient been, that Nations who have hated each other, have thereby been 
 allured into amity and friendihip by it. The which good effect being obferved 
 by many Countries, who had not as yet attained the happinefs of being Subje&s 
 to this Empire, was a means to invite them to the Study of this general Language 
 of Cozco; die which they having learned, and thereby Nations of different 
 Tongues underftanding each other, their AfFe&ions were reconciled by it, being 
 from mortal Enemies become Confederates and Allies. Howfoever by this new 
 Government of the Spaniards, many of the Nations who afte&ed the C«> 
 can Tongue, have now forgotten it, the which Bias Vakra confirms in thefe 
 words: 
 
 " It was the Command, fays he, of the Mas, that all Nations mould fpeak 
 " the fame Language, though now in thefe days, by whofe fault I know not, 
 " the lame hath been loft and forgottenjn many Provinces ; the which hath 
 " proved a great interruption to the fpreading of the Gofpel, which hath much 
 K increafed in the adjacent parts of Cozco, where that Tongue is ufed, and where 
 " that people are much more civil, and docible than in other parts. Thefe are 
 the words of Bias Valera, to which he adds in another Chapter, " That the ge- 
 ■ neral Language of Peru ought not to be loft , but rather taught and kept up 
 * by pradice amongft the people, fo that the Preachers of the Gofpel may have 
 rc but one Tongue to learn, and not be forced for every Province to ftudy a 
 " different Speech, which would be a task and labour not to be overcome. 
 
 K k 2 CHAP. 
 
2^2 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 C H A P. II. 
 
 that the Great Lords of Provintes fe?it their Eldefl So?is to 
 be educated in the Court of the Incas, and their Reafons 
 for it. 
 
 THE heart-Kings enjoined all the Lords of their Vaffals to fend their eldeft 
 Sons to be educated at their Court, that fo they might imbibe certain 
 good Principles of Learning and Religion in their tender years, and being accufto- 
 med to a convention and familiarity with the Incas might contract a friendmip 
 and an affection for their Perfons and Government ; and thefe were called Mtmac, 
 which is as much as Domefticks, or of the Family. Moreover it (hewed the 
 Grandeur of the Court to be frequented by thePrefence and Service of all the 
 young Heirs to thofe Kingdoms, States and Provinces which depended on that 
 Empire 5 by which means the Language of the Court became more general and 
 common, being learned with eafe and pleafure-, for it being the cuftome for the 
 Sons of all Great Men to take their turns of waiting at Court, they could not fail 
 of attaining fome words and fmatches of the Court Language-, the which when 
 they returned to their refpe&ive Countries, they made ufe of in all companies, 
 being proud to mew what Courtiers they were, and how much refined in their 
 Manners and Words, having learned the Tongue of the Divine Family-, the 
 which created an Emulation in others to attain that Tongue alfo for which their 
 Neighbours and Acquaintance were fo much admired : And having alio by the' 
 help of this Tongue an introduction to the Converfation and familiarity of the 
 Chief Officers of Juftice, and Managers of the Revenue of the Sun and of the 
 Inca; every one did fo labour to obtain the advantage of this Tongue, that with- 
 out the inftru&ion of Matters they with great eafe, and almoft infenfibly attained 
 unto it , by which means it came to be fo generally fpread in all parts, that for 
 the compais of almoft one thoufand three hundred Leagues it became the onely 
 Tongue in ufe and efteem. 
 
 Befides the Honour and Grandeur that this Court received by the prefence and 
 attendance of fo many noble Heirs, another benefit did thence accrue, by being a 
 means to fecure the Empire from Mutinies and Rebellion •■, for (6 long as the young 
 Heirs were at the Court, they were like fo many Pledges and Hoftages for the 
 good behaviour of their Parents and Countrey-men, divers of whofe Provinces 
 being four, five and fix hundred Leagues from the Court, and many of them in- 
 habited by fierce and warlike Nations, were ready and inclined upon every fmall 
 overture to call: off the Yoke of their Servitude-, and though thefe Nations of 
 themfelves fingly were not able to contend with the Power of the Incan-Emp'jxe, 
 yet being united in a League and Confederacy, might put it into fome danger and 
 difficulty j all which was prevented by the refidence which thefe Heirs made at 
 the Court, who were there treated with plentifull Entertainment, and honoured 
 according to their feveral Degrees and qualities -, of all which the Sons rendring 
 to their Parents a true Relation, and confirming the fame with fuch prefents as the 
 Inca fent to thenf , being Garments of the fame quality which the Inca himfelf 
 wore ■-, they efteemed themfelves fomuch obliged thereby, that their Servitude 
 feemed a Freedom, and Loyalty to be their duty, and in cafe any were fo fturdy 
 and ftupid, as not to be won by fuch gentle applications and allurements •■> yet then 
 the thoughts of having Children within the power of the Inca , were confedera- 
 tions fufticient to take them off from courfes ruinous to their own Bloud. 
 
 With thefe and the like arts of Providence and Induftry, accompanied with 
 re&itude of Juftice, the /»rap-Empire was fupported, and fecured in fuch peace, 
 that in all the ages which the Incas reigned, there was fcarce heard the leaft noife 
 or rumour of Rebellion or Mutiny. Jofeph de Acofta fpeaking in the i zth Chap. 
 
 of 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 252 
 
 of his 6th Book concerning this Government, faith, " That fuch was the Fide- 
 " lity and loyal MecUon which thefe people bore towards their Princes, that 
 " there never was mention of any Plot or Treafon contrived againft their Per- 
 a fons; for though with rigour and feverity they required Obedience to their 
 K Laws, yet fuch was the Rectitude of their Juftice, and Impartiality in theExe- 
 • cution, that none could complain of the leaft violence or oppre0ion : And fuch 
 " order was obferved in the fubordinate Magiftrates, who fo exaftly regarded the 
 " moft minute Irregularities in their Lives, that none could be drunk, or fteal a 
 " bunch of Mayz from his Neighbour without punimment. Thus far are the 
 Words of Acoft*. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Language ufed at the Court. 
 
 BLat Patera, in the 9th Chapter of his 2d Book, treating of the general Lan- 
 guage of Peru, fpeaks of the ufefulnefs and facility of that Tongue, as is to 
 be found amongft his loofe Papers. 
 
 tC Now as to the common Language fpoken by the Natives of Peru, the truth 
 " is, every Province ufed a peculiar Tongue proper to itfelf, but during the Reign 
 " of the Iwax-Kinp the Language of Cozco was of greateft extent, reaching from 
 
 * gmtu to the Kingdoms of Chili and Tumac, and which is now in ufe amongft 
 " the Caciques, and great Men, and fuch Officers as the Spaniards employ in their 
 " Service and Affairs. When the Incas fubdued any Countrey , their firft bufi- 
 " nefs was to enjoin the Inhabitants to learn the Tongue and Cuftome of Cozco, 
 " and to teach them to their Children-, for better effecting of which they gave 
 " themMafters and Teachers to inftruft them 5 and for encouragement of fuch 
 " Matters, they gave them Lands and Inheritances amongft the Natives, that fo 
 " they and their Children living and growing up with that people might continue 
 " a perpetual fucceffion of Mafters and Teachers of that people $ and for their 
 ' better encouragement the Governours of Provinces did always prefer fuch 
 ' Teachers unto Offices before any others, for they were happy inftruments 
 
 * of Quietflefs to the Incas, and of Peace and mutual Affe&ion to the people. 
 : The Race and Off-fpring of thofe Teachers who anciently came from Cow, 
 ' live ftill difperfed in thofe Countries, which were affigned for Habitations to 
 ; ' their Parents, who having now loft that Authority which their Anceftours en- 
 ' joyed, are not able to teach the Indians, nor compell them to receive their Lan- 
 : ' guage. Whence it is that many Provinces which were skilfull in the Cozcan- 
 
 ' Tongue, when the firft Spaniards entred into Cafamarca, have now wholly loft 
 :£ and forgotten it^ for the Empire of the Incas being overthrown, all their Sta- 
 ' tutes, Laws and Orders perilhed with them 5 and indeed the Civil Wars which 
 " arofe between the Spaniards themfelves together with the malice of the Devil, 
 
 * might all contribute to this confufion, and to interrupt the propagation of the 
 
 * Gofpel, which might have been much advanced, had the Apoftolical Preachers 
 
 * of it had onely one fingle Tongue to have learned: Whereas now all the Con- 
 " fines and Dependencies about the City otTrugillo, and other Provinces belon- 
 " ging to the Jurifdidion of £uitu, are not able to (peak or uniderftand one word 
 " of the common Language of the Co/las and Puquinas, relapfing again into their 
 
 * Mothers Gibberifh, know no occafion or need for the Cozsan Dialed, which 
 " alfo is at prefent fo corrupted, that it feems quite another Speech to what it former- 
 
 \ u ly was-, and more diverfity of Tongues are of late fprung up, than were known 
 . in the time of Huayna Capac, the laft Emperour. Hence it is, that that Con- 
 cord 
 
 
254 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 " cord and reconcilement of Affections, which one common Speech had produced 
 " in the World, was loft, fo that Men were become perfidious and hatefull to 
 " each other, having no common tie of Words or Cuftoms to unite and cement 
 " them in the bonds of Amity. The which inconvenience not being well obler- 
 " ved by the Vice-Kings, who promifcuoufly reduced greater and lefler Nations 
 " to their Obedience, not regarding the ufe of a common Language, whereby 
 " the Gofpel might have had entrance to them, did thereby greatly obftrud the 
 " progrefs of the Chriftian Faith, unlefs the Preachers had been endued with an 
 
 * universal gift of Tongues, and learned all the different Dialects of thofe People, 
 " which was impoffible without the Miracle of Divine Infpiration. Some are of 
 " opinion, that the Indians ought to have been obliged to learn the Spanijh Tongue, 
 " fo as to have taken off that difficult Task from the Priefts, and impofed it on 
 " the Indians 5 but this projecT: would not eafily take; for if the Indians werefo 
 " dull, and ftupid, that the Coze an Language, which admits little difference from 
 " their own,' was learned with much difficulty by them •, how can we exped that 
 " they mould ever attain to the CaJHlBan Tongue, which in every word is ftrange, 
 " and withour any affinity with their own. Were it not rather more feafible for 
 a the Spaniards, who are Men of quick Wits , and refined Underftandings , to 
 " learn the general Speech otCozco, than to put fuch poor fottilh Wretches, 
 
 ' who have no help of Letters, to the difficult labour of learning the Caflillian 
 " Tongue •, and who fhall put their Matters to more labour in teaching them 
 u one Speech, than a quick witted Prieft (hall have in learning ten? Wherefore 
 " it were* a more expedite way to oblige them to the knowledge of the Cozcan 
 " Tongue, which differs little from their own 5 and in this Speech preach the 
 ' Catholick Faith to them : In order unto which if the Vice-kings and GoveT- 
 " nours would be pleafed to renew the Commands and Rules given in this cafe 
 " by the ancient Mas, obliging the Sons defcended from the Line of the old Ma- 
 " fters, to reaflume the Authority formerly given them for teaching and propa- 
 " gating this general Tongue , they would eafily reduce them to a knowledge 
 " thereof I remember a Prieft and Doctor of the Canon-law, a perfon very pi- 
 " ous, and truly defirous to doe good to the Souls of the Indians, did. with great 
 *' Diligence and Induftry learn himfelf the Cozcan Tongue, which having attai- 
 " ned, he became very importunate with the Indians to learn it alfo; in compli- 
 " ance with whofe defires many of them applying themfelves thereunto, did in 
 " little more time than a year become perfed Mafters of it, and to fpeak it as 
 x readily as their Mother-Tongue; whereby this Prieft found fo facile an in- 
 
 * traduction into the Ears of this people, that he eafily inftilled the Fundamen- 
 ' talsand Principles of the Chriftian Faith into their Minds and Hearts •■, and if 
 
 " one fingle perfon was able by his fole diligence and endeavours to incline the 
 ' minds of this people to a compliance with his defires 5 how much more might 
 " the authority of the Bifhops and Vice-Kings be prevalent and fuccefsfull amongft 
 
 * them 5 and how eafily might thefe Indians, by the help of this general Tongue, 
 be taught and governed with much gentlenefs and lenity, from thejptmoft pajts 
 
 *' oiQmtu, to theCountrey of the Chides ? to evince which more clearly, it is 
 " obfervable, that the Mas difpatched all their judicial Ads by the help of a few 
 -** Judges, whereas now in the very fame Countries three hundred Spaniards, who 
 ' are Corregidores, are not able to pafs and perform the Caufes relating to private 
 
 Juftice; all which difficulty is caufed by the lofs of the common Language, the 
 " which is much to be lamented, confidering it is a Tongue eafily obtained, as may 
 " appear by the many Priefts, wlio in a fhort time have made themfelves Mafters 
 
 of it. In Chttquiapu, as I have been informed, there was a certain Prieft, Doc- 
 " tor in Divinity, who had fo great a deteftation of this Tongue, that he had no 
 
 * patience to hear it fpoken, being of opinion, that it was fo difficult, as not to be 
 ' attained by the greateft Induftry. It happened that before the time that a College 
 ;' of Jeluits was ereded in thatCountrey, a certainPrieft came thither with intention 
 ' to relide there for fome days, to preach unto the Indians publickly in the general 
 ' Language. The Prieft, who fo much naufeated that Tongue, refolved notwith- 
 ' (landing for curiofity fake to be prefent at the Sermon, and having obferved 
 
 that he quoted many places of Scripture, and that the Indians heard him with 
 
 great attention, took fome kind of liking to the Tongue-, fo that prefently af- 
 
 *■ ter the Sermon, he asked the Prieft how it was poffible for fuch divine and my- 
 
 ;' fterious fayings to be expreffed in words fo barbarous as thofe; to which the 
 
 Prieft 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 155 
 
 " Prieft anfwered, that the thing was very poflible , for that the Language was 
 " fo copious and eafle to be learned, that if he would apply his Mind to it^ he 
 " might in the fpace of four or five months attain to a perfect knowledge of it -, 
 " by which being encouraged and moved with a defire of doing good to the Souls 
 " of the poor Indians , he promifed all diligence and application of Mind in the 
 " ftudy of that Tongue-, in which, after the labour of fix months, he became lb 
 " great a proficient, that he was able to hear the Confeffions of the Indians, and 
 " to preach to them to his own great comfort, and their advantage. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the great Vfefulnefs of this Language. 
 
 HAving thus made appear the facility of this Language, and how eafily our spani- 
 " ards, who go from hence, attain unto it, with how much more readinefs 
 ' muft the native Indians of Peru arrive at the knowledge of it ■-, for though the peo- 
 " pie be of different Nations, yet their Language hath fome affinity and ihivM ude 
 ' together, differing onely in fome Words, Diale&s and Accents 5 foithatwefee 
 ' how the common Indians, who frequent the City de ks Reyes, and of C _. the 
 " City de la Plata, and the Mines ofPotocchi, being forced to gain their Bread 
 " and Clothing with the fweat of their Brows, onely by Converfatidn and Com- 
 " merce with the other Indians, without any rules or precepts given to them, 
 :< have in a few months been perfect Matters of the Cozcan- Language •, to which 
 " they have added this farther advantage, that when they have returned to their 
 " own Countries again , they havefeemed more polilhed, refined and accom- 
 ; plilhed beyond the rank of the other Indians •, and for that reafon were greatly 
 " efteemed and admired by Neighbours 5 which when the Jefuits had oblerved, 
 " who lived amongft the People of Sulli, (whole Inhabitants are all Aymaraes, or 
 " Philofophers,) they concluded that the learning of this Language was of a parti- 
 " cular advantage to the Indians, and an improvement equal with that which the 
 " learning of Latin is to us 3 the which alfo is confirmed by the opinion of 
 " Priefts, Judges and Officers, who have had or entertained any Converfe or 
 ' Communication with this people ; for they have found them more juft and ho- 
 f* neft in their dealings, more docible in fpiritual matters, more acute and intelli- 
 " gent in their understandings-, and in (liort, more civil and lefs barbarous, and 
 " more like Men and Citizens than the others 5 witnefs the Indians of Pitquina*, 
 [C Col/as, Vms, Tuncas, and other Nations, who with the change of their Lan- 
 1" guage, have put off all their turpitude of Manners, and elevated their Souls to 
 " more fublime thoughts, which before were immerled in fenfe, and reached no 
 1 " farther than the mere fagacity of Brutes : But the aptitude and difpofition which 
 * the Indians gain thereby, towards the receiving the Dodrine of the Catholick 
 1 " Faith, is a confederation above all others ; for it is certain that this Speech of 
 x Cozco is fo copious, and full of words fit to exprefs the Myfteries of divine 
 x things, that the Preachers are pleafed to exfpatiate in their Difcourfes with ex- 
 " cellent Flowers of Rhetorick and Elegancies, which are made intelligible to 
 the Indians by the knowledge of this Tongue, which hath opened a door for 
 " entrance of the Gofpel with great benefit and efficacy. And though the Mi- 
 " racles of Divine Grace have evidenced themfelves by other means amongft the 
 8 rude Indians of Vriqitillat, and the fierce and barbarous Chirihuanas\ yet God, 
 '' who is moft commonly pleafed to work by ordinary means , hath generally 
 : " made ufe of this Tongue to convey the knowledge and inftrudtions of the Go- 
 '' fpel-, for as the /«w»-Kings, by the help of this common Language, which 
 
 they 
 
z^6 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 " they with meat care and diligence inftilled into the Minds of their people, did 
 " propagate the Law, which the light of Nature taught them •, fo alfo ought 
 " we with the fame care and diligence endeavour to continue this excellent me- 
 " thod, as the moft expedite means to inculcate the myfteries of the Gofpel; and 
 " therefore it is great pity, and much to be lamented, that our Chriftian Gover- 
 " nours, who omit no ways or contrivances to fubjugate that people to the bon- 
 " dage of their fecular power, (hould be more remifs in thofe Courfes , which 
 " tend to the advancement of the Catholick Faith , than the Gentiles were 
 " of their Idolatrous Worfhip. Thus far are the Words of Bias Vakra, which 
 becaufe they tend to the advancement of Chriftianity, I have thought fit to infert 
 here-, and then afterwards, like a learned man, and one skilfull in Tongues, he 
 proceeds to compare the Language of Peru with the Latin, and Greek, and He- 
 brew 5 and then proceeds to confute the Opinion of thofe who fanfie, that thefe 
 Indians of the new World were defcended from the Jews, and for proof thereof 
 they produce fome Hebrew words which have a fimilitude with the general Lan- 
 guage of Peru, though they are not alike in fignification, but onely in the found 
 or accent. And on this occafion, amongft many other Curiofities and Idioms be- 
 longing to this general Tongue, he obferves thztfou, b, d, f, g, »', and x, are all 
 wanting in the Peruvian Speech, and for that reafon, had they been Jews, who 
 are fo affectionate to their Father Abraham, that his Name is never out of their 
 mouths, they could never have wanted that letter (b) which is neceflary to exprefs 
 a true found of that beloved Name: To which we may farther add, that in all 
 their Language they have no word with two Confonants together, fuch as bm, 
 era, cro, pla, fri, and the like } fo that they do not onely want the Letter (£) 
 but alfo the fyllable bra, which are neceflary for Jews to exprefs the Name of 
 their beloved Patriarch 9 and though it may be obje&ed, that this Language of 
 Peru hath many fyllables with two Confonants coming together , fuch as Papri, 
 Huacra, Rocro, Pocra, Chacra, Llaclk, Cbocllo, and the like, yet it is to be under- 
 ftood, that thefe Confonants are dif joined in their pronunciation ; as for exam- 
 ple, Pap-ri, Huacra, Roc-ro, Llac-Ua, and the like, befides which, for want of a 
 true observation , the Spaniards have many corruptions amongft them 5 as for 
 Pampa, they fay bamba, for Inca Inga, for Roc-ro Loc-ro, and the Hke •-, as we fhail 
 hereafter make appear, as thefe words do occafionally occur 5 and fo we (hall 
 recur again unto our Hiftory. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. Z57 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Third FeftivaJ, dedicated- to the Sun. 
 
 THE Jnceu celebrated four Feftivals every Year in their Court-, the principal 
 and moft folemn was theFeaft of the Sun, called Agra*, of which we have 
 formerly given a relation at large. The fecond was the Inftitution of the Order 
 : of Cavaliers, of which alfo we have already difoourfed. We come now to the 
 'two laft , with which we (hall end , and conclude all the particulars relating to 
 itheir Feftivals •■> for as to their other more ordinary Feafts, which were performed 
 every Moon 3 and fuch Feafts as were kept in honour of Victories and Triumphs, 
 |We ftiall not farther enlarge upon , left they mould feem tedious to the Reader, 
 lonely we (hall fay in general, That thefe Feafts were held in the Temple of the 
 Sun. without ProcefEons into the open and publick places. And fo we proceed 
 to the third Feftival, which they call Cnfquierajmi, which they celebrated about 
 the time that their Seed and Mayz was fprung up, and firft appeared out of the 
 ground ; then they facrificed to the Sun many Lambs, barren Ewes, and male 
 Sheep, praying to him that he would be pleafed not to differ the Froft to deftroy 
 their Wheat -, by reafon that the Vallies of Cozco, and Sacfaknana, and the Coun- 
 tries thereabout, are fubject to mighty Frofts, as are likewife all other parts under 
 the fame Climate, which is fo very cold, that it freezes there almoft the whole year, 
 and more particularly at our Midfummer, which is the depth of their Winter, at 
 which time the Nights are commonly clear, but very (harp and freezing 5 which 
 fo foon as the Indians obferve, they put fire to their Dunghills, to make a fmoke 
 and a fmother, being of opinion that the ground under that thick covert gains 
 fbme warmth ■■, and thereby the (harp keennefs of the Froft is much abated. I re- 
 member to have feen this in Cozjco-^ but did not much examine, whether it did 
 any good or not} for being then a Youth, I was not fo inquifitive into the caufes 
 and effects of things, as I was into the matter which was done. 
 
 And now confidering that the Mayz was a fort of grane, which was the chief 
 nutriment of the Indians, and which was moft damaged by the Frofts, they there- 
 fore, to divert that Judgment offered to the Sun many Sacrifices , with Dances 
 and Drink-offerings, fupplicating him that he would be pleafed to fhroud their 
 Plantations from the damage of the Frofts. The Flefh of the Beafts (lain at thefe 
 Sacrifices was diftributed amongft thofe people who came to the Feftival; for 
 befides the Lamb which was offered, and entirely burnt to the Sun, together with 
 the Bloud and Entrails of all the other Beafts-, the Flefh was diftributed amongft 
 the people, after the manner ufed at the Feaft of Raymi. 
 
 LI CHAP. 
 
2 eg Royal Commentaries. Book VII 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Fourth Fe/lival, and their preparations to it by Fa. 
 flings, and cleanfing themselves. 
 
 TH E fourth and ultimate Feaft celebrated in the Court of the Mat was cal- 
 led Citu, which was performed with great joy, in regard it was by way of 
 Thankfgiving, when ficknefs and difeafes, or any other Judgments were removed 
 from the City, and refembled the ancient Luftrations, or Purifications, after the 
 foulnefs and contagion of diftempers was removed. The preparation to this Feaft 
 was made by Fallings, and forbearing the company of their Wives •, being held 
 on the firft day of the Moon, after the Equino&ial in the Month of September, 
 they obferved two forts of Fafts, one more rigorous than the other •, the moft fe- 
 vere was kept by eating a fmall quantity of raw Mayz, and drinking Water, which 
 was not to continue above three days •, thofe that obferved the other, were per- 
 mitted to eat their Mayz parched together with raw Herbs and Roots, fuch as 
 Lettice, and Radilhes, &c as alfo Red Pepper, which they call Vchu, and Salt, 
 and to drink their ufual liquour, but Flelh, and Fifh, and boiled Herbs were for-.j 
 bidden ■-, during which Faft called Cad, they might eat but once a day, and. their 
 moft fevere Faft was called Hatun-caci. 
 
 Men and Women in general having made this preparation, and their Children 
 alfo obliged to one day after the fevere manner, they kneaded their Bread called 
 Canctt, which on the Evening of the Vigil they made up in Balls , and put them 
 into a dry pot without liquour to bake, for as yet they knew not the uie of 0- 
 vens ■■, and being half baked, they took them out. They made two forts of 
 Bread, one fort they moiftned with the bloud of Children, from five to ten years 
 of Age , which they drew from the veins of their Armes, or between their Eye- 
 brows or Nofes •, in fuch manner as when they let bloud on occafion of diftem- 
 pers. I have feen them make both forts of Bread - 7 when they made that which 
 was mixed with bloud, they firft aflembled together according to their refpe&ive 
 Lineages, at a certain place, from whence they went to the Houfeof the Elder Bro- 
 ther, there to perform this ceremony •, and in cafe they had no Brother, then it was 
 done at the Houfe of the neareft relation, who was Head of the family. 
 
 In the night, when this Bread was made, fome hours before day, all thofe who 
 had thus prepared themfelves by fafting, arofe from their beds, and warned their 
 bodies •, and then taking a lump of this ill-baked Bread mixed with bloud, they 
 applied it to their head, mouth, breaft, (houlders, armes and legs, as if they had 
 purifiej. themfelves with it, and cleanfed their bodies of all infirmities. This be- 
 ing done, the Mafter of the family, who was chief of the Lineage, affixed fome 
 of this pafte on the lintels of the door next the ftreet •, in token, that thofe of 
 that Houfe had performed the ceremony of Purification. The like ceremony the 
 High Prieft folemnized in the Houfe and Temple of the Sun, enjoyning the o- 
 ther Priefts to perform the like in the Houfe of the Wives dedicated to the Sun, 
 and in HnMacauri } which was a Temple about a League diftant from the City, 
 being a place highly efteemed, and held in great devotion by them , becaufe that 
 Aiaaco Capac made a fhort abode there, when he firft came to the City of Cozxo, 
 as we have formerly related. On the like errant they fent other Priefts to all pla- 
 ces, which were accounted hallowed and facred , fuch as thofe, where the Devil 
 fpoke to them, and made himfelf to be adored as God. In the King's Court the 
 ceremony was performed by the Eldeft Uncle of the King, who was to be an hen 
 of ^legitimate defcent. 
 
 So foon as the Sun arofe, having performed their Acts of Adoration towards 
 
 him, they prayed unto him, that he would vouchfafe to deliver their City from 
 
 outward calamities, and inward difeafes } and then they broke their faft by eating 
 
 ■ of that Bread which was made without bloud. Having thus eaten their Bread, 
 
 and 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 2,59 
 
 and adored the Sun, which was performed at a certain hour, that lb the Adora- 
 tion might be general at the fame inftant of time $ a certain Inca of the Bioud- 
 Royal (allied out of the Fortrefs, richly attired like a Meflenger of the Sun, ha- 
 ving his Garments girt about his wade, bearing a Lance in his hand, garnifhed 
 with a plume of Feathers of divers colours, which hanged dangling down from 
 the point to the end of the Staffs the length of which was of about three quar- 
 ters of a Yard, ftudded with golden Nails, and which in War ferved for an En- 
 fign : With this Lance he iffued from the Fort rather than from the Temple, be- 
 ing efteemed a Meflenger of War, and not of Peace 3 for the Fort, as well as the 
 Temple, was Dedicated to the Sun, being the place where matters of War were 
 ! treated, as the other was, where peace and friendfhip were entertained. This 
 Officer came running in this manner downwards from the Hill called Sacfahuamam, 
 ,fk>urifhing his Lance untill he came to the Market-place of the City, where four 
 ; other hcAi of the Bloud, each carrying a Dart in his hand, met him 5 having 
 ilikewife their Garments dofe girt, after the manner of the Indians, when they put 
 ithemfelves in a pofture of exercife, or labour : This Meflenger meeting the four 
 \lncM, touched the head of their Lances with his, and then told them, that the 
 Sun commanded them as his Officers, that they fhould purifie and cleanfe the City 
 !of all infirmities and difeafes ■-, and that he gave them full power to perform it. 
 
 With this commiffion the four Imas departed, running through the four great 
 , Streets of the City, which led towards the four quarters of the World, called 
 'by them Taventinfmu - 7 in their way as they ran, Men and Women, young and 
 ,old, all came to the Doors of their Houfes, with great cries and acclamations, 
 Ifhaking their cloths, and the garments on their bodies, as if they would beat out 
 the Duft from them •, and then ftroking their hands over their heads and mouths, 
 armes and legs, and other parts of their bodies, in manner, as if they were waft- 
 ing of them 5 and as if they would throw out all the ficknefs and illnefs of their 
 .Houfes, to be expelled the City by the power and virtue of thofe Meflengers of 
 the Sun. Nor was this onely done in the Streets, through which thefe four MeP 
 jfengers pafled, but likewife in all the other Streets 3 thefe four Imas having run a- 
 ;bout a quarter of a League without the City, were met by four other Mas of 
 the privilege, who taking their Lances, ran with them a quarter of a League far- 
 ther, and at the like diftance were met by others, untill they came five or fix 
 Leagues remote from the City •, where having fixed their Lances, and driven 
 them into the Earth, they made that the place of banifhment to all their Evils ; 
 jthat fo being bounded by thofe Confines, they fhould not be able to approach 
 'nearer to the City. 
 
 i 
 
 L I 2 CHAP. 
 
260 Royal Commentaries. Book VII 
 
 G H A P. VII. 
 
 Of their Noflurnal Feaft celebrated at Night for purifying 
 their City from ftckpeffes, a?id other calamities. 
 
 THE Night following they lighted great Torches of Straw, fo clofe and har 
 twitted together, that they were long in burning, and were not unlike ou 
 Wifps of oiled Straw - y onely they were made round, and about the bignefs of ■, 
 Foot-ball, called by them Pancmcu ; to each end of thefe, they tied a cord of a 
 bout a Yard in length, with which they ran through the Streets, carting then 
 round untill they came without the City, fuppofing that by help of thefe fire 
 they expelled the no&urnal evils from their City : For as the evils of the day wen 
 droven out by the Lances, fo the evils of the night were carried out by the Tor 
 ches \ which being quenched without the City in a brook or current of water in 
 to which they were thrown, were believed to carry with them down their ftreann 
 all the ficknefles and evils of their City •■, fo that if at any time an indian,>o[ wha 
 Age foever, fhould happen to fee one of thefe wifps of Straw, lodged by any ac 
 cident or ftoppage on the banks of the River, he prefently fled from it , fearin; 
 to be feized by fome of thofe evils, which were newly expelled and bariirtied th 
 City. 
 
 The Wars being ended, and the City deanfed and purified of all its evils art 
 difeaies, great joy and mirth was heard in all their dwellings, not onely in publick 
 but in every private family, which continued for the firft quarter of the Moon 
 during which time, they returned thanks to the Sun for cleanfing and freeing then 
 from all their evils •-, and in demonftration of fuch thankfulnefs, they facrifice< 
 Lambs and Sheep to him ; the bloud and entrails of which they burnt in the fire 
 but the fleth they roafted in the common Market-place, and thared it amongi 
 thofe who were prefent at the Feftival. 
 
 I remember, when I was young, that I faw fome part of thefe ceremonies per 
 formed } and that a certain Inca {allied out with his Lance, not from the Caftle 
 for that was then deftroyed, but from a Houfe belonging to one of the incas, whid 
 was fituated on the fide of that Hill, v. here the Cattle was formerly built, callec 
 Collcampata : I faw alfo the four Indians run with their Lances, and the commoi 
 people (hake their Cloaths, with all the other vile and foolifti practices, as eatinj 
 their Bread ailed Cancu, and burning the Torches called Pancmcu .- For my part 
 I had not the curiofity to fit up fo late at night, as to be prefent at their no6tuma 
 Feftival : How foever, I remember, that I faw one of their Pancuncm lodged in th< 
 ftream which runs through the Market-place, and near to the Houfe of my School 
 fellow John de Cel/orico, I remember to have feen many Indian Boys to have rur 
 from it •, but I being a Child of fix or feven years old, and notCatechifed in thei 
 Religion, nor knowing the caufe, remained unconcerned at the bundle of Straw 
 not thinking it fo terrible as did the Indians. 
 
 This Torch we now fpeak of, was thrown into the ftream which runs througf 
 the City, and earned abroad according to the ancient inftitution •, for the Feaf; 
 was not now obferved with that ftri&nefs and veneration, as it was in the time 
 of their Kings •, for beginning now to become obfolete, it was rather performec 
 in remembrance of their ancient cuftoms, than out of an opinion of any effecT: 01 
 virtue of fuch a practice •-, for there remained ftill fome old fuperftitious fellows 
 who refuted Baptifm, and obftinately adhered to their ancient Gentilifm. It 
 times of the Incas the Torches were carried out of the City, and there caft into the 
 River : the water with which they wathed their bodies, though it were broughi 
 from other ftreams, was yet to be poured into the River which runs from the City 
 that fo the evils which it wathed, might be carried far diftant, and by force of tm 
 current be lodged in the Sea. As we have before mentioned. 
 
 Then 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 261 
 
 There was another Feaft, not'publickly celebrated, but kept in every private 
 family ; and that began about the time after they had ended their Harvest, and 
 lodged dieir Fruits in their Store-houfes, called Pirva. Their cuftome was to burn 
 a fmall quantity of Tallow, or Fat, near the places where they had lodged their 
 Stores, as a facrifice to the Sun : the Nobles, and rich people, offered tame Co- 
 nies, which they call Coii, giving thanks for the provifions of bread with which 
 I they were fupplied for the fuftenance of the whole year, and praying, that he 
 n would be pleafed to beftow this blefling on thofe confervatories of their bread , 
 that they might keep them well and fafe for the fupport and maintenance of hu- 
 mane life. 
 
 There were other Feafts which the Priefts celebrated within the Temple of the 
 
 Sun, without any publick proceflions, being the monthly facrifices offered to the 
 
 4; Sun * but thefe were not to be compared with the folemnity of the other four 
 
 r 1 principal Feafts, which were like our Grand Feftivals of E after and Chriftmas 
 
 land the like. 
 
 I CHAP. VIII. 
 
 The Defcription of the Imperial City of Cozco. 
 
 if 
 
 i 
 
 8:*T*HE lnca, Manco Capac, was Founder of this City of Cozco, which the Spa- 
 
 m J. maris have honoured with the continuance of its Name and Title, calling 
 a'iic the great City of Cozco, and Metropolis of all the Kingdoms and Provinces of 
 1 Peru. And though they once called it the New Toledo, yet the impropriety of ic 
 j foon caufed that Name to be difufed. For Cozco is not encompaited by a River, 
 ss'v&Toledo, nor like it in the fituation 5 the Houfes being placed one above the 
 g.other, on the fide of a Hill fo high, that it furveys from all parts a large and fpa^ 
 k;tious Plain beneath it : the Streets are very long and wide, and the publick Mar- 
 i ket- places very great 5 fo that the Spaniard; in general, as alfo the publick Nota- 
 ries, and other Writers ftyle it by no other Name than by its ancient Title -, for 
 OfiCWo being like another Rome, the Imperial Head of many Kingdoms and Provin- 
 ces, may equally deferve a title agreeable to its noble and generous Atchievements, 
 a and likewife in fome things be compared with Rome. As firft, in that it was ori- 
 | ginally founded by its Kings. Secondly, in that it was the Head and Chief City 
 tlfiof many Nations, fubje&ed to its Empire. Thirdly, in the Excellencies of its 
 ! Laws, which were many, and wife, and rarely tempered for the government of 
 U its people- Fourthly, in the qualities of the Men who were educated in Civil 
 I and Military Difcipline, and were civilized and freed from all barbarity in their 
 I manners. Howfoever we may fay, that Rome had this advantage of Cozco, that 
 the knowledge of Letters had eternized the fame and honour otRome, and that its 
 J l people were not more celebrated for the fuccefs of their Arms, than they were 
 ] illuftrious and renowned for their Arts and Sciences •■> when Poor Cozco hath had no- 
 \ ; thing but Memory and Tradition to deliver its great Actions, and feats of Arms to 
 \ ipofterity. But Rome had the help of Hiftorians to record its famous Deeds, and 
 ; 1 was as much beholding to 'the Pen , as to its Arms 1 it being doubtfull whether 
 , great Heroes are more obliged to Writers, who have tranfmitted the fame of their 
 mighty Actions to all pofterity •, or Writers are to the Noble Heroes, for opening 
 j 1 unto them fo large a held of great and various Atchievements. But this was not 
 the fortune of our poor Countrey, which though abounding with Men famous 
 in Arms, and in Intellectuals, and capable of Sciences -, did yet for want of know- 
 ledge in Letters, leave no other Monuments of their paft actions, but what Tra- 
 dition hath conferved and tranfmitted in fome few abrupt and fcattered fentences 
 from Fathers to their Children 3 which alfo are in a great meafure loft by the en- 
 trance 
 
 ! 
 
262 Royal Commentaries. Book VIL 
 
 trance or Invafiori of a new people ■-, for where an Empire or Government hath 
 had its period, being overwhelmed by the power of a Itronger Nation, there al- 
 fo by natural confequence muft the memory of Ads and Cuftoms periih, which 
 have not been recorded by a skilfulnefs in Letters. 
 
 For my own part, being moved with a warm defire and affe&ion to conferve 
 the poor remains of Antiquity in my own native Countrey, I have adventured 
 on this laborious Defign of Difcovery, and of tracing the Footfteeps of the loft 
 reliques of its forgotten Cuftoms and Manners 3 and therefore that this City of 
 Cozco, which was once the Metropolis of many Kingdoms and Nations may be 
 revived, and yet live in its ancient Fame, I have refolved in this Chapter to make 
 fome Defcription of it, as I have received it by Tradition, and alfo as a true born 
 and faithful! Son of that City, to declare what I have feen of it with my own 
 Eyes, and in what ftate and condition it was in the Year 1 570. when I departed 
 thence, fpecifying what ancient Names were ftill in ufe belonging to places and 
 divifions of the City, with what alterations were at that time made in the names 
 of Parochial Churches, and Streets which the Spaniards have built fince their 
 coming thither. 
 
 The King Manco Capac having confidered all the conveniences of Cozxo, that it 
 was fituated in a pleafant Valley, in the midft of a Plain, encompaffed on all fides 
 with high Mountains, through which ran four delightfull ftreams, which though 
 they yielded not great plenty of Water, yet were fufficient to refrelh and make 
 all thofe Lands fruitfull. In the middle of this plain was a Fountain of brackim 
 Water, out of which they made quantities of Salt •, the Soil was fruitfull and the 
 Air wholfome : with which advantages the firft Inca took a refolution of laying 
 the Foundation of his City, and , as the Indians fay, by Order and Appointment 
 of his Father the Sun, fignified by the difcovery of a Wedge of Gold, which 
 was the mark and fignal of that place, where the Head and Seat of his Empire 
 was to be founded. The Climate is rather cold than hot, but yet not in that ex- 
 treme, as to require Fires to keep them warm-, ihe Chambers, or clofe Rooms, 
 are fufficient to defend the Inhabitants from the rigour of the Weather, yet a pan 
 of Coals may fometimes beufefulH the Air is not lb fharp, but that the thin and 
 lighter Clothing of the Summer may be fufficient, nor fo hot as to be incommo- 
 dious with the Winter-garments-, the like may be faid of the bedding -, for one 
 Blanket may be a fufficient covering, and if there were three, t'were not cumber- 
 fome ; for fo conftant and equal is the Weather, that there is little difference be- 
 tween the Winter and Summer, being here as in all other temperate Climates, 
 the fame moderation in all feafons of the Year. The Air of Cozco being rather 
 cold and dry, than hot and moid, is not fubjeft to corruption •, fo that Flelh be- 
 ing hanged up in a Room where the Windows are open on all fides, will keep 
 eight, or fifteen, or thirty, nay to a hundred days without being mortified, untill 
 it is become dried like Mummy. This I have feen my felf tried and experimen- 
 ted with the Fle(h of Cattel of that Countrey •, I know not whether the Flefh of 
 Mutton, brought from Spain, will endure in the like manner , for there was no 
 experiment made thereof in my time , by reafon that the flock of the Spanijk. 
 Sheep were not killed in my time, but rather fuffered to increafe and breed. The 
 Climate of Cozco being in this manner inclining to cold, breeds very few Flies, 
 and for biting and flinging Gnats there are none, nor any other Infeel that is trou- 
 blefome, or vexatious to the people of the City. The firft Houfes and Habita- 
 tions were built on the fide of the Hill, called Sacfahuamam, which lies on the 
 North-eaft fide of the City, on the top of which the Succeflburs of this Inc*. 
 erected the ftately Fortrefs, which the Spaniards fo little efteemed, nay fo much 
 fcorned, that they demolifhed it in a few days after they became Matters of the 
 City. This City was divided into two parts, Hanan-Cozco, and Harin-Cozco, which 
 is the Upper and the Lower Town. The Way or Road to Antifuyu, which leads 
 to the Eaftward, divided thefe two parts of Hanan-Cozco, which lies to the North, 
 and Hurin which points to the South. The firft and principal Street was called 
 Collcampata, Collcam is a WOld of no fignification with the Indians, but Pata is as 
 much as the degree or ftep of a Ladder, or a Bench whereon to fit. On the 
 rifing or turning of this Hill the Inca Manco Capac ere&ed his Palace, which after- 
 wards was the pofleflion oiPatdlu the Son of HuaynaCapac. I remember in my time 
 to have feen a large and fpatious Hall belonging to this Houfe, which ftill remai- 
 ned 
 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries, 262 
 
 ned, defigned in former days, for a place wherein to celebrate their principal Festi- 
 vals in.rainy Weather. That Hall onely remained in being when I departed from 
 Cozco, but all the other Rooms, which were conformable to the greatnefs of this, 
 were fuffered to decay, and fall into mines, without any repair. Next in order 
 we come to another Street , called Canturpata, which looks to the Eastward , 
 which Signifies as much as the Gilliflower-walk •, for Cantnr is a Flower not unlike 
 our Gilliflower, but of a different fort j for before the Spaniards came into this 
 Countrey, there were no Gilliflowers ; onely this Cantur refembled very much 
 the Brambles of Andalnfia, both in the Stalk, Leaf and Shortnefs; for the Thorns 
 of it are very prickly , which becaufe they did much abound in that Walk , * 
 they gave it the name of the Cwr^-Walk. Next we come to the Street called 
 Pumacurcu, or the Lion's Port, becaufe in that place many ports or (takes were dri- 
 ven into the Earth, whereunto they tied their Lions which they prefented to the 
 ; Inca, untill they had made them tame and gentle. The next great Street was called 
 I loco-cach'h but I know not any reafon for the composition of this word, Toco Signi- 
 ; fying a Window, and Cachi Salt, which are words ill conjoined together, unlets 
 they have fome other tignitication, of which I am ignorant 5 in this Street the firSt 
 , Convent, dedicated to St. Francis, was built : Turning a little from hence to 
 I the Southward, you come to the Street called Munaycenca, Muna Signifies to love, 
 ! zndCemt the Nofe or NoStrils; I know not the reafon or fenfe for this name, but 
 there muSt certainly be fome Superstitious meaning or occafion for it. Hence pro- 
 ! ceeding on the Same courfe, we come to the Street called Rimac- pampa, or place of 
 ; Proclamation, becaufe that there all the Laws and Ordinances were published and 
 ' proclaimed, and thereunto the multitude flocked from all parts and places to hear 
 1 and understand the Laws which were promulged. Hence we come into the great 
 Road which leads to Collafuya, and croSles Southward on the Street oiPumapchupan, 
 ; which Signifies the Lion's Tail , becaufe that Street is very Strait and narrow to- 
 wards the end, being bound in by two Streams, which there fall into one, and 
 ', which being the mott remote part of the Town, was called the Lion's Tail, per- 
 ! haps becaufe they kept their Lions, and other fierce Creatures, at that place. To 
 j the Weftward, being about a mile from the farthermoft Houfes of the Town, 
 there was a Village , containing about three hundred Souls, which in the Year 
 , 1560. was thus far diftant, but now in this Year 1602. the Buildings are fo in- 
 ' creafed, that they reach up and join to this Village. About a mile farther to the 
 : Weftward there is another Street, called Ckaqmllcbaca, the Signification of which 
 is improper-, by which the great Road pafles to Cmtifityu, and near whereunto 
 are two pipes of excellent Water, which pafs under ground-, but by whom they 
 were laid or brought thither, is unknown to the Indians, for want of Writings or 
 Records to tranfmit the memory of them to posterity. Thofe pipes of Water were 
 'called Collquanackac buoy, or the Silver Snakes, becaufe the whitenefs of the Water 
 refembled Silver, and Windings and the Meanders of the pipe were like the coiles 
 : and turnings of Serpents •, and they report alfo, that the Streets of the City are exten- 
 ded as far as to Chaquilichaca. Patting hence to the Northward, there is another Street 
 I called Pichu, which alfo was without the City, and another beyond that, called 
 \ggiH>pata , and another great Street called Carmema , which is a proper Name 
 without any Signification-, and here paStes the great Road to Chinchafuyu, to the 
 Eastward, where the Street is that is called Huacapuncu, or the Door of the Sanctu- 
 ary, becaufe that Huaca, amongft the many other Significations which it hath, Sig- 
 ^nifies a San&uary •, Pmctt is a Gate, becaufe that a Stream of Water enters through 
 that Street, as by a gate, to the chief Market-place of Cozco •-, for though all the 
 .Streets and Lanes of the City were dedicated to the life and Service of the Tem- 
 ple of the Sun, and of the Seledt Virgins ^ yet this paflage, or chanel, by which 
 tliis Water entred, was in a particular manner efteemed facred -, as alfo the place 
 at which it ran out, was called the Lion's Tail, fignifying, that this City, as it 
 was holy in its Laws and Religion, fo it refembled a Lion in its valour, and mar- 
 tial Exercifes. This Street of Huaca-pmcn came at length to join with Collcam- 
 fata; fo that we are now come to the place where we firft began, having finifhed 
 ',the rounds of the City. 
 
 CHAP, 
 
j^j. Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 That the City contained the Defcription of all the Em- 
 fire. 
 
 THefe four great Streets did correfpond with the four Quarters of the Empire 
 called Takuantinfuyu, ordained by Manco Capac, the hrft Incan-King , who 
 intending to reduce thofe favage, and barbarous Nations under his Sovereignty, 
 did command them to inhabit thofe Quarters, which lay towards the places from 
 whence they came, fo thofe who came from the Eaft, planted themfelves on the 
 Eaft fide of the Town, thofe that came from the Weft, on the Weft fide, fo 
 that at length they all feated themfelves within the circle and compafs defigned for 
 the City in their different Ranks and Situations. The Curacy built their Houfes 
 as they found room, when they firft came to the Court -, for when one had tini- 
 fhed his Houfe, another built dofe by him, every one keeping the order and fitu- 
 ation of his Province-, for if his Province lay to the Right-hand of his Neigh- 
 bour's Province, then he built to the Right, if to the Left, then to the Left ■, if 
 the Province lay to the backfide of his Neighbour's dwelling, then he railed his 
 Houfe there, fronting towards his own Countrey •-, fo that taking a view of all the 
 People and Nations inhabiting that City, with their feveral Ranks and Situations, 
 it feemed like a furvey of all the Empire, or a Map comprehending in a plain 
 Cofmographical Defcription all the circumference of Peru. Pedro de Cieca writing 
 of the iituation of Cozco, fpeaks almoft to the fame purpofe, in the 93d Chapter 
 of his Book in thefe words. " And wheteas this City contained many Nations 
 " of divers Provinces, and ftrange Countries, fuch as the Indians of Chile, Pafto, 
 " Cannares, ChacbapojM, Guanais, Collas, and many other people before mentio- 
 " ned-, they were all difpofed within the precindts of this City, in their refpedive 
 " Quarters, as they were aftigned unto them by the order of their Governours; 
 " having liberty to obferve the Manners and Cultoms of dieir Fathers, and the 
 " habit of their Countrey, fo that if a hundred thoufand Men of thefe were af- . 
 " fembled together, every one would be diftinguilhed by the attire of his Head, 
 " and his Countrey, and Lineage known to which he belonged. Thus far are 
 
 the Words of Pedro de Cieca. 
 
 This Diftinclion was made by the different attire on their Heads, either of 
 Feathers, or Safhes wound about their Temples, which every Provinre r - ; ned 
 to its felf, and not by contrivance, or order of the lnc.u -, onely their Kings com- 
 manded them to continue their Falhions, to avoid confuhon ai uigft the Nations 
 which reach from Pafto to Chile, which, asourAuthour r'brefaU alledges, was . 
 above one thoufand three hundred Leagues. In which marn°r all the Sneets of 
 this City were the Habitations of the Subjects onely aflembicd tMther from all 
 parts of the Empire j and not of the Mas, or thofe of the Blond Royal -, who Ik 
 veej in the Suburbs of the City, the which we {hall lay down, and defcribe in 
 fuch manner, as they were fituated from North to South, with all their Streets 
 and vacant places, and Palaces of their Kings-, and how, and in what manner 
 they were afterwards beftowed, when they came to be divided by lot amongft 
 the Spaniards. From the Hill Sacfahmmam there runs a (hallow ftream of Water 
 from North to South, to the farther part of Pumapchupan, where the City is divi- 
 ded from the Suburbs. But more within the City there is a Street which lies 
 North and South, which is now called St. Juftins, defcending from the Houfes of 
 the Hrft Inca, Manco Capac, to the open fquare of Rimac-pampu ; there are three or 
 four other Streets which crofs from Eaft to Weft, through the large fpace which is 
 between the Street and River, where the Incat of the Bloud feated themfelves 
 according to their feveral Aylhu, or Lineages 3 for though they were all of the 
 fame Family, and lineally defcended from M*mo Capac. Howfoever being bran- 
 ched into feveral Lines , they derived their Pedigrees from divers Kings , faying, 
 
 that 
 
\ 
 
 Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 265 
 
 that thefe defended from fuch an Inca, thofe from another Inca, and fo' of the 
 reft; of which the Spanijh Hiftorians not having conceived a true Notion, delive- 
 red to us for a truth, that fuch a Lineage was derived from fuch an Inca, and that 
 Lineage from another, as if they had been of different Stocks and Families, when- 
 as in reality they all proceeded from the fame original Being, honoured widi the 
 Title of Capac Ayllu, or the illuftrious or auguft Lineage of the Bloud Royal. 
 
 The Men of that Family were called by the name of Inca, and the Women of 
 Pa/la, which implied a defcendency from the bloud Royal. In my time tfiofe 
 quarters, defcending from the upper part of the Street, were inhabited by Rodrigo 
 
 de Pineda, Joan de Saavedra, Diego Oitiz, de Guzjnan, Peter de los Rios , with his Bl'O- 
 
 ther Diego de hs Rios, GeronimoCoftillas, Gafparjura; but now thefe Houfes are tur- 
 ned into the Convent of St. Aufiin, as alfo the Habitations of Michel Sanchez; John 
 
 de Santa Cruz,, Alonfo de Soto, Gabriel Carrera, and Diego de Trugi/lo , who was one 
 
 of the firft Adventurers, and one of thofe thirteen Companions, who adhered to 
 Don Francifio Picarro, as we (hall relate in its due place. Moreover there were An- 
 
 '■ ton Ruiz, de Guevara, John de Salas , who W3S Brother to the Archbifhop of Sevil , 
 
 together with Valdes de Su/m, who was Inquifitor-General, befides others, which 
 ; 1 cannot all to mind, all which being great Commanders over the Indians, had 
 . their ihares and lots divided to them amongft thofe who were the fecond Adven- 
 ' turers in the conqueft of Peru. Befides thefe there lived many Spaniards in this 
 
 Quarter, who had no power over the Indians. One of which Houfes , after my 
 eparture from Cozco , was converted into a Monaftery of Auguftine-Friars. We 
 call thofe the firft Conquerours, who were of the number of thofe one hundred 
 and fixty, that were Amftants of Don Francifio de Picarro in the imprifonment of 
 Atahualpa: And thofe which we call the fecond Adventurers in this Conqueft, 
 
 were thofe who Came in with Don Diego de Almagro, and Don Pedro de Alvarado, 
 
 both which parties were called Conquerours of Peru, and no others 5 and the fe- 
 
 , cond party did much honour to the firft, though they were fewer in number, and 
 
 of a meaner quality, yet being the firft and moft forward in this adventurous At- 
 
 chievement, were honoured and efteemed by them as Partners in their Enterprifes. 
 
 And now returning by the upper part of the Street of St. Aufiin, to enter (as we 
 
 have faid) into the City 5 where upon the top of all ftands the Convent of St. Clare, 
 
 formerly the Dwelling of Alonfo Dias, who married the Daughter of the Gover- 
 
 nour Pedro Arias de Avila; on the Right-hand of this Convent were many houfes 
 
 inhabited by Spaniards-, and amongft the reft Francifio de Barrientos had pofleffions, 
 
 ' which were afterwards alienated to John Alvarez, Maldonado. On the Right-hand 
 
 lived Hernando Bachkao, and after him John Alonfo Palomino, over againft which, to 
 
 the South fide, was the Epifcopal Palace, formerly the Houfe of John Balfa, and 
 
 1 after him of Francifio de Villacafiin; where now the Cathedral Church is fituated, 
 
 .having been once a wide and ftately Hall, which ferved for a Theatre in rainy 
 
 : Weather, where Shows at their chief Feftivals were reprefented : It was ancient- 
 
 ■ ly a part of the Palace belonging to the Inca Viracocha, the Eighth King 3 in my 
 
 time there was no more remaining of it than this wide Hall, which was fo large, 
 
 that when the Spaniards firft entred into the City, they all lodged therein, fo as to 
 
 1 be near and ready to afford affiftence to each other in cafe of danger. I remem- 
 
 'ber that I once faw it, when it was covered with Thatch, though now changed 
 
 into Tile. On the North fide of this great Church there is a Street with many 
 
 Houfes fronting towards the Market-place, in which are Shops for Artificers *, and 
 
 on the South fide, are Shops and Ware- houfes belonging to the moft rich and 
 
 principal Merchants of the Town. 
 
 Behind the Church were the Houfes of John de Bemo, and of others, whofe 
 Names I cannot remember: Behind the chief Shops were the Houfes of Diego 
 Maldonado furnamed the rich, becaufe he was the moft wealthy Perfon in all Peru, 
 ' being one of the firft Conquerours of it. In the time of the Incas that place was 
 called Hatuncancha, which fignified the great or high Street, having been anciently 
 the Habitation of Inca Tupanqui. On the South fide of thefe Buildings of Diego 
 
 Maldonado were the Houfes of Frarcifio Hernandez Giron s before which to the 
 
 Southward alfo were the Houfes of Antonio Alt amir ano one of the firft Conquerours 3 
 joining whereunto on the backfide were the Houfes of Francifio de Frio*, and Se- 
 bafiian deCacalla ; the which quarter of the Town was called Puca marca, or the 
 coloured Street , anciently the Houfes of the King Tupac Tupanqui. There is 
 another Street beyond this to the South fide, very long and wide, the name of 
 
 M m which 
 
2,66 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 which I cannot Call to mind, where lived Alonfo de Loayfa, 'Martin de Menefes, fofm 
 AeTigtteroa, D.Pedro Puerto Carrero, Garcia de Melo, Francifio Deigado , befides ma- 
 ny other Lords and Perfons of Quality, whofe Names I do not remember. Be- 
 yond this place, to the Southward, is the Square of Tntifamfa, or the Square of 
 the Sun, becaufe it lies juft before the Temple, where thofe who were not of 
 the degree of an lnca, came to offer their Sacrifices, being not lawfull for perfons 
 oflefs quality to enter within the Walls of the Temple-, there the Priefts met 
 and received them, and preferred them before the Image of the Sun, whom they 
 adored for God. That quarter wherein the Temple of the Sun was lituated, was 
 called Corkancha, or the Street of Gold, Silver and pretious Stones , of which 
 there was great abundance, (as we have before declared) within the Temple. 
 What now remains to fpeak of, is the Suburbs of the Gty, ailed Pitmafcknfav. 
 
 ■ 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 - 
 
 Of the Situation of the Schools, of the three Royal Palaces, 
 with the Houfe of the Selecl Virgins. 
 
 NOvv to finilh our Difcourfe of the feveral Streets of the City, we mult re- 
 turn again to Hxacapn>wu, or the Gate of the Sanctuary, which lies North 
 from the great Market-place ; from whence likewife iflues another Street, the 
 name of which I cannot tell, but may properly call it the Schools, becaufe thac 
 the King Iwa Roca founded certain Schools in that place, as we have already men- 
 tioned in his Life: In the Indian Language they are called Taca Httati, or the 
 Houfe of Learning, where their Scholars, or learned Men, ci]led4mautas, orPhi- 
 lofophers, and Haravec, which are Poets, had their place of abode, being very 
 much efteemed, and had in honour by the People, becaufe they were Inftruclours 
 and Teachers of youth, and Tutours to thofe of the Royal Bloud. Proceeding 
 from thefe Schools to the Southward, there are two other Streets which lead to 
 the great Market-place , where are two Royal Palaces , of fo great a compafi* 
 that they took up all the one fide of the Square. One of thefe places which lies 
 to the Eaftward of the other, was called Coracor a •, which is as much as a large 
 Court; the which is confirmed by Pedro de Cieca, who in the 9 id Chapter of his 
 Book, faith, That the King Roca ordered his Palace to be built there, for tht 
 better convenience of the Schools, whereto he often reforted, to hear the Lectures 
 of the Philofophers. I have not obferved any thing to remain of the Coracora, it 
 being all ruined and demolifhed in my time-, though when the City was firft di- 
 vided into (hares amongft the Conquerours of it, the Coracora was the Lot of Got* 
 calo Piparro, Brother of the Marquefs Francifco Pkarro, with whom I was well ac- 
 quainted at Cozco, after the Battel of Huarina , and before that of Sac/ahuana, he 
 was very kind and obliging to me , for being but a Child of eight or nine years 
 of age, he treated me as if I had been his Son. The other Palace to the Eaftward 
 of Coracor a, was called Cajfana, or a thing of admiration ; as if it had been fuch 
 a ftupendious work, that every one upon the fight of it muft be tranfported with 
 wonder and aftonilliment -, it had been the Habitation of the lnca Pachacutec, great 
 Grand fon to the lnca Roca, who in favour, and for ornament to the Schools, or- 
 dered his Palaces to be adjoining thereunto 5 for the Schools were on the back- 
 fide of thofe Palaces, and were contiguous, or joining one to the other, without 
 any other fpace or divifion between them. The principal Gates and Front of the 
 Schools opened to the Street and River-, but the Incas palled thither by the back 
 way, being delighted to hear the Philofophical Lectures; and fometimes the lnca 
 Pachacutec would be Reader himfelf, and with the fame occafion, declare and pub- 
 
 li(h 
 
- 
 
 Book VII. Royal Commentaries. z6j 
 
 lifh the Laws and Statutes which he had made, being a great Legiflator : In my 
 time the Spaniards opened a way between the Schools, and the Palace Caftna $ of 
 which I have feen a great part of the Walls remaining , being made of excellent 
 polilhed Stone, which appeared to have been part of the Royal Lodgings, toge- 
 ther with a magnificent Hall, being fo fpatious, as in the time of rain and wet 
 weather ferved for a Theatre, and place wherein to celebrate their Feafts and Dan- 
 cings ; and which was fo large,, that fixty Men might Exercife themfelves on 
 Horfe-back in it with their Darts and Lances. This vaft Hall reached as far as to 
 the Convent of St. Francis , which becaufe it was fomething remote from thofe 
 quarters where the Spaniards inhabited, they pafled a nearer way to it by the Street 
 Tococachi. A great part of this Hall , or Gallery, was taken up for a Church , 
 and divided from the reft, wherein were Cells or Dormitories refectory, and o- 
 ther Offices for the Convent 5 and the open places belonging to it ferved for the 
 Cloifters. John de Pancorvo, one of the firft Conquerours, gave this Hall, and the 
 Ground about it to the Friars, it being his lot when a divifion of Houfes was to . 
 every Man according to his proportion : And though feveral others had part of 
 this place with him, yet he bought them out at a certain price, which in thofe 
 days was purchafed at an eafie rate. Some few years afterwards this Monaftery 
 ; was transferred to the place, where it now remains, as we (hall mention in its due 
 , place, when we come to fpeak of the Charities which the Citizens made to the 
 i Friars for bying in the Ground, and building the Church. So that in my time I 
 have feen this great Hall, or Gallery, demolilhed* and the Shops built in the 
 Street of Cajfana, which ferve for Merchants and Artificers to dwell in. 
 
 Before thefe Royal Houfes was a great and open Court, being the chief place 
 of the City, called Haucaypata, where the great entertainments and rejoycings at 
 the chief Feftivals were held : the length of it, North and South, was about 200 
 paces, or 400 foot •, and the breadth, Eaft and Weft, about 1 jo paces, reaching 
 as far as to the ftream of water which runs through the City : At the end of this 
 open Court, to the Southward, were two other Royal Palaces, fituated near the 
 ftream, and to the Street called Amarucancha, or the quarter of the great Serpents, 
 fronting to the Street Caffana, anciently the Houfes of Huajna Capac , but now 
 [converted into a College for the Jefuits. One great Hall, or Gallery, of thefe 
 Houfes, remained in my time, but not fo fpatious as that of Catfana •, as alfo a 
 handfome round Tower ftanding in the middle of the Court before the Houfe : 
 But of this Tower, we (hall fpeak more at large hereafter ■? for that having been 
 the firft quarters which the Spaniards took up in this City, they conferved it in 
 good repair, being alfo a rare fumptuous Building •, no other reliques of thefe 
 Buildings remained in my time, having been all demoliuhed, and fuffered to de- 
 cay without repairs. When the firft divifion of this City was made amongft 
 the Conquerours, the principal quarter of this Royal Palace, being that which 
 fronted towards the Market-place, fell to the lot of Hernando Picarro, the Brother 
 'of the Marquis Francifco Picarro, one of the firft Conquerours of that City. In 
 the year 1 562, I faw this Gentleman at the Court of Madrid .- Another part of 
 this Houfe was the (hare oiMancio Serra de Legtticamo, another was given to An- 
 tonio Alt amir ano, which he having divided into two Houfes, I was to have bought 
 one of them : Another part hereof was fet out by the Spaniards for a Prifon, and 
 another was given to Alonfi Macuela, one of the firft Conquerours, and after him 
 to Manin Dolmos ^ to whom the remaining parts were allotted, I do not well re- 
 member. To the Eaft of Amarucancha, which is the Street of the Sun •, there is 
 another Lane called Ac-llahuaci, or the Convent of the Virgins dedicated to the 
 ;Sun, which we have already mentioned •, and of which we nave nothing farther 
 'to fey, than that one part of it was the portion of Francifco Mexia , having its 
 Wall adjoining to the great Market-place, and now filled with the Shops of Mer- 
 'chants. 
 
 All the places which have been hitherto mentioned, whether common Streets, 
 or Royal Palaces, were all to the Eaftward of the River which runs through the 
 Market-place : Whence we may obferve, that the Incas raifed thofe three great 
 Halls, or Galleries, at the front, and on each fide of the Market-place for cele- 
 brating their Feftivals with greater convenience, in cafe it (hould prove rainy 
 weather at fuch certain times of the two Solftices, and at the beginning of fuch 
 2nd fuch Moons. When the Indians made a general infurreftion againft the Spa- 
 niards, they burnt all the City, excepting onely thofe three Galleries of the four 
 
 Mm 2 which 
 
2^8 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 which we have already mentioned , viz. Collcampata, Caftan* and Amamcancha .• 
 but the fourth, which was the Head-quarter of the Spaniards, where now is the 
 Cathedral Church, they (hot an innumerable number of Arrows into it, and fet 
 fire to it, with Straw, in above twenty places : Notwithftanding all which, the 
 fire was quenched, God not fuffering it to be burnt that night, as we (hall here- 
 after declare 5 and though they attempted it many days and nights afterwards, yet 
 God who defigned to introduce the Catholick Faith into thole Countries, did by 
 a ftrange and wonderful! Providence prevent that deftru&ion, that the Spaniard 
 by his mercy might have the greater caufe of Triumph. In like manner they pre- 
 ferved the Temple of the Sun, and the Houfe of the Select Virgins ; but all the 
 reft was deftroyed by fire, fuppofing therewith to turn the Spaniards into Afhes. 
 
 m 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the Streets and Houfes on the We ft- fide of the Rivet 
 
 Hitherto we have defcribed the Palaces and Buildings which are to the Eaft- 
 fide of the River, which pafles through the middle of the City. On the 
 Weft-fide is that wide and open place called Cuflipata, which is a very pleafant 
 and chearfull fituation. In the time of the Incas this Cujjlpata was all one place 
 with that on the other fide of the water , for then they covered the River over 
 with great beams, and floored it with planks, for the more commodious recei- 
 ving the great Numbers of principal Lords, and multitudes of Strangers which 
 crouded to the great Feftivals of the Sun : This Bridge which the Indians made of 
 planks, becaufe they had not the Art of Building an Arch, was ruined by the Spa- 
 niards, who in the place thereof erected four Bridges at a convenient diftance one 
 from the other, which were likewife of Timber, and remaining in my time •, and 
 afterwards built three other Bridges with Arches, which were (landing when I 
 departed. Thofe two open places were not divided in my time, nor were there 
 Houfes on both lides of the water, as now they are. In the year 1 55 5, when my 
 Lord Garylafto de la Vega was Governour, thofe Houfes were then in building, and 
 were appointed for Dwellings for the Natives of the City ^ for at that time the 
 fad difconfolate Widow, though (he had been Emprefs of that great Empire, had 
 not one farthing of Rent afligned to her •■, what (he may have had fince, I cannot 
 tell. The Incas had never built any thing on the Weft-fide of the River, unlets it 
 were that circle of Houfes which we have already mentioned -, becaufe they would 
 keep a fpace of ground for fucceeding Kings to erect and enlarge their Palaces on, 
 as their fancies and greatnefs fhould direct ; for every King would have a Palace 
 of his own building for confervation of his Name and Memory ■-, which feems a 
 >iece of ftate and grandeur peculiar to thefe Kings. The Spaniards afterwards 
 iuilt their Houfes in the fame row, which we lhall now defaibe, taking them 
 rom North to South, as we pafs along, with the Names of the perlbns who dwelt 
 in them at the time that I departed from that place. 
 
 For defcending with the River from the Gate Ayacapmcu, the firft Houfes be- 
 longed, to Pedro de One, next whereunto were thole of fmn Pancorvo, with whom 
 lived Alonfo de Marchena, fuch being the ancient friendftrip between them 5 for 
 though Aknfo kept Indian Servants, yet Pancorvo would not fiifter him to live fepa- 
 rate from him. Proceeding forwards, we come about the middle of the Street, 
 to the Houfes of the Valiant Heman de Lagma, which were formerly the pofiefli- 
 ons of Antonio Navarro, and Lope Martin, both of the firft Conquerours : the Hou- 
 fes adjoyning hereunto belonged to Spaniards, who not being Lords over the Indi- 
 ans, we pafs them by, as we do (everal other Streets, to avoid tedioufriefs to the 
 Reader. Next to the Houfes of Hernan the Brave, were the Houfes of Alonfi 
 
 Hinojofa, 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. z6y 
 
 Hincjo/a, which afterwards were the Pofleflions of Do&or Carvajal, Brother to the 
 Fa&or, or Procurator, for Yiien-Suarez Carvaja/, of whom the Hiftories of Peru 
 make mention. 
 
 And now we come again to Cuffpata, called Our Lady of Merceds, where the 
 poor Indian Men and Women relieved their miferies by bartering and exchanging 
 of one thing for another * for at that time Money was not as yet current amongft 
 them, nor was it coined in twenty years after -, but here they kept their Market., 
 or Fair, called by the Indians Cam. Paifing hence to the Southward, you come 
 to the Convent of the Merceds, which takes up the whole compafs of four Streets. 
 ;Behind this Monastery was another Neighbourhood, who were Matters of Indi- 
 ans ; which I pafs by, becaufe I am not particularly acquainted with their Names : 
 beyond this, there are no farther Inhabitants. 
 
 But returning £o the quarter called Carmenca, and pafiing into another Street 
 of Houfes •, we take notice, that the neareft Dwellings to Carmenca, were thofe 
 of Diego de Silva, the Son of the famous Feliciana de Silva, who was my Godfather, 
 when I was confirmed : To the Southward of thefe, in the middle of a Street, 
 were the Houfes of Pedro Lopez de Cacalla, Secretary to the Prefident Gafia, and 
 of Juan Betancas, with many others on one fide, and the other the Matters, 
 which not being Lords of Indians, I was not acquainted particularly with. Patting 
 forward into another Street, are the Houfes of Alonfo de Mefa, one of the firft 
 Conquercurs, which reach to the Square of Our Lady •, adjoyning unto which, 
 on each fide, and alfo behind, are many Houfes; of which I lhall not particularly 
 enake mention. The Houfes to the Southward of thofe belonging to Alonfo de 
 Mefa, were the Pofteffions of my Matter Garcilajfo de la Vega, over the principal 
 Gate, of which was a long and narrow Gallery, or rather Balcony, where the 
 principal Gentlemen of the City came often to take their feats, and fee the run- 
 ning at the Ring, the Featt of Bulls, ( which is a fort of Baiting of them on Horfe- 
 oack ufed in Spain) as alfo the Darting of Canes, and other fports and exerciles 
 berformed in the open place before the Gate : Before my Father s time thefe 
 Houfes belonged to a certain Noble Perfon, who was one of the firft Conque- 
 ours , called Francifco d Onate, who was (lain is the Battel of Chupas. From this 
 ,Balcony, or Gallery, as alfo from feveral other parts of the City, a point of the 
 jiiowy Mountain, in form of a Pyramid, appeared ■■, for though it was z 5 Leagues 
 Jiftant, and many other Hills in the way, yet (b high was this pique, that it fair- 
 ,y {hewed it felf to the City with a white covering of Snow, which always remai- 
 ped, and never thawed : they called it Villcanuta,oi fome facred, wonderfull thing, 
 jfbr this word Villcanuta was attributed to matters of great admiration 5 for indeed 
 ,:he form of this Pyramid is rare and curious, beyond any defcription we can make 
 JDf it •, and for confirmation of this truth, I refer my felf to thofe who have feen 
 :t. To the Weft-fide of my Father's Houfes, were thofe of Vafio de Guevara, one 
 bf the Conquerours of the fecond expedition , and were afterwards given to Coy* 
 ■Beatrix, the Daughter of Huayna Capac , on the South-fide of thefe were the Dwel- 
 lings of Antonio de <£uinones, which alfo fronted with the Great Place of our Lady •, 
 rod farther to the Southward of thefe were the Houfes of Thomas Vazquez,, one of 
 •the firft Conquerours, formerly poflefled by Alonfo de Toro, Lieutenant-General of 
 poncalo Pifarro, whom Diego Goncalez his Son-in-law killed, out of a fear and jea- 
 .loufie he had of him, arifing from fome domeftick quarrels between them. To 
 ; the Weft-fide of Thomas Vazquez his Buildings were the Houfes of D. Pedro Luis 
 'de Cabrera, afterwards in the pofleflion ofRodrigo de Efquhel. On the South-fide 
 ,of Thomas Vazquez his Houfes, were thofe of Antonio Prreira, Son of Lope Martin 
 of Portugal t, next unto which adjoyned the dwelling of Pedro Alonfo Carafco, one 
 of the firft Conquerours •, to the South-fide of which were others of lefs confide- 
 ration, and the laft of that quarter, which in the years 1557, and y8, began to 
 be peopled. And now turning on the foot of the Hill Carmenca, to the Weft- 
 
 fide of the Houfes of Diego de Sylva, we COme tO the Dwellings of Francifco de. 
 
 J Villa, a Valiant Man, one of the firft Conquerours, and one of the thirteen Com- 
 1 panions of D. Frandfi Picarro. To the Southward of thefe on the other fide of 
 the Street, was a long and narrow Lane without Houfes : Southward from which, 
 I was a very pleafant Walk, where now is the Convent of St. Francis, before 
 which is a very wide and large place 5 and likewife more Southward from hence 
 on the other fide of the Street are the Houfes of fuan Julio de Hojeda, one of the 
 firft Conquerours, the Father of Don Gomez de Tordoya, who is ftill living. To 
 
 the 
 
-jo Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 the Weftward of thefe Houfes of D. Gomez, were thofe of Martin de Arbieto, be- 
 yond which, in the year i <r<So, were no farther Buildings •, for to the Weftward 
 of them was a great Plain in my time, convenient for running and breathing of 
 Horfes, and at the end of it was erected that rich and famous Hofpital of the 
 Indians founded in the year 1 5 j j, and 5 6. Thus far the Buildings reached in thofe 
 days, what enlargements were made, were added fince. The Gentlemen which 
 we have named in thisTreatife, were all Perfons of Quality, and of Noble Bloud, 
 and famous for their Arms, having vanquished and won that moft rich Empire, 
 the greateft part of which I knew, and of all thofe which I have named, there 
 were not ten with whom I had not a perfonal acquaintance. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of the two Gifts which the City contributed for Charitable 
 Vfes. 
 
 BEfore I treat of the Foundation of that Hofpital, and the Contributions given I 
 to it j I (hall firft mention the charitable Gifts which the Citizens made to 
 the Friars of St. Francis, for buying the ground and body of the Church , which 
 they found already built to their hands, when my Lord Garcilajfo de U Vega was 
 Governour of Cozco .- the matter was this : Thefe Friars ( as we have (aid) ha- 
 ving their Convent in Caffana, made a demand ( I know not for what reafon ) 
 upon fuan Rodriguez de Villa Lebos, for this Ground and Church •, in purfuance of 
 which, they preferred a Bill in the Chancery, defiring that they might have pof- 
 feffion of this Ground and Church, paying unto this fuan Rodriguez, fo much Mo- 
 ney as the Church and the Land about it mould be valued or efteemed at, being 
 2 22 go Ducats : The Prior of their Francifcans was then F. fuan Galkgos, a holy 
 Man, and one of a moft Exemplary life and converfation •-, by whofe means pay- 
 ment was made of this Money in the Houfe of my Father, who gave poflefTion 
 thereof to the Friars, delivering the price in Bars of Silver. At which the ftarn> 
 ders-by much admiring, being aftonimed to fee fo great a fum paid fo readily and 
 punctually at the time by fuch poor Friars •-, the Prior made them this anfwer, that 
 they mould not wonder at thefe Works of Heaven, being produced by the mere 
 charity of this City, whofe hearts God had touched, and moved with fuch pious 
 Zeal, that I can allure you (faid he) that on Monday of this Week we had not a- 
 bove 300 Ducats of this fum towards our payment ■-, and now we are but on 
 Thurfday morning, when I am prefent before you with this great fum , raifed by 
 the pious contributions of the Inhabitants of this City, as well Gentlemen Soul- 
 diers, as Lords of the Indians, who for thefe two laft nights came knocking at our 
 Gates with Alms in their hands, which they defired to beftow fecretly, with fuch 
 frequent and continued courfe of pious Benefactors, who called to the Porter to 
 receive their Alms and Charity, that we have not been able to take our reft or re- 
 pofe •■, all which I heard that good Man fpeak in commendation of the liberality 
 and charity of the City. And now to fpeak farther of the Foundation of this 
 Hofpital , we muft know, that this Godly Prior dying, another fucceeded in his 
 place, called Antonio deSt. Michel, a Perfon of a Noble Family, ( of which Name 
 alfo there was a great Divine in Salamanca ) who for his holy life and doctrine be- 
 ing a true Son, and faithfull Follower of St. Francis, was made Bifhop of Chili, 
 where he lived with exemplary piety and godlinefs, as the Kingdoms of Chili and 
 Peru can teftifie. This holy Man, in the fecond year of the three in which he li- 
 ved a Bifhop, preaching every Sunday, wednefday and Friday in Lent, according to 
 his ufual cuftome in the Cathedral Church of Cozco, did upon a certain Sunday 
 propofe, that an Hofpital mould be erected in that City for the Indians ; and that 
 
 a Frater- 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. zji 
 
 a Fraternity of IncHms, fhould be Superintendents, or Supervises over k^, as the 
 1 Spaniards were over theirs •■, alluring them, that the Spaniards had obligations to- 
 wards the Indians in fome mariner, which no Man could acquit himfelf of, whether 
 he were a Conquerour of them, or not, but by fome fuch fatisfection £or; their 
 debt : And purfuing this difcourfe with moft perfuaiive Arguments in all the^Ser- 
 mons of that Week, on the Sunday he concluded after fuch a preparation made 5 
 ! That the Governour, and he, would try what operation his Sermons had effected 
 ; on them, to which end they would go perfonally from houfe to houfe to demand 
 ' their charitable contributions towards this pious Work , admonilhing them to 
 ihew themfelves as large and open-hearted therein, as they had been valiant and 
 covetous to obtain the Empire. Accordingly the Governour and the Prior took 
 their Walk from houfe to houfe to gather the charitable Alms of the City, co- 
 ming at firft to the Dwellings of thofe onely who were Matters of the Indians .• 
 And at night, when my Fattier Garcilaffo returned home, he commanded me to 
 fum up the account of all the Collections •, which when I had done, I found it 
 ; to amount unto 28^00 Pieces of Eight, which makes 34200 Ducats : the leaft 
 that was given by any particular peribn waS foo Pieces of Eight, which makes 
 600 Ducats •, there were fome who gave a 1000 Pieces of Eight. Thus much 
 I was the Collection made in one Evening, and in the fpace of five hours onely -, 
 other days they took to go from neighbour to neighbour, everyone giving fo free- 
 [ly, that in a few months the fum amounted to above a hundred thoufand Ducats : 
 the which report being noifed about in the Countrey, and that an Hofpital was 
 therewith to be founded for the Natives, many other contributions were added in 
 the fpace of that year, fome being given by Laft Will and Teftament, and fome 
 by devout and charitable perfons in the time of their Life and Health, fo that the 
 Work was chearfully begun , the Native Indians, within the Jurifdiction of the 
 City, concurring thereunto with all ready affiftence, being allured that the ufe and 
 benefit thereof was intentionally defigned for themfelves. 
 
 Under the firft Stone of the Foundation, which was laid by my Father Garci- 
 Ujfo, he put a * Doblon of Gold, being one of thofe with two Faces, of Ferdinand * A doubIe 
 and Ifabel, the King and Queen of Spain 1 That fort of coin was rare in thole days, ftS^jf 
 and efpecially in that Countrey, and at that time, where, and when no Money ei- g uo,. 
 ther in Gold or other Metal was ftamped ; for the Spamfh Merchants did then 
 bring their Commodities, which they bartered or exchanged for Wares of the 
 Countrey, or fold for Silver or Gold, but brought no Money coined into thofe 
 parts. I believe that the Doblon was brought thither for a curiofity, and prefented 
 to my Father as a Medal ; and of the fame opinion were all thofe who faw it 5 
 for it pafllng from one to another, the whole Corporation of the City, then pre- 
 ent at this Solemnity of laying the Foundation, did allefteem it for a great curio- 
 ity, being the firft coined Money that had been feen in that Countrey •-, and for 
 ,:hat reafon was worthily employed in that charitable Work. Diego Maldonado, a 
 S T ative of Salamanca, firnamed the Rich, for the great Wealth that he had attai- 
 ned, having formerly been Governour of the City, laid under one of the Stones 
 1 Plate of Silver with his Arms engraven upon it •, and on this poor Foundation 
 was erected this rich Edifice \ which was afterwards endowed with many Indul- 
 gences and Pardons from the Popes, for all thofe who fhould dye in it : the which 
 peing made known to a certain Indian Woman of the Bloud-Royal, with whom 
 i[ was acquainted •, fhe finding her felf fick, defired to be carried into the Hofpi- 
 . al ; to which her Friends not agreeing in confederation of the abilities fhe had to 
 .naintain her felf-, howfoever (he ftill perfifted in her defires, faying, that it was 
 ;iot the cure of her Body that fhe defigned, but to enjoy and partake of thofe In- 
 dulgences which the Princes of the Church had given unto thofe who fhould dye 
 n that Hofpital ; for which reafon fhe being carried thither, refufed to have her 
 3ed laid in the Chambers of the fick, but in a corner of the Church ; where fhe 
 jefired, that her Grave might be opened near to her Bed, which fhe covered with 
 he Habit of St. Francis, and defired to be buried in it •, then fhe called for the 
 Wax- candles, which fhe intended to have burnt at her Burial, that they might be 
 n a readinefs : And having received the Holy Sacrament and extreme Unction, 
 .he lay four days after calling upon God and the Bleffed Virgin, and all the Cele- 
 tial Court of Angels, and then expired. This godly end which this poor Indian 
 Woman had made, being generally known and talked of •-, the two Corporations 
 ■•f the City, both Spiritual and Temporal, agreed to honour her Obfequies and 
 
 Enter-- 
 
2 -2, Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 Enterment with their prefence ; the which being obferved by other Indians, (who 
 efteemed all their Nation and Lineage much favoured therein) it was hoped that 
 this might be a means to animate and encourage them to embrace at their Death 
 the fame advantages which the Chriftian Religion produces. With which we 
 (hall conclude this difcourfe, and pafs on to the Life and Actions of this tenth 
 King, in whofe Reign we have many particulars of great admiration. 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 CHAP. XIII. • 
 
 Of the New Conquefl which the Inca Yupanqui defigned 
 to make. 
 
 THE good Inca Tupanqui having bound his Temples with the coloured wreath, 
 and performed the Funeral Rites due to his Father •, the firft thing he 
 defigned was to render himfelf pleafing and gratefull to his people, by vifiting the 
 feveral Provinces and Kingdoms of his Empire •■, which (as we have faid) was 
 efteemed by the Indians for the greateft grace and favour which the Inca could te- 
 ftifie towards his Subjects : For being pofleffed with an opinion , that the he* 
 Were not of humane race, but defcended as Gods from their Father the Sun 5 they 
 could not but conceive and fanfie great bleflings to accompany fo gratious a pre- 
 fence •-, and we may believe, that the Inca departing with thefe intentions, was re- 
 ceived in all parts by his Subjects with great joy and adoration. The Inca having 
 paffed three years in this progrefs and vifitation , returned afterwards to the City ; 
 v\here having confulted with his Counfel, he refolved to undertake a brave and 
 hazardous War towards the Amis on the Eaft-fide of Cozco •, for as yet the Con- 
 fines of the Empire were bounded by a long ridge of Hills, by which the fnowy 
 Mountain extended it felf •-, but being defirous to pafs it, and difcover what Peo- 
 ple or Nation inhabited on the other fide, the way to pafs was contrived by fol- 
 lowing the current of Waters, which run through thofe Hills from Weft to Eaft, 
 far that the tops and precipices of thofe Mountains, by reafon of the Snows, were 
 efteemed impailable. 
 
 The pretence for this War was grounded on the common and plaufible co- 
 lour of Religion ■-, the defign of withdrawing them from their unhumane and bar- 
 barous cuftoms, and inftru&ing them in the knowledge and religion which the 
 Sun their Father had delivered, and all Nations had received, were always forci- 
 ble arguments, and infallible grounds for making their War juft. 
 
 This defire, and motives of feeing this Countrey were encreafed by an ancient 
 relation which the Anceftors of this Inca had received , that the Nations on the 
 other fide of this Mountain were populous, and the Lands fruitfull •, but that part 
 thereof was inhabitable, being nothing but Mountains, Lakes, Bogs and Marilh 
 Grounds. 
 
 And as a farther encouragement to this defign, there was a report, that amongft 
 thofe populous Nations, the greateft and moft confiderable of them was called 
 Mufu, and fince by the Spaniards Moxos ; to which there is a paffage by a great Ri- 
 ver, which about the Amis to the Eaft of the City is divided into many rivulets, 
 being five in number, every one having its proper Name-, but afterwards on the 
 other fide of the Amis, they meet together, and falling into one ftream, make a 
 great River, called Amarumayu. Where this River empties it felf Northward into 
 the Sea, is not difcovered •-, it is probable, that running Eaftward , and joyning 
 with many other Rivers, it comes at length to fall into that River which we call 
 the River of Plate ; for the Spaniards, when they firft difcovered that Countrey 
 demanded of the Natives, whether there was Silver in thofe parts ? they anfwered 
 
 that 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 173 
 
 that in that Countrey there was none , but that at the Head of that River was 
 great abundance; from whence the Spaniards give the Name of Plate to that Ri- 
 ver, though there be no Silver Mines arifing in that Countrey j towards the 
 mouth of that River which is efteemed fo famous, that it hath gained the renown 
 of the fecond great River in the World after the Orellana. 
 
 The River of Plate is called in the Indian Tongue Parabuay, though the great 
 River above (if that be it which joins with the River of Plate) is named Ama- 
 rumoyu, all the other five Streams lofing their proper Names, when they join with 
 this. Mayu fignifies a River, and Amaru, are thofe great Serpents which are nou- 
 rished in thofe Countries, offuch bignefsas we have before defcribed, forafmuch 
 as thefe Serpents being compared with leffer Snakes, do much exceed them, fo 
 doth that River furpafs the Brooks and leffer Streams. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 The Succeffes of the Expedition into Mufu, untill the end 
 of it. 
 
 IT being impoffible to find a way into Mufu, over the inacceffible Mountains, 
 and through the Lakes and Bogs, the King Tupanqui refolved to follow the 
 icourfe of the River, though as yet not known, or difcovered-, in purfuance of 
 ' which, Order was given to cut down Timbef , and make Boats , or Floats , for 
 1 tranfporting ten thoufand Men, with Provifion fufficient for them , the which 
 1 were two years in preparing 5 all which being built , and made ready, and the 
 Souldiers raifed and armed, and the Victuals and Ammunition provided, and the 
 General and Officers named, all which were imas of the Royal Bloud, they em- 
 barked in their Boats, made capable to carry thirty, or forty, or fifty Men a piece. 
 Their Provifions they laid in the middle of the Boats , raifed about half a yard 
 from the bottom, to keep them from wet. With this force and preparations 
 they {culled down the Stream , and in their paffage had many difficult Rencoun- 
 ters, and Battails with the Natives otChunchu, who inhabit on the Banks on one 
 fide, and the other of that River, affembled in great numbers both upon the Wa- 
 ter, and on the Land, to interrupt their paflage. The offenfive Arms ufed by 
 ! that People of Amis , were Bows and Arrows : Their Faces , and Arms , and 
 : Legs were painted over red, and their Bodies with various colours, for the Couu- 
 itrey being hot, they went always naked, with a clout onely before their Privities, 
 : with Caps on their Heads, made up with the Feathers of Parrots, and Guacamayas. 
 : In conclufion, after many Skirmilhes and Treaties between one and the other 
 Party, the feveral Nations and Inhabitants on the Banks of this River, were all 
 : reduced to the Obedience and Service of the Inca $ and in acknowledgment of 
 ! fuch fubmiffion and Vaffalage , fent Prefents to the King Tufanqui of Parrots , 
 I Monkies, Drills, Honey, Wax, and other Fruits which their Countrey yielded. 
 , Thefe Prefents were conftantly made untill the death of Tupac Amaru, who was 
 the laft of the Incai, his Head being cut off by Framifco de Toledo, Vice-king of the 
 i indies, as we (hall hereafter more largely declare in the Lives and Succeffions of 
 ! thofe Kings. Many of thofe Indians who were ordered to bring their Prefents to 
 ; the Incas, did afterwards, by conceffion from them, plant themfelves near unto 
 : Tom, a place about twenty i\x Leagues diftant from Cozco, where their Generation 
 I hath remained to this day. The Natives on the fide of the River, commonly cal- 
 1 led Chunthu, being thus reduced to the fervice of the Inca', they proceeded forwards 
 i to other Countries and Nations untill they came to the Province of Mufu, inhabi- 
 ted by a numerous and warlike Nation, having all things plentifull of their own 
 ; produft, and diftant about two hundred Leagues from the City of Cozxo. 
 
 N n The 
 
274 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 The Incas report, that when they came into that Countrey by reafon of the ma- 
 ny Skirmifhes they had pafled, and the Difficulties they had encountred, their Ar- 
 my was reduced to a very fmall number •, howfoever they attempted to perfuade 
 the Mufm to fubmit unto the Inca, to whom the Sun was Father , and who had 
 lent him from Heaven to teach Men the way of a rational and moral Life •, that 
 being Men, they mould not appear like Beafts , but adoring the Sun for God, 
 they mould forfake the Worfhip of Stocks and Stones, and other vile and inani- 
 mate Creatures. The Incas obferving that the Mufus gave attention to them, were 
 encouraged to make known their Laws and Cuftoms to them, and recount the 
 great Atchievements and Conquefts , which their Kings had made, with what 
 Provinces had voluntarily, and of their own accord, offered themfelves to the 
 Obedience and Service of the Inca, defiring him to take them under his protection, 
 as Shis People and Worfhippers of his Deity. It is moreover reported, that the 
 Incas particularly declared to them the Dream ofFtracocha, and his great Actions. 
 At the hearing of all which, it is faid that the Mufm were fo aftonifhed, that they 
 readily accepted the friendihip of the Incas, and embraced their Religion, Laws 
 and Statutes with great Devotion, promifing to be governed by them, and to ac- 
 knowledge no other than the Sun for their principal God. Howfoever they refu- 
 fed to be efteemed for ValTals of the Inca, having not been conquered by him 5 
 but were proud to be accounted his Allies, Friends and Confederates. Under 
 pretext of which Friendihip, the Mufm gave leave to the Incas to live and inhabit 
 in their Countrey, for there not remaining above a thoufand of them, they did 
 not apprehend any danger of being fubdued or enflaved by them, and therefore 
 freely gave them liberty to take their Daughters and Kindred for their Wives, and 
 having a great Veneration and Efteem for their Perfons and Wifedom, they com- 
 mitted the government of all things into their hands , both of War and Peace. 
 Upon the Foundation of this new Alliance , and at their perfuafion, they fent 
 Ambafladours to Cozco, to adore the Inca as the Off-fpring of the Sun, and to con- 
 firm that Friendihip and Alliance which they had contra&ed with his Subjects; 
 taking a great compafs in their way thither, to avoid the high Mountains, marifh 
 grounds and bogs, which were not p'affible in the direct line. Thefe Ambafladours 
 being arrived at Cauo, were received by the Inca with all imaginable kindnefs and 
 favour ■-, commanding that care lhould be taken to inform and inftruct them in 
 the manner of his Courts, his Laws, Statutes and Religion 5 with which the Mu- 
 fm receiving great fatisfadion, returned again to their own Countrey, with refb- 
 Jution to maintain this Friendihip and Confederacy fo happily begun, which con- 
 tinued untill the time that the Spaniards invaded and overcame their Countrey. 
 Particularly it is reported of thefe Incas, who planted themfelves in the Countrey 
 of the Mufm ; that the Children defended from them, defiring to return to Cozco 
 in the time of Huayna Capac, for that finding all things quiet in the Countrey of 
 Mufm, and no danger of any revolt, the natural defire of vifiting the Countrey 
 of their Fore-fathers, invited them to carry their Wives and Children unto Coz£o% 
 but in their way thither receiving news that Huayna Capac was dead, and that the 
 Spaniards poflefled the Land, having fubverted and utterly deftroyed the Empire 
 of the Incas; they altered their delign, refolving to return again to xheMufa, 
 where they were ever afterwards highly efteemed, and held in Veneration, and 
 all matters both of War and Peace committed to their management. It is faid 
 that the River in thofe parts is fix Leagues broad, and that their Comes are two 
 days in paffmg over it. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 275 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Of the Remains which are ftill apparent of that Expe- 
 dition. 
 
 THE particulars of this Conqueft and Difcovery made by the Inca Yupanqui, 
 which we have recounted in brief, were afterwards more at large related 
 by the Indians, boafting much of the mighty Ads and Valour of their Anceftours s 
 telling us of Battels which they fought upon the Water, and on the Banks of the 
 River, and of the many Provinces they fubdued, and many other Enterprifes, 
 which feem incredible to have been performed by a handfull of Men 5 and becaufe 
 that hitherto the Spaniards have not been able to make themfelves Mafters of the 
 people about the Antts, how much lefs can it be pointed out to us, the way and 
 means that thefe few Inca* took to fubdue and reduce thefe fturdy Nations-, and 
 therefore fince thefe things feem incredible, we that defign to write a true Hifto- 
 ry, have not thought fit to mix Fables with our true Relations, efpecially of 
 things which being a&ed in remote and unknown parts, could not come fo di- 
 ftin&ly to our cognizance, as thofe which were adted in the Precindts of our own 
 Countrey. Though the truth is, the Spaniards have in our time found many Evi- 
 dences and Remains of thofe matters, as we (hall fee more diftindtly hereafter. 
 
 In the Year 1 J64. a certain Spaniard, called Diego Akman, born in the Town 
 of St. fobn in the County of Niebla, Inhabitant of the City of Paz, otherwife cal- 
 led the New Plantation-, being made Lord over a few Indians, was perfuaded by 
 zCuraca of that place, to take twelve Spaniards more into his company, and 
 with them to make a journey into the Province of Mufit, where he aluired them 
 was much Gold, offering himfelf to be their guides the journey they undertook 
 was a foot, both for privacy, the better to furprife the Natives, and becaufe the 
 way was mountainous, and not pafTable on horfeback-, their Defign was for that 
 prefent onely upon difcovery, to fee and obferve how the Land lay, to know the 
 ways, and afterwards return with greater force, to make their Conqueft •-, they 
 entred by Cochapampa, which borders upon Moxa. 
 
 They travailed twenty eight days through Mountains and Thickets, and unfre- 
 quented places, and at length came to a view of the firft Province of that people. 
 The Cacique gave them a caution to proceed filently, and enquire of matters from 
 : lome Indian before they difcovered tnemfelves^ but the Spaniards nothearkning 
 to the caution he gave, on the clofe of the Evening, with more boldnefs than 
 prudence entred the Province, making a noife, as if their numbers had been great, 
 or as if the found of the Spanijb Tongue onely, had been fufflcient to affright them. 
 But matters fucceeded quite otherwife , for the Indians taking the allarm, and by 
 the fhout they made, concluding them to be few in number, took courage, and 
 falling upon them, killed ten, and took Aleman captive -, the other two, by the 
 darknefs of the night efcaped, and returned to the place where their Guide pro- 
 mifed to expedt them, being not pleafed with the ralhnefs of their Counfel. One 
 
 of the two which efcaped was called Francifco Moreno, the Son of a Spaniard, by 
 
 an Indian Woman, born at Cochapampa •-, this Man got a Cloth made of Cotton, 
 which was hanged in the air for a Hamock or Cradle, to lay a Child in it, having 
 fix Bells of Gold tied to the ends of it, woven with feveral Works in divers co- 
 lours. So foon as it was day the two Spaniards and the Curaca, could from the 
 top of the Hill difcover a great number of Indians, with Lances, and Pikes, and 
 Breaft-plates , which glittered againft the Sun, all which, as the Guide allured 
 them, were made of Gold ■-, and that they had no Silver in their Countrey, but 
 that onely which they procured from Peru in exchange for their Gold. And to 
 defcribe the greatnefs of that Countrey, he told them, that as the Lift was to that 
 
 N n 2 Mantle 
 
Z n£ Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 Mantle, fo was all Peru in comparifon of that Countrey ; but to let pafs his Cof- 
 mography, there is no doubt but that this Province was both wide and long. 
 
 Afterwards thefe Indians having every Evening converfe and fociety with thofe 
 of Peru, had underftood from them, that this Diego Aleman had been the Leader 
 and Chief of thofe few, who attempted this bold and ralh Defign-, on reputation 
 of which, they fo highly efteemed and honoured him, that they chofe him the 
 Captain of their Army in that War which they made againft their Neighbours on 
 the other fide of the River of Amarumayu •-, judging themfelves extremely honou- 
 red, and fecure under the conduct of fo renowned a General of the Spanifh Na- 
 tion. But Trantifco Moreno, his Companion in thefe Travails, being overwearied 
 in his Journies and Labours , fo foon as he arrived in his own Countrey, dyed, 
 having put himfelf into a Fever in his Travails over the Mountains and Ma- 
 rimes, which were not to be. palled on Horfe-back, but on Foot onely: This 
 Moreno recounted many things at large relating to this Difcovery, which moved 
 and perfuaded many to undertake this Defign-, the chief whereof was Gomez, de 
 Tordoya, a young and brisk Gentleman, to whom the Count Nicua, Vice- king of 
 Peru communicated all the particulars of Moreno's, Journal at large: But in regard 
 great number of people came in to offer their fervice, and lift themfelves in this 
 Expedition ^ the Vice-king fearing a Mutiny, or fome Combuftion, gave out that 
 the Defign was laid afide, and that they would disband the Souldiers which they 
 had already raifed. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of other unhappy Succejfes which befell the Spaniards in 
 that Province. 
 
 TWO Years after, Cafiro, a Doctor of the Civil Law, Governour ofiV*, 
 gave a like Commiffion to another Gentleman , an Inhabitant of Cokco, 
 ailed Gaff or de Sotelo, who fitted and prepared himfelf wirh a brave and (tout 
 company of Souldiers, who freely and voluntarily offered themfelves to accompa- 
 ny him in this Expedition: But that which gave molt hope and advantage to 
 this Defign was a fecret Correfpondence between him and the Inca lufac Amaru, 
 who was retired into Vilkapampa ; they both having agreed to join their Forces to- 
 gether for this Conqueft, and that Tupac was to furniih him with flat bottomed 
 Boats to pals the River of Vilkapampa, which lies to the Northeaft of Cozxo. But 
 as in the like occafions there never want malitious Spirits, who, envious of the 
 Enterprifes of generous Men, do always endeavour to doe ill Offices-, fo in this 
 alfo there appeared thole , who derogating from the worth and ability ofGa/par 
 de Sotelo, perfuaded the Governour to take away his Commiffion , and confer it 
 upon Juan Alvarez, Maldonado ■■, which being done, he raifed two hundred and fifty 
 Foot, and one hundred Horfe, and embarked them on great flat bottomed Boats, 
 
 built on the River Amarumayu, which lies Eaft from Cozxo. Gomez, de Tordoya ob- 
 
 ferving that this Conqueft which he defigned to himfelf, was by Commiffion gi- 
 ven to Gafpar de Sotelo, and afterwards to Juan Alvarez, Maldonado , in preparing 
 
 for which, he had engaged his Friends, and fpent his own Eftate, he lb highly 
 refented, that he would not be diverted, but publilhed abroad, that he alfo in- 
 tended to proceed on that Defign , for though they had revoked his Authority, 
 yet he ftill kept his Commiffion, by virtue of which he went on in railing his 
 Souldiers ; and though few appeared, and that his numbers did not amount to 
 above lixcy Men in all, becaufe the Governour had declared his fenfe and pleafure 
 againft it ; yet in defpight of all oppofition refolving to proceed, he entred by the 
 Province oiCamata, which is Southeaft of Cozxo, and having pafled infuperable 
 
 Moun- 
 

 Book VII. Royal Commentaries. zyj 
 
 Mountains, and difficult marifh and boggy Grounds j he arrived at length at the 
 River Amarumayu , where receiving advice , that fuan Alvarez was not yet palled, 
 lie entrenched himfelf on the banks of the River, with defign to hinder his paf- 
 lage, and to treat him as an Enemy •, and though he had but a fmall number which 
 adhered to him, yet being all choice Men, and faithfull to him, every one carrying 
 two Carbines well fixed and charged, he promifed to himfelf fuccefs and advan- 
 tage. ' ' 
 
 fuan Alvarez foon following after, defcended by the ftream untill he came to 
 the place, where Gomez Tordoya expected his coming •, they being both emulous 
 each of other, and exafperated with equal gall and anger, without any other trea- 
 ty or prologue, came to blows, fuan Alvarez Maldonado confiding in his Num- 
 bers, was the firft Aggreflbr ■■> Gomez trufting in the courage of his Men, and their 
 double Arms would not give ground, but received his charge wkh great conftancy, 
 fo that they fought that whole day, as alfo the fecond and third, With that lpight 
 and 'rage, and with fuch little coniideration, that they were almoft all killed 5 and 
 fuch as did efcape with their lives, were yet fo wounded, that they were difabled, 
 and unfit for ferviee. The Indians, who were Natives of that Province of Chun- 
 chu, having obferved this advantage, fell in upon thofe that remained alive, and 
 utterly deftroyed them 3 amongft which Gomez de Tordoya was alfo {lain. I knew 
 all thefe three Gentlemen, and left them in Cozco, when I departed thence. The 
 
 Indians took three Spaniards alive, that is, this Maldonado, Diego Martin a Portugal 
 
 Friar, and a certain Gun-fmith called Simon Lopez $ Maldonado being known by the 
 Indians tohave been the Commander in chief of one of thofe parties, was treated 
 by them with all courtefie and refpect •, and confidering that he was wounded, 
 and a Man in years, they gave him liberty to return unto his Indians in Cozco, gi- 
 ving him convoy to as far as the Province of Callavaya, where the fined: Gold is 
 extracted in pieces of four or five Caracas in weight : but the Friar and the Gun- 
 imith they kept above two years afterwards 5 during which time, they employed 
 the Gun-fmith folely in making them Hatchets and Pick-axes of Copper ; and 
 the Friar they held in great veneration, becaufe he was a Prieft, and a Servant of 
 the God of the Chriftians : And when at length they gave them liberty to return 
 to Peru, they entreated the Friar to ftay amongft them, afnd teach them the Doc- 
 trine of Chriftianity, but he refilled to dwell with them, This and many fuch 
 occafions have been loft, whereby the Gofpel might have been propagated by 
 Preaching, without the force and compulfion of Arms. 
 
 Two years afterwards the Chunchas gave licence to thefe two Spaniards to return 
 unto Peru, guiding and conducting them untill they came to the Valley ofCalla- 
 vaja, fo that they told their own Story of this unhappy expedition. They alfo 
 gave an account of all the Actions and Exploits which the Imas had performed at 
 the lower parts of this River •■, and how they dwelt and inhabited amongft the 
 Mufti* 5 and that after that time they acknowledged the Inca for their Lord and 
 Sovereign, and that every year they carried him prefents of fuch Fruits as their 
 foil produced ; the which prefents were continued untill the Death of the Inca Tu- 
 pac Amaru, which was fome few years after this unfortunate action and fight be- 
 tween fuan Alvarez Maldonado, and Gomez de Tordoya. The which Story we have 
 
 fore-fralled and related out of its due place, thereby to atteft, and prove the Con- 
 queft which the Inca Tupanqui made along the great River Amarumayu -, and that 
 the Incas who defigned to make a Conqueft of the Mufus, did afterwards plant 
 themfelves, and inhabit amongft them. All which the Friar Diego Martin, and 
 the Gun-fmith Simon did particularly relate and confirm : And the Friar as to 
 himfelf did fay, that nothing did trouble him fo much in his life, as that he did 
 not continue his abode amongft the Indian Chunchm, as they defired of him •, but 
 that not having the conveniences there of faying Mafs, was a great inducement 
 to recall him thence, for otherwife he would never have removed from thence. 
 He farther faid, that he often purpofed to return thither again, being troubled in 
 his confeience for not having fatisfied the importunity of thofe poor Indians, who 
 made that reafonable requeft to him, which he by his vow and profeftion was ob- 
 liged to grant : And farther that Friar alledged, that thofe hcai who were planted 
 among the Mufus, might be of great ufe to the Spaniards in the Conqueft which 
 they defigned to. make of that Countrey. And fo let us return again to the 
 Afts and Monuments of the good Inca Tupanqui t, the chief and greateft of which, 
 was the Conqueft oichili. 
 
 CHAP, 
 
2 «8 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Of the Nation of Chirihuanaj of their cuftoms and manner 
 of living. 
 
 AS covetoufnefs and ambition of government is natural to all Men, fo thefe 
 Inau tranfported with a defire of new Kingdoms and Conquefls, made it 
 their chief bufinefs and glory to enlarge their Empire. In purfuance of which, 
 four years after that Tupanqui had fent his Army down the River, he defigned a- 
 nother Conqueft over the great Province of Ckiri-kmana, which is feated in the 
 Amis to the Eaftward of the Charcot. But in regard the Countrey was unknown, 
 and the ways undifcovered, it was thought fit and convenient to fend fpyes firft 
 into thofe parts, who might fee and difcover the Situation and Nature of the 
 Countrey, and Manners of the People. The Spies being difpatched, as was re- 
 folved, they returned at a certain time, bringing a report, that the Countrey was 
 bad, full of high and barren Mountains, Bogs, Lakes, and Marifh Grounds •■> that 
 the Natives were abfolutely brutes, and worfe than beafts, having no Religion, or 
 Worfhip of any thing, but lived without law or good manners, wandring in the 
 Mountains and Woods, not aflbciated in any community or political government? 
 unlefs it were, when they joined their Forces together to infeft their Neighbours, 
 with intention to eat the flefh of thofe which they took in War, without refpeft 
 either of Sex or Age , and that nothing fhould be loft of all their fpoils, they 
 drank the bloud when they cut their throats. Nor did they onely eat the flefh 
 of their Enemies, but of their own people, when they died •■, onely they lamen- 
 ted over their bones-, which when they had laid, and difpofed orderly according 
 to their joints, they buried them in rocks, or caves, and the hollow of trees. They 
 went naked , and promifcuoufly ufed coition without regard either to Sifters, 
 Daughters or Mothers. And this was the common way of living pra&ifed by the 
 
 Nation of Chiri-huana. 
 
 The good Inca Tupanqui ( for fo was he ftyled commonly by his own people, 
 as alio by Pedro de Cieca) having heard this report, turned to his relations and kin* 
 died, who were then prefent, and told them, that now he efteemed it a duty and 
 obligation incumbent on him to reduce the people of Chiri-huana, that fo he might 
 withdraw them from the turpitude of their manners, and from that beftial life 
 which they did lead, it being the grand defign for which his Father the Sun had 
 fent him into the World. Having faid thefe Words, he appointed ten thoufand 
 Men to be raifed, and made ready, under the Command of Colonels and Cap- 
 tains of the Incan Family, Men experienced both in War and Peace, and inftru&ed 
 in their duty, and the bufinefs that they were to perform. This Army being pro- 
 vided, marched into the Province of Chirihuana, where they foon found the want 
 and mifery of the Countrey ■-, to fupply which, they gave notice to the Inca, who 
 fpeedily furnilhed them with all things neceffary. But fiich were the difficulties 
 of that Countrey, being nothing but Mountains, and Bogs, and Fens, that after 
 the labour of two years, they were not able to efted any matter confiderable there- 
 in ; which being advifed to the Inca, he ordered their return, defigning after fome 
 time of repofe to employ them on fome more gratefull, and more pleafing Con- 
 quefts. 
 
 The Vice- King D. Francifco de Toledo, who governed thofe Kingdoms in the year 
 1 572, refolved to conquer thofe Cbmhuanas, as Acofia in the 28th Chapter of his 
 4th Book doth relate at large , and in order thereunto having appointed a confide- 
 rable force of Spaniards, provided with all neceflaries to undertake that enterprize, 
 he entred into that Province, carrying with him great numbers of Horfes and 
 Cows to breed and increafe •-, but he had not marched far before he experienced 
 the infuperable difficulties of that undertaking, which he not believing by any 
 former report, nor yet admonilbed by the ineffectual attempts which the I»cm 
 
 made 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 2,79 
 
 made upon it, was forced at length to abandon his Defign, and fly fhamefully 
 out of the Countrey. The ways were fo bad , that the Mules were not able 
 to pafs with his Litter, fo that he was carried on the Shoulders of Spaniards 
 and Indians •■, whilfl: the Chirihmnas cried after them with Curfes and Re- 
 proaches, faying, Throw down that Old Woman from her Basket , that we may eat her 
 alive. 
 
 For the Chirihuanas (as we have faid) are a fort of people greedy and ravenous 
 after Flefh, becaufe they have none in their own Countrey, either of tame or wild 
 Cattel, the Soil not producing Herbage , or other nourifhment for them being 
 over-run with Briers and Bufhes, and not cultivated with the leaft Art or Indu- 
 ftry. Had they conferved the Cattel which the Vice- king left them , ordering 
 Cow-keepers or Herdfmen to attend them, as was pra&ifed in the Iflands of Hi- 
 fpaniola, and Cuba, they might have had an increafe fufficient to have ftocked 
 their Countrey. Howfoever that barbarous people, even from that little Coir 
 . verfation and Learning which they had from the Spaniards, during their fhort 
 ■ abode in their Countrey, reaped fome benefit as to their rrTanners; for they did 
 • never afterward eat the Flefh of their own dead •-, onely they were thirfty after the 
 I Bloud of their Neighbours, and fo raving for the Flefh of their Enemies, that 
 they defpifed their own Lives to gain theirs, being infenfible of all Dangers at 
 the fight of their Prey •, and fo much did they long for humane Flefh, that when 
 ; they furprifed at any time Shepherds keeping their flocks of Sheep, or Herdfmen 
 i watching their Cattel, they would forfake and neglect the Herds and Droves, to 
 l take and devour the Flefh of the Shepherds. This inhumane barbarity was fo 
 dreadfull to all forts of people, and their Neighbours round about, that ten Chiri- 
 ■imanas would chafe a thoufand others, to whom they were fo terrible, that they 
 iaflrighted their Children with their very Name. The Chirihuanas alfo learned 
 from this fhort vifit of the Spaniards to make Houfes not for private Dwellings, 
 'but for the publick reception of all comers-, the Fafhion of which was one 
 wide Gallery, divided into as many Apartments as there were Perfons^ the 
 iRoom being no bigger than what was capable to receive one fingle perfon, for 
 they had no Houfhold-ftuff, nor Garments to cover them, going always na- 
 :kea And thus much fhall ferve for what we have to fay of the condition and 
 ibrutifh Life of the Chirihuanas , who are fo beftial, and inhumane, that no- 
 thing lefs than a Miracle can reclaim thsm from this grofs and irrational courfe 
 'of Life. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
i8o Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Of t)ye Preparations which were made for the Conquejl of 
 Chili. 
 
 T Hough the good King tupmqui had had but ill fuccefs againft the Chirihuanas, 
 yet it did not difcourage his Defign for the Conqueft of Chili, or for Atchieve- 
 ments of a more noble Nature : For in regard the great Maxime of the lncm 
 State was the increaTe of their Empire, they were ever attempting and defigning 
 fome thing towards the enlargement of it-, and indeed fuch was the Conftitution 
 of it in thofe days, that they could not well fubfift without War, their people be- 
 ing numerous, and without Employment, and the Stores of Arms , Cloths and 
 Shoes, which were the Tribute of the Provinces, yearly increafing, there would 
 have been no confumption of them without a War, but would have decayed 
 and perifhed in the Magazines, or Store-houfes, without ufe$ for as to Gold and 
 Silver, (as we have faid) none was exacted, nor were they in ufe as current Coin, 
 but onely were the voluntary Prefents which the Vaflals gave for adornment of 
 the Royal Palaces, and Temples belonging to the Sun •, for thefe Reafons, and for 
 the Love and Obedience which his Subjects bore towards him, the King Tupa»- 
 qui accounted himfelf to be in a proper and able condition for making a War up- 
 on the Kingdom of Chili, to which end having advifed with his Council concer- 
 ning the way and manner of carrying on the War, and having conftituted and or- 
 dained Officers for adminiftration of common Juftice, during his abfence^ he pro- 
 ceeded on his way to Chili, as far as Atacama, which was the moft remote Pro- 
 vince that was peopled on that fide, between which and Chili were great Defai ts, 
 without People or Provifions-, and there he intended to pitch his Camp, to give 
 heat and life to the defign. 
 
 From Atacama the Inca fent his Spies, and a party like a Forlorn-hope, to dis- 
 cover and obferve the ways and Difficulties of the paflage; and becaufe the care 
 was great, and the true Difcovery of vaft importance, the charge of it was com- 
 mitted to incaf onely •, the Kings not being willing to entruft the common fafety 
 to the faithfulnefs of any, but fuch as were of the Royal Lineage. Thefe lncu 
 took with them certain Indians from Atacama and Tncma for their Guides, for (as 
 we have faid before j thefe had fome knowledge of the way -, for the better aftu- 
 rance of which it was ordered, that from two Leagues to two Leagues the Guides 
 mould go, and return with a report of the way, and difficulties which they en- 
 countred in it -, and fliould by fuch Advices accordingly contrive with moft ad- 
 vantage to lodge, and lay their Provifions for the Army in the moft commodious 
 places. With this labour and diligence they penetrated eighty Leagues through 
 this defart Countrey, which is as far as from Atacama to Copayapu, which is a lit- 
 tle but a well peopled Province , environed round with long and wide Defarts, 
 for to pafs forward, as far as to Cuquimpu , are other eighty Leagues of defart- 
 Countrey. 
 
 The Spies having made a Difcovery as far %% Copayapu, and taken as much no- 
 tice of every tiling, as could be done by a furvey of their Eyes, they returned with 
 all diligence to render an account to the Inca of what they had feen and obferved. 
 The Inca having received their Information, ordered ten thoufand Men to be made 
 ready, under the Command of General Sinchiruca, and two other Major Gene- 
 rals, whofe N,ames are not known, the which being difpatched, marched in the 
 beft order that the way would permit, having their Provifions carried on the backs 
 of Sheep, whofe Flefh alfo ferved for Victuals. 
 
 This Army being difpeeded away , the Inca Tupanqui commanded that they 
 fliould be followed by ten thoufand more, for the fuccour and reinforcement of 
 their Companions, which marched before, the which added to the greater terrour 
 and affiightment of the Enemy. The firft Army being arrived near to Copayapu, 
 
 feat 
 
Book 1 VII. Royal Commentaries. i8i 
 
 fent their accuftomary Summons to the people, requiring them to render and fub- 
 mit themfelves to a Child of the Sun, who was fent from his Father to give them 
 a new Religion, and Laws, and Cuftoms, that fo they might live like Men, and 
 not like BeauV, nor would it avail them to fly unto their Arms for fuecour or 
 defence, for, that either by foul means or fair, they muft obey the hca, who was 
 Sovereign Monarch of the four parts of the World. The Natives of Copayapu, be- 
 ing affrighted at. thefe Summons, betook themfelves immediately to their Arms, 
 being refolved to defend the Confines of their Countrey -, where at fTrft they had 
 fome light Skirmimes and Encounters^ both parties trying and proving the Cou- 
 rage and force of each other. The Incas, in compliance with the command of 
 their King, faintly managed their Arms, being unwilling- to ufe Fire, and Sword, 
 and other Extremities of War, but rather .by dallying with them fometimes in 
 Words, and again with Blows, induce them. to' a fubmifllon. The Enemy on 
 the other fide remained in great perplexities and doubts what to doe-, the ten our 
 and dread which they apprehended in oppofing the Deity of the Sun, made them 
 fear that fome great Curie or Malediction would be the effecT: of their Rebellion, 
 yet the defire they had to maintain their Liberty, and the ancient Worlhip of 
 their Gods, was a moft prevalent Argument againft all Innovations. 
 
 
 
 
 CHA P. XIX. 
 
 The Incas po/fefs themfelves of the Valley which they Call. 
 Chili ; and of other Summons fent to divers new Nati- 
 ons y with their Anfwers thereunto. 
 
 . '. 
 
 ■ 
 
 1 N this doubtfull condition and fufpenfe were the people of Copayapu, when the 
 1 fecond Army came to the Succour and Reinforcement of the former; with 
 the fight of which, being now totally difcouraged, and out of all hopes of ma- 
 ; king refiftance, they came to a treaty, and accepted all the conditions both of ci- 
 , vil manners, and religious Worlhip, which the. power of a prevailing Enemy was 
 .pleafed to impofe upon them. All which being advifed to the Inca, he was great- 
 ly pleafed with the fuccefs, conceiving that he had now an open and plain Field 
 jbefore him to the Conqueft of Chili, which untill now he very much doubted, 
 apprehending that the diftance and difficulties of the way would render the En- 
 terprife almoft infuperable. The Province of Copayapu having fubmitted on com- 
 '.pofition, rather than fubdued by force, the Inca followed the courfe of his good 
 Fortune •, commanding ten thoufand Men more to be raifed, and furnifhed with 
 Arms and neceflary Provifions for their March , and therewith to be difpatched 
 ,away with all Expedition, for reinforcement of the former Army ; which being 
 ,thus ftrongly recruited, they marched eighty Leagues farther into the Countrey, 
 where, after many difficulties, and much labour, they arrived at length at another 
 Province, or Valley, called Cuqmmpu , which they fubdued. What particulars 
 ■occurred in this Enterprife, what Battels were fought , or what Treaties pafled, is 
 not certain, for that being a Countrey very remote, the Indians of Peru were not 
 able to render any perfect account of particular matters, more than in general, 
 that the Valley oiCuquimpn was added to the Dominions of the Empire. Thence 
 ;hey proceeded forwards, conquering all the Nations before them, as far as to the 
 Valley of Chili, from whence that Kingdom takes its denomination. During all 
 :he time of this War, which (as fome fay) lafted fix years, the Inca with great 
 rare reinforced his Armies from time to time , furnilhing them with Arms , 
 Cloths, Shoes, and all provifions and necefTaries required j for it concerned great- 
 
 O o ly 
 
z82 Royal Commentaries^ Book VII. 
 
 ly the Dignity and Honour of his Majefty , that his Souldiers fhould not lofe 
 ground, or retreat one ftep from the Pcfleffions they had gained •-, fo that at 
 length Chili being made the feat of War, was invaded by the tot with fifty thou- 
 fand Men, provided with as much convenience and plenty, as if they had been 
 quartered within the City of Cozcc. 
 
 Of all matters that fucceeded, intelligence was given to the to from time to 
 time, and having made neceflary provihons for fecuring the late Conquefts, they 
 continued their march to the Southward, fubduing all the Nations before them to 
 the River of Maalli, which is almoft fifty Leagues diftant from the Valley of Chili. 
 What Battels or Skirmifhes pafled here is not particularly known, and therefore 
 it is probable that matters were ended by way of Friendship, or Compofition \ it 
 being always the firft Trial which the to* made at the beginning, before they 
 put matters to the extremities of a War. The Incat had now enlarged their Em- 
 pire above two hundred and fixty Leagues in lengdi, the diftance being fo great 
 from Atacama to the River MauJH, counting the Defai ts as well as the inhabited 
 places; for from Atacama to Opajafu are eighty Leagues, from Copayaptt to C»qmm- 
 fu are eighty more, from Cuquimpu to Chili are fifty five, and then from Chili 
 to the River Mania are almoft fifty more 5 all which was not as yet fufficient to 
 fatisfie the Avarice and Ambition of the tow : For having given out the necefla- 
 ry orders for Government, and fecuring the late Conquefts, and made provifion 
 againft all accidents and contingencies which might happen in War, they procee- 
 ded farther, pafling the River Memlli with twenty thoufandMen-, where, accor- 
 ding to their cuftome, they in the firft place fent their Summons to the Province 
 of Purumauca, (called by the Spaniards Promaucaes) requiring them either to ac- 
 cept the to for their King ancf Lord, or otherwife provide to defend themfelves 
 by Arms. The Pmumawms having received intelligence of the approach of the 
 tow, had put themfelves into a pofture of Defence, and having made an Alliance 
 with their Neighbours of Amalli, Pincu, andCauqui, refolved to dye, rather than 
 lofe their ancient Liberty; and on this confidence gave for Anfwer, That the 
 Conquerours fhould be Lords over the conquered , and that the Incat mould foon 
 underftand in what manner the Purumamans were ufed to obey. 
 
 Three or four days after this Anfwer the Purumaucans having joined with their 
 Allies, appeared in a Body, to the number of 18 or 20 thoufand Men , pitching 
 their Camp in fight of the Incai , who ftill continued to repeat their inftant feli- 
 citations for Peace and Concord , protefting to them , and calling the Sun and 
 Moon to witnefs, that they came not to deprive or defpoil them of their Lands 
 and Eftates; but onely with an intention to reduce them to a manner of rational 
 living like Men, and impofe nothing more upon them , than the Worfhip and 
 Adoration of the Sun, whom they required them to accept for their God, and the 
 to for their King and Sovereign. The PnrHmamms replied, That they would not 
 fpend their time in parlying, or vain Difputes, but would refer the Controverfie to 
 be decided by the Sword, and that the hca* fhould accordingly provide the next 
 day for a Trial, they being refolved neither to fend other Propofals, nor receive 
 them. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 283 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Of the cruel Battel between the Incas and other Nations-, 
 and of the firft Spaniard who difcovered Chili. 
 
 "THE day following, both Armies raifing their Camps, put -themfelves in order 
 A of Battel, and began the Fight with great Courage and Refolution, which 
 continued that whole day with fuch equality of Fortune, that it could not be-dif- 
 cerned to which part the Victory moft inclined ^ many were flain and wounded 
 on both fides, untill the night divided them, and caufed them to retreat to their 
 feveral Quarters. The fecond and third days were alike bloudy, one party conten- 
 ding for Liberty, and the other for Honour. The fourth day both fides were drawn 
 up in their Camp, expecting which mould make the attempt 5 and in this order 
 they continued for the fpace of two days after, and then they both drew off, each 
 fide fufpecting that the other had fent for more Succours, requiring lpeedy Re- 
 cruits. The Purumaucans, and their Allies, thought that they had gained Credit 
 enough, in being able to withftand the invincible Power of the incas , and with 
 this Reputation they returned to their own Countries , proclaiming Victory and 
 Triumpn in all parts where they palled. 
 
 The Incas, after due and mature confederation , thought it not convenient to 
 purfue after the Enemy, but rather give way to their beftial Fury for a time 5 
 nowfoever the Debates hereupon were divers, fome were for purfuing the Ene- 
 my, untill they had entirely fubdued them ; but others of a more moderate tem- 
 per, were for following the mild and gentle Principles of the Incus , not being 
 over forward in the utter deftruction of their Enemies. At length it was agreed 
 and concluded , that they mould preferve that which they had already gained, 
 making the River Maulli the utmoft limit and bound of their Frontiers, untill 
 fuch time as they mould receive new Orders and Inftructions from the Inca. Of 
 all which the King Tupanqui being advifed, gave directions, that they mould 
 give a flop to the farther progreflion of their Conquefts , and attend to the im- 
 provement and cultivating of the Lands and Poflelfions they had gained , with 
 particular refpeft to the eafe and benefit of the new Subjects 5 that fo the neigh- 
 bouring people being allured by this good treatment might offer themfelves to be- 
 come Vaflals to the Inca •-, and in cafe the Nature of this people fliould be fo dull 
 and ftupid, as not to obferve and diftinguiih between the happinefs of an impro- 
 ved Life, and their own Beftialities, that then the lofs would be theirs, and re- 
 dound more to their own hurt, than to the prejudice of the Incas. In compliance 
 with this Command from the King , they defifted from farther profecution of 
 their Conquefts in Chili, making the River Maulli the ultimate bounds of their 
 Empire, which they fortified with Caftles, and ftrong Garifons ; fo that now 
 their bufinefs was to adminifter Juftice, and improve the Incomes of the Sun-, all 
 which was performed with great refped to the benefit of the Subjects, who fin- 
 ding themfelves obliged by fuch kind treatment, did with great Zeal and Affection 
 embrace the Government of the Incas, and comply with their Laws, Rites and Re- 
 ligion, continuing conftant in them, untill fuch time as the Spaniards became Ma- 
 tters of their Countrey. 
 
 The firft Spaniard that difcovered Chili, was Don Diego de Almagro; but he did 
 but juft fee it, and afterwards return to Peru, having fuftained innumerable labours, 
 and endured great fatigues both in his journey thither, and in his return-, the 
 which enterprife was the caufe of the general Revolt of all Peru, . and the original 
 of that Difcord and civil Diflention which happened afterwards between thole 
 two Governours , and of the Death of the faid Almagro, being taken Prifbner at 
 the Battel of Salinas ■■, and alfo of the Death of the Marquifs D. Frapcifio de 
 
 P.c.vrro, and of D. Diego de Almagro, who was bom of Spanifh and Indian Bloud, 
 
 and who commanded in the Fight, called the Battel otcbupas. Of all which we 
 
 O * mall 
 
 t 
 
 
2§a Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 fhall (God willing) treat more at large in its due place. The fecond perfon that 
 entred into the Kingdom of Chili was the Governour Pedro de Valdivia, who with 
 a ftrong party both of Horfe and Foot , marched beyond the Dominions of the 
 lncas, making conqueft of all before him •, the Colonies which he planted were 
 thriving and profperous , though he himfelf unhappily fell by the hands of his 
 own Subjeds of the Province of Araucu , which he having iubdued, made choice 
 of for himfelf, when the Lands were divided amongft the Conquerours. This 
 worthy perfon planted many Colonies , and founded Cities with Spanifh Inhabi- 
 tants •, and amongft the reft, that which after his own Name was called Valdivia; 
 in the Conqueft of this Province he performed many and noble Exploits , and 
 afterwards governed it with great prudence and juftice , and had not onely been 
 happy in himfelf, but fortunate alfo to his people, had not the boldnefs of an In- 
 dian, who adventured to cut the thread of his life, given a period to the expecta- 
 tion of many other biddings, which his Wifedom and Condudl might have pro- 
 duced to his Subjects. And in regard the Death of this Governour and General 
 was in a manner without Example, and that which was never pra&ifed by the In- 
 dians either before or fince the Entrance of the Spaniards into that Countrey ; and 
 what turned to their greater mifchief •, I have thought fit to relate it in this place, 
 that fo the Reader may be clearly informed of the particulars of that unhappy bat- 
 tel, according to the firft report which came of it to Peru , foon after the Fight was 
 ended, and likewife what intelligence the fecond report gave of its for better 
 underftanding of which, it will be neceflary to begin from the original and caufe 
 of this whole matter. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of the Rebellion of Chili again ft the Governour Valdivia. 
 
 TH E pofleffion and inheritance of the Kingdom of Chili falling to the (hare 
 and lot of, this Gentleman, who was worthy of an Empire, his fortune was 
 to be Matter alfo of that part, which yielded him a yearly Tribute of a hundred 
 thoufand pieces of Gold : But in regard the thirft of Gold encreafes with the gains 
 of it, and that there is no end propofed to Wealth and Riches-, fo the more this 
 Governour amafled, the more labour and hard ufage he impofed on the Indians, 
 forcing them beyond their ftrength and abilities, to which they had not been ac- 
 cuftomed to labour, and dig in the Mines to fatiate that Avarice of his, which was 
 never to be fatisfied : The people of Araucu (which were the Subjects of Valdivia) 
 not being able to fupport this Yoke of bondage and fervitude, joined themfelves 
 with others in confederacy, and put themfelves into open rebellion, committing 
 all the outrages and infolencies they were able upon the Spaniards. The Gover- 
 nour Valdivia having intelligence hereof, marched out with a hundred and fifty 
 Horfe, defpifing the Indians, as the Spaniards have always done, on occafion of 
 fuch-like revolts and mutinies of that people .■ But this contempt of an enemy 
 coft dear, having been the ruine and deftruftion of Valdivia, and of thofewho 
 were with him, who all perilbed by the hands of thofe whom before they had 
 defpifed. 
 
 ; The firft news which came of this difafture, was brought to the City de la Plat*, 
 which is in Peru, by the hand of an Indian wrote in a fcrip of Paper, without form 
 or, date either of time or place, in a few words , that Pedro de Valdivia , with i jo 
 Lanciers, were fwallowed up by the Earth. This report coming in a fcroll of Pa- 
 per, and by an Indian Meflenger foon gained belief, being quickly fpread through 
 all Peru, to the great amazement of the Spaniards, who could not underftand what 
 thofe Words ihould mean, of being fwallowed up by the Earth •■, for they could 
 not think it poffible for i jo Spanifh Horfe to be overthrown by the Indians ; and 
 
 there- 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. z8<> 
 
 therefore they were more inclinable to believe, that in regard that Countrey is 
 like Peru, mountainous, and full of precipices and hollow places, and fubject: to 
 Earthquakes, that the Spaniards were unadvifedly fallen, and periihed in fome un- 
 ftable, and falfe grounds and caves, rather than by the force and courage of the 
 Indians, whom after many years of experience, they concluded unable to deftroy 
 fuch a number of Spaniards in battel. Whilft they of Peru remained in this doubc- 
 full belief of matters, after 60 days time a more particular and certain relation came 
 of the Death ofValdivia, and all his Souldiers, with all the circumftances of the 
 late battel, which the Indians fought with him : the which I fhall relate according 
 to that account which was given of it from Chili - y the which having in the firft 
 place fpecified the Infurreclion of the Indians, and the many infolencies and out- 
 rages they had committed, p/oceeded to tell us , That when Valdivia came to the 
 place where thefe Rebels of Arattca were aflembled, he found 1 3 or 14000 of 
 them in Arms 5 which he fuddenly aflaulting with his Horfe, did in many and 
 divers Skirmifhes always beat them, and put them to flight 5 fo that the Indians 
 were fo terrified with fear, and dread of the fury of the Spanijh Horfe, that they 
 would never adventure into the open Plains 5 for that ten Spaniards were able to 
 beat a thoufand Indians, but kept themfelves lurking in the Woods and Mountains, 
 where the Spanijk Horle could not come at them ; and from thence they often fal- 
 Jied out, doing all the fpoils and mifchiefs that they were able to the Spaniards, 
 from whom they would receive no Articles or Propofals of Accommodation, be- 
 ing more willing to dye, than obey, and ferve them longer. 
 
 Thus the War was continued and carried on for many days, during which 
 time the report was fpread in all parts of the Countrey of the Araucam •, and co- 
 ming to the Ears of an old Captain of theirs, who had been famous in War, and 
 of long experience 3 being one day in his Houfe, lie began to confider the reafon, 
 how it could be poflible for fo fmall a number as 1 50 Spaniards to fubdue and en- 
 flave 12 or 1 3000 Indians ; for that either they muft be Devils, or otherwise im- 
 mortal Men, as once the Indians did at the beginning believe them to be. To 
 difcover this myftery, and the reafon of this great disproportion in War 3 he one 
 day afcended to the top of a Hill, from whence he could fee and furvey the two . 
 Armies encamped 5 that of the Indians was large, and far extended with great 
 numbers of Men, that of the Spaniards was little, and contracted within a fmall 
 compafs of ground : Confidering awhile hereupon, and of the fituation of the 
 two Camps, and wondering how it was poflible for fo fmall a number to be al- 
 ways victorious over a greater , he departed, and went from thence to the Indian 
 Camp, where having called a Council, and made a long and rational difcourfe 
 upon this fubject 5 he at laft made thefe Queries and Demands in the cafe : 
 
 Whether the Spaniards were mortal Men, like them, or whether they were 
 immortal and incorruptible bodies, like thofe of the Sun and Moon ? Whether 
 they were infenfible of hunger and thirft, and flood in need of fleep or repofe af- 
 ter toil and labour? and in fhort, whether they were made of flefh and bones, 
 or of fteel and iron ? The like Queries he alfo made concerning their Horfes: To 
 all which anfwer being made, that they were Men like them, and of the fame 
 compofition and nature •, Then, faid he, go your ways, and take your repofe, and 
 to morrow you fhall fee who are moft Men, they, or we. With this the Af- 
 fembly being diflblved ■, in the morning, by break of day, they founded to Arms, 
 the Indians giving louder fhouts, and making greater noife with their Trumpets 
 and Drums, and fuch-like inftruments, than they had formerly done 3 and in a 
 fhort time the Old Captain had divided his Army into thirteen feveral Squadrons, 
 each confifting of a thoufand Men, keeping them ftill in referves one after the 
 other. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
,86 Roy d Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Of the New Method and Way of Fighting , contrived by an 
 Old Indian Captain. 
 
 THE Spaniards being allarumed with the noife and fbouts of the Indians, Tal- 
 lied forth in their bright and glittering Arms, with long Plumes on their 
 Helmets, and Feathers on the heads of their Horfes •, and feeing the many Divifi- 
 ons and Squadrons of the Enemy, they imagined that they were more able to 
 break the fmaller Battalions, than if they were united into one body. So foon 
 as the Indian Captain faw the Spaniards appear, he encouraged the firft Squadron 
 to fight with them, exhorting them to doe their beft -, not (faid he) that I expert 
 you (hould overcome them , but that you mould perform what you are able in 
 favour and defence of your Countrey ; and when you are worfted, and can per- 
 form no more, that then you fave your felves by flight, taking care in your retreat, 
 that you break not into the other bodies, fo as to dilbrder them, but that you fly 
 behind all the reft, and there rally, and make up your body again ■-, the like advice 
 and order he gave to all the other Squadrons. With this defign and refolution. 
 the Indians engaged with the Spaniards, with whom having fought awhile, and 
 performed what they were able •-, being routed, they retired into the Rere of the 
 Army, the fecond, third, fourth and fifth, were eafily broken, and routed by the 
 -Spaniards, but yet not without fome lots on the Spanifh fide both of Men and 
 Horfe. 
 
 Thus as the firft Squadrons were overthrown, ftill new referves came up, who 
 all fought in their orders one after the other. In the Rere of all was another Cap- 
 tain, who governed in the orderly rallying of the Squadrons, which he caufed to 
 eat, and drink, and repofe themfelves, whilft the others continued the fight, that 
 fo they might be refrefhed, when their turn came for the next engagement. The 
 Spaniards having already routed five Squadrons of the Enemy, and feeing ftill ten 
 or twelve more before them coming on ■-, and having fought three long hours, yet 
 encouraging one the other, they affaulted the fixth Squadron, which came in re- 
 lief of the fifth , which they overthrew, as alfo the feventh, eighth, ninth and 
 tenth Divifion. But now having fought feven long hours without intermiflion, 
 both the Men and Horfes began to fail, not being able to charge with that mettle 
 and vigour as they did in the beginning •, which the Indians obferving, would not 
 permit them one moment of repofe, but ftill plied them with new and frefh Squa- 
 drons , and after all the Spaniards faw notwithftanding ten Divifions ftill to be 
 fought with ; and though the natural force both of Man and Horfe began now to 
 grow tired, and faint ; yet they ftill roufed their invincible fpirits, not to (hew or 
 evidence any fymptoms or appearances of failure to the Indians: Howfoever the 
 Indians beginning fenlibly to find the decay of the Spanifh vigour and mettle, and 
 that their force was not fo impetuous and irrefiftible as it was at firft, ftill conti- 
 nued to bring up their Squadrons, untill two a clock in the afternoon •, which the 
 Governour Pedro de Valdivia obferving, and that there were eight or nine Squadrons 
 ftill to be overcome •, and that when thofe were routed, they were always ral- 
 lied, and made up -, which new way and method of Fighting having well con- 
 fidered ; and that it being now late towards the Evening, it was probable the 
 Enemy would afford them as little repofe in the Night, as they had given them 
 refpite in the Day •, he refolved to retreat before their Horfes were wholly fpent, 
 and dilabled of farther fervice : According to his Command his Souldiers retrea- 
 ted towards a narrow pais , which if they could reach, being about a League and 
 a half from the place where the Fight was, they imagined themfelves fecure from 
 any attack of the Enemy -, for that two Spaniards on foot were able to defend it 
 from all the Army of the Indians. Having taken this refolution, though late, lie 
 
 gave 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. Z87 
 
 gave Command to his Souldiers to retreat , parting the word (till as they retired, 
 that they fhould make for that narrow pafs , (till turning upon the Enemy , and 
 making head againft them,, changing the ftate of their cafe from an cftenfive, to 
 a defenfive Fight. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 The Indians overcome the Spaniards by the Treachery of an 
 Indian. 
 
 
 A' Certain Indian, who from a Boy had been bred up in the Family of the Go- 
 vernour Valdivia, whofe Chriftian Name was Philip, but by the Indians 
 called Lautaru, being the Son of a Cacique .- This Fellow being more bialled by 
 "he natural affe&ion which he bore to his Countrey, than by his love to God, or 
 fidelity to his Mailer •, fo foon as he heard the word given to the Spaniards to re- 
 treat, he inftantly reported it to the Indians, having the knowledge of both Lan- 
 guages, -and called out to them not to content themfelves with this flight and ad- 
 vantage, in letting them go free, but to run and poflefs the narrow paffage, and 
 prevent their entrance into it , in the which they did now place all the hopes of 
 :heir fecurity and protection ; wherefore cried he flill out, Mal^e ufe of this advan- 
 tage, which is now given you for the liberty of your Countrey, and refcue it from defirutlion 
 
 '>) the bloud of thefe Thieves and Traytors. And having faid thefe words , that be 
 night encourage them by his Example, lie took up a Lance from the ground, and 
 )laced himfelf in the front of them to fight againft the Spaniards. 
 
 The Old Captain, who was the firft Projector of this way of Fighting, obfer- 
 zing the way which the Spaniards took, foon apprehended their defign by the hint 
 yhich Lautaru had given them ^ to circumvent which, he difpeeded away two 
 refli Squadrons of thofe which had not as yet fought, to haften with the beft or- 
 ler they were able to the narrow pafs, and there, at the entrance of it, to keep 
 heir ftation firm untill the reft came up •, which having done, he purfued die 
 'paniards with the other Squadrons, ftill plying them with frelh bodies of Souldi- 
 rs, fo that they did not permit them one moment of refpite, always killing and 
 wrfuing them, untill they came to the very mouth and entrance of the narrow 
 >afs i where when they came, and that the Spaniards found it already poflefled by 
 he Enemy, they began todefpair of all hopes to efcape Death •-, which to avoid, 
 'io means appearing, they called on the Name of Chrift and the Bleffed Virgin i 
 nd of fuch Saints for which they had the greateft devotion. 
 
 The Indians perceiving that both the Men and Horfes were wholly fpent and ti- 
 ed, came in upon them in an entire body, and 1 5 or 20 of them together fell on 
 me poor Horfe, fome catching him by the legs, fome by the tail, others by the 
 nane, whilft others with their great clubs knocked both Man and Horfe down, 
 filling them with the greateft cruelty and rage imaginable. The Governour Pedro 
 e Valdivia, and a Prieft that was with him, they took alive, and tied them to trees, 
 '.nt'll they had difpatched all the reft, that they might in cool bloud confider with 
 vhat Death they might punifh them. Thefe particulars came by the fecond Ad- 
 ice from Chili to Peru, being fent by fome Indian friends, who were prefent in the 
 iattel, three of which made their efcape, having by the darknels of the Night hid 
 hemfelves in the Thickets of a Wood, untill fuch time as the Indians retiring from 
 lat place to celebrate their Victory with joy and triumph, gave them opportunity 
 3 efcape •, who being Men well acquainted with the ways, and more faithfull to 
 heir Mafters than Lautaru, returned again to the Spaniards, bringing the fatal news 
 f the lofs of Pedro de J'aldivia, and all his companions. 
 
 CHAP 
 
2^88 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 Iliftb 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 How they killed Valdivia , and maintained a War Fifty 
 Tears afterwards, 
 
 mix: n a h 
 
 
 TH E manner how they killed Valdivia, was after the coming of .this, fecond 
 Advice related in different ways by thefe three Indian, becaufe that none 
 of them were prefent at his Death : One faid, that Lautaru finding his Mailer 
 tied to a Tree, reviling and reproaching him firft, faid, Why is this Tray tor fuf- 
 fered to live ? and with that killed him with his own hand : Another faid, That 
 Valdivia, before he died, defired firft to fpeak with his Servant Lautaru, hoping 
 by his means and interceffion to fave his life : But the.moft certain intelligence 
 we have, is this, That an Old Captain beat his brains out with a club, penp 
 it might be that 014 Captain who managed all this affair ; for it is faid, A th!c 
 killed him without any parly, left his people treating with him , and believirtj 
 the promifes and vows which this unfortunate Governour might make whilf 
 was tied to a Tree, and in apprehenfions of Death, when he might eafily Article 
 on the conditions of life to leave their Countrey, and depart thence with all his 
 People, and Souldiers, and never to return again •, not trufting, as I fay, to the 
 credulous humour of his people, whom he perceived hearkening to the promifes 
 and vows of Valdivia, he refolutely paffed through the midft of them, and with a 
 club dallied out his brains, putting an end to the parly which his Souldiers enter- 
 tained with him ; and therewith turned towards them , faying , Are ye fo Foolifh 
 and credulous as to truft to the words of a vanquished and captivated flave ? What 
 will not a Man in his condition promife , and how little will he perform after he 
 hath obtained his liberty ? 
 
 But the circumftances of his Death were reported in another manner by a Spa- 
 - riiard, who was a Native of Truxlllo, called Francifco de Rieros, who was a Cap- 
 tain then in Chili, and Mafter of Tome Indians in that Kingdom -, who coming to 
 fern fometime after that fatal difafture, reported, that the Indians paffed the night 
 after this Victory with Dances and Merriment •, and at tlje end of every Dance 
 they cut off a piece of the fleih of 'Valdivia, and another of the Prieft's, ( they be- 
 ing both tied together) which they broiled before their faces, and then eat it; 
 during which time, Valdivia confefling his Sins to the Prieft, they both expired jo 
 that condition. It is more probable, that after the Captain" had killed him with 
 his club, that the Indians might eat him, not that this fort of Indians delighted in 
 humane fleih, but onely to vent their rage and fpleen on him, who had been the 
 Authour and Original of all the flavery and mifery they had endured. 
 
 From that time the Indians took up a cufiome of fighting with the Spaniards in 
 fe\ eral Squadrons or Divifions , as D. Alonfo de Erzilla in the firit Canto of bis 
 Aramana reports ■-, and that after this rebellion, they maintained the War 49 years, 
 untill the end of the year 1^3-, at which time D. Sebaflian de Cafiilla began his 
 rebellion in the Villa de la Plata, and Potcfi, which are in the Kingdom of Peru, and 
 
 Francifco Hernandez Giron began his in Cozco. 
 
 Thus have I, as clearly as I could, related the particulars of the Fight and Death 
 of the Governour D. Pedro de Valdivia, as it was written and related in Peru, by 
 thole who lived in Chili -, it being referred to every Man's judgment to believe 
 that report which he efteems moft probable : the which Story I have anticipated, 
 and reported out of its due place and time, in regard it is the moft memorable and 
 notorious paflage that ever happened in the Indies, which I would not omit to de- 
 fcribe , leit I thould have had no other occafion which might lead me to a farther 
 difcourfe of Chili, or left I might have had time or life to extend this Hiftory to 
 that period of years in which the Spaniards became abfolute Matters of that King- 
 dom. 
 
 CHAP- 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. .189 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 Of other unhappy Succejfes in the Kingdom of Chili. 
 
 THus far had I writ when frerti Advices came of other fatal and unfortu- 
 nate Succefles in Chili, which happened there in the Year is 99- and 
 in Pem in the Year 1 600. Amongft other Calamities the Earthquake about Are- 
 quepa is recounted as one, which at l«ngth ended in fuch a terrible irruption of fire 
 from a certain Hill, which for the fpace of twenty days continually threw up fuch 
 quantities of Arties and Sand , as in the parts round about covered the Earth 
 two yards thick, and in places farther off at leaft a yard, and where leaft, a quarter 
 of a yard deep, for the fpace of thirty or fourty Leagues round in the Countrey 
 of Areqtupa; whereby all their Vines and Corn Lands werefpoiled, their Trees 
 and Fruits fcorched and blafted,.and all their Cattel perifhed for want of pafture. 
 Their Cows and Oxen lay dead in Droves of five hundred in a place, and their 
 Flocks of Sheep, and Goats, and Hogs lay buried in thefe Ames. Many Houfes 
 were overwhelmed with the weight of the Earth and Sand, which this irruption 
 threw up, fuch as remained were preferved by the diligence, of thofe Mafters who 
 always cleared and threw them off as they came =, all which was accompanied 
 with fuch dreadfull Flames of Lightning, and claps of Thunder, as were heard and 
 feen at thirty Leagues diftance from the Confines ofArequepa; and fo thick were 
 the Clouds of Sand and Arties , which were thrown up , that for many days 
 they fo obfcured the Sun, that they were forced to light Candles for performance 
 of their neceflary occafions. Thefe and the like particulars were advifed from 
 that City, and the adjacent parts, the which we have fuccinttly touched, refer- 
 ring our felves for a more' full Relation thereof to the Hiftorians of thofe times, 
 whofe bufinefs it is to defcribe all the particulars hereof more at large. 
 
 Howfoever we (hall relate the misfortunes of Chili, as they were advifed in wri- 
 ting from thence , becaufe they come pertinent to the foregoing ftory of the In- 
 dians ofcAratica, and are confequences of the Infurre&ion begun in the Year 1 j ^3. 
 and which continued untill the beginning of 1603. nor is it known when there 
 will be an end thereof, in regard that after forty nine years fince this Rebellion be- 
 gan, (during which time they have endured all the miferies of Fire and Sword,,) 
 yet ftill thofe troubles feem rather to increafe than abate , as plainly appears by the 
 intelligences which we have extracted from a Letter written from an Inhabitant 
 of the City of Santiago in Chili, which came at the fame time with the relation 
 of the Calamities ofArequepa. Thefe Advices were delivered to me by a Gen- 
 tleman who was my Friend, and had lived in Peru, and ferved in quality of a 
 Captain againft the Rebels in the Kingdom of Qmtu, when they mutined on oc- 
 casion of the great Taxes which were laid upon them, his Name was Martin Cuaco, 
 a perfon who hath done great Service to the Crown of Spain. The title of thefe 
 misfortunes of Chili runs thus : 
 
 Advices from Chili: and prefently adds, So foon as an end was put to the writing of the 
 foregoing Intelligence of Arequepa, came other more difmal flories from Chili, full of 
 
 firrow, and greatly to be lamented. The particulars were related in the manner 
 following. 
 
 pp 
 
 A Rela- 
 
2,90 Royal Comment arte f. Book VII. 
 
 A Relation of the Lofs and Deftrutiion of the City of Val- 
 divia in Chili, which happened on Wcdnefday the 
 24th of November, 1 5??. 
 
 A Bout break of day five thoufand Indians, belonging to the parts adjacent, 
 " and to the Divifions of the Tmperiat, Pica and Pur em, whereof three 
 " thoufand were Horfe, and the reft Foot, having (as was faid) feventy fire- 
 " Arms, and above two hundred Men armed with Coats of Male, aflaulted 
 " the City, furprifing it without the leaft aikrm, by the guidance of treache- 
 " rous Spies belonging to the fame place. They divided themfelves into imall 
 " Bodies of twenty four or twenty five in a Company, for they knew that the 
 " Spaniards lay fecure , and fleeping in their Houles , and that their Corps of 
 " Guard were but four Centinels, and that two onely went the rounds: They 
 " confidered alfo that the Spaniards were elevated with the fuccefs they had 
 " had in the two Incurfions lately made, when in the fpace of twenty days they 
 " had the fortune to take and demolilh a Fortrefs which the Indians had ere&ed 
 " on the fide of the marilh Grounds of Paparkn, with fo great a (laughter of 
 " them, that the Spaniards believed, that in the compafs of eight Leagues round, 
 " there was not an Indian that could appear. Howfoever having bribed the 
 " Spies which the Spaniards entertained amongft them , they fucceeded in the 
 " moft notable Plot that ever was defigned by filly Barbarians; for they with 
 " great quiet and filence encompafled every Houfe with people fufficient to deal 
 " with thole which were within, for they were well advifed of the num- 
 " bers which dwelt in it-, and fetting Guards at the entrance to every Street, 
 " they aflailed the unhappy City, giving fire to the Houles, and having feized on 
 Ci the Gates, the Inhabitants could neither relieve one the other, nor yet make 
 " their efcape by flight j fo that in the fpace of two hours, they had deftroyed all 
 " the people by Fire and Sword, and pofleiled themfelves of the Fort, and Guns 
 " in it, there being no people within to defend it. Thole that were killed and 
 " taken , were about four hundred Spaniards , of Men, Women and Children. 
 " They facked and plundered to the value of three hundred thoufand Pieces of 
 " Eight, nor did any thing remain which was not either burnt, or laid defolate. 
 " The Ships ofVa/lano, Villarroel, and of one D. Diego de Roy as , were let run a 
 " drift down the Stream, to which fome people made their efcape by the means 
 " of Canoes which lay by the water dde, otherwife none had remained to havd 
 " been the Meflengers of this fatal News. The Indians had been provoked to 
 " this cruelty in revenge of thofe people whom the Spaniards had (lain in two 
 " late Incurfions 5 having fold their Wives and Children to Merchants , whd 
 " tranfported them into foreign Countries -, and fo fenlible were they of the* 
 " flavery they had endured for fifty years paft , that though they had been bap- 
 " tized, and entertained Priefts to inftrucl them in the Chriftian Doctrine, yet 
 " the firft thing they did was to burn their Temples, and with faaUegious hands 
 " to throw the Images of Saints from the Altars. . 
 
 " Ten days after this unhappy fate the good Colonel Frandfco del Campo ar- 
 : ' rived in the Port of this City with the fuccour of three hundred Men, which 
 
 * the Governour of Peru had fent thither, for the relief of that, and the other di- 
 c ftrefled Cities : It was his fortune to recover a Son and a Daughter of his 
 
 * which were both Children, which being committed to the charge of his Sifler- 
 !t in-law, had been taken, and carried away captives, when the City was facked 
 " and laid defolate 5 the miferable State of which, when hefaw, he with great 
 " Rage and Refolution landed his Men, marching with all expedition to relieve 
 ,£ the Cities of Ofimo, Villarrica, and the unhappy Tmperial; from which places 
 ' they had received no news in the fpace of a whole year, but that they had en- 
 ' dured a Siege of fo long a time, and were almoft all famifhed and dead, ha- 
 c ving no other fuftenance than the Flelh of their dead Horfes, and when thofe 
 
 failed 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. tyi 
 
 - i ■ ■ " " ' — ; ■ - . ■ ■ '— ' - ■•- 
 
 " failed of Cats, and Dogs, and the Skins of Beafts; and this was all the Intelli- 
 " gence they had, being brought to them by a MelTenger who efcaped down the 
 " River, reprefenting with Sighs and Tears the miferable condition of their 
 " people. Wherefore the firft thing that this Colonel defigned after his landing, 
 " was to relieve the City of Ojomo, for he was informed that the Enemy foon 
 " after the Deftruction of Valdivia, were gone thither with the like intents % 
 " fuccefs herein was accordingly profperous, ,for he raifed the Siege, and perfojr- 
 " med other Actions of happy confequence. 
 
 " At the inftant that I am writing this, news is come, that all the peopta in 
 " Ymperia/lwere ftarved with hunger alter the Siege of a complete Year, excepting 
 " twenty Men, who, to avoid Famine, yielded themfelves into the hands of 
 " the Enemy, and thereby endured a greater mifery than Death itfelf In Angol 
 " they killed four Souldiers, but who they were is not yet known. God AI- 
 T mighty have Mercy upon us. 
 
 From Santiago in Chili, in the month of March, I doo, 
 
 i ■ 
 
 All which Relation came (as I have faid) in feveral Letters from Peru, and 
 ; the Kingdom of Chili, which was a great calamity to that Countrey. Moreover 
 I Father Diego de Akobaca, whom I have formerly mentioned, in the Year 1601. 
 i amongft many other things relating to the Affairs of that Countrey, writes me 
 ' thefe very words concerning the Kingdom of Chili. 
 
 " The condition of Chili is now become very unhappy, for there is not an in- 
 " Man but who can mount his Horfe, and dare encounter with his Launce the 
 ' beft spanifi Souldier that is-, and though we fend every year Souldiers thither^ 
 ' " yet none of them return -, they have deftroyed two Plantations of the Spaniards, 
 1 and having killed all the Men, and deftroyed every thing of ufe, they carried 
 : " their Wives and Children into Slavery 5 and lately they Killed the Governour 
 ' Loyola from an Ambufcade, who married the Daughter of D.Diego Sayrutlpac, 
 " who was an Inca , and was departed from Vilkapampa , before you left thefe 
 " parts. God in his mercy pardon the Sins of the dead, and put an end to thefe 
 
 Afflictions of the living. Thus far are the words c>{ Akoba^a, which he writes 
 me with many other facf ftories , which I purpofely omit, becaufe they contain 
 nothing but what is tragical, and full of forrow •, amongft which recounting the 
 afrMed Eftate otArequepa, he fays that Wheat that Year was worth in that 
 Countrey ten and eleven Ducats a Bufhel, and Mayz thirteen. 
 
 Moreover, befides all that which we have already delivered concerning Arequc- 
 pa, they wrote farther, that their calamities ftill continued, having to contend 
 with the extremities of the four Elements, as appears at large by thofe Relations 
 which the Jefuits have given to the General of their Order, concerning the moft; 
 .remarkable Occurrences of Peru, which happened in the Year 1 6oz. And though 
 ;thofe Letters fay, that their misfortunes were not at an end, yet they farther add, 
 that greater were the Afflictions of the Kingdom of Chili, which happened after 
 .the forementioned troubles 5 the particulars of which were given me by Francifct 
 ■deCafiro, who was born at Granada, and in this Year 1604. is Prefect of the 
 Schools of the facred Univerfity of Cordova, and Rhetorick Profeflbur. The Ti- 
 tle of which, together with the particulars, is Verbatim in thefe words,, 
 
 Ppi Of 
 
 
2Q2 Royal Commentaries, Book VII. 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 ■ 
 
 Of the Rebellion oj the Araucans. 
 
 OF the thirteen Cities which were eftablifhed in this Kingdom of Chili, the 
 "'•" Indians have deftroyed fix, namely Vdldivia, Tmperial, Angol, SanttaCruz, 
 
 "Chilian and Conception. They overthrew, confumed and laid defolate their 
 " Houfes and Habitations , diihonoured and prophaned the Temples, obfcured 
 
 * the brightnefs of that Faith and Devotion which mined in thofe parts, and 
 " what is word this fuccefs hath encouraged, and raifed the Spirits of the Indians 
 " in that manner, that they are grown bold and confident, omitting no op- 
 " portunity or advantage which may offer to rob and deftroy our Cities and 
 " Monasteries with Fire and Sword. They have learned alio many Arts and 
 " Strategems of War % for that when they befieged the City otofomo, and com- 
 " pelled the Spaniards to retire within their works, they fo ftraitened them, that 
 " they could receive no fuftenance, unlefs it were fome fmall quantities of the 
 " Seeds of Herbs, and Leaves of Turnips , which fome few were fain to fight 
 c ' for, and gain with the point of the Launce. In one of thefe Sieges of this Ci- 
 " ty they broke the Images of Chrift and our Lady , and other Saints, to the 
 " great difhonour of God, which none but his infinite Mercy and Patience could 
 " have fuffered. In the Mr Siege which the Indians laid to this place, they fur- 
 " prifed the Spaniards, and killed the Centinels, and without any oppofition en^ 
 " tied and polleiTed themfelves of the Town, exercifing fuch cruelty as was 
 " agreeable to the barbarity of their Natures-, for they butchered the Children, 
 " and chained the Women and Nuns, intending to carry them away into Slavery ; 
 " but whilft they were thus bufily employed in packing up, and difpofing their 
 " Booty, and plundering every where without order-, the Spaniards took courage, 
 " and with that opportunity fell upon them, and God affifting their endeavours, 
 " they refcued their Wives and Nuns from their violent hands, and with the loft 
 " of fome few forced them to fly, and quit both their Prey and their City. The 
 " laft Viftory which the Indians obtained , was when they took Villarrka, with 
 " great effufion of Spanijh bloud 5 they fet fire to the four Quarters of the Town 
 " and killed all the Friars of St. Dominkk, St. Francis, and the Merceds, with all 
 
 * the Clergy that were there, carrying all the Women away Captives, many of 
 " which were Ladies of Quality, and Condition. And this was the Fate of that 
 " City, which was once of Fame and great Renown, and illuftrious amongft the 
 " neighbouring Cities of that new World. Thus far proceeds the Relation of 
 Chili in the Year 1 604. To all which nothing can be farther faid, than that thefe 
 were Judgments of God, which his fecret Providence permits for the chaftifement 
 of Mankind. And herewith let us return to the good Ima Tapanqm, to conclude 
 the remaining Actions of his Reign. 
 
 CHAP. 
 

 Book VII. Roval Commentaries. i^ 
 
 C HA P. XXVI. 
 
 Of the quiet Life of the Inca Yupanqui, and of the Aftiom 
 wherein he employed himfelf untitt the time of his Death. 
 
 THE King Yttfiinqm having eftablimed and confirmed the Conquefts which 
 his Captains had made, under the fecurity of good Laws, and fettled Re- 
 ligion in all parts, having alfo made provision for his own Royal Revenue, and 
 feparated a maintainance for the Priefthood of the Sun, he determined to put an 
 end to his farther Conquefts, ""hich are now far extended, reaching no lefs than 
 a thoufand Leagues in length; fo that he refolved to fpend the remainder of his 
 Days in erecting Monuments and Trophies of his greatnefs, which might ever 
 conferve Iiis Memory in great Renown. To which end he built new Fortrefles, 
 . and many Temples dedicated to the Sun, with Houfes for the Select Virgins, Roy- 
 1 al Palaces, and made many Aqueducts, Walks and Gardens. He alfo endowed 
 the Temple of the Sun in Cozco with greater Riches , of which though it ftood 
 in no need, yet he thought it a duty to contribute fome thing towards the glory 
 of him whom he honoured, and efteemed for his Father-, and more efpecially he 
 bufied himfelf in building and completing the Fortrefs at Cozco, for which his Fa- 
 ther hid made provision of all materials, and gathered great quantities of Stones 
 and Rocks, of which we fhall hereafter have occafion to difcourfe more at large. 
 He alfo perfonally vifited all the parts of his Empire, that fo he might with his 
 \ own Eyes fee the State of things, hear the Complaints and Aggrievances ©f his 
 ; people, and provide a Remedy and Relief for his Subjects 5 to all which he atten- 
 j ced with fo much care and companion, that he worthily deferved to be furnamed 
 Tie Piotu. In thefe Employments this Prince with great Peace and Tranquillity 
 fpent his time for feveral Years, being greatly beloved and obeyed by his Subjects 3 
 at the end of which falling fick, and finding within himfelf his end to be near, he 
 1 called the Prince, who w r as his Heir* and his other Sons together, recommending 
 to them by way of Teftament the ftrict obfervance of their Laws, and religious 
 ' Rites of their Idolatrous Worfhip •, and above all encharged them to perform 
 ' and adminifter Juftice to their Subjects in the moft equal balance, and therewith 
 he gave them his Blefling of Peace, for that now his time was come to depart this 
 Life, and reft with his Father the Sun, who called and fummoned him to his 
 Manfions of Felicity. 
 
 Thus_ dyed Tupanqui full of Glory and Triumph , having enlarged his Empire 
 
 above five hundred Leagues in length to the Southward, being as far as from Ata- 
 
 cama to the River Maulli\ and to the Northward one hundred and forty Leagues, 
 
 along the Coaft from Chincha to Chimu. He was lamented with great grief, and 
 
 having ranked him in the tenth Order of their Gods, who were Children of the 
 
 Sun, becaufe he was the tenth King, they celebrated his Obfequies with great fo- 
 
 lemnity, which, according to their Cuftome, continued for the fpace of a whole 
 
 Year , offering unto him many Sacrifices. He left Tupac Inca Tupanqui his Heir 
 
 and eldeft Son, which he begot of his Wife and Sifter, called Coy a Chimpu Occ/o, to 
 
 fucceed him in all his Dominions. The proper Name of this Queen was Chimpu, 
 
 but the word Occlo was a facred Title amongft them, he left many legitimate Sons 
 
 and Daughters of the true Bloud 5 befides many other natural Children, to the 
 
 number of about two hundred and fifty , which Was no great matter amongft 
 
 them, considering the many Women , which thofe Kings maintained in every 
 
 j Province of their Dominions. And becaufe this Inca laid the Foundation of this 
 
 great Work, it is requifite that we fhould treat of it immediately after the Life of 
 
 its firft Founder, becaufe it is the moft excellent Trophy of the incan Magnificence, 
 
 ahd that which may ferve for a matter of Oftentation and Glory, not pnely to 
 
 the Authour himfelf, and the preceding KingSj but fufficient to derive Honour 
 
 to all their Pofterity in future Agesi 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
2Q4 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 Of the Fortrefs of Cozco, and the greatnefs of the Stones 
 with which it was built. 
 
 THE l»cai, who were Kings of Peru, ere&ed many wonderfull and ftately 
 Edifices; their Gaftles, Temples, and Royal Palaces, their Gardens, Store- 
 houfes, and other Fabricks , were Buildings of great Magnificence, as is apparent 
 by the mines of them 5 though very obfeure conje&ures are to be gathered from 
 fuch remains. 
 
 The work of greateft oftentation, and which evidences moft the Power and 
 Majefty of the hcas> was the Fortrefs of Cozco, whofe greatnefs is incredible to 
 any who hath not feen it, and fuch as have viewed it with great attention cannot 
 but admire it, and believe that fuch a work was erected by Enchantment, or the 
 help of Spirits, being that which furpafles the Art and power of Man. For the 
 Stones are fo many and fo great, which were laid in the three firft rounds, being 
 rather Rocks than Stones, as pafles all underftanding, how and in what manner 
 they were hewen from the Quarry, or brought from thence, for they had no in- 
 ftruments of Iron or Steel, wherewith to cut or fafhion them : Nor lefs wonder- 
 full is it to think, how they could be carried to the Building 5 for they had nei- 
 ther Carts nor Oxen to draw them with-, and if they had, the weight was fo 
 vaft as no Cart could bear, or Oxen draw -, then to think that they drew them 
 with great Ropes, over Hills, and Dales, and difficult ways by the mere force of 
 Mens Armes is alike incredible 5 for many of them were brought ten, twelve and 
 fifteen Leagues off, particularly that Stone, or Rock rather, which the Indians call 
 Saycufia , which fignifies tired or weary, becaufe it lies in the way, having never 
 been brought fo far as to the Building •, but it is certain that it came fifteen Leagues 
 from the City, and was tranfportedover the River of Tucay, which is almoftas 
 broad as the Guadalqulver, which runs by Cordova. The Stones brought from the 
 neareft parts were from Muyna, which is five Leagues diftant from Cozco: But to 
 proceed farther in our imagination of this matter, and confider how it was pofli- 
 ble for this people to fit and join fuch vaft Machins of Stones together, and ce- 
 ment them fo clofe, that the point of a Knife can fcarce pafs between them, is a 
 thing above all admiration, and fome of them are 4b artificially joined, that the 
 crevices are fcarce difcernible between them : Then to confider that to fquare 
 and fit thefe Stones one to the other, they were to be raifed, and lifted up and re- 
 moved often, untill they were brought to their juft fize and proportion ; but how 
 this was done by Men, who had no ufe of the Rule and Square, nor knew how 
 to make Cranes, or Pullies, and Cramps, and other Engines , to raife and lowr 
 them as they had occafion, is beyond our imagination, being of that bignefs that 
 Jofefh Acofta faith was prodigious : For the bignefs and compafs of thefe Stones, I 
 mall rather refer my felf to the Authority of this Acofta, than to the report of my 
 School-fellows, of whom I defiring to be informed of the juft proportion of thefe 
 Stones, they fent me the meafures of them by Fathoms, and not by Yards and 
 Inches,-, which account not being fo exaft as I defired , it feemed requifite in a 
 work fo wonderfull, and in which the vaftnefs of the Stones is the greateft mat- 
 ter of Admiration, to take the more authentick teftimony of Notaries. Acofta in 
 the i4th Chapter of his 6th Book, faith, " That the Expences which the Incat 
 " made in building Forts, Temples, Houfes of Pleafure, and other Edifices was 
 vSry great, and the labour exceffive, as the Ruins which remain make to ap- 
 pear , and are ftill to be feen in Cozco, Tiaguanaco, Tambo, and other places, 
 * where the Stones are of that vaft proportion, as pafles underftanding how they 
 " were hewen, fqaared, and carried to the places where they are now fixed- It 
 M is certain, that for ere&ing thofe vaft Buildings of Forts and Temples in Cozco, 
 .. and other parts, by direction of ihetnea, there was the affiftence and concourfe 
 
 of 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 295 
 
 — - - - — ■■ '- — — 
 
 " of great multitudes required from all Provinces, for the forwarding of thefe 
 " Works j the labour was certainly great, and the falhion admirable and unufual, 
 " for they ufed no Mortar , nor had they Iron or Steel to cut and polilh the 
 " Stones, nor Inftruments or Engines to carry and raife them, and yet they were 
 " fo curioully joined and fitted, that the places where they joined were fcarce dif- 
 " cernible^ and yet the Stones were of that vaftbignefs, as is incredible, unlefsit 
 ' x be to thole who have feen them. In Tiaguamco I meafured one my felf, which 
 " was thirty foot in length, and eighteen in breadth, and fix foot in thicknefs. 
 " In the Wall of the Fortrefs built at Coz,co there are Stones of a far greater big- 
 " nefs, which were laid by hand, and what is moft admirable, is, that they were 
 " never cut by any Rule, being rough caft, and without equal proportion, and 
 
 * yet are fitted and joined one within the other without any Mortar or Cement, 
 
 * all which muft be done by force of Men , and great toil and labour ; for cer- 
 1 * tainly to fit one Stone to the other, which were at firit unequal, there muft be 
 
 ; " often removes, which could not be performed eafily but by force and ftrength ' 
 ' of the Armes. All which are the Words otAcofta, extracted verbatim, whereby 
 ■ lie manifefts the difficulty of that labour to Men who had not the nfe of thofe In- 
 ftruments and Engines which are common amongft us. 
 
 Perhaps the 1mm in the height of their Glory were defirous to recommend the 
 Igreatnefs of their power to the admiration of all Ages-, as alfo to ihew the Art 
 land ingenuity of their Ma fter- builders, not onely in polifhing their freezed Stone, 
 '(which the Spaniards do much admire) but alfo in laying their rough Stones, (cal- 
 led by the Italians a la rufiica) in which they did as much excell as in the former ■■, 
 land herein they did not onely fhew themfelves Artifts, but Souldiers alfo in the 
 contrivances of their Fortrefles, which they built in every advantageous Pais and 
 place, where fuch a Bulwark might be of defence or bar againft the Incurfions of 
 an Enemy. 
 
 \ This Caftle or Fortrefs they ere&ed on the top of a high Hill on the North- 
 fide of the City, called Sacfahuamam, at the foot of which are the Dwelling-houfe 
 of Cotxo, which extend themfelves at a great diftance en all quarters, the fide of 
 'this Hill which is towards the City, is exactly perpendicular, fo that it is impreg- 
 :nable, and cannot be ftormed on that part, nor can it be battered with Cannon, 
 'by any level, or upper ground which commands it-, though the Indians before the 
 coming of the Spaniards, had no thoughts or imagination of Cannon, nor provided 
 any other defence than a thick Wall of Stone, curioully polifhed on all quarters, 
 being about two hundred fathom in compafs •-, every row of Stones was of a diffe- 
 rent height, and yet laid exactly by the line, and fo well fitted and enchafed one 
 within the other, that they needed no Lime, or other Mortar to cement them. 
 The truth is, they ufed no Mortar mixed with Sand, becaufe they knew not how 
 to burn Lime; howfoever they had a kind of a red Earth, of a bituminous mat- 
 ter, which was very binding, and fuch as ferved to fill up holes and nicks in the 
 Building. And in this firft row they (hewed both Induftry and Art, for the Wall 
 was thick, and the Workmanfhip rare on all fides. 
 
 CHAE 
 
2o6 Koyal Commentaries. BookVIL 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 Of the three Walls which are mo ft to be admired of all this 
 
 Work. 
 
 ON the other fide from the City, the Hill hath an open profpeft to the Plains, 
 and the afcent to the Fortrefs is fo eafie and wide, that an Enemy may ea- 
 fily attack it in a formed and orderly Body. Wherefore they fortified it on that fide 
 with three Walls, one before the other, each Wall being 200 fathom in length, be- 
 ing made in the inape of a half Moon, becaufe they come to join with the fingle 
 Wall, which is towards the fide of the City. In the firft Wall which is to front 
 the power and firft (hock of an Enemy, though they are all of the fame Work, 
 they have placed the greateft of their Stones, which are of that llupendious big- 
 nets, as are admired by all that fee them. For my part I am of opinion that thofe 
 Scones were never digged out of any Quarry, but were loofe Rocks found in the 
 Mountains, which they took and fafhioned to their purpofe, and laid them as they 
 cafually came to hand, fome being hollow, others rough , and others plain and 
 fmooth-, fome were pointed at the corners, others without ^ in the mending and 
 plaining of which they were not very curious, by paring or cutting off the uneven 
 parts of every Stone-, but rather filled up the hollow or vacant places with fome 
 other Stone, which was as great or greater than the other, and fo fupplied the ine- 
 qualities of one Stone by fome other which fitted to it ■-, for it feemed to have been 
 their intention to have compofed all the work with great Stones, and not to have 
 pieced it up with the adjun&s of lefs, being a matter of greater State and Magni- 
 ficence. And this is what Acofta did much admire in the Work, that the Stones 
 of the Wall not being cut, but worked without any Rule or compafs, were yet 
 fo well fitted, as if they had been all polifhed 3 and though the outward fuperfi- 
 cies of the Stone was rough, and not fmooth, but remained in its natural falnion, 
 yet the joint, by which it was incorporated with another, was fo well worked, 
 that nothing could be better fitted; fo that confidering the ruftical outfide, and 
 the artificial junctures v/ithin, it made in grofs a noble and a (lately Frontifpiece. 
 
 A certain Prieft, bom at Monti/la, who remained at Peru after I was come to 
 Spain, and where lie alfo returned in a fhort time after, fpeaking of this Fortrefi, 
 and of the prodigious Stones, told me, that before he law them he could not be- 
 lieve the report was made of the mightinefs of them, and after he had feen them, 
 the Fame feemed lefs than they really were •, and confidering by what power or art 
 they were laid in that form, he could not conclude or imagine other than that they 
 were fo difpoled by fome Enchantment or power of the Divel. And really though 
 the Indians had been provided with all the Engines and Arts which are common 
 in our Countries, yet (till the difficulty will occur, how the Art of Man was able 
 to arrive to fo great a work, which exceeds all the Seven Wonders of the Uni- 
 Verfe. We know that to make a Wall fo long and broad as that of Babylon, to 
 erect a Colojfm at Rhodes, or the Pyramids in Egypt, are eafily contrived and com- 
 pleted by the force of multitudes, and quantities of all materials, fuch as Brick and 
 Lime for making the Walls of Babylon, Brafs and Copper for calling the Cohjfm, 
 Stones and Mortar for railing a Pyramid ; in fine, time, and labour, and numbers 
 of People are able to effect and compafs any thing of this nature-, but how the 
 Indians without Engines (hould be able to carry and tranfport fuch vaft Stones or 
 Rocks from remote places up to the top of a Hill, and without Tools polilh and 
 fit them for a Building, is fuch a riddle as the wit of Man is not able to refolve, 
 but mull: have recourfe to Enchantments, and helps from the DeviH in regard 
 that evil Spirits entertained fuch familiarity with that people. 
 
 Every Wall of the Rampire had its Gate about the middle, and every Gate had 
 its Percullis of Stone, of the length and breadth of the Gate which (hut it. The 
 firft Gate they called Twpttncn, which fignifies the Gate of Gravel, becaufe the 
 
 Soil 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 20.7 
 
 Soil thereabouts is gravelly, and full of Sand, which may be mixed with Mortar, for 
 they all Sand and Gravel Tin, and Tpuucn a Gate. The next Gate of the fecond Ram- 
 pire they called Acahuana, for the Word Acahuana, pronounced with an afpiration 
 in the Throat, was the Name of the Mafter- workman that made it. The third 
 Gate was called Vtracocha Puncu, being confecrated to their God VWacocha, which • 
 was the Apparition before related , which in a Dream revealed unto the Prince' 
 the Rebellion of the Chmcat, and for that reafon they efteemed him the Defen- 
 der and new Founder of their City oiCozco, and called that Gate by his Name, im- 
 ploring the like Prote&ion and Aflift ence in defence of that Fortrefs which he 
 had formerly (hewed in the fafeguard of that City , and of the whole Empire : 
 Between one Wall and the other there was a diftance of about twenty five or 
 thirty foot, which was filled up with Earth to the top of the Wall-, but it is not 
 certain whether this Earth was caft up by hand, or whether it were from the rife 
 of the Hill, perhaps it might be by both, and that what was wanting by the afcent 
 might be fupplied by the hand. Every Rampire had its Breaft-work, under which 
 they could hght with better fhelter, than if they had expofed themfelves to the 
 open force of the Enemy. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 Of the three great Towers 5 of the chief Workmen employed 
 in this Building, a?id of the great Rock which re/ied in 
 the way. . \ 
 
 HAving paffed thefe three Walls or Rampires, we come to a long, and nar- 
 row place, where were three ftrong Towers built in a Triangle, according 
 to the fituation of the places the chiefeft of them was placed in the middle, cal- 
 led Mayoc Marca, which fignifies the round Fortrefs, in which fprings a plentifull 
 Fountain of excellent Water, which was brought at a far diftance under ground, 
 but where, and from whence the Indians do not know •■, for fuch Secrets as thefe 
 were always referved from common knowledge in the Breafts of the Jnca, and of 
 his Council. In that Tower the Kings had their Apartments, when at any time 
 they went up to recreate themfelves in the Fortrefs, the Walls of which, inftead 
 of Tapeftry, were adorned with Gold and Silver, inlaid with the fhapes of Birds 
 and Beafts, which were excellently well counterfeited •-, it was alfo furnilhed with 
 its fervices of Plate and other moveables, properly belonging to it, as had all the 
 other Royal Palaces. The fecond Tower they called Paucar Marca, and the third 
 Sacllac Marca, they were both fquare, with many Chambers for lodging Souldiers 
 belonging to the Garifon •, they were often relieved and changed by their turns, and 
 wete to be all Imm of privilege, for other Nations were not capable of admiffion 
 into that Fortrefs, being efteemed a facred place, and confecrated to the Sun for 
 exercife of Arms, as the Temple was for Prayers and Sacrifice. The Captain or 
 Commander in Chief was to be of the true and legitimate Royal Bloud, under 
 whom -were feveral Lieutenants and Officers ordained, fome for government of 
 the Militia, others were Purveyors, and fuch as had care of the Provifions, others 
 were Armourers to furbilh and cleanfe the Arms, and others had the care of the 
 Wardrobe, of keeping the Cloths and Shoes of the Garifon. Under thefe Towers 
 was as much room as above, and between them were Galleries of Communica- 
 tion. The Quarters under ground were formed with great Art, having Lanes 
 and Paflages with fuch windings and turnings, all of the fame fize, and falhion, 
 that they feemed a labyrinth, and fo difficult to find out, that none durft enter 
 
 CLq ip 
 
2 q8 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 ' in without a Guide, or dire&ion of a twine of Thread, which being faftened ac 
 the entrance, directed their return through all the Turnings and Meanders of it. 
 When I was a Boy I often went up to the Caftle, with others of the fame age 
 with me-, and then the upper Rooms were all ruined, and fome of thofe which 
 were under ; into which .we durft not adventure farther than we could fee the 
 light which thined in them, for the Indians told us, that if we adventured farther, 
 we mould lofe our felves, and never find our way out again. 
 
 In making their Vaults they were ignorant of the way of arching, but inftead 
 thereof they laid Braggets or Corbels of Stone, which ferved in the place of Beams 
 for fupportof the whole frame of Building, which being equally cut, and fhaped 
 at all ends reached from one Wall to the other. All the great Fabrick of this 
 Fortrefs was made in part of polimed, and part of rough Stone, richly embellifhed 
 according to the beft of their Art, whereby the Incas made oftentation both of 
 their Skill and Grandeur, being defirous to advance the Excellency and Magnifi- 
 cence of this Work above any other-, that fo it might remain for a confumma- 
 tion of all their Trophies % and indeed fo it proved, for the Spaniards, a few years 
 after this was completed, invaded their Empire, and put a flop to the proceedings 
 of feveral other great Works, which they defigned to have finifhed. 
 
 There were four chief Undertakers in the Building of this Fortrefs 5 the princi- 
 pal Perfon , who drew the Draught , and defigned the whole Plot , was Huallpa 
 Rimachi, he was an Jnca, and ftiled Apu, which fignifies Chiefs the fecond to him 
 was hca Maricanchi, and the third Acahuana Jma, to whom they afcribe the chief 
 contrivance of the Buildings at Tlahuanacu, which we have formerly mentioned. 
 The fourth and laft was Calla Cmch>g, in whofe time the great Stone which refted 
 in the way was brought! thither , and his Name engraved on it , as a monument 
 to conferve his memory -, the which Stone (or Rock rather) was of that vaft pro- 
 portion, and fo exceeding all the others, that I would gladly infert here the true 
 mealure of its height and thicknefs , but in regard I have not procured an exact 
 and certain account of it, I (hall refer my felf to the relation of thofe who have 
 leen it : It remains in the Plain before the Fortrefs, to which, as the Indians fay, 
 it could never arrive, in regard it tired by the way, and wept bloud, proceeding 
 from the toil and fatigue it had endured in its motion. The ftone is rough ana 
 unpolilhed, in the fame manner as it was hewn from its Quarry , a great part of 
 it is buried under ground, and they fay, it is now funk lower than when I faw it; 1 
 for they fanfied that there was great treafure hid under it, and for that reafon they 
 digged about it as deep as they were able, that fo they might arrive at this imagi- 
 nary Riches-, but in regard that as they digged the Stone funk lower, therefore the 
 greateft part of it is now hidden under the Earth. According to my beft remem- 
 brance it hath a hole or two upon the upper part of it, or fuch as pafles from one 
 fide to the other 5 the Indians callthefe holes the Eyes of the Stone, out of which it : 
 wept bloud -, from the Duft which is lodged in thofe Holes , and the continual 
 droppings of water upon them, it hath died the Stone in thofe parts with a reddifh 
 colour, becaufe the foil thereabouts is of the fame colour, and which the Indians 
 fay proceeded from the bloud which iflued with the tears of that Stone. This 
 Fable is commonly reported amongft the India*?, and I have heard it often from 
 them. 
 
 But the true Moral of this Fable, recounted by the Inca's Amautas, who were 
 their Philofophers, and people of learning, was this : That this Stone, or Rock, 
 was moved and drawn by twenty thoufand Indians, who dragged and drew it with 
 great Cables-, the undertaking was great, for it was to pais through cragged, and 
 uneven ways, and over Afcents and Defcents-, one half of the people drew be- 
 fore, the other half were on each fide to poife the weight, and keep the Stone di- 
 rect, left it fhould fall into any precipice, or gravel it felf in any place, from 
 whence it could never be recovered. It is faid, that for want of due care in thofe 
 who had the poifing of this weight, it happened to lean too much towards the de- 
 fcent of a hill, and being over-born by its great burthen, it tumbled down a bank, 
 and killed three or four thoufand of thofe Indians who were the guides to dired 
 and fupport it ; notwithftanding which misfortune they again took courage, and 
 raifed the Stone, carrying it to the Plain where it now refts. The Bloud which 
 it lhed, and fqueezed from the Veins of thefe poor Wretches, were the true tears 
 which iflued from the hollow orbs of its Eyes -, and becaufe the weight was too 
 vaft to be carried up to the place, unto which it was defigned, they faid, that it 
 
 tired 
 
 
Book VII. Royal 'Commentaries. 200 
 
 tired and fainted in its Journey, attributing all the feelings and paflions of the Men 
 to the inanimate and fenfelefs Stone. This, and many fuch Fables, the Indians 
 conferve amongft them, believing that fuch pafiages as thefe are belt recommen- 
 ded to Pofterity, and conferved under fuch wonderfull and improbable fictions. 
 
 The Spaniards, who in reafon ought to maintain, and at their own coft to have 
 kept this Fortrefs in repair , for the greater advancement of their own honour, 
 that fo they might give occafion to the World to admire their Atchievements and 
 great Prowefs, in being able to fubdue a people fo potent, and which were able 
 ; to erecT: fuch wonderfull and prodigious Fabricks-, but on the contrary, as if they 
 i had been envious of the great Adts of thofe they had fubdued, they have laid their 
 i own hands to the pulling down of this prodigious piece of Art and Indufti y 5 and 
 ; with the Materials thereof have built the private Houfes of fome particular per- 
 fons in Cozco- 7 for to avoid the coft, and time, and labour of the Indians in bring- 
 ing Stones and Materials from diftant parts, they have brought from the Walls of 
 the Rampire, all the polifhed and wrought Stones 5 that there is fcarce a Houfe in 
 ;all the Town, at leaft fuch as belongs to the Spaniards, but what is built out of 
 the mines of that Fortrefs. 
 
 The great Stones which were the fupporters of the lower Buildings, were dig- 
 ged up, and brought away for Threfholds and Jambs of their Doors-, the lefler 
 Stones ferved for the Walls ; and for Steps to their Stairs, they chofe ftones of fuch 
 fize as was convenient, which when they had found, and pitched upon, they aft 
 down all the rows of Stones above them, to ten or twelve degrees above them, 
 until! they came to thofe which fitted their occafions. In this manner they whol- 
 ly overturned and deftroyed the Majefty of that noble and ftately building, un- 
 worthy of fuch a Fate, and which will ever remain an objed of great compaffion 
 to all Beholders, the Spaniards were fb expedite in the deftru&ion of it, that in my 
 rime there remained onely fome few ruines which we have formerly mentioned. 
 The three great Rampires of Rock are ftill remaining, becaufe the Stones are fo 
 raft and weighty, as cannot be removed •-, howfoever they have difordered fome 
 Df them, in hopes of finding that Chain or Cable of Gold, which Hmyna Capac 
 nade, for they had fome intimation that it was buried there. 
 
 The good King Inca Tupanqm, who was the tenth of the Incas, was the firft 
 Founder of this abufed and injured Fortrefs, though others will have it begun by 
 lis Father Pachacutec, becaufe he had left the firft draught and model of it, and 
 lad made Provifions of great quantities of Stone and Rocks for the Building, be- 
 jdes which there were no other Materials. The whole Work was fifty Years be- 
 bre it was completed, not being finifhed untill the Reign otHuayna Capac, nor 
 hen neither, as the Indians report , for that the great Rock which refted in the 
 vay was defigned for additional Buildings to it ; but to this and many other Buil- 
 lings in divers parts of the Empire, a ftop and difappointment was given by the 
 Ijvil Wars which arofe not long after between the two Brothers, Httafcar Inca t 
 nd Atahualpa, in whofe time the Spaniards made their Invafion, and then thofe 
 Oeftruitions and Ruines followed, which are apparent ai this Day. 
 
 Q-q 
 
 2 BOOK 
 

 
 
(joO 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 The Conquefl of the Province Huacrachucu , and whence 
 that Name was derived. 
 
 ^HE Great Tupac Inca Yupanqm (whofeName of Tupac fignifies 
 Brightnefs and Splendour, and indeed the greatnefs of his At- 
 chievements deferve no lefs a Title) fo foon as his Father was 
 dead, took upon him the coloured Wreath, and having com- 
 plied with the Obfequies, Rites, and Funeral Ceremonies and 
 Sacrifices due to the memory of de<£afed Kings , in which he 
 fpent the firft Year of his Reign, he took a Progrefs into the feveral Kingdoms 
 and Provinces of his Empire •, for it was the conftant Cuftome of the young Heir, 
 fo foon as he came to his Sovereignty, to (hew himfelf to his Subje&s, that they 
 might both know and love his Perfon, and that both the publick Counfellers 
 in Provinces, and particular Perfons might have opportunities to reprefent their 
 Aggrievances perfonally to the King , whereby the Judges and Minifters of Ju- 
 . ftice might with more care perform their Duties, fearing to tyranize and oppreis 
 the people. 
 
 Having in thefe Journies and Vifitations palled four long years, with which his 
 people remained highly fatisfied and contented, he decreed that fourty thoufand 
 Men mould be raifed, and put in Arms againft the following Year, that fo he 
 might proceed forward in the Conquefts and Defigns which his Anceftours had 
 proje&ed. The great" pretence on which the hcas did moft avail themfelves, and 
 that which beft covered the Ambition they conceived for enlargement of the Em- 
 pire, was a Zeal towards the Welfare of the Indians, whofe unhnmane and beftial 
 Cuftoms they defired to reform, and improve to a more moral and political way 
 of living, and to a knowledge and worlliip of his Father the Sun, whom they 
 owned and proclaimed for their God. 
 
 The Army being raifed, and all things put in order for this Defign, and a Go- 
 vernour appointed for Rule of the City, the Inca took his march by way ofCajfa- 
 marca, intending to invade the Province of Chachapuja, which, as Bias Vain a fays, 
 fignifies the Countrey of ftout Men ; it lies Eaftward from Cajfamarca, the Men 
 being very valiant, and the Women beautiful!. Thefe Chacbapnyas adored Ser- 
 pents , and worshipped the Bird Cmtur for their principal God ■■, on report of 
 which the Inca Tupac Tttpanqui was greatly moved to reduce this Province to his 
 Empire, being famous in feveral refpe&s, but the approach to it was difficult, the 
 
 (ituation 
 
 
202 Royal Commentaries. BookVIII. 
 
 fituation being mountainous and craggy, and the people of it above forty thou- 
 fand in number. 
 
 Thefe Chachapuyas bound a Sling about their head for the drefs and ornament 
 of it, being thereby diftinguifhed from other Nations ; the manner and faihion 
 of their Sling was different from other Indians, being the chief Arms which they 
 ufed in the War, as they were of the Ancient Mayorkins. 
 
 But before they came to the Province of Chachapuya, they were to pafs through 
 another, called Huaeracbucu, which is very large and great, but the fituation 
 mountainous, and the people fierce. They wear for a devife and diftindion otf 
 their heads, or rather did wear it ( for now all thofe fancies are confounded ) a 
 black Binder of Wool, ftitched with white flies ; and inftead of a Feather upon 
 it, they carried the point of a Horn of a Deer, or Stag -, whence they had the 
 Name of Huacrachuctt, which is the horned Cap -, for Chucn figniiies the Safh a- 
 bout the head, and Huacra a Horn. This people, before they were fubdued by 
 the incas, adored Serpents , and in their Temples and Houfes fet up their figures 
 for Idols to be worshipped. 
 
 This Province offering it felf in the way to Chachafuja, was firft to be fubdued, 
 and accordingly orders were given to the Army to attack it: the Natives appeared 
 in defence of their Countrey, fuppofing it impregnable, and not paflable for an 
 Army, and therefore at all the difficult pafles oppofed the Enemy, in which Skir- 
 mifhes many were flain on both fides. Which being obferved by the Inca and 
 his Council, they conlidered, that in cafe they proceeded in that rigorous and for- 
 cible manner, the confequence would be of great damage to their own people, 
 and th£ total mine and extirpation of their Enemies : To prevent which, ha- 
 ving gained fome ftrong and faff places, they fent their Summons and Propo- 
 fals of Peace and Friendihip, as was the cuftome of the Incas ; by which they 
 made known to them, that the intention and defign of the Inca was to doe them 
 good (as had all his Anceftours done to the other Nations they had fubdued)' 
 and not to tyranize , but to bring them greater benefit than he could exped 
 from them ': That they would doe well to caft rheir eyes for example on other 
 Nations, whofe Lands or Pofleflions they had not taken away, but improved 
 by Aqueduds, and other benefits : That they had permitted the Curacas to en- 
 joy the fame Government which they formerly had, having no other defign 
 in all their Wars and Adions , than to force Men to Adore the Sun, and re- 
 form them from their inhumane and beftial cuftoms. Thefe Propofitions af- 
 forded great matter of debate to this people •, for though many were of opinion, 
 that they ought to accept the terms of the Inca, and receive him for their Lord 5 
 yet the younger fort, who were more in number, and of lefs experience, oppo- 
 fed the agreement, and carried it in the Negative , and thereupon profecuted the 
 War with much fury and refolution ; for having contradided the more Aged 
 Men in their opinion, they efteemed themfelves engaged in point of reputation 
 to overcome, or dye. 
 
 Eut that the Enemy might not think that the Conditions which the Inca had 
 offe; ed, did proceed from timoroufnefs, or cowardife, but onely from that piety, 
 and companionate difpofition, which was inherent in him, and all his family ; he 
 commanded that the War fhould be renewed with heat and violence $ and ha- 
 ving made divers detachments of his Army, aflailed them in feveral places at 
 the fame time -, that fo making a diverfion of their Forces, he might abate the 
 heat of their courage, and make them underftand their own weaknefs. With ' 
 this fecond attempt they gained other places , and ftrong pafles , and ftraitened 
 the Enemy in that manner, that they had no other remedy, but to have recourfe 
 unto the mercy and clemency of the Inca , who, according to the accuftomary 
 goodnefs of thofe Kings, received them to pardon , giving order to his Officers 
 and Minifters to treat the Huacrachucus, as if they were Brethren and Allies, to 
 cloath the Curacas with the fineft fort of Garments called Compi, and the more 
 ordinary people with the Avafca, which is the more coarfe. He alfo commanded, 
 that they mould be fupplied with Provifions for their fuftenance, for that a year 
 of War had confumed all their Stores; which they took fo kindly, that they 
 efteemed it the greateft evidence they could receive of the favour ana forgivenefs 
 of the Inca. 
 
 Here- 
 
Book VIII. R oyal Commentaries, 3 o 3 
 
 Herewith an end was put to the War of this Campagn ; for that the Con- 
 queft of a Province fo inacceffible in its fituation , and fo well defended by its 
 Natives, was a fufficient Work for one Summer. And becaufe that Countrey 
 was fubjecl: to much rain, he quartered his Army in the Frontiers of it, and re- 
 cruited it with twenty thoufand Men more, that he might make a more quick 
 difpatch and riddance in his Conquefts. But firft he took order to have his new 
 Subjects well inftrufted in the fuperftitious Rites of his Religion, and in the 
 Laws and Moralities of his Empire : He appointed alfo, that defigns mould 
 , be laid for Aqueducts and Gardens, and for clearing thofe Grounds which were 
 ; fruitful! , and of good Soil, of Bullies and Weeds, making them good and 
 
 Erofitable manure, and fit to be fown; for want of which induftry, and good 
 usbandry, little or no benefit was made of their Lands : All which, when the 
 [ Indians faw, they admired, and acknowledged the infinite goodnefs of the hea 
 to them. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Conqueft which the Incas made on the Borders of 
 Chachapuyu. 
 
 TH E recruits being come, and the feafon of the year fit for action, the hca. 
 Tupac commanded his Army out of their Winter-quarters to take the Field, 
 and march towards the Province of Cbacbaptyu - 7 but in the firft place he difpat- 
 i ched a Herald before to offer them terms of War, or Peace -, but they flighted 
 : nil terms of Accommodation , and refolutely anfwered , That they were ready 
 with Arms in their hands to defend their Liberty, and that the Ima might doe 
 i (his pleafure, for that they refolved never to be his Vaflais. This Anfwer being gi- 
 1 yen, both parties prepared for War , which was carried on with that refolution 
 : ind fury, that many were killed and wounded on both fides : The Incas refolved 
 x lever to retreat ; and the Chachas (for they had that Name alfo ) were obftinate- 
 li y determined rather to dye than yield. Both parties being thus refolved, the 
 $ Wax became very bloudy , by reafon that the Chachas, whofe Countrey may be 
 m jtyled a Kingdom, being 50 Leagues in length, and 20 in breadth, reaching to 
 \\Wujftpampa, which is 30 Leagues farther ^ forefeeing the intentions of the Inca, 
 & fnd growing jealous of his Power, had made provilion for two years before a- 
 if :aiaft him, having fortified all their ftrong holds, the ruines of which remain to 
 ;! this day ■-, and having Barracadoed the narrow pafles, which are rocky and moun- 
 i; . linous, and fo difficult to climb, that in many places the Indians have made eight 
 5 >r ten feveral Stories, with fteps to defcend •-, and befides thefe, there is no paf- 
 ;ige forwards by other ways. Notwithftanding all thefe difficulties, the Incas, 
 Si vith lofs of many of their Men , gained feveral of thefe ftrong Holds , which 
 $ Proved of great advantage to them : The firft of thefe was fituate on a Moun- 
 ;iin, being two Leagues and a half high, called the Hill of Pias, becaufe the peo- 
 ple, who live on the other fide, are fo called, being the moft confiderable of 
 hat Province. And thus far the Incas having gained with great difficulty, they 
 /ere now entered eight or ten Leagues within the Countrey, the people retrea- 
 ing before to other places of greater ftrength. 
 
 ■ Howfbever the Old Men and Women, who were not able to climb the Moun- 
 uins in company with the Young, were taken by the Inca, together with young 
 Children, whom the Parents could not carry with them •-, all which the Great 
 • »/w committed to the care and kind treatment of his Officers. 
 
 >'• 
 
 Having 
 
304 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 ^Having pafied this people of Pias, the Army proceeded in its march ; and be- 
 ing come to a certain opening, or breach of the fhowy Mountain, called Chirmac- 
 cajfa, which fignifies the dangerous Gate, becaufe it had been fatal to many peo- 
 ple, who pafled that way , the lnca made a detachment of 300 Men, which like 
 a forlorn Hope, preceding the Army on defign of difcovery, were on a fudden 
 over-whelmed with the fall of a Mountain of Snow, in which all perifhed, not 
 one Man efcaping. By reafon of this misfortune, the lnca could not pafs for fe- 
 veral days, which gave occafion to the Chachapuyas to fpread a report through all 
 their Countrey, that the Mas terrified with the late unhappy accident, were reti- 
 red, and fled to their own Countrey. 
 
 The Snows being in a manner thawed, the Ma purfued his Conqueft, and 
 with much difficulty gained ftep by ftep all the Countrey, as far as Cmmr Marca, 
 which a confiderable people inhabits •, palling by others on each hand of the way, 
 by reafon that the paflages to them were obftru&ed, and difficult, and the Natives 
 not worth the labour and charge of a Conqueft. But the people oiCmtur Marc* 
 made great refiftence, fought valiantly, and continued the War for many days. 
 But whereas the power of the lnca was at that time invincible, and that nothing 
 could be oppofed fufficient to withftand it, the Chachas being over-powered by the 
 Numbers which aflailed them, were forced to yield, and fubmit tnemfelves atdif- 
 cretion to the lnca , who, according to his cuftome, received them to mercy and 
 pardon •-, and that he might quiet and fatisfie their minds with confidence of his 
 Clemency, and might by their example invite and allure others to the like fub- 
 jeftion , he treated them with kind entertainment, beftowing favours, and his 
 beneficence upon them. 
 
 The lnca having fettled his Minifters and Officers neceflary for the Eftablifh- 
 ment of affairs, he proceeded forward, taking in all the Forts and ftrong place 
 in the way before him, which now yielded without much bloud or oppofition ; 
 following the example of Cmtur Marca .- Eight Leagues from which is another pea 
 pie zdkd Cafla Marqui/la, who defended themfelves within their Rocks and Moun- 
 tains : For thefe being naturally warlike and fierce, adventured to try the force oi 
 the Incas in many engagements •, but at length thefe Chachas having proved their 
 irrefiftible power, and confidering that the greateft part of their Province had 
 fubmitted to the lnca, they thought it beft for them to follow the fame example, 
 and yield alfo. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 205 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Conqueft. of other People, and Barbarous Na- 
 tions. 
 
 FRom Caffamarquilla the JncA proceeded to another People called Papamarca, 
 from the Papas or Dewlaps, which are great bunches that hang from their 
 throats •, the which were fubdued by the Inca in the fame manner as the others : 
 Thence he marched eight Leagues farther, conquering all before him, untill he 
 came to a considerable Plantation, called Raymtpampa, which Signifies the place of 
 ^eftival, the principal Feftival of the Sun being called Raymi 5 of which we have 
 treated at large in a diftindt Chapter. And it happening when this people was 
 i fubdued, (whofe Countrey was all a pleafant and even Plain,) that the grand 
 I Feftival of Raymi was then come •, wherefore the Inca appointed that place for the 
 . celebration of it •, for, as we have laid, it was not a material point in their Reli- 
 gion, where, or in what place that Feaft was kept by the Inca himfelf, provided 
 that the High Prieft, and the other bw.is, obferved it at Cozco, with all the formali- 
 ties and folemn rices of it. 
 
 From Rajmipampa he marched three Leagues farther to Suta, which he fubdued 
 ! with like facility 5 for the Natives feeing the greateft part of their Countrey alrea- 
 , dy in pofleflion of the Inca, yielded themfelves with all readinels into his power; 
 , From Suta the Army marched to a people called Llavantu, which was the moft 
 , remote part of the Province of Chachapuya, which alfo yielded, defpairing of power 
 to make refiftence againft the Inca, who now was become abfolute Mafter of the 
 whole Province •, the moft considerable people of which, we have already menti- 
 > oned, though befides thefe there were many little Plantations not worth the na- 
 ming. The Conqueft of this Province was very difficult and laborious, by rea- 
 fon of the Mountains and ftrongPaffe, defended by a ftout and fierce people. 
 
 From Llavantu the Inca, Tupac Tupanqni, made a detachment of his Army, to fub- 
 due the Province of Muyupampa -, through which the Valiant AncohualU took his 
 March, when he caft off his fubjedtion to the Inca, as we have related' in the Life 
 of Viracocha •, this Province is fituated within the Amis, and once acknowledged 
 fubjedtion to the Chachas , but whether it was by force, or by agreement of con- 
 federacy, or alliance, the Indians are ignorant •, it lyes 30 Leagues Eaftvvard from 
 
 Llavantu. 
 
 1 The Natives of Muyupampa having received information, that the whole Pro- 
 vince oichachaptnya had yielded to the Inca, did alfo with much readinels receive 
 his Religion, Laws and Cuftoms : the like alfo did the Province called Cafcayunca, 
 and divers others of lefs note within that Divifion ; all which being received into 
 favour of the Inca, he commanded, that they fhould be inftrudted in the Know- 
 ledge and Religion of the Sun, and all neceflaries provided for their better wel- 
 fare and fubfiftence •, to which end, he ordered Aqueducts to be made, their Lands 
 to be plowed, and broken up, that fo they might yield greater abundance, and in- 
 crease •■> and that the Curacat mould be vefted with the nneft Compi, which they e- 
 fteemed as a high favour •-, and with thefe and other benefits the people remained 
 abundantly fatisfied. Herewith the Wars concluded for that year, the Army be- 
 ing drawn into Winter-quarters •, and in the interim Orders were iffued out for 
 fupplying the Souldiery, and the new Conquefts with Provisions from the Neigh- 
 bouring Countries -, for the Wars had made deftrudtion, and caufed want and fa- 
 mine of all things neceffary for the fupport of life. The Summer being come, 
 the hca Tupac took the Field with an Army of forty thoufand Men, and marched 
 to the Province of Huancapampa, which is a Countrey large and populous, but all 
 of different Nations and Languages •, every Nation or Lineage lived apart, or by 
 it'felf, without friendihip or alliance, but in a ftate of War^ acknowledging no 
 Lord, or Government, for their Superiour, but like brute beafts, preyed one upon 
 
 R r the 
 
2o6 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 the other : they had no employment or occupation to bufie themfelves in, for 
 moft of them went naked, without cloaths or covering 5 the prize and reward of 
 their War, were the bodies of the Wives and Daughters of the conquered , of 
 w hich they enjoyed as many as they could get •, and for the Men, they eat and de- 
 voured one the other. 
 
 Their Religion was as beftial as their Morality •-, they adored many Gods, eve- 
 ry Lineage, or Family, had one or more proper to it •, fome adored Animals, or 
 living Creatures, others Birds, Herbs, Plants, Rivers, Fountains, nay any thing 
 which they liked, or were pleafed with 5 in which diverfity of Gods, there often 
 arofe Difputes and Arguments concerning their Power and Goodnefs , which was 
 moft commonly decided by War. People living at this rate, without reafon or 
 politiques, were eafily fubdued 5 for they could never ftand to make any defence, 
 but, like wild beafts, were hunted in the Mountains , where in the Thickets, in 
 Caves and Rocks they concealed themfelves •■, but famine, and want of fuftenance, 
 forced many of them from their retirements, into the power and obedience of the 
 I»ca, though many of them , who were obftinate and fiirly, like brute beafts, pe- 
 rifhed in their places of concealment. 
 
 But the Inca Tupac ufed all diligence to catch, and Lime them, committing them 
 into the hands of Mafters and Inftru&ors, who might teach them to aflociate, and 
 live in communities, how to cultivate the Grounds, and wear C loathing , and 
 make Garments of Wool and Cotton : they alfo (hewed them how to bring cha- 
 nels of water for refrefhing their Fields, and fo learned them to manure their Lands, 
 that it became the moft fruitfull foil of all Peru. In fome time afterwards, for 
 greater improvement of that Countrey, they ennobled it with a Temple of the 
 Sun, and a Houfe of Select Virgins, with many other Edifices of Honour and Re- 
 nown. They commanded, that all their Gods fhould be thrown to the Earth 
 and that they fhould acknowledge and worfhip no other but onely the Sun, who 
 was the fole God of the Univerfe : that none fhould eat Man's flelh on pain of 
 Death, and utter deftru&ion of himfelf and family 5 and for other matters they 
 gave them Priefts and Men of learning to inftruft them in their Laws and Cu- 
 ftoms : In all which they became fo docible, and fuch proficients, that in a fhore 
 time they lived orderly and fociably in civil communication, and the two Provin- 
 ces of Cafcayunca , and Huawapampa became the moft knowing, and moft orderly 
 Citizens in all the Empire of the Incas. 
 
 CHAP. IV, 1 
 
 The Conquefl of three Great and Warlike Provinces. 
 
 • 
 
 HVaxcapampa being conquered, the Mas proceeded to reduce three other great 
 Provinces, containing many other Nations under their power ■-, but how long 
 this fucceeded after the Conqueft of ' Huancapampa, is not certain ; But thefe people 
 were of a different quality to thofe before mentioned-, for they lived in a political 
 manner, had their Towns, and Fortifications, and fome manner of Government a- 
 moncft them ; they often aflembled, and held Counfels to confider of the publick 
 good and welfare. No perfon pretended to a Right of Dominion over them, bue 
 by common confent they ele&ed their Chief Governour in the time of Peace, and 
 Captain in cafe of War, ferving them with entire obedience, during the' time of 
 their Magiftracy. Thefe three Provinces were called Catfa, Ayah»aca y and cM£ 
 The Iwa fo foon as he approached the Confines of thefe Countries, fent his Sum- 
 mons to the Inhabitants, requiring them to receive him for their Lord and Sove- 
 reign, or otherwife provide to defend themfelves by force of Arms; for anfiver 
 thereunto, they returned a fiiort reply, That they were ready to dye in defence of 
 their Liberties j for as they never had received any Lord that was impofed on 
 
 them. 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 207 
 
 . them, fo now they could not incline their minds to any fervile fubjedion. Here- 
 with a cruel War began , for all the fair offers and pretences of the Inca could a- 
 vail nothing-, for their ancient liberty and freedom ftill prefenting it felf before 
 them, ltopped their Ears to all the gentle words of favour the fack exprefled, fay- 
 ing, That the greateft favour and grace he could doe them, was to leave them 
 to their own liberty. All thefe three Provinces being aflbciated together, una- 
 nimously contributed to the affiftence of each other, and made Stout opposition, 
 having killed about 8000 Incas 5 with which Slaughter the Ixtat being enraged, 
 perfecuted the Enemy with fire and fword, and all the miferies of War, which 
 ■ 1 they fupported with great patience and equality of mind in contemplation of their 
 liberty, which they difputed and defended with great refolution •, for no fooner 
 i were they forced from one Strong Hold, but they ported to another, and thence to 
 another, abandoning their Countrey. and Houfes, without care of their Wive? 
 ; and Children, refolving to dye with Arms in their hands, rather than become the 
 (. . Slaves and Vaflals of another. 
 
 The Incas ftill proceeded in the Conqueft of this Countrey, untill they had for- 
 5 1 ced them into a corner of it ; where having fortified themfelves, they endured all 
 nt ! extremities •-, and though reduced to the ultimate point of periShing by famine, 
 a : yet ftill continued conftant, and refolved not to be fubjed to the Inca : the which 
 u fome of their more fober and intelligent Captains considering - , and finding thac 
 1 upon thefe principles all of them muft neceflarily dye and perifli, without know- 
 | ing any caufe or reafon for it : And feeing that other Nations, as free as they, had 
 L Submitted to the Dominion of the Inca , under whom their peace and plenty was 
 I augmented, rather than in the leaft abated or infringed. The Captains and Chiefs 
 I having this communication together, agreed to yield themfelves and people to the 
 a \Inca 5 the which was performed, though not without fome mutiny and fedition a- 
 | mongft the Souldiery 3 howfoever the generality being led by the example and 
 j] didates of their Commanders, did all at laft fubmit, and yield unto due obedi- 
 i ence. 
 
 $ The I»ca Tupac received them with all expreffions of grace and favour, telling 
 jy them, how much he pitied their folly, which had fo unneceSlarily betrayed them 
 jji :o the laft extremities of want and famine 5 but now to relieve them in this con- 
 dition, he ordered, that they mould be entertained and treated like his own Chil- 
 dren : And that whereas many of them perifhed in the late War , fo that their 
 Lands and Dwellings were void and depopulated •, he ordered, that they Should 
 5e again flocked and fupplied by people tranfplanted from other Provinces. And 
 hus the Inca having provided matters for due administration of that Government, 
 md fettled and established their Dodrine and Religion, he returned again to Cozco> 
 ?eing more troubled and uneafie for the lofs and deftrudion of thole poor IndUm, 
 han tired or wearied with the fatigues, and incommodioufnefs of the War % of 
 vhich he was fo fenfible, that he would often fay, that if he were aflured that the 
 >ther Nations, more remote, had taken example by the obftinacy of thefe , that 
 ie would defer the Conqueft of them for the prefent, and untill liich a conjundure 
 i >f time, as might render them more pliable, and better diSpoSed to receive theGo- 
 ■ernment of the Incas. 
 
 _ Wherefore the Great Tupac refraining from War, fpent feveral years in vifiting 
 rr is Kingdoms, adorning them with Stately Edifices in every Province, and inhabi- 
 j ed Countrey, fuch as Royal Palaces, FortreSIes, and Houfes for publick Stores, 
 \ ^queduds and Temples dedicated to the Sun, with Convents for the Seled Vir- 
 1 ins , befides many other publick Works , fuch as making High-ways and open 
 ; toads, of which we Shall treat more at large in the Second Part 5 but more efpe-' 
 . ially his care was, to finifh the Fortrefs of Cozco, the Foundation of which was 
 ; lid, and begun by his Father the Inca Tupanqui, 
 
 Having thus fpent fome years in the exercifes and employments of Peace, the 
 
 «* re-aSIumed his thoughts of conquering the Provinces, which lye Northward, 
 
 .illed Chinckafuyu : The firft Quarter he came to, was Huanmu, which contains ma- 
 
 \ y Nations , but all independent each of other, living Scattered up and down the 
 
 ; _ ields, without government or communication, but in perpetual War and Figh- 
 
 " t ngs : they had fome FortreSIes and Strong Holds on the tops of Mountains, to 
 
 vhich at any time, when they were worfted, they fted for refuge •-, all which peo- 
 
 le, by fair terms, according to the accuftomary clemency of the Incas, were with 
 
 wch facility reduced to their command •, though at firft the Natives of Huamcu 
 
 Rr $ Shewed 
 
 
oq8 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 (hewed themfelves furly, obftinate and rude ; with which the Officers of the hwtu 
 being highly provoked, put many of them to the Sword with great feverity and 
 cruelty ■-, but the Inca, to appeafe and moderate their fury, put them in mind of 
 the Original Law of the firft Inca, Manco Capac, who commanded them to reduce 
 the hdians to his fubjedion by gentle and fair terms, rather than by Arms, or ef- 
 fufion of Bloud. 
 
 The Indians being on one fide terrified with the fear of punilhmenr, and allu- 
 red on the other by the promiies, and kind offers of tlie Inca, were reduced with- 
 out much labour-, lb that they were perfuaded to live in Societies, and receive the 
 Idolatry and Government of the hcas, who, in alhort time, fo improved this plea- 
 fant Province olHmmcu, that by the fruitfulnefs of the Soil, and good temperature 
 of the Climate, it became the Head and Chief cf all the Neighbouring Countries. 
 And here, as a principal mark of favour, they erected a Temple dedicated to the 
 Sun, with a Houfe for the Seled Virgins : In the building of which, twenty thou- 
 fand Indians were continually employed, and as fome will have it thirty thoufand ; 
 all which took their turns in the labour, which ihews the great numbers of thofe 
 Inhabitants. Pedro de Cieca in his 80th Chapter fpeaking of the Huanucu, hath thefe 
 words, which I have extraded Verbatim. " In the Precinds of Guanucu, there was 
 " ereded a Royal Edifice, rarely built of great Stones, and well polilhed. This 
 " Palace, or Royal Chamber, was the chief place where the Courts of Judicature 
 " were held for the Neighbouring Provinces, and for the Jndes, adjoyning where- 
 " unto was the Temple of the Sun , with many Virgins and Officers belonging 
 " to it •-, and was fo confiderable in the time of the Incas, that above 30000 inAU 
 " ans were always employed in the fervice of it. It belonged to the Stewards of 
 " the Incas to colled i« the ordinary Tributes •, and the Countrey people were 
 " obliged to afford their attendance and fervice at this Palace. Thus far are the 
 words of Cieca de Leon. 
 
 The Conqueft being made of Huanucu, as we have in fhort related , we fnall 
 now briefly touch on other matters, unlefs fome remarkable paffage occur, for I 
 refolve to haften to the end of thofe Conquefts which were made by the Incas, 
 that lb I may treat of the Wats between Huafiar and Atahualpa, who were Ne- 
 phews of this Tupac Tupanqui. To proceed therefore, we fay, that the Inca Tupac 
 commanded an Army of forty thoufand Men to be raifed, and fitted for the year 
 following, intending to conquer the great Province, ailed Cannari, which was the 
 Chief over divers others, being very populous, and the Inhabitants valiant and 
 warlike •■, for their diftindion from others, they wore their Hair long, tying up 
 their Locks on the top of their heads with a knot. The Nobles, andthole who 
 would be fine in their Drefs, wore a Cap on their heads of a thin woven thread, 
 like a fine Sieve, fcarce above three fingers high , through which fome threads 
 were drawn of divers colours : but the common fort, and fuch as were lazy, and 
 ungentile, wore, in the place hereof, the ihell of a Goard, or Pumpkin, for their 
 Cap 5 fo that oftentimes in difgrace, the Indians would call this Nation of Cannari, 
 by the Name of Mathtma, or Pumpkin-pate. By this, and fuch-like devices on 
 their heads, during all the Reign of the incas, the Indians were diftinguiihed, and 
 known of what Countrey and Province they were 5 in my time alio they carried 
 thefe diftindions 5 but now, as I am informed, they are negleded, and every one 
 wears what he pleafes. Thefe Natives of Cannari, before the times of the Im, 
 went almoft naked, both Men and Women , wearing onely a loofe Cloth to co- 
 ver their privities : They had many Lords which ruled over them, fome of which 
 made an Alliance one with the other •, but thefe were fuch as were of the meaneft 
 rank, who, to refift the power of the great ones, and their tyrannous oppreflion, 
 joined together in confederacy and alliance. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 509 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Conquefi of the Province of Cannari j of its Riches 
 and Temple. 
 
 TVpac Tupanqui marched to the Province Cannon, and in his way conquered all 
 that tract of ground which is named Paha, from whence, and from the low 
 .and warm Vallies, they carried unto Cozco, that pleafant Fruit which is called Paha 5 
 the which Countrey, though the people thereof were fierce and warlike, yet the 
 Mas eafily overcame, alluring them with fair words, and kind ufage and treatment 
 into a fubmiffion. The device, or diftin&ion of this Nation, was a certain little 
 Tablet ■■, which fo foon as a Child was born, they bound on his forehead, and anO- 
 . ther on the nape of his neck, which every day they bound harder and harder, kee- 
 ping it on untill he was three years of Age ■■, by which time taking it off, it had 
 ^brought the head into a moft ugly and deformed fhape ; they always carried their 
 Children at their backs ■■, fo that when they faw an Indian with a broader and flat 7 
 ter forehead than was ufiial, and the nape of his neck wide and broad, they would 
 I in derifion call him Paha Vma, or Paha Pate. And here the Inca having fettled 
 japd eftabliihed all things neceflary for the religious and fecular Government, he 
 'proceeded with his Army to the borders of Cannaris, from whence he difpatched his 
 (accuftomary Summons, that either they fhould fubmit, and yield, or prepare for 
 War. Thefe offers of Peace being tendered, occafioned fome debates amongft 
 , the Cannarians 3 but at length, after variety of opinions in the cafe, it Was generally, 
 land by the 'major part agreed to fubmit, concluding themfelves unable to make 
 , refiftence, and thereupon full of joy and feitival, they went to make tender of their 
 fervice and obedience to the Inca ; after whofe example the Caracas came in, and 
 I with much readinefs paid their homage and duty. The Inca received them with 
 J much commendation and praife, commanding that fuch Cloths and Veftments 
 r fhould be given them, as were neceflary and convenient for them ; and that fome 
 courfe mould be taken to inftrud: them in the Doctrine and Religious Worfhip of 
 the San, and in that Political way of Government by Laws, which was pra&ifed 
 ■ by the Mas .- For before this time the Cannarians adored the Moon for their, prin- 
 \ cipal God, and after that Great Trees and Stones, which were rare, and not com- 
 '. mon, efpecially the Jafpar 3 but having received the Doctrine of the Sijn, there 
 ', was a Temple immediately built, and dedicated to him, and a Houfe of Select Vir- 
 j gins, with many Palaces for the Kings. They erected alfo Houfes to receive the 
 
 • Royal Stores, and the common Provifions of the people •, they enlarged alfo their 
 i Arable Grounds and Pafturage, they made Aqueducts and Chanels to convey their 
 
 • water ; in (horr, they made the fame improvements in this, as in all other Coun- 
 , tries which were fubdued by the Inca, and with better fuccefs, becaufe the goodnefs 
 
 • of the Soil was fuch, as produced all manner of Fruit in great abundance •, which the 
 , Camarians obferving, were much fatisfied with the change of their condition and 
 •. vaflalage, proving ever afterwards very good Subjects, which they teftified by 
 : their Loyalty in the time of the Civil Wars between Huafcar and Atahmlpa .• 
 
 Though afterwards, when the Spaniards came in, one of the Cannarians fled over to 
 their fide, after whofe example all his Countreymen affected the Spaniards, and de- 
 tefted the Mas, as we fhall hereafter declare in its due place, it being the cuftome 
 of the World to take part with the ftrongeft fide. The Ma Tupac having reduced the 
 Cannarians to his Dominion, took efpecial care to fatisfie and content the feveral 
 People and Nations which were under that denomination 3 and to oblige them the 
 more, he refolved to afiift by himfelf in Perfon, in teaching and inftrudting them 
 in the Dodrine of his Idolatry, and the Laws of his Government j in the inculca- 
 ting of which, he fpent much time and labour ■-, fo that at length they remained well 
 eftablilhed and fettled in peace and quietnefs: Upon report of which, many other 
 Provinces, not as yet fubdued, took fuch a kindnefs to the Government of the hca, 
 
 that 
 
2 j Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 that voluntarily, and of their own accord, they joyfully received him for their Lord 
 and Mafter. Amongft thefe Nations, there is a fort of people called guilkcu, who 
 are fo miferable and mean-fpirited, that they fear they lhall want Earth, and Wa- 
 ter, and Air. Whence the Indians had a Proverb amongft them, which the Spani- 
 ards afterwards allowed in their Language, calling a Man ^uillacu, when they 
 would denote a covetous perfon,or any of a vile and fordid nature •, and thefe were 
 thofe on whom the Inca impofed a Tax, or Tribute of Lice, that fo they might 
 oblige them thereby to pick and cleanfe themfelves, not fuffering their bodies to 
 be devoured alive by this vermine. Tupac Tupanqm, and after him his Son Hnayna 
 Capac did greatly ennoble thefe Provinces of the Cannarians, and that alfo which is 
 called Trmipampa, with thefe publick Edifices, and Royal Palaces, adorning the 
 Walls of the Chambers with the Figures of Herbs and Plants, and all living crea- 
 tures reprefented in Gold and Silver •, the Doors of them were plated with Gold, 
 and ftudded with Emeralds, Torquoifes, and other pretious Stones ; for thofe Indi- 
 ans made it their bufinefs to make them Prefents of things of great oftentation-, and 
 to pleafe and flatter their humour, adorned their Temples and Palaces with all the 
 Treafure they were able to procure. 
 
 Pedro de cieca in the 44th Chapter of his Book, treating at large of theRichnefe 
 wherewith their Temples and Royal Chambers were adorned in the Provinces be- 
 longing to the Cannarians, as far as Tumipampa, which the Spaniards mifcall Tome-bambA y 
 by a miftake of letters : he there lays, That befides thefe Riches, there was an im- 
 menfe fum of Treafure laid up in Jars, and Pots, and other Utenfils, together with 
 rich Robes and Veftments of Silver, with curious flitches, of which he touches in 
 many paiTages of his Hiftory •■> the which was fo neat and curious, the Gold be- 
 ing ftitched, or woven, inlefs pieces than Seed-pearl, and with fuch artificial work, ,: 
 that the beft Silver-fmiths in Seville have asked me the manner how they were wo- \ 
 ven, or fown fo clofe, that the feam could not be difcerned •-, a fmall piece of which ; . 
 work I brought into Spain, and it was highly prized and efteemed. Pedro de Cieca 
 having difeourfed at large of the Treafure of the Cmnarian Provinces, hath thefe 
 words. " In fhort, whatfoever I can utter or exprefs of the Riches with which 
 " the /;*<r.*fhave adorned their Palaces, will fall fhort of the true value of it-, and : 
 then fpeaking in particular of the Chambers and Temple of Tumipampa, he faith, 
 " That the Indians report, that the greateft part of thofe Stones, of which thofe 
 " Chambers and Temple were built, were brought from the great City of Cozco by 
 " command of the King Huayna Capac, and his Father Tupac the Great, by force of 
 " Men, who drew them with Cables , which if fo, was very wonderfull, confide- 
 " ring the weight of the Stones, and the great number of them, and the diftance 
 tc of the way. Thefe are the very words of that Hiftorian, who, by reafon of the 
 difficulty of that work, feems to doubt the truth of that report which the Indians 
 gave •, but for my part, who am alfo an Indian, and acquainted with the humour of 
 my Couhtreymen, I do declare my belief to be thus far of it •■, it being probable,that 
 thofe incan Kings, who were always defirous to fliew favour to their Subjects, would 
 alfo oblige them in the tranfportation of thefe Stones from Cozco $ which coming 
 from thence, were efteemed Sacred : For if it were a favour to have a licence gran- 
 ted for building a Temple to the Sun in any principal Province , becaufe thereby 
 the Inhabitants became Citizens of Cozco •, much more muft it be to have the very 
 Materials of it brought from the City it felf, by command of the Inca, without 0- 
 ther charge or labour to the Natives -, and not onely to have their Temple refem- 
 ble that at Cozco, but alfo to be the fame with it in the fubftance. Now the Indians, 
 to enjoy fuch a piece of grandeur, which they efteemed to be God-like,and Divine, 
 would omit all other Works to employ themfelves in the carriage of thefe Stones, 
 over Rocks and craggy Mountains, and to fuch a far diftance as it is from Cozco to 
 Tumipampa, which is no lefs than 400 Leagues, which none would believe, but 
 thofe who were employed in the work : But as to the report which Pedro de Cieca 
 received from the Indians, who averred, that the greateft part of thofe Stones, of 
 which the Temple and Palaces of that Countrey were compofed, were brought 
 from Cozco, was more to boaft of the favour and honour which the Inca did them 
 in giving out fuch a Command , than to raife the glory of fuch a Work by a 
 belief, that the Stones were really brought from fo far a diftance. And fo much 
 fhall ferve for what we have to fay concerning the Greatnefs and Riches of thofe 
 Royal Palaces and Temples of the Sun, which were built in Tumipampa, and in all 
 parts of fern. 
 
 CHAP- 
 
Book VJII. Royal Commentaries. ^u 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Conquejl of many other and great Provinces, as far as 
 the Confines of Quitu. 
 
 ' 
 
 TH E lues having fettled and eftablifhed affairs in Canard, he returned to 
 Cauo, where he fpent feveral years in the adminiftration of good Govern- 
 ment, and other juft anions appertaining to the Office of a Great King. Bat as 
 it is natural to Puiflant Princes to be ambitious, and defirous to enlarge their Em- 
 pire , fo likewife this Inca thought it not fit to lofe longer time in a repofed life," 
 but to proceed in his Conquefts 5 to which end he raifed a considerable Army, 
 
 1 with which he marched to the Confines of Tumipampa 5 from whence beginning 
 
 [ bis Conquefts, he reduced many Provinces as far as the Borders of the Kingdom 
 ;af Slgittiy which extend little lels than jo Leagues in length 5 the chief places of 
 fvbich are Cbanchan, Moca, £uefna, Pumallatta, which fignifies the Countrey of 
 
 J pims, becaufethey abound more in thofe parts, than in the places thereabouts, 
 
 . tod are adored by the Inhabitants of Ticcampi,Tiucaffa,Cayamp,Vrcol[afn y and o- 
 :hers of lefs note, for their Gods : the which places being very thin of people, 
 rae eafily reduced ■-, and moreover, the Lands are very barren, and the people 
 
 I jbttifli, without Lords, or Government, or Religion, or Political Communica- 
 ion : every one adored that for God, which they moft defired, or rather they 
 vormipped nothing, living like brute beafts, fcattered and wandering in the Fields 
 
 • md Woods, whom there was more trouble to inftrud and inform with any kind 
 )f good manners, than to overcome, or reduce : thefe they taught to make Cloths, 
 md Shoes, and to Manure the Land 5 for watering of which', they made Aque- 
 lu&s and Chanels for them. In all thefe Provinces the Incas made large Roads, 
 nd High-ways, and Store-houfes to lay up Provifions for fuftenance of the Soul- 
 liery, and Chambers for their Kings •, but would not honour fo vile and fervile a 
 art of Inhabitants with the beauty of Temples dedicated to the Sun, or with the 
 loufes of Select Virgins ; they being capable of little more, than to keep them- 
 
 ; dves clean from Lice, by obligation of that Tribute they were to pay in them. 
 
 • Whilft the Inca, Tupac Tupanqui, was thus employed in reducing and inftructing 
 le Provinces before mentioned •, other Nations which are feated to the Weft- 
 rard of thefe, bordering on the Confines of that Province which the Spaniards 
 ■ til Puerto Viejo, or the Old Port, fent their Ambafladours to the Inca. with Prefenrs* 
 efeecbing him to receive them for his Subjeds and Vaflals, and that he would be 
 leafed to fend them Captains and Teachers, who might inftrucl: them in the way 
 f living in Societies, and how to manure their Lands, that they might live like 
 ten, and not like Beafts, promifing for themfelves all loyalty and faithfulnefs : 
 'hofe that made the firft motion to fend this Embafly, were of the Nation of 
 luancaviilca. The Inca gratioufly received their Addrefs, commanding that fatis- 
 '.dion mould be given them in all their deiires ; and fo Teachers were fent to in- 
 ruct them in Religion, and in the Laws and good Cuftoms of the inca .• Engi- 
 'iers were alfo fent them to make Aqueducis , and manure their Fields, and re- 
 uce them into Societies : But afterwards the ingratitude of this people was fuch, 
 lat contemning the favours and promiies which the Inca had made them, they 
 ofe up againft his people, and barbaroufly murthered them all. As Pedro de G- 
 
 * in his Obfervations reports, which becaufe it ferves to confirm the particulars 
 ehave often repeated in thisHiftory, touching the gentlenefs and good-nature of 
 le Incas, who were always ready to teach and inftrucl the Indians, who fubmit- 
 d to their Dominion •, we have here inferted the Words of de Cieca, that fo 
 jiat we have faid concerning the Incas, may alfo be confirmed by the authority 
 
 • the Spamjh Writers : His Words are thefe which follow, 
 
 To 
 
 
o i z Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 " To return then to our purpofe •, I fay, that I have heard from Old Indians, 
 * who were Chiefs in the time of the Great Topa Inga Inpamque , that fome of 
 " his Captains, with certain Troops, which they had drawn out from thofe Gar- 
 " rifons, which he maintained in divers Provinces of his Kingdom, had by di- 
 " vers ways of management reduced much people to the friendthip and fervice 
 " of the Inca ; the principal fort of which went with their Prefents to the Pro- 
 " vince of Paltas to pay their refpe&s of reverence and duty to the Inca, who 
 " courteoufly received them with all affection, beftowing on feveral of them rich 
 " pieces of Woollen, made at Cozco. And whereas the occafions of the Inca re- 
 " quired his return to his principal Provinces, where he was fo much efteemed, 
 " mac they ftyled him Father, and honoured him with Titles of Supreme Emi- 
 " nence : And fuch was his affable difpofition towards all, that his Fame was 
 " great, and his Memory perpetual. But in regard the occafions of his Kingdom 
 " were fo prefling, that he could not flay, and in Perfon vifit thofe Indians ^ lie. 
 " committed the care of that Government to certain Officers, who were Natives 
 " of Cozto, and whofe charge it was to inftruct them in the manner of living, 
 " that they might become rational Creatures, and live with fome form and rule : 
 " But thefe did not onely {hut their Ears to neceflary inftructions, and difdain 
 " the Orders which the Officers of Topa Inga prefcribed, for their living under 
 " Laws in good fociety, and ufing laudable cuftoms and ways to live, fuch as 
 " Manuring their Lands, and other matters which contribute to the happinefs of 
 " of life : But in return for fuch benefits, which they ill underftood, they killed 
 " their Inftru&ors, not fuffering one of them to live and efcape^ and this vil- 
 " lany they acted without any provocation, or any oppreffion, whereby they 
 " might deferve ill from them. It is faid, that when the Inga Topa heard of 
 ,c this MaiTacre, temporizing with the prefent ftate of his affairs, he diflembled 
 " the matter, not having opportunity at that time to revenge the Death of thofe 
 " Captains and Subjects. Thus far are the Words of Pedro de cieca, with which 
 he concludes his Chapter : To which we add, that the Inca having finiffied the 
 Conqueft of thofe Provinces, returned again to Cw, to take fome repofe and 
 divertifement after his great labours and cares in War. 
 
 CHAP 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 313 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 The Inca conquers Quitu , and fends to bis Son the Prince 
 Huayna Capac to come to him. 
 
 THE Inca. Tupac, after fome few years of eafe and peace, re-afiumed again the 
 thoughts of War, refolving to turn his Arms againft the Kingdom oi^ui- 
 \tu, being a Countrey great and famous, of 70 Leagues in length, and 3© in 
 j breadth, the Soil fruitfull, and capable, by good Husbandry, of great improve- 
 ment and benefit to the Inhabitants. Wherefore providing an Army of forty 
 ithoufand ftrong, he marched to Tumipampa , which borders on the Confines of 
 ithat Kingdom, fending thence the ufual Summons to the King of guitu, who fty- 
 iled himfelf after the Name of his Countrey. This Prince was of a barbarous 
 and rude nature, and confequently fierce and cholerick, feared by his Neighbours 
 for the great Power and Dominion he had over them. Wherefore relying on 
 ibis own force, he confidently anfwered, that he was Lord and Sovereign himfelf, 
 and would acknowledge no other, nor receive Foreign Laws, but gave fuch as he 
 thought fit to his own Vaflals •-, nor would he forfake the Gods of his Anceftors, 
 svhicn were wild beafts, and great trees, fuch as afforded them flefti and wood, 
 and other benefits neceflary for the fupport of life. The Inca having received this 
 ;anfwer, would not immediately break into Ads of Hoftility, endeavouring for 
 awhile to try the effecls of gentle allurements, and moderate terms, according to 
 the rule and maxime of his Anceftors. But this kind ufage operated little on the 
 iffe&ions of the people of Quitu, who grew more proud and infolent by the 
 condefcentions of the Ma $ which was the caufe, that when the War broke out, 
 it continued many months and years -, during which time, many Skirmifhes and 
 Battels happened with great flaughter and damage on both fides. 
 
 Tupac Inca Yvpanqvi perceiving that this War was likely to continue long, fent 
 or his Eldeft Son and Heir the Prince Huayna Capac, that fo he might exercile and 
 )ra&ife him in the War , commanding him to bring a recruit of twelve thou- 
 and Men with him ^ his Mother was called Mama Occlo, Sifter of his Father, ac- 
 :ording to the cuftome of thofe Kings, who always took the Eldeft Sifters for 
 heir Wives: The Spanifh Hiftorians fay, that Huayna Capac, in the vulgar Lan- 
 guage of that Family, fignifies a Rich Youth : But it is certain, that thofe Indi- 
 es in giving their Names and Sirnames to their Kings, obferved ( as we have faid) 
 )ther Elegancies and Phrafes in Speech , different from the common Language, 
 ■laving e\ er fome refpeft to thofe fymptoms, and appearances of Vertue, which 
 hey obferved eminent and hopefull in their Princes , adding other Auguft Titles 
 greeable to the Prowefs, and Illuftrious A&ions performed in their Manhood. 
 \nd fo, becaufe this Prince demonftrated in his Youth clear evidences of a Royal 
 nd Magnanimous Soul, they gave him the Name of Huayna Capac, which fignifies 
 s much as a Youthfull Spirit, invigorated with inclination to heroick and illuftri- 
 ius Atchievements. For when they gave the Title of 'Capac, which is Rich, to 
 Uanco their firft Inca, they did not mean the Riches of Fortune, but the Excellen- 
 ies and Greatnefs of Mind •■, they ever after appropriated this Title to the Capac 
 ijllu, which is to the Royal Family, and Princes of the Bloud •, fo they attribu- 
 ed the Title of Capac, to die Feaft of Raymi, which is the principal Feftival of the 
 »un ^ fo alfo they called a Subjeft Capac Runa, which is Subject and Vaflal of the 
 lich , meaning the Inca, being never given to any other Lord, though he were 
 lever fo Rich, or powerfull : And fo alfo this word Capac was given to any other 
 hing, which they would dignifie with relation to Royalty. 
 
 S f Amongft 
 
oid, Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 Amongft the many other Illuftrious Qualities with which this Prince was en- 
 dowed, he had one, by which he moft particularly obliged his Subjects, giving 
 early Indications of his Vertue, which merited the Name of Capac, during the 
 time he was Prince, and which afterwards he conferved, when he came to be fole 
 Monarch •, The which particular qualitywas this : That he never denied any Wo- 
 man the grant of her Petition, of whatfoever age, quality or condition me were, 
 anfwering her according to her years ■■> for if ihe were elder than he, he would 
 fay, Mother, what you defire, Jhall be done. If (be were of equal years with him, 
 he would ufe the compellation of Sifter j if younger, he would call her Daughter, 
 and fay, jvhat thouas!$efi,fkalI be performed •, and to all Women generally he would 
 lay his hand on their left moulder, in token of his favour and refpecl to them, 
 And this Magnanimity of mind he carried fo even and conftant, that in mat- 
 ters of great importance, he would condefcend to the diminution of his own 
 Right and Prerogative of his Majefty. As we (hall hereafter more at large 
 difcourfe. 
 
 This Prince being now about twenty years of Age, purfued his Wars, gainingP 
 on the Kingdom by little and little, ever treating with them, and offering tarns 
 of Peace and Friendihip. But this barbarous Nation, which went almoft naked, 
 and was ignorant of Political Government, would never give ear to propofals of i] 
 Accommodation. Tupac the Father obferving the good Conduct of his Son, 
 committed the abfolute Government of this War to his management, and fo 
 returned to Cozeo, the important affairs of his Empire requiring his pretence 1 < 
 there. 
 
 BI 
 
 n 
 
 The Prince in the mean time, with the affiftence of his Captains, fo well ma 
 naged the War, that in the fpace of three years he became abfolute Mafter of the ., 
 Kingdom of ^jtu, though ibme Indians of that Countrey fay, that he was five 1 
 years 5 but then they count the two years, in which his Father was there in per- 
 lbn, attributing the Conqueft of that Countrey to them both. The gentlenei 
 and good-nature of the Father and Son was the caufe of this long continuance of 
 the War 5 for had they vigoroufly proceeded with fire and fword, they might 
 foon have completed their Conqueft 3 but they willing to fave the Bloud of thr 
 Natives, prefled upon them as they retired, and fo won the Countrey by little 
 and little •-, though the Indians fay, that the War had continued longer, had not 
 the King of guitu died at that time ; they fay alfo, that his Death was occasio- 
 ned by grief, for feeing himfelf in an unhappy condition, devefted of the greateft 
 part of his Dominion, and unable to defend the remainder 5 and not daring to 
 truft, or confide in the Clemency of the Inca , whom he believed he had provo- 
 ked to that degree, as never to obtain his pardon 3 he died with the preflure of 
 his great troubles and affli&ions ■, he being dead, his Captains prefently yielded 
 their. felves to the mercy of Huayna Capac , who received them with obliging 
 terms, commanding them to be vefted with Garments of the fineft fort, and pre- 
 fented them with other gifts, which were moft in efteem amongft the Indians; 
 treating alfo the more common fort of people with great kindnefs and friendihip : 
 In ihort, he performed all the generous Actions he was able to them, to render 
 his Clemency the more apparent and perfpicuous to that ftupid Nation : And to 
 oblige all that whole Countrey in general, fo foon as the War was ended, he not 
 onely made them Aqueducts to refre(h,and make fruitfull their Soil ■■, but alfo built 
 a Temple there for the Sun, and a Houfe for the Select Virgins, adorned with Ri- 
 ches, and other Embellimments agreeable to the quality of thofe Edifices : In 
 performance of^rach, thofe ledums had great advantage, for their Countrey 
 yielded much Gold, which they had digged for the fervice of their own King, 
 and much more afterwards for the ufe of the Prince Huayna Capac, becaufe they 
 found that they very much gratified his humour by Prefents of that Metal •, his 
 affe&ion and covetoufnefs of which, tranfported him to fuch extremities of Op- 
 preflion, as were never before pra&ifed by Iman Kings , which was the caufe of 
 the ruine of their Empire, and occafion of all that mifery, which afterwards ex- 
 tinguifhed this Royal Family. 
 
 Huayna 
 
Book VJII. Royal Commentaries. 21c 
 
 Huayna Capac leaving Jguitu, proceeded to another Province called ^HUccnca, 
 which fignifies a Nofe of Iron 5 becaufe they boared the Bridge which paifes be- 
 
 ; tween the Noftrils, to hang a Jewel, or a piece of Gold or Silver, which reached 
 to their Dps : the Inca found thefe to be a fordid, vile people, almoft all naked, 
 
 ' and full of Lice ■■, they had no Religion amongft them 5 for they worfhipped no- 
 thing, unlefs it were the Flefh of fome Animal j of which they were fo ravenous, 
 that wherefoever they found any carrion, flefh of Horfe or Mare, or any thing 
 
 : elfeconupted and (bilking, they would eat and devour it with- the greateft pleafure 
 and appetite in the World : So that it is very probable , that fuch a fort of 
 Beafts as thefe, were eafily fubdued, and reduced to obedience. 
 
 From hence the Inca marched to another Nation called Paflu, as vile and for- 
 
 ; did as the former, differing onely from them in tliis, that they would by no means 
 
 , be perfuaded to eat Flefh, faying, That they were not Dogs. Thefe being eafily 
 
 1 'reduced to the obedience of the Inca, Inftruftors were appointed for them to teach 
 
 them the manner of living after the rational manner, impofing on them the Tri- 
 
 . bute of Lice, that fo they might keep themfelves clean, and in health. 
 
 From Pafiu they proceeded to another Province called Otavallu , the Inhabi- 
 i [rants whereof were much more Political and Warlike than the others. Thefe 
 , having made fome little refiftence againft the I»ca, did foon yield, finding that 
 they were not able to defend themfelves againft that Potent Prince. 
 
 And having here made due provifion to fecure the Countrey, the Inca procee- 
 ded to another Province called Caranque, the people of which were moff barba- 
 rous in their life and manners - y they adored Tygers, and Lions, and great Ser- 
 ; pents , offering the hearts and bloud of Men in their Sacrifices : Making War 
 upon their Neighbours, onely for the fake of War and Enemies, that they might 
 ; have fuch as they might kill and eat. At firft they made great oppolition a- 
 • jgainftihe Inca, but being repulfed, they foon difcovered their errour, and in a 
 Tew days furrendred at difcretion. Huayna Capac ordained and conftituted Ma- 
 sters to teach and inftrud them in their Idolatrous Worfhip, and in the rules of a 
 Moral life, forbidding them to acknowledge any other Idol but the Sun, or facri- 
 Sce the bloud of Men, or eat humane flefh ; which laft was the moft grievous of 
 my to them, becaufe they were of any thing the moft ravenous of that. Thus far 
 :he Conqueft of thofe Provinces extended on that fide, which bordered on the 
 Kingdom of Sluitu. 
 
 S f 2 CHAP. 
 
3 
 
 i6 
 
 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the three Marriages of Huayna Capac } of the Death 
 of his Father, and. his Sayings. 
 
 Tvpac Ucalupanqui defifting now wholly from Wars, attended to the Govern- 
 ment of his Empire, vifiting divers parts of it at different times, to the great 
 joy and comfort of his Vafials, who were tranfported with joy, as often as they faw 
 the Inca in their Countries : It was he who effectually laboured about the For- 
 trefs of Cozco, his Father having onely begun, and laid the foundation of it ; this 
 Work was many years in building , on which twenty thoufand Indians were al- 
 ways employed, every Nation and Province taking its turn , with that rule and 
 order, that nothing could be difpofed in better and more exaft method and difci- 
 pline. Every two years the Inca vifited his Kingdom of Chili, fending every year 
 thither many fine Garments for cloathing of the Caracas, and their Kindred, with 
 more common habit for the ordinary people. In exchange for which, the Caciques! 
 fent much Gold, and plumes of Feathers, and other Commodities of the growth! 
 of their Countrey. And this continued untill the time that Don Diego de Almagr 
 invaded that Countrey. 
 
 The Prince Huayna Capac having conquered the Kingdom of jQuitu, and the 
 Provinces of gnillacenca, Paftu, Otavalln and Caranqfie, and given inftru&ions for 
 the orderly management of the affairs of thofe Countries, he returned to Cozco to 
 render an account to his Father of all the Aftions he had performed in his Service, 
 being received by him with great triumph and joy for his happy return : And 
 then he married a fecond time with his Iecond Sifter, called Rava Occh, becaufe 
 by his firft Wife, and eldeft Sifter, called Pillcu Huaco, he had no Children 5 it be- 
 ing neceffary that the Succeftion fhould be fupplied by an Heir legitimate on the 
 lide both of the Father and Mother. In like manner he married a third time 
 lawfully, according to their Laws and Cuftoms, with Mama Runtu, the Daughter 
 of Iiis Uncle Anqtd Amaru Tupac Inca his Father's fecond Brother. Auqui is a title 
 of diftin&ion, given always to the iecond Sons of the King, and in a courtefie to 
 all thofe of the Royal Bloud, but not to others, of what quality foever. Amor* 
 is a Name given to the greateft Serpents of the Amis. The like Names of living 
 Creatures, of Flowers or Herbs, or any thing fupereminent, or excellent in its 
 degree or quality, the Incas would take upon the.nfelves, fignifying, that as thofe 
 Creatures were famous in their Species , lb the Incas were in the generation of 
 Mankind. The King Inca Tupac, with the confent and advice of his Council, or- 
 dered that thofe two Women, laft married to Huayna Capac, fhould be efteemed 
 and judged as lawfull Wives as the firft, and not for Concubines, their Children 
 being made capable to inherit, left a legitimate Heir mould fail in the Succeftion. 
 On which coniideration the Marriage with his Coufin Germain was efteemed law- 
 full, becaufe (lie was the next of kin, Huayna Capac wanting a third Sifter, with 
 whom he might match. By his Sifter Rava Occlo, he had a Son firnamed Huayna 
 Capac, a Huafcar Inca ; the fignification of which Name of Hnafcar, we will declare 
 in its proper place, becaufe his true and proper Name was IntiCuri Huallpa. Of his 
 Coufin Germain, who was his third Wife, he had Mancolnca, who fucceeded him 
 in his Kingdom, that is, in Name onely, for the Inheritance was then in reality 
 fallen into the hands of Strangers, as we {hall fee in its due place. 
 
 Some years of peace and tranquillity being pafled, during the Reign of Tupac Tu- 
 panqui, he began at length to feel himfelf crazy, and declining towards his end ; 
 wherefore he aftembled the Prince Huayna Capac, and all his other Sons and Daugh- 
 ters together, to the number of two hundred, and more : To whom after the cu- 
 ftome of former Kings, and by way of his laft Will and Teftament, he recom- 
 mended the practice of Peace and Juftice for the good and benefit of their Subjects, 
 which would render them Illuftrious, and make them to appear true Children of 
 
 the 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 2 i « 
 
 the Sun. In particular and efpecial manner he encharged to his Eldeft Son the 
 care of conquering the Barbarous Nations, with intent that he might reform theit 
 manners, and reduce them to the true Religion of the Sun, and teach them to live 
 in Societies, and with Political Government, and that in all things he Should imi- 
 tate the examples of his Ancestors. Laftly, he encharged him to revenge that 
 perfidious treachery, of which the people of Puerto Viejo, and the parts adjacent, 
 and especially thofe of HnancaviIIeas had been guilty in killing thole Captains 
 and Instructors, which at their requeft he had fent amongft them, left the iriipu 
 nity and remifnefs in punishment of that ingratitude Should be of ill example to 
 other Subjects ■■, and that after having chaftifed this offence, he ihould endeavour 
 to reform their beftial way of living, by teaching them to Manure and Sow their 
 Fields, and cover their Bodies. And farther, he encharged them to live in love 
 and amity together, for that he was going to reft, and repole himfelf with his Fa- 
 ther the Sun. Thus the Great Inca Tupac Tupanqui died, leaving to his Subjects a 
 perpetual memory of his Piety, Clemency, and many other benefits bestowed 
 on his Empire. In conlideration of which, his people, befides his Titles and Ap- 
 pellations of Honour, common to other Kings, gave him the fupereminent deno- 
 mination of Tupac Yaya, which Signifies the glorious and refplendent Father. Be- 
 fides the Prince, who was his Son and Heir, he left five Sons, which he had Uv 
 his Sifter Mama Occlo 5 his fecond Son was Called Auqui Amaru Tupac Inc.:, aftet 
 the name of his Father ; the third was Quekuar Tupac, the fourth Hualpa Tupac i» 
 c* Tupanqui, which was *my Great-Grandfather by the Mothers fide ; the fifth was *• The 
 Titu Inca Rimachi •■, and the Sixth was Auqui Mayta. His Body was afterwards io thour. 
 well embalmed, that when I faw it in thV year 1559, it feemed to be alive. 
 
 Bias Valera fpeaking of this hca, hath thefe words, which I have translated cut 
 of Latin. Topac Tupanqui delivered this Philofophici difcourfe by way of Argu- 
 ment. " Many fay that the Sun lives, and that he is the Maker of all things ; 
 " now it is neceffary, that the thing which is the caufe of the Being of .another, 
 " fhould be afliftent and operate in the production thereof 5 now we know that 
 : ' many things receive their Beings, during the abfence of the Sun, and therefore 
 " he is not the Maker of all things : And that the Sun hath not life, is evident, 
 " for that it always moves in its circle, and yet is never weary, for if it had life, 
 :< it would require reft, as we do ^ and were it free, it would vifit other parts of 
 \ the Heavens, unto which it never inclines out of its own fphere 5 but as a thing 
 " obliged to a particular ftation, moves always in the fame circle, and is like an 
 " Arrow which is directed by the hand of the Archer. He faid alfo, that this 
 " Inca did often repeat that Saying of IncaRoca, the Sixth King, as a politick and 
 " wife Sentence •-, which was this : That it was not fit that Sciences , which be- 
 *■ long to Noble perfons, ihould be communicated to the common and vulgar 
 " people, left they grow proud, and contemn the wifedom of thofe to whom the 
 " charge of Government is committed •, it is Sufficient for them to learn the trade 
 " of their Fathers, and follow their profeSfion, not afpiring to thofe improvements 
 " of mind, which appertain onely to .Princes and Rulers of the people. He had 
 ; diis other Saying likewile, That Covetoufneis and Ambition render a Man un- 
 " capable to govern himfelf, or others -, for Covetoufneis diverts the mind of a 
 " Man from its true object, that is, from the common welfare-, to his own private 
 ' intereft 3 and Ambition corrupts the understanding , making it uncapable of 
 " other counlels, than fuch as tend to its own exaltation and glory. Thus far 
 are the Words of Bias Valera concerning the fententious Sayings of Tupac Inca Tu- 
 
 panqui. 
 
 And fince we now approach near the time in which the Spaniards obtained this 
 Empire ; it will be convenient to declare in the following Chapter, what Provi- 
 sions were then found in thofe Countries for the fuftenance of humane life. And 
 then next in the life of Huayna Capac, we Shall Shew what things were wanting , 
 and fupplied by the Spaniards, that fo one thing may not be confounded with anc 
 ther. 
 
 r H A P- 
 
--■ — — ■■ " ■ ■ ■ ' — ~ 
 
 ,,8 Royal Commentaries. Book VIIL 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of MayZz Rice, and other Seeds. 
 
 h 
 in 
 
 Off, I 
 
 ([• 
 lb 
 
 Ibid 
 bi 
 
 mdi 
 
 Bfl 
 
 id 
 id 
 die 
 
 1.5;- 
 
 THE Fruits of Peru, by which the Indians were fuftained before the coming 
 in of the Spaniards, were of divers forts, fome being produced above, and 
 others under ground. Of the Fruits which grow above ground, the chief and 
 principal is that Grane which the people of Mexico and Barloventa call Mayz, and 
 thofe of Peru, Car a, being the onely Bread they ufe : And this is of two forts 3 
 one is hard, which they call Muruchu 3 and the other tender and fine, called Ca- 
 pia : they eat it for Bread, either baked or parched over the fire, or boiled in 
 water : the hard Mayz is that which they have brought to fhow in Spain, but 
 not the fine and tender fort. Some parts produce much finer, and tenderer than 
 others, particularly the Countrey of Rucana. At their folemn Sacrifices, as we, 
 have faid, they ufed Bread made of Mayz, which they called Camu ; and at other 
 times, on occafion of a Feaft or treatment which they gave, they made that fore 
 of Bread which was called Huminta; die which forts of Bread had little diffe- 
 rence in themfelves, being onely diftinguifhed by their ufe, fome being made for 
 facrifice, and others for common fuftenance : Their Corn was Ground by the 
 Women on a broad Stone, on which they caft the Grift, and on the top thereof 
 they laid another Stone in the falhion of a Half Moon, not round, but with a 
 point of three fingers broad at each corner. At the corners of the Stone, made 
 Half Moon wife, they laid their hands, rubbing and prefllng it hard on the Mayz, 
 untill it was broken .- This difficulty and trouble they had in Grinding their 
 Mayz, and all other Grane •, for which reafon they did not commonly eat Bread. 
 They did never beat their Corn in Mortars, though they had learned the way of 
 it •, becaufe it required more labour [of the Armes, than the Grinding with a 
 Stone , the weight of which made the work more eafie : And then the good 
 Houfewife having ground awhile, with one hand lifts up the upper Stone, and 
 with the other fweeps up the Corn, gathering it into the midft of the Quern,' 
 which for the likenefs of it we may call a Fulling-Mill , becaufe of the ftrokes 
 which they gave on it with their hands. They made alfo a kind of a Hafty- 
 Pudding, called Api, which was a great Difti amongft them, and which they eat 
 with much delight 3 but this was efteemed high feeding , and not common at 
 every meal. The Flour they divided from the Bran, in this manner, they laid all 
 upon a clean cloth made of Cotton, and then fpread it with their hands all over 
 the Cotton- cloth 5 the fineft part of the Flour would ftick to the Cotton, but 
 the more grofs parts of the Bran would remain loofe from it, and fo they eafiiy T™ 
 took it up, and divided it with their hands 3 then they fwept up the Flour whicn 
 ftuck to the cloth into the middle 3 and having taken that away, they brought 
 more, untill they had cerned and fifted all their Grift 3 but they chiefly took this 
 pains for the fake of the Spaniards, and not of the Indians, who were not fo cu- 
 rious in their diet, but that the courfeft fort of this Bran would go down with 
 them 3 for the Bran of Mayz is not fo harlh or choaky, as much to offend the 
 palate. This was their manner of dividing the Bran from the Flour, for as yet 
 the ufe of Sieves was not brought from Spain, by reafon that their Bread was all 
 made of this Mayz, and not of Wheat : All which I can teftifie to have feen 
 with my own eyes, having been nourished for nine or ten years with no other 
 Bread than that of Cara, which is Mayz 3 the which is of three forts: Canca is 
 for Sacrifice , Huminta for their Feafts, and great Entertainments 3 Tanta, with an 
 afpiration on the top of the mouth, is common Bread. Cara, when it is parched, 
 they co\\Camcha, which being pronounced with an N, Concha fignifies a Street, 
 or Neighbourhood. The boiled Cara , they called Muti ( and the Spaniards 
 Mote) which is boiled Mayz, having two Names for the fame thing. Of the 
 
 Flour 
 
 
 ? 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. oio 
 
 Flour of Mayz the Sfdmfli Women made Biskets and Fritters, and other Dilhes, 
 both for healthfull, and people that were fick 3 for the Phyficians in that Coun- 
 trey forbid Wheaten bread to all thofe that are fick, and prefcribe them no other 
 diet, than what is made of Mayz. Of this Flour, with water, they brew their 
 Drink, which the Indians know how to make (bwer afrer a certain manner, that 
 it becomes excellent Vinegar. Of the Canes before the Mayz is ripe, they make 
 rare Honey ; and after it is ripe, the Canes being dried, are good feeding for all 
 Cartel. Some Indians, who love to be drunk, lay Cara keeping in the water, un- 
 till it be grown, and then they grind it, and boil it in the fame water, and after- 
 wards draw it off, and keep it untill it be ftale : This is the ftrongeft drink they 
 have, and which prefently makes them drunk, they call it Vwrapu, and in other 
 Languages Sora. The Iwas forbad ir, becaufe it was fo violent and ftrong, though 
 now, they fey, it is come in ule again amongft fome toping fellows. All theie 
 ufes, as we have faid, they have of this Cara, befides many others in Medicines 
 and Phyfick, and in Plafters, as we have mentioned in the other part. 
 
 The next fort of Grane, which is ripe in the Harveft of that Countrey, is that 
 which they call Quinua, or fmall Rice, becaufe in form and colour it much refem- 
 bles it. This Plant in the (talk or blade, is very like ourSpinage, the leaf being 
 very tender, and much ufed by the Spaniards and Indians in all their boiled Dirties, 
 and is put into all their Broths and Potages. The Indians alfo in thofe Countries, 
 (which do not produce Mayz , make their Drinks of this <£mr.ua $ and the Indian 
 Phyficians make ule of the Flour of it in all their Medicines for the fick. In the 
 year 1 590 they fent me fome of the Seeds of this Quinua into Spain, which I 
 fowed at divers times and feafbns, but never carfe up. Befides this Grane, they 
 ihave three or four forts in Peru of Fetches, like Kidney-beans, which they put in- 
 to their boiled Meats, called Purutu .- they are in Shells or Pods, like our Lupines 
 in Spain, though bigger and whiter, called Tarvi .• They have alfo a fort of thefe 
 Beans which are not to be eaten, ailed Chuy, of divers colours : they are ufed 
 for Counters in play by Men in years, and Boys in their common fport ; the va- 
 riety of which, for brevity, we omit. 
 
 * 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 OfPulfe and Roots which grow under ground. 
 
 ■ ! 
 Here are many other things which are produced under ground, and yet are 
 efteemed for excellent nourifhment in the barren Countries, which yield no 
 plenty or quantities of Cara .• The chief Dim of all is Papa, which being boiled, 
 or baked, ferves them for Bread, and which they put into all their Dirties : To 
 :onferve it, they dry and wither it in the Sun, or Froft, and call it ( as we have 
 ;faid ) Chum : There is another fort which they call Oca, of a very pleafant tafte, it 
 ;is long, and thick as a Man's middle finger •, it is very fweet, being eaten raw; 
 .they boil it with their Meat •, and to keep it, they dry it in the Sun 5 and it is fo 
 delicate, that without either Sugar or Honey it feems a Conferve, and then it is 
 called Cavi. There is another fort like this in the rtiape, but not in the tafte, be- 
 ing very bitter, and cannot be eaten unlefs it be boiled, and then they call it An- 
 *«*. The Indians fay that it is an Enemy to procreation : but thofe who would 
 not lofe their appetite to Courtfliip, holding in their hands a wand, or ftick, at the 
 'ime they eat it, can ( as they fay) find no hurt or prejudice by it. I have often 
 Seard them to talk and difcourle to this purpofe, and feen them pra&ife it 5 but I 
 ;elieve it was rather by way of jeft, or merriment, than out of belief of this old 
 Womans ftory. 
 
 Thofe 
 
 
~ % o Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 Thofe Roots which the Spaniards call Patatas, and the Indians of Peru Apichu, 
 are of four or five feveral colours, fome are red, others white, others yellow, ci- 
 thers brown, and are of different taftes, the worft fort are of thofe which are 
 brought into Spain. They have alfo a fort of Goards, called Roman Goards, and 
 in Peru, Capallu, they grow like Melons ; they eat them boiled, or baked, but ne- 
 ver raw. The fort of Goards of which they make Bottels, or Veflels, for all man- 
 ner of u'fes, are very good, and in great plenty, which they call Mati ; but the 
 Goards which are eatable, were not known untill the time of the Spaniards. There 
 is another fort of Root which they dig out of the Earth, which the Indians call 2»- 
 chic, and the Spaniards Mam-., all the Names which the Spaniards give to their Fruits 
 and'Pulfe of Peru, are all taken from the Language ufed in the Ifland of Barlovento. 
 The Tnchic both in the kernel and tafte is very like Almonds : If it be eaten crude, 
 it offends the head •, if baked or parched, it is pleafant and wholfome, and with 
 Honey makes admirable Almond cake ; they alfo prefs Oil out of it for divers dif- 
 eafes. Befides thefe, there is another fort of Root which grows under ground, 
 called by the Indians Chuchuchu , for which, as yet, the Spaniards have coined no 
 proper Name , becaufe they have no fort of that Fruit in the Iflands of Barlo- 
 vento, which are very hot Countries ; but this grows in Collao y which is a cold 
 Climate ; being eaten raw, it is delicious to the palate, and a great ftrengthener 
 of theftomach, the Roots of it are much longer, and deeper in the ground than 
 the Anni-feeds : It cafts no leaf above ground, but onely a green Fiber, which 
 ihews the place where the Chuchuchu is found ; and when that greennefs withers, 
 it is a fign that the Fruit is ripe-, and the feafon to gather it : This Fruit, and the 
 Tnchic, are efteemed delicacies, fit for the palate of the rich and curious, rather 
 than for the diet of the common people, who make it their bufinefs to gather and 
 prefent them to the Rich, and perfons of Power and Quality. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of Fruits and Fruit-Trees of the large ft. fort. 
 
 
 THere is another fort of Fruit, excellent and good, which the Spaniards having 
 no name for, call it a Cucumber, becaufe it is fomething like it in its fhape, 
 though not in the tafte, nor yet in the quality of it, being of good digeftion, and 
 fuch as they prefcribe to perfons fick of Calentures, or high Fevers, and of another 
 nature to the Cucumbers of Spain. What name the Indians give them, I muft con- 
 fefs that I have quite forgot •, for which I blame my felf, and cannot imagine the 
 word they give it, unlets it be Cacham - 7 but I hope that the diftance I am now 
 from my own Countrey, and my long abfence from thence will excufe my igno- 
 rance amongft my Countrey men, for whofe fake I have undertaken this work,, 
 without other hopes or expectation of reward, than onely to pleafe and ferve them. 
 Thefe Cucumbers are of three feveral forts and fizes ■-, the leaft, which are fuch as 
 are in the form of a Heart, and grow in little bulhes, are the beft. There is ano- 
 ther fort of Fruit called Chili, which was brought to Cozxo in the year i j $?. It is 
 very delicious to the palate, and wholfome -, it grows on branches which run al- 
 moft level with the ground, it bears a kind of colour, or grane, like the Arbutetu, 
 and is of the fame bignefs, onely it is not round, but rather long, in faihion of a 
 Heart. 
 
 There are many other forts of Fruits, which grow on high Trees , fome of 
 which are produced in hot Countries, fuch as are on the Sea-coaft, about the An- 
 tis, others in more temperate Climates, fuch as are the warm Vallies of Peru , 
 but becaufe thefe Fruits are common in many places, it will not be neceflary to 
 particularize the feveral forts of them, but pnely to report in what manner they 
 grow. 
 
 And 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 321 
 
 _ : : — — < _ 
 
 And firft as to that Fruit which the Spaniards call Guayavas, and the Indians Sa- 
 viritH; we fay, that they are of a round faihion like the common Apple, and with 
 a skin or paring like them : In the meat, or pulp of it, are many little round feeds, 
 lefs than Grape-ftones 5 fome of which are yellow without, and red within , and 
 are of two kinds ; fome are fo lower, that they cannot be eaten, others are fweet, 
 and very pleafant to the palate ; fome are green without, and white within, and 
 are much better than the red •, though in fome Countries on the Sea-coaft they e- 
 fteem the red much better than the white. The Spaniards make a Conferve of 
 them, as alfo of other Fruits, which hath been prattifed fince my departure out 
 of Peru. At Seville I faw fome Fruit of the Savintu, which a Paflenger, a friend 
 of mine, brought from Nombre de Bios ', and becaufe it Was a Fruit of my own 
 Countrey, he invited me to the eating of it. 
 
 Another Fruit the Indians call Pacay, and the Spaniards Gxavas, which grow in 
 green Pods, of about a quarter of a Yard long, and two fingers broad 5 within 
 the pod, or (hell, there is a kind of hairy fubftance, like cotton •, and fo much re- 
 fembles it, that fome New-comers out of Spain have quarrelled with the Indians 
 for giving them Cotton to eat -, but when they tafted them, they found them 
 fweet and pleafant $ being dried in the Sun, they will keep a long time : within 
 the Pod they have a black Seed, like fmall Beans, but thofe are not to be 
 ; eaten. 
 
 The Fruit which the Spaniards call Pears, becaufe they referable them in the 
 
 ; greenneft of their colour and fhape, the Indians call Paha, becaufe they firft grew 
 
 ' in a Province of that name. They are two or three times bigger than the largeft 
 
 1 fize of Pears in Spain 5 they have a fine skin, or rine, which covers them, under 
 
 ! which is the pnlp, or meat, of about a finger thick, within which there is a {hell, or 
 
 ftone 5 they are of the fame form as the common Pears with us -, there hath been 
 
 no experiment, whether they be Medicinal, or not •-, onely 'tis certain, they are 
 
 pleafant to the t2fte, and wholfome for the fick --, and being eaten with.Sugar, 
 
 they are a rareconfeft. 
 
 They have alfo another fort of wild Fruit, which the Indians call Rucma, and 
 the Spaniards Lucma^ it is in no manner pleafant to the tafte, though it be rather 
 fweet, than (harp or bitter 5 howfoever, it is a grofs kind of feeding, the Fruit 
 being about the bignels of a common Orange •-, in the meat of it, it contains a 
 kernel or feed of a Cheftnut-colour , which is fo bitter, that it cannot be eaten. 
 Moreover the Indians had a fort of Plums which they called Vjfun, which are red, 
 and fweet 5 and being eaten, they turn the Urine into a colour like bloud. 
 
 T t CHAP. 
 
312 
 
 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of the Tree Mulli , cm d of their Red Pepper. 
 
 AMongft the other Fruits of this Countrey, we may reckon that which is pro- 
 duced by the Mulli Tree ■-, it grows of it felf wild in the Fields ■-, it bears 
 its Fruit within long and (lender bunches, with Seeds as fmall as Coriander , the 
 leaf is fmall, and always green : the Seeds being taken in their due feafon, are 
 fweet, and well tailed at the top, but within are very bitter. Of thefe Seeds they 
 make a fort of liquour, which prefling gently in their hands in warm water, they 
 fqueeze out the fweet juice, which is at the top of the Seed ■-, but are carefullnot to 
 prefs it over hard, left they fhould come to the bitternefs of the Seed, and fo fpoil 
 the brewing. This water being ftrained, and kept three or four days, untill it hath 
 done working, is very wholtome and pleafant Beverage : it is very diuretick, and' 
 cleanfing of the Kidnies and Reins ■-, and Toeing mixed with the drink which is 
 made of Mayz, is much ftronger, and more pleafant. The fame water being boi- 
 led up, grows thick, and becomes fweet like Honey •-, and the fame water being 
 kt in the Sun, with a certain Ingredient which they put into it, turns to very lharp 
 and ftrong Vinegar. The milky juice and rafine which fweats from this Mulli 
 Tree, as we have faid in another place, is an excellent Balfam for green Wounds. 
 The leaves of it being boiled in water, is a rare Elixivium, and wholfome to bathe 
 the body and legs in, for it fcours off the fcurf, and cures old boils and wounds ; 
 and little fticks being cut from the tender bows, are excellent Dentifrices for the 
 Teeth. I have known the Valley of Conco, in my time, over-fpread With innume- 
 rable Trees of this fort, which were very beneficial, and of great ufe -, and in z. 
 few years afterwards they were all cut down, and deftroyed : the reafon was, be- 
 caufe they felled them to make Charcole •-, for though there was great trouble to 
 kindle them , yet being once lighted, they keep their fire, untill they are quite 
 burnt out. 
 
 Amongft thefe Fruits, the chief and principal of them all, becaufe it agrees beft 
 with the palate of the Indians, and which they put into all their Difhes and Sauces, 
 whether boiled or roafted,is that which they call Vchu,znd we Red Pepper; and the # 
 Spaniards Axi, which is the Language of Barkvento, though in Spain they give it' 
 the name of Pimiento. The people of my Countrey are fo fond of the Vchu, thac 
 they can eat nothing, though but crude Herbs without it •, being efteemed fo rich, 
 and high in the tafte, that they prohibit the ufe of it, at their times of Faftings and 
 Mortification, as we have formerly mentioned. This Red Pepper is of three or 
 four feveral forts •, the moft common is thick and long, without any point, called 
 Rocot Vchu, to diftinguifh it from others •-, they eat it in its feafon, when it is 
 green, and before it hath taken its perfect colour : There are other forts which are 
 yellowilh, and murry colour, though in Spain there is none but the red. There 
 are other forts of this Pepper, flender and long, as the middle finger, which being 
 of the beft kind, is ufed in the Families of the heat. Another fort is fmall and 
 round, about the bignefs of a Cherry, the ftalk not unlike it, called Chinchi Vchu, 
 but is hotter than any of the others-, and being rare, and in no great quantity, is more 
 efteemed •, and all thefe forts of Red Pepper have this quality, that all venemous 
 Infeds fly from them, being a great enemy to them. I have heard a Spaniard fay, 
 that came from Mexico, that it is excellent good for the Eyes 3 and for that reafon 
 they always eat two Cods of this Pepper after Meals -, generally all the Spaniards, 
 that come from the Indies, make it their common Sauce in all their Dilhes, and 
 which favours better with them than all the Spices which come from the Eaft- 
 
 Indies, 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 223 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of the Tree Maguey, and the Virtues of it. 
 
 AMongft the Fruits of this Countrey, we may account that which the Spani- 
 ards call Maguey, and the Indians Chuchau, which ferves for many ufes to 
 them, as we have elfewhere mentioned. Bias Vakra reckons up many Virtues of 
 this Chuchau, on which we mall touch in brief " He fays, that it is not pleafant 
 " to fight, the Timber being of a pale- coloured Wood, with a bark upon it 5 
 " that they are commonly about twenty foot long, and not bigger in compafs than 
 ' a Man's arme or leg ; the Pith within is light and fpungy, and fuch as Pain- 
 " ters and Carvers ufe in their Sculptures. The leaves are thick, and half a Yard 
 " long, and grow all towards the bottom of the Tree, like Garden-Carducy ; 
 " and for that reafon the Spaniards give it the name of Cardamum, and may pro- 
 " perly be fo called, becaule it bears prickles on its leaf-, the juice of them is 
 " very bitter, and ferves to take fpots out of Cloaths, it cures Cancers , aiTuages 
 " and cools Inflammations, and cleanfes foars of all Worms. The fame fap, or 
 " juice, being boiled with the Roots of that Tree in Rain-water, takes away all 
 " wearinefs from them, who warn themfelves with it, and is a moft Medicinal 
 " and wholfome Bath. Of thefe leaves, when they are taken in their feafon, 
 " and dried at the foot of the Tree, they make Cords as ftrong as thole made 
 !C with Hemp -, hereof likewife they make Soals for their Shoes, Ropes, Halters 
 " and Head-ftalls for their Horfes, and other forts of ftrong Work : Thofe that 
 " they cut, before they expofe them to be dried in the Sun, they moiften and 
 " fteep them firft in water, that fo the vifcous humour, which makes them brittle, 
 " may be warned away. From this leaf alfo they fpin a finer fort of thread 
 * than the former, with which they make the Binders for their Heads, which 
 " ferves them for Linen , where they have neither Wool nor Cotton, and fome- 
 
 j " thing refembles the courfe cloth which is brought out of Flanders .- And from 
 ' this they fpin likewife a finer thread than all this, wherewith they make their 
 ' Nets to take firall Birds -, for thefe being hid in certain open places between 
 :< two Hills, and faftned to Trees on both fides , they drive and frighten the 
 " Birds into the Nets 5 which being dyed green , are not eafily difcerned by 
 ' them. Thefe Nets are made very long, of fix, eight, twelve, fifteen and 
 
 u ' twenty Yards long. The leaves of this Maguey Tree are hollow, and capable 
 ' to receive great quantities of Rain-water, which is wholfome for divers dif- 
 c eaf:s. The Indians fave it, and brewing it with Mayz, or J$uinua, or with 
 [ the Seed of the Mulli Tree make a very ftrong liquour - 7 likewife they make 
 .'both Vinegar and Honey of it. , The leaves of the Chuchau they grind, and 
 : ' make little cakes of Soap of it, with which the Indian Women walhing their 
 heads when they ach, it takes away all their pain -, it cleanfes Spots and Frec- 
 \ kles from the skin 5 it makes the Hair to grow, and Dyes them very black. 
 
 „" rhus far are the Words of Bin Valera, onely I have added fomething of the large- 
 
 "; ' iefs of their Nets which he had omitted. Now we mall tell you fomething more 
 ;>f the Virtue of this Maguey, how it makes the Hair grow, and turns it black, 
 •>eing done in an unufual and ftrange manner. 
 
 7 ' • The Indian Women of Peru do all wear long and deftievelled Hair ; which 
 vhen ic is very much and thick, they tye it up in breads about the thicknefs of a 
 dan's thumb $ onely the Co/tas living in a cold Countrey, cover their heads. The ' 
 .Man Women do naturally love long and black Hair , which they wear without 
 ny covering or drefs -, and when they would dve it of Cheihut-colour, or when 
 
 J: tangles, or falls, in combing, they boil it in a Pan of water with certain Herbs 3, 
 ne of which, fort of Herbs, as Blu Vakra faith, was Chuchau , and I think it was 
 >, to my befl; remembrance 5 for. .when I was a Boy, I often faw them ufe it, 
 longh I did not much obferve or enquire concerning it. What I remember is, 
 iat I faw the Women put their Hair into a Pan of hot water, which boiled with 
 
 T t z fire 
 
_ , ■ ■ 
 
 22,4 Royd Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 fire under it j they ufed a kind of a Screen for their Necks to defend them from 
 the fire •, taking care that neither the water lhould fcald, nor the fire burn their 
 heads \ and thofe Hairs which could not be put into the Pan of boiling water, they 
 dipped after with the water which had by infufion received virtue, and a deep 
 tin&ure from the Herbs. In this tormenting pofture of holding their heads back, 
 that theit Hair might fink in the water, they would continue fometimes for the 
 fpace of two hours, though I cannot precifely fay the time, becaufe that being a 
 Boy then ( as I faid ) I was not fo curious as to obferve the ftrict minutes -, how- 
 foever, I cannot but wonder at the pains they did take, and the torments they fu- 
 ftained for a non-fenfical piece of folly : But then again methinks I could excufe 
 them, when I confider the pains which the Spanifb Ladies undergo, and the time 
 they fpend in trimming and curling up their Hair •, for they fmoak it with Sul- 
 phur, and wet it with Aquafortis to make it fhine , and then they fpread it in the 
 hot bun, of the Dog-days, making other kinds of Elixiviums to wafh it in, which 
 are of fuch a nature as I know not , which is moft pernicious to the health either 
 of that which the Indian Women ufe, or that which is fo common with the La- 
 dies in Spain. The Indian Women have alfo other Waters in which they bathe 
 and dye their Hair, whereby they become blacker, and with a more fhining luftre 
 than the Feathers of Ravens, that after moulting are new grown. This and much 
 more can Women contrive and endure, that they may feem beautifull. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Of the Platane, the Pine- Apple, and other Fruits. 
 
 ' [ . 
 
 BUT to return again to our difcourfe about thofe Fruits which are produced 
 in the Amis of Peru, which are the moft hot and moift parts of all thofe 
 Provinces , we (hall onely touch upon thofe which are the moft remarkable, and 
 in the firft place fpeak of that Tree and Fruit which the Spaniards called the Plata- 
 niis, which in its height and leaf refembles much the Palm, being very broad and 
 green. Thefe Trees grow wild, and of themfelves, and thrive beft in a moid, 
 rainy Climate, fuch as the Ant is •, the bows of which are fo large, that Acofia faith, 
 that on one branch onely there are thofe who have Counted 300 Platane-Nuts ; 
 they grow in a (hell, which hath neither rine nor bark over it, but fomething like 
 a husk, that is eafily pilled off$ it is of about a quarter of a Yard long, and about 
 three fingers in thicknefs. 
 
 Bias Valera alfo writing of this Tree, faith, That when the bunches of their 
 Fruit come to full growth, that they then cut them off, left the weight of them 
 (hould tear them off from the body or trunk •? which being of a foft, fpungy kind 
 of fubfiance, is neither fit for timber nor fire. Thefe bunches of Fruit they lay up 
 in Jars to ripen, ftrowing them over with a certain Herb, which feryes to haften 
 and force them to grow ripe and mellow : the Meat of them is tender, fweet and 
 pleafant •■, and being laid in the Sun, are like a conferve, or confeft : they boil 
 them in their Broth, and ferve them for Sauce in their roafted or boiled Meats ; 
 and in every way they are good, having a fweetnefs like Honey, or Sugar, and 
 make fcveral Confer ves of tnem : The hunches which hang long upon the Trees 
 are moft delicious and delightfull : the Trees are about two Yards high, (bme more, 
 and fome lefs. There is another fort of Platans which are lefs , which they call 
 Dominicos, to diftinguiih them from others •, becaufe the (hell, when it is young 
 and tender, is white 5 and when the Fruit is ripe, and in its feafon, it is white witn 
 black fpots ■■, but this fort is not half fo big as the other, but yet is much better, 
 and therefore is not fo common, nor in that plenty, as the other is. 
 
 They 
 
 ,"31 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 325 
 
 _ — — — — ■ — ' ■ — m - — • — ■ ■■ , / . — -. ■— ' — 
 
 They have another fort of Fruit which the Spaniards call Pimm, becaufe of the 
 likenefs it hath with the Pine-nuts in Spaing but thefe refemble one the other in 
 fhape and form onely, being in the fubftance of a different nature ; for thefe In- 
 dian Nuts being opened with a Knife , yield a white and a moft pleafant Kernel 
 to the taft, having a little kind of an acidity with it, which k very favoury, and 
 are as big again as the Pine-nuts are in Spain. Likewife in the -dntk they have a 
 fort of Fruit which the Spaniards call Manjar bianco, (which is a meat made of the 
 Breads of Capons beaten up with Rofe-vvater and Sugar) and they give it this 
 Name, becauie that when it is divided in the middle it looks like two fpoonfulls 
 of this Manjar bianco, or white Meat 5 within are certain fmall black Stones, which 
 are not to be eaten. This Fruit is about the bignefs of a fmall Mellon, the Rine 
 of it is as thick and hard as a dried Goard •, within it is contained a moil: excellent 
 juicy pulp, extremely delicious and pleafant to the taft , having a gratefull lharp- 
 nefc v\ith it. There are many other forts of Fruits in the Amu, which grow 
 wild, and of themfelves , fuch as the Spaniards call Almonds, being Nuts which 
 
 . refemble them in their form and likenefs, but are of a different nature and taft ; 
 
 : for the Spaniards who came firft into Peru, feeing and obferving the fruits of that 
 Countrey, and wanting names to give them, called them by fuch names as were 
 
 1 given to thofe Fruits, which moft refembled them in Spain; and fo they gave the 
 name of Almonds to thefe Nuts, becaufe they were fomeriiing like them. And 
 now leaving thefe Fruits and feeds of no great importance, which are produced in 
 the Amis, let us difcourfe of thofe which are of moft efteem in other parts. 
 
 C H A P. XV. 
 
 Of the petiom Leaf called Cuca, and of Tobacco. 
 
 BUT above all we muft not omit to difcourfe at large of the Herb which 
 the Indians call Cuca, and the Spaniards Coca, being that which is and hath 
 been a confiderable part of the Riches of Peru, and fuch as hath yielded great be- 
 nefit to the Merchants. And indeed the Indians did juftly efteem it for the rare 
 I Virtues and Qualities of it, which the Spaniards have not onely approved, but have 
 .alfo difcovered feveral other fpecifick and medicinal Qualities belonging to it. Blot 
 VaUra, who was a very curious Perfon, and one who had refided many Years in 
 Peru, and came from thence thirty years after my departure, hath wrote very large- 
 ly of the many Virtues of this Herb, and fuch as he hath found out by his own 
 .experience. His Words are thefe: ' The Cuca is a fmall tender Tree, or Bind, 
 \ about the height and bignefs of a Vine-, it produces not many Branches, but 
 ' is full of delicate Leaves, of about the breadth and length of a Man's Thumb, 
 .■ it is of an excellent fmell, and very flagrant ; the Spaniards and Indians do both 
 ' give them the name of Cuca; the which is fo much efteemed by the Indians, 
 that they prefer it before Gold, or Silver, or pretious Stones. They plant and 
 manure them with great art and diligence, and gather them with great care, 
 * pulling them leaf by leaf, and then lay them to dry in the Sun, and fo the In- 
 dians eat them dry. 
 \ " The virtue and benefit of this Cuca is plainly obiervable in labouring Men, 
 who having eaten it are much refrefhed, and often labour a whole day in the 
 ftrength of it, without other nourithment. The Cuca moreover preferves the 
 Body from many infirmities •-, and our Phyficians make ufe of it, being dried and 
 ' beaten to powder , to eafe and ailuage the Inflammation , or fwelling of any 
 " Wound ■-, it is good to ftrengthen bones which have been broken, and expell 
 '' colds from the Body, and to prevent them •, it is good alfo to cleanfe great 
 ' Wounds of Worms, and heal them-, nor is the Virtue of it lefs being taken 
 ., inwardly, than it is by outward applications. Befides all which Virtues it. yields 
 
 " a great 
 
o2,5 Royal Commentaries. Book VIIL 
 
 " a great benefit to the Bifhop and Canons , and other Dependents on the Ca- 
 " thedral Church of Co-uo, the Tithes of the Leaves of Cm a. being their greateft 
 "Revenue-, it is alfo a great Commodity amongft the Merchants-, notwith- 
 " (landing all which good Qualities of the Cuca, there are many, who being ig- 
 " norant of its Virtues have wrote againft it ■■, for no other reafon, than becaufe 
 " the Gentiles in ancient times did by their Diviners and Wizards offer this Cuca 
 " to their Gods in Sacrifice $ and therefore having been abufed to Idolatry, they 
 " conclude that it ought for ever to be efteemed abominable and prophane. This 
 " Argument might be available, if it had been the cuftome to offer this Herb 
 " onely to the Devil, but in regard that both ancient and modern Idolaters have 
 " made their Corn, and Fruits, and whatfoever grows above or beneath the earth, 
 " their Drinks and Water, their Wool and Clothing , their Flocks and Herds, 
 " and all things elfe, the matter and fubjedt of their Sacrifices 5 we may argue from 
 " the fame foundation, that all thofe things are defiled and rendred as abominable 
 " and unclean as the Cuca--, but to the clean all things being clean, let us teach 
 " them to abhor and forfake their fuperftitious and idolatrous Worships, and let 
 " us, ufing our Chriftian Liberty, receive thofe Bleffings with moderation and 
 " thankfgiving. Thus far are the Words of Bl.u Valera. To which we fhal'l add 
 thus much farther, that this little Tree is about the height of a Man, in the 
 planting of which they caft the feed in its green (hell, and when it grows up, 
 they -then hoa and open the Earth for it, as they doe for Vines, fupporting the 
 tender twigs with flakes ; and in planting they take great care that the tender roots 
 be laid {freight in the Earth, for with the leaft doubling they dry and wither 5 
 they take likewife the leaf of every fprig by it felf, and holding it between their 
 fingers, they cut it with great care till they come to the Bud, but do not touch it, 
 for then the whole branch will wither-, both the outfide and infide of this Leaf in 
 the greennefs and (hape of it, is like the Arbntem, onely the Leaves are fo thin, 
 that three or four of them being doubled', are not fo thick as that of the Ar- 
 butem I am pleafed to find any fort of Fruits here in Spain, to which I may 
 compare them 5 though the difference between them is fo great, that they may 
 eafily be diftinguifhed one from the other. When they gather the Leaves they 
 dry them in the Sun-, but care is to be taken that they be not over-dried, for then 
 they lofe much of their Virtue, and being very thin, foon turn into powder * nor 
 will they bear much moifture-, for they foon grow mufty and rotten 5 but they 
 lay them up in Baskets of flit Canes, of which many fine ones are made in the 
 Ant if. With the Leaves of thofe big Canes, which are about the third of a 
 yard broad, and about half a yard long, they cover the top of the Baskets, to 
 keep moifture from the Leaves, which is very prejudicial to them 5 and to confi- 
 der the great pains and care which is taken to nourifh this Cot*, and the provifions 
 of all tilings which are made for it, we ought rather to render thanks to God for his 
 abundant bleffings in the variety of his Creatures, than to believe or conclude that 
 what we write is fabulous or incredible-, if thefe fruits were to be planted or nou- 
 rished in other Countries, the charge and labour of them would be more than the 
 benefit- 
 
 This Herb is gathered every four months, that is three times a year, and in the 
 manuring of it care is taken to weed it often 5 for the Countrey being hot and 
 moift, the Weeds grow apace, and^ the Herb fometimes increafes fo faft, that the 
 ieafon for gathering of it advances fifteen days -, fo that fometimes they have four 
 Harvefts for it in a year -, the which a certain covetous Tithe-gatherer obferving in 
 my time, farmed the Tithes of all the principal and rich Inheritances and Poflefli- 
 ons about Cozco, and taking care to keep them clear and clean from Weeds, he fo 
 improved his Revenue, that the year following the Farmer of the Tithes made 
 two thirds more than what had been made in the preceding years-, which caufed 
 a Law Suit between the Farmer and the Proprietor, but what the IfTue was of it, 
 I, that was then but a Boy, did not much remark. 
 
 Amongft many other Virtues of this Cuca, they fay it corroborates the Gums, 
 and fortifies the Teeth, and that it gives ftrength and vigour to any perfon that la- 
 bours and toils, onely by carrying it in his mouth. I remember a Story which I 
 heard in my own Countrey- That a certain Gentleman both by Bloud and Vertue, 
 called Rodrisp Pantoia, journying once from C«,« to Rimac, met with a poor Spa- 
 niard ( for there are fome poor there as well as here) travelling on foot, carrying 
 a little Girl of about two years of age in his Amies-, and being an acquaintance 
 
 of 
 
Bo o k V III. R oyal Commentaries. 327 
 
 . '. i ___ _. . — 
 
 of this PMtoja, he asked him how he came to give himfelf the trouble of carrying 
 that burthen-, to which the perfon that was on foot replied, that he was poor, and 
 had not money to hire an Indian to carry it : In this difcourfe with him Pantoja 
 obierved that his mouth was full of the Cuca; and it being at that time that the 
 Spaniards abhorred all things which the Indians did eat or drink, becaufe they had 
 been abufed to Idolatry, and particularly they hated the Cuca, as a bafe and (link- 
 ing Weed, which gave caufe to Pantoja to ask him farther, why he, being a Spa- 
 niard, did ufe thofe things which the Spaniards hated; for his neceffities could ne- 
 ver be fo great as to compell him to Meats or Cuftoms unlawful), To which the 
 Souldier replied, that though he abhorred it as much as the Spaniards, yet neceffi- 
 ty forced him to imitate the Indians therein •■, for that without it he could never be 
 , able to travell and carry his Burthen, for that holding it in his mouth, he found 
 . fuch refrefhment and ftrength, that he was able to carry his Load, and perform 
 1 his Journey with chearfulnefs. Pantoja wondring at this Report, related it to 
 many others, wlio afterwards making the fame experiment thereof, found that the 
 \Indians made ufe of it rather for their refrefhment and neceffity, than for any plea- 
 fure in the tafte, which in ir felf is not very pleafant or agreeable. Hereafter we 
 ihall difcourfe in what manner they carry it to Potofi, and how they trade and 
 make Merchandife of it. 
 
 As to that Plant which the Spaniards call Tobacco, and the Indians Sayri, we have 
 
 already difcourfed in an other place. Dr. Monardes writes many wonderfull things 
 
 of it. As to SarfaParilla, we need not fpeak much, fince the Virtues and excellent 
 
 Operations of it are already known both in the new and the old World, efpecially 
 
 n the cure of the Venereal Difeafe, and other acute Diftempers : There are many 
 
 )ther Herbs in Pern of thofe medicinal Qualities, that as Bias Vakra faith, if they 
 
 vere well known, and fearched into by fome experienced Botanift, there would 
 
 )e no need of bringing any Herbs or Drugs thither from other parts of the World. 
 
 5ut our Spanijb Phyficians do fo little addift themfelves to the knowledge of Herbs 
 
 Rowing in thofe Countries-, that even the Virtues of thofe formerly known by 
 
 he Indians are forgotten ? which are fo many, that the ftudy of them is difficult 
 
 ,nd abflrufe : the Indians know not their Virtues and Qualities , but diftinguifh 
 
 hem onely by biter and fweet •-, fbmetimes eating them raw, as we do Lettuce 
 
 nd Radifhes, and fometimes they make pottage of them, and ftew them with 
 
 tther things 5 and which the poorer fort make the beft part of their Diet, having 
 
 10 More or abundance of Fifh, or Flefh, to make their Food. The bitter Herbs, 
 
 ich as are the Leaves which they gather from the Bufhes, called Sunchu, and the 
 
 ke, they boil in two or three feveral Waters, and afterwards dry them in the 
 
 un, and keep them for the Winter provifions -, for which alfb they gather all the 
 
 ttle Snags and Cockles they can find on the Banks of Rivers, or on the Sea- 
 
 xaft. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
ai8 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of their tame Cattel, and of the great Caravans, or Droves 
 of them. 
 
 TH E tame Cattel which God hath given to the Indians otPeru, are of two \ 
 forts, which, as Bias Vakra faith, are of a Difpofition as gentle and eafie' 
 as the Indians are themfelves-, being fo tame, efpecially thofe which ferve to car- 
 ry their burthens, that a Child may be able to govern them. Thefe are of two 
 forts, fome of a bigger kind, and fome of a lefs ■■, in general the Indians give them 
 the name of Llama, and the Shepherd or Paftor of them, Llama Michec. In di- 
 ftinguifhing them one from the other, they call the greater Hmnacullama, becaufe 
 it hath a likenefs with that brave and fierce Creature, which is called Hmnacn, 
 being of the fame fhape with it, but different onely in the colour; the tame Hu- 
 anacH varies as much in its colours as the Horfes do in Spain, but the wild is of 
 a dark Chefnut colour onely. This Creature is about the fize or bignefs of the 
 Hart or Stag in Spain, but refembles a Camel moft of any other, the bunch upon 
 the back onely excepted, but in proportion is but one third of its bignefs 5 its 
 Neck is long andTmooth, the Skin of which being flead, the Indians ufed to make| 
 it gentle and fupple, and being drefled after their fafhion, ferved for foals -t 
 their Shoes-, but becaufe they had not attained to the Skill of Tanning of Leathfi 
 they always took off their Shoes when they were to pafs wet, or Waters, becauft 
 the moifture fpoiled them, and made them like a Gut, or Tripe. The Spaniari\ 
 made Reigns of them for their Horfes, after the Fafhion of thofe which corn 
 from Barbary, as alfo Girts and Cruppers for their Saddles. This fort of Cattel i 
 ufefull both to the Indians and Spaniards, for carrying their Merchandife from aij_ 
 to what place they pleafe; but commonly they chofe fuch ways where the Coun- 
 trey is plain and even, as is between Cozco and Potocchi, being about two hundrec 
 Leagues ; and likewife from many other parts they go and come to and from thofe 1 
 Mines , carrying Provifions , Commodities of the Indians , Merchandizes froir 1 
 Spain, fuch as Wine, Oil, Conferves, and all other things which are confumed it 
 that Countrey, and efpecially that Herb which is called Cue a. I remember that ir 
 my time they had Droves of that Cattel which carried burthens, fbmetimes fix 01 
 eight hundred, or a thoufand in a Caravan ; and that a drove of five hundred wa 
 efteemed as nothing. The burthen which one of thefe Beafts will carry is aboui rj 
 three or four Aroves, (an Arove in Spain is about twenty five pounds weight) w K 
 will travel about three Leagues a day, which is about nine Miles. They are noi 
 to be driven beyond their ufual pace, for if they are, they will tire, and lie down 
 and then all that can be done to them, cannot raife them, though they eafe then 
 of their Burthen, and take off their Saddles-, for when they come to raife their 
 up, they prefently ejed all they have in their Maw, or Stomach, into 
 Mouths, whence they caft it, if pofiible, into the Faces of thofe who dii 
 them •, which feems to be the onely Revenge and inftrument they are able to < 
 ercife, having no Horns like the Stag or Hart. Howfoever the Spaniards call the 
 Mutton, or Sheep, though the difference between thefe and thofe be as much a) 
 we have before mentioned. And that thefe Creatures, nor any of them , maj 
 tire , and hinder the Travels of the whole Caravan , or Drove , they have al-< 
 ways forty or fifty of them, which go loofe, and free of burthen in their com 
 pany, and fo foon as they obferve that one begins to tire, they prefently eafe hin 
 of his Burthen, and lay it upon another, for if he once lies down, there is no re 
 raedy, though you kill him, to raife him again. The Flefh of this fort of Catte 
 is the bed, and moll: favoury of any in the World, being both tender and who! 
 fome. The Phyficians prefcribe the Flefh of the young ones of four or fiv 
 months old to their Patients, and prefer it far before Hens or Chickens. 
 
 1 
 
 

 / 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 329 
 
 In the time of the Vice- king, called Blafco Nannez Vela, in the year 1 5-44. and 
 4j. amongft other Contagions at that time in Peru, there was a Murrain amongft 
 this fort of Cattel , which the Indians called Carache , being a certain Mange, or 
 Scab, a Difeafe never known before in thofe parts ; it took them firft in the 
 Legs and Ventricle, and then diffuied it felf over all the Body, riling in Bunches 
 three or four fingers high ; which fometime burft with Matter and Bloud, and 
 iffued in that abundance, that the poor Creature died in two or three days. This 
 Murrain was fo contagious, to the great trouble and affliction both of the Spa- 
 niards zad the Indians, that two thirds of the greater and leffer Cattel dyed, both 
 Paco and Hxanacu ; and farther it extended it felf to the wild Huanacu and Vic an- 
 na, though it was not fo mortal amongft them, becaufe they belonged to colder 
 Countries , and did not herd in fuch droves as the tame Cattel. This Murrain 
 alfo extended it felf to the very Foxes, and affe&ed them in fo cruel a manner, 
 that as I remember in the Year 1 548. when Gmcah Picarro was at Cokco, and vic- 
 torious after the Battel of Huarina, I faw a great many Foxes which were feized 
 with this Plague come into the City by night, and in the morning were found 
 dead in the Streets, having great boils on their Backs, from Head to Tail, which 
 were cauled by this Plague amongft Beafts. The Indians, who were very fuper- 
 ftitious in matters of this nature, did from hence prognofticate the Death of Pi- 
 carro, which accordingly enfued in a fhort time afterwards. When this Murrain 
 firft began amongft the Cattel they applied many Remedies, which ferved rather 
 to encreafe than abate the evil-, amongft which one was to kill or bury alive one of 
 the kind which was infected, as Actfia mentions in his 4th Book •-, but in regard 
 the evil encreafed fo faft, that neither the Indians nor Spaniards knew in what manner 
 to give a ftop to it •-, they at length made a trial how it might be done by fire, or 
 cauterizing 5 then they tried to cure it by preparations of Mercury, and Sulphur, 
 and Hogs-greafe, but all proved too violent Remedies, fo that, the Cattel dyed 
 the more fpeedily by them. At length , after many experiments made, they 
 found none better than to anoint the parts where the Scab arofe with Hogs : greafe, 
 melted and warm , taking great care to obferve if the Scratches began on their 
 Legs, and then to anoint them, for the Murrain feized them firft there, before it 
 fpread it felf into the upper parts. This was the beft remedy they found, yet fer- 
 ved for little untill the evil influences were over, which were the caufes of it. 'And 
 by reafon of the great benefit, which they found by this Greafe, they very much 
 efteemed of Hogs, though for the numbers of them they were cheap, and yielded 
 no great price. It is obfervable that this general Plague upon almoft all forts. of 
 Cattel, did not yet touch the wilder Animals, fuch as Stags, and Fallow-E>eer., 
 becaufe perhaps they were of another temper. I remember that in Coaco they 
 made choice of St. Antonio for their Saint and Protecfour againft this Murrain, for 
 which caufe they folemnize a Feftival to him every year. 
 
 Though this fort of Cattel be great and large, (as we have faid) and the Jour- 
 lies long which they travell, yet they put their Mafters to no charge, either in 
 .heir Meat, or Shoeing, or Stable, nor in their Pack-faddles, or Girts, or Crup- 
 pers, or Stays, or other Utenfils which our Carriers ufe ; for when they come to 
 :he end of their days journey, they onely throw off their burthen, and fend them 
 feed on the Grafs which the Land affords, being at no charge, either of Straw or 
 ~om, though they would gladly eat Corn, if their Mafters would be fo kind as 
 :o beftow it upon them. Then as to their (hoeing there is no need of it, for be- 
 ldes that they are cloven footed, they have a kind of a callous, or fpungy mat- 
 er on their Feet, without a Hoof. Then for their Pack-faddles they have no 
 leed of them, becaufe they have fo much wool on their Backs as ferves in the 
 )lace of a Saddle, and keeps the burthen faft and clofe, which the Mafters of them 
 :ake care to lade in fuch manner, as that it may lie even, and well poifed, and 
 .lot touch fo far as to gaul the Withers ; nor have they need of a Surcingle which 
 3Ur Carriers ufe, for the Beaft wearing no Pack-faddle, all Girts or Cords may 
 'ub off the Flefh •, howfoever many of them travelling in a Drove were tied one 
 :o the other, having 20 or 2^ beafts running loofe , fo as to eale and change 
 ;he Burthens of thofe which were tired. The Merchants in travelling carried 
 :heir Tents with them, which they pitched in the Fields, wherefoever they found 
 t convenient to lodge and repofe ; and there unloaded their Merchandize ; fo that 
 hey never entred into Villages or Towns, becaufe too much time and labour would 
 )e loft to put their Cattel to Grafs, and then to go and fetch them up. In their 
 
 V v Journey 
 
oio Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 Journey from Cozco to Potocchi in going and returning they are commonly four 
 months, befides the time that they are detained at the place for traffick, and pack- 
 ing up their Merchandize. One of this fort of Sheep, which was of the beft kind, 
 was worth in Cozco eighteen Ducats, and one of the more ordinary twelve or 
 thirteen. The chief Merchandize brought from that City was Cuca , and Gar- 
 ments for the Indians. All that I have before fpoken I have feen and obferved 
 with my own Eyes, but how things have been ordered fince my departure, I know 
 nor. I have traded with many of them lor this commodity, as the Merchants went 
 and came, and I am aiTured that fome of thefe Travellers have fold a Basket of 
 this Cuca for above thirty Pieces of Eight, weighty Money. And notwithftan- 
 ding the value of their Commodities, and that thefe Caravans, or Droves of Sheep, 
 returned with thirty, forty, fifty, and an hundred thoufand Pieces of Eight, yet 
 fuch was the fecurity of thofe Countries, and the little danger they had of Thieves, 
 or Robbers, that they lodged and flept in the open Fields, without other Guards 
 or Defence than their own. The like fecurity and confidence did Men ufe in 
 their dealings and Merchandize, as alfo in payment of their Rents , or Loans of 
 Money, making no Conveyance, or Writing, or Obligation, befides their mere 
 Word ■■, which they kept and obferved fo punctually, that when a Spaniard had 
 loft Money by Play, he would fay to the Winner, Tell fuch a one, that the Monty 
 
 which he ows me he [houldpay to you, in fatisfailion of what you won of me at Cards. Thefe 
 
 Words were efteemed as fufficient as a Bill of Exchange, for fuch was the Inno- 
 cence and the fimplicity of thofe Countries, that no fcruple was made in giving . 
 all belief and credence thereunto ■-, and this was fo common, that whether the Per- 1 
 fbn were a Merchant, or a Souldier, or a Lord of Indians, his Word would pafe, " 
 and he was creditecf in every thing that he uttered-, and fuch was the fecurity of 
 the ways, that it feemed the golden Age , wherein was no fraud nor violence 
 amongft Mankind. And as I underftand it continues ftill fo in thofe Countries. 
 
 In times of Peace, when all Wars were ceafed, many Nobles and Gentlemen 
 having no employment, thought it no diminution to their Honour, rather than to 
 remain idle, to travell frequently to Potocchi, and trade in Cuca, and other Indian Com- 
 modities, but then it was not efteemed honourable to fell or buy them by parcels, 
 but by the whole fale^ nor yet to deal in Spanijh Commodities , or to fell by the 
 yard , or open a Shop. Howfoever many of them were pleafed to travell with 
 their Commodities, it not being efteemed ignoble for Men of Quality to be Mer- 
 chants •■, but then they did not go according to the pace of their Droves, but often 
 went out of the way, and divertifed themfelves with their Hawks, and Spaniels, 
 Greyhounds, and Guns, hunting as their Cartel travelled 5 and then at night when 
 they came to the place of repofe, they would entertain themfelves with what 
 they had killed, perhaps with a dozen of Partridges, with a Huanacu, or Vicumu, 
 or fome other fort of Venifon, for the Countrey being wide and large, was full of 
 all forts of Game : And in this manner entertaining themfelves in going and co- .: , 
 ming, their Journies feemed rather defigned for Pleafure than for Merchandife; 
 which was an employment fo far from diminifhing the Honour of the Noble Soul- 
 diers, that it was an addition to their Fortune and Reputation, fofeph Acofla in his 
 4th Book fpeaks much in praife of this bigger fort of Cattel, and of the profit 
 which they bring. But of the lefler fort, which is of the fomefpecies with thefe, 
 called Pacollama, there is not much to be faid •, for they are not ufefull for Bur- 
 thens, or in that manner ferviceable : howfoever their Flefh is almoft as favour}' 
 and as good as that of the bigger fort -, and their Wooll is excellently good ana 
 long, with which they make three forts of Stuffs for clothing, which the Indians 
 die with fuch excellent colours, that they never fade: But the Indians make no ufe 
 of the Milk either of the bigger or lefler fort of this Cattel for making Cheefe, or 
 eating it otherwife; the truth is, they yield little Milk, and no more than fuffices 
 for the nourifhment of their Young. In my time they brought. Cheefes from 
 Mayorca to Peru, which were greatly efteemed. Milk, and the Dug, and Sucking, 
 are all called by the fame Word Nunna. The Indians have no Dogs, but fuch as 
 are Curs, and not of that difference of Races, and Kinds, as we nave in Europe 
 The Indian Word for a Dog is Alco. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 It 
 
 tkii 
 
 . 
 
 & i 
 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 331 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Of their witd Cattel, and Vermine. 
 
 BEfore the time that the Spaniards came into Peru, the Indians had no other di- 
 ftinction or variety of tame Cattel , but onely of the Pan and Huanacu, 
 as we have before fpecified. Of their wild Cattel they had much more variety, 
 of which they made notwithftandihg the fame benefit, and ufe, as they did of 
 the tame , according as we have fpecified , in the Chapter of their Huntings, 
 which they performed at their certain feafons. One fort of this wild Cattel was 
 called H»a»acu, for the likenefs it had to that of the greater ' kind , which was 
 tame ^ the Flelh of which was very excellent and favoury, though not fo good 
 as that of the tame-, in ihort, they refemble each other very much, both in Co- 
 lour, Wool, Shape, and every thing elfe. The Males of thefe Creatures always 
 keep watch on high Hills, whilft the Females are feeding in the lower Paftures, 
 which fo foon as they efpie people coming towards them , they prefently make 
 a bleating, (which refembles the neighing of a Horfe) to give warning to them to 
 fly and fave themfelves^ and then the Males flay untill their Females come up, 
 which they put before them, and remain themfelves in the rere. The Wool of 
 this wild Huanacus is ihort and courfe --, howfoever the Indians made ufe of it for 
 their clothing-, and in my time the Spaniards ufed to take them with their Grey- 
 f hounds. 
 
 The Vicunna, which is another fort of wild Cattel, refembles the Paco; and is a 
 : neat Creature, but very lean, and yields great abundance of fine Wool. Acofia 
 ! writes of the many medicinal Virtues which belong to this Creature-, and as he 
 ; defcribes the Beafts and Fowl of all the new World, fo in reading of his Writings 
 we ought to diftinguifh thofe of Peru from other parts. The Vkuma is long leg- 
 ! ged, and higher than the biggeft Goat-, the colour of its Wool is of a light Chef- 
 nut, or as fome call it, Lion-coloured ; they are fo nimble and fwift , that no 
 Grey-hound can take them, and therefore they kill them with Guns, or take them 
 in toils, as they pradtifed in the times of the focas. They feed commonly in the 
 higheft parts of the mountains near the Snows-, the Flefh may be eaten, though ic 
 be not fo favoury as that of the Huanacu; and though it be lean and tough, is yec 
 efteemed by the Indians. 
 
 They have Fallow Deer and Stags in Peru, though they are much lefs than thofe 
 in Spain, the Indians call them Taruea •, they were in fuch numbers, in the times of 
 i! the Mas, that they were common and tame, and would come into the Villages - 7 
 ' and from all thefe wild Beafts they now take out the Bezar-ftone, though in my 
 1 time it was a thing not imagined, or fought for. They have certain forts of wild 
 or mountain Cats, which they call Ozcollo, being of two or three kinds. 
 Their Foxes are much lefs than thofe in Spain, which they all Atoc; they have 
 \ alfo other little Animals, lefler than our Houfe-cats, which the Indians call Anna*, 
 and the Spaniards Zorrinas -, if their Smell were fweet, as it is ftinking , it would 
 furpafs the Musk or Amber •-, but as it is fetulent, it is the moft oftenfive fmell in 
 the World, and the ftink of it is fo ftrong, that it may be fmek at the diftance 
 of a hundred paces, and though the Doors and Windows are (hut, yet the funk 
 is fo fubtile, that it will find an entrance at the Crevices: It is well that thefe 
 Creatures are not in great numbers, for if they were, they were able to poifon 
 ' and ftench up a whole Countrey. They have both tame and wild Conies, diffe- 
 rent from each other, both in colour and tafte ; they call them Coy ; fome tame 
 Conies have been brought from Spain, though the Indians will give little for them^ 
 and yet becaufe their Countries do not abound in Flefti , they efteem them for 
 great Delicacies, and eat them with much delight. There is another fort of Co- 
 ney which they have called Vizxacha, it hath a long Tail like a Cat, and is bred in 
 the Mountains where the Snows lie. In the Reign of the Incas, and many years 
 after, untill the times that I remember, they made great ufe of the Skins of thefe 
 
 V v z Conies, 
 
2 22 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 Conies, fpinning and weaving the Wool into their fine Cloths, for variety of co- 
 lours; the colour of which is a light grey, and is very gentle and foft in the touch, 
 and fo much efteemed amongft the Indians, that they ufed it onely in clothing for 
 the Nobles. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Of their Lions, Bears, Tigers^ Apes and Monkies. 
 
 THE Lions in Peru are few in number, and neither fo large nor fierce as thofe 
 -*- in Africa, which they call Puma. They have alfo fome Bears, but not ma- 
 ny, becaufe that the Countrey of Peru is not proper for them, not being mountai- 
 nous to that degree, as is agreeable to Beafts of that fierce nature •■, and, as they faid, 
 the lncas commanded in their Huntings, that they mould be killed, and no quar- 
 ter given to Beafts of Prey and Slaughter: The Bear is called Veumari. There are 
 no Tigers, but onely in craggy and horrid Mountains of the AntU, where alfb Ser- 
 pents are produced of a prodigious bignefi, being of about twenty five to thirty 
 foot long, which they call Amaru, and in compals as big as a Man's Thigh, where 
 alfo are great numbers of Snakes, or lefler Serpents, called Machachuay, and poi- 
 fonous Serpents, and many other venemous Infects •■> but Pern is free of thefe ve« 
 nemous Creatures. A certain Spaniard, with whom I was acquainted , killed a 
 Lionefs of a prodigious bignefs within the Antis, on that fide which borders to- 
 ward Cozjco; which having lodged her felf in a high Tree, he fhot her down with 
 four Arrows, and ripping her up, found her with young of two Whelps, which 
 were the Cubs of a Tiger, well known by their Spots. What the Word is for a 
 Lion in the general Tongue of Peru, I have forgot-, and yet I cannot much re- 
 proach my memory, but rather lay the fault on my own neglect, not having in 
 the fpace of forty two years either fpoken or read in that Language, which I think , 
 is a very good excufe to any who would blame me for this forgetfulnefs. I think 
 the Tiger is called Vturuncu, though Acofta calls a Bear Otoroncos, according to the 
 corrupt manner of the Spanijh pronunciation. There is another fort of animal in . 
 the Antis, very like a Cow, but without Horns, nor yet fo big-, the Hide makes 
 a moft ftrong fort of Leather, and, as fome fay, refifts a Sword better than Buff, or 
 a Coat of Mail. They have wild Boars in (nape like our tame Hogs, but there 
 are not many of this kind on that fide of the Antis, which borders upon Perm j 
 And as to matters on the other remote parts of the Amis, it is not my defign cT 
 purpofe to treat. Monkies and Apes there are many, both great and fmall, fome 
 of them with Tails, and others without them. Of the natures of them we might 
 fay much, but becaufe Acofta hath wrote thereof at large, we lhall ufe his own 
 Words, as he fets them down in the 39th Chapter of his 4th Book, being agree- 
 able to what both the Spaniards and Indians report, and of what I my felf have 
 been anEye-witnefs: His Words follow. " There are great numbers of Micas, 
 '*. which are a fort of Monkies, found in all the Mountains, as well thoie which 
 are on the Main land, as in the Iflands in Amis ; they are of the (kme fpecies with 
 the Baboons, but differ in the length of their Tails, and in their proportion and 
 ' fize; fome of them being three or four times bigger than others: Some of 
 ■ them are all black, others grey, and others fpotted. Their activity and moti- 
 '' on is fuch, that they feem to have reafon, and difcourfe, leaping from one Tree 
 to another, in imitation of Birds. In Capita, as I travelled from Ncmbre de Diu 
 to Panama, I faw one of thefe Micos fpring at one leap from a Tree to another 
 * Tree, which grew on the other fide of a Stream, which to me leemed moft 
 ' ftrange and wonderful!. Their manner is to fit on their Tails at the end of 
 a Bough, and thence to throw themfelves to what place foever they pleafe; 
 " and when the diftance is fo far, that they are not able to reach it, they ufe this 
 
 con- 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 333 
 
 contrivance-, many of them getting together, one hangs at the Tail of ano- 
 ther, making a kind of a long Chain, with which fetching a long Swing , the 
 lowermoft throws himfelf with the help of the others , to the bough they 
 aim at, where hanging by his fore feet, ftretches out his Tail to the next com- 
 panion, and fo one helps the other, untill all are come over. The tricks and 
 mimical poftures which they have, are matters of great divertifement, and the 
 a&ions which they perform in obedience to their Commanders, feem eftedts of 
 humane Underftanding, rather than of irrational Creatures. I faw one of thefe 
 Monkies at Cartagena, in the Houfe of the Governour, of which they related 
 fuch ftrange things as to me feemed almoft incredible. They faid , that they 
 fent him often to the Tavern for Wine, with Money in one hand, and a Bot- 
 tel in the others and that when he was come to the Tavern, he would 
 not deliver his Money untill he had received his Wine , if the Boys met with 
 him by the way, and made a houting, or noife after him, he would fet down 
 his Bottel, and throw Stones at them, and having cleared the way , he would 
 take up his Bottel and haften home; and that though he loved Wine exceffive- 
 ly, yet he would not dare to touch it, unlefs his Matter gave him licence. They 
 fay alfo, that if he faw a Woman at any time fine, and well drefled, he would 
 :>refently pull her by the Cloths, and ruffle them in a ftrange manner, Per- 
 laps fomething may be reported of thefe Creatures more than I have feen 5 
 lowfcever it is moft certain that there is no Animal in the World fo fagacious, 
 and fo delighted with humane Society as this fort and race of Monkies i and be- 
 caufe the Reports concerning the underftanding of thefe Creatures are fo ftrange 
 that the Inftances thereof feem incredible to me, and would perhaps appear fa- 
 bulous to others, I (hall therefore omit to mention them, and onely blefs and ad- 
 mire the Authour of all Creatures, that amongft all his works made for the ule and 
 benefit of Mankind, he hath fhaped and faihioned a Creature fo ridiculous in its 
 form and poftures, as ferves to move laughter, and yield matter of Recreation 
 and Divertifement to Man, whom he hath made Lord of this Univerfe. Some • 
 have written that Solomon brought his Monkies from the Weil-Indies, but 1 1am 
 : of another opinion, and believe that they were fetched from the Eaftern Parts. 
 Thus far are the Words otAcofta, to which may be farther added, that thefe Apes 
 ird Monkies carry their young ones at their backs, untill they are able to fhift 
 or themfelves-, the young ones taking hold with their fore-feet about their necks, 
 nd clafp their hind legs about their middle; all which, befides their' nicks and 
 nventions before recited, ferve to demonftrate their fagacious dexterity, and fhifts 
 ike experienced Souldiers in time of neceffity. And becaufe the noife they make is 
 Language, by which one underftands the other ■■, (as for my part I believe that 
 11 Birds and Beafts do by their feveral voices underftand the meaning of their 
 wn /pedes) therefore the Indians fay, that they can fpeak, and that they difguife 
 leir want of fpeech to the Spaniards, left they fhould fend them to work in the 
 •lines, and dig for Gold and Silver, and that in imitation of the Indians they car- 
 ' their young ones at their backs. And thus much fhall fuffice to have fpoken 
 ■f Apes and Monkies. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
i^A Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 CHAP. XIX 
 
 Of their Tame and Wild-fowl both of Water and Land. 
 
 HE Indians of Pert* have no tame fowl, but onely a fort of Ducks, fo called 
 by the Spaniards, becaufe they have fome kind of likenefs with thofe in 
 Spain : they are of an ordinary fize, neither fo big, nor fo tall as a Goofe, nor yet 
 fo little as a Duck, but fomething between both •, the Indians call them Nuuma, 
 deriving their Name from Nunu, which is to fuck, becaufe they draw in their 
 meat as if they were fucking - 7 befides which they have no tame fowl in all that 
 Countrey. As to Birds of the Air, and Water-fowl belonging to the Sea, or 
 Rivers, they are of fuch variety, as is not poffible for us to declare one quarter 
 part of them •, but we (hall mention fome of them which are mod common: 
 There are Eagles of all forts, great and fmall, though not fo large as they are in 
 Spain : They have Hawks of divers kinds , fome like thofe in Spain, and others \ 
 not , the general word which the Indians have for them is Huaman ; the lefler fort 
 of Hawks have been brought thence into Spain, and are much efteemed : Thof 
 which in my Countrey are called Neblies are mettled Hawks, and long wingej 
 with large talons, and are of a blackilh colour. At Cozxo, in the year 1557, 
 certain Gentleman of Sevil, who was a great Faulconer, ufed all his Art to teach.i 
 and train up fome of this Countrey Hawks for his paftime ■, in which he fo far 
 
 Eroceeded, as to make them come to hand, and to the lure readily at a far diftance,^ 
 ut could never teach them to prey upon any game, fo that he gave over his hopes 
 of doing any good with thofe Hawks. There are other Fowls which we may 
 reckon with thofe of prey, which are of a large fize, called Cuntur, and by the 
 Spaniards corruptedly Condor. Many of thefe fowls having been killed by the Spa- 
 niards, had their proportion taken, and from one point of their Wing to the other 
 meafured fifteen or fixteen Foot, which being reduced to Yards, makes five Yards 
 and a third : Nature, to temper and allay their fiercenefs, denied them the talc 
 which are given to the Eagle, having their feet tipped with claws like a Hei^ 
 howfoever tneir beak isfhong enough to tear off the Hide, and rip up the Bowels 
 of an Oxe : Two of them will attempt a Cow or Bull, and devour him 5 and i 
 hath often happened, that one of them alone hath aflaulted Boys of ten or twdw 
 years of Age, and eaten them : Their colour is black and white, like a Magpye 
 it is well that they are but few in number ; for if they were many, they would ver 
 much deftroy the cattel : they have on the fore-part of their heads a comb, no 
 pointed like that of a Cock, but rather even, in the form of a Razor 5 whei 
 they come to alight from the Air, they make fuch a humming noife with th 
 fluttering of their Wings, as is enough to aftonifh, or make a Man deaf. 
 
 Jcofia treating in his fourth Book concerning the Birds of the New World 
 fpeaks there particularly of the Cuntur •, to which I refer thofe who are defirous t 
 reade and hear of ftrange and wonderfull things •, he there hath thefe words 
 
 The Fowls which they call Cuntur are of a vaft bignefs, and fo ftrong, that the 
 ,; are able to prey upon Sheep and Calves, and do often devour them. 'Acoji 
 treating alfo of the little Birds which are in Peru, which the Spaniards call Tom 
 ■trios, and the Indians Quenti, which are of a golden azure colour, finer and bright 
 than that about the Neck of a Peacock : they feed like Bees, piercing with the 
 long (harp bill into the Flowers, and fuck from thence a fweetnefs, and Honey, vvil 
 which they are nouri(hed : they are fo little, that Acofia fpeaks in this manner 
 them : " In Peru there is a fort of Birds fo little called Tomineios, that when 
 
 have feen them upon the Wing, I have much doubted whether they W8 
 
 a Bees, or Butterflyes. And now that we have given a report of two forts : 
 
 Birds, fo different in the extremes, there is no perfon will wonder at what w 
 
 flla!l fay of thofe which are of a moderate proportion. There is a fort of gr<f 
 
 Bis 
 
Book Vill. Royal Commentaries. 335 
 
 Birds which are black, called by the Indians Fujuntu, and by the Spaniards Galtin*. 
 ~i ; they are great devourers of Flelh, and fo ravenous, that if they find any car- 
 rion dead in the Fields, they gorge themfelves with it to fuch a degree, that they 
 are not able to fly •, and when they find themfelves in that condition purfued by 
 Men, they run away on their legs, helping their flight with the fluttering of their 
 Wings, vomiting up all their meat as they run •, that it is pleafant to obferve how 
 they fpue up their prey with the fame eagernefs as that with which they devoured 
 ir .- Howfoever, if they are hardly purfued, they may be taken and killed ; but Men 
 forbear to deftroy them, coniidering that they are not good for meat ; and being 
 a filly Bird, doth no hurt, but onely ferves to devour carrion, and cleanfe the ftreets 
 sntl ways from fikhinefs. Acofla is of an opinion that it is a fort of Crow. 
 
 There is a for,t of Sea-Birds which refemble thefe, fuch as the Spaniards call Alca- 
 uaKes, ( in Englim Sea-Mews ) they are lefs than Buftards •-, they live upon Fifh , 
 and it is pleafant to fee how they take them. At certain hours of the Morning 
 or Evening, when the Filh ufually play and rife upon the furface of the water, 
 which are the times alfo that thefe Birds are moft hungry ; they raife themfelves 
 high upon the Wing, from whence obferving where the Filh move, they clap their 
 Wings clofe, and fall with fuch a foop, like a Hawk, that they never mifs of their 
 piey, and fometimes dive with fuch agility underwater, following the fhoals of 
 Filh, that they arife again with their prey crofled in their beak -, and then moun- 
 ting in the Air, devour the Fi(h, and then try for others. It is very pleafant to 
 lee them ftoop, and give blows upon the water, and dive into it, others to be at the 
 fame time in the Air, watching their opportunity •, others having miffed their ftroke, 
 to rife again : In fliort, to fee at the fame time 200 Hawks Hooping, and moun- 
 ting, like the Hammers of an Iron Mill Befides thefe, there are flocks of Sea- 
 birds of a lefier fort 5 howfoever, fome are greater, and fome are left 5 but in fuch 
 1 incredible numbers, that they will fometimes cover the Sea of Zur for two or three 
 : Leagues in length , and fly fo clofe together, that for fuch a compafs they even 
 : darken the Sky : And hereby we may admire the Providence of the Eternal Ma- 
 , jefty, who hath created fuch a multitude of Creatures, and therewith a fufficient 
 : provihon of Fiih, wherewith to fupport and maintain them. And thus much for 
 I Sea-fowl. 
 
 Now as to Water-fowl which belong to Rivers and Lakes in Peru, they are in 
 1 great numbers •, fuch as Herons, Wild-ducks, and Bran-geefe, and thofe which we 
 1 call Shovelers •, belides many others of a different kind, which we cannot exactly 
 1 defcribe, by reafbn that we have not obferved their variety with due attention : 
 • They have alfo Swans which live upon Fiih , and are very white, without any 
 . mixture of black •, they have long legs, very beautiful!, and go always in couples, 
 ' or pairs bur are in no great number. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
-o 5 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 CHAP. XX. ' 
 
 Of Partridges, Doves, and other [mailer Birds. 
 
 IP 
 
 
 THere are two forts of Partridges in my Countrey-, one is like our Hens which 
 lay Eggs, and thefe are found in the defarts, which the Indians call Puna ; 
 the other is lefler than our Partridge in Spain, but the flefli is excellent good, and 
 more favoury than the greater kind ■■, they are both of a greyifh colour, their bill 
 and feet being white } they name them2«f« from the found of the call which they 
 make-, the lefler fort are of the fame colour with our Quails, onely that their beak is 
 different ; to molt Birds the Indians give Names according to the inarticulate voice '*£ 
 or noife they make, as we fhall hereafter declare. I know not whether the Par- ly 
 tridges of Spain have been tranfported to Peru, to make a breed of them in that 
 part of the World : They have Wood- Pigeons, or Ring-Doves of the fame co- 
 lour and bignefs as they are in Spain, they call them Vrpi -, Houfe-Pigeons have 
 been brought thither from Spain, which the Indians call Caftilla Vrpi .- They have 
 Turtles of the fame colour and bignefs as thofe in Spain, if not fomething larger * 
 they call them Cocobuay, from the noife they make, which founds fomething like 
 it. They have another fort of Turtle about the bignefs of a Thrum, or Lark, and 
 of the fame colour, they breed under the Eves of a Houfe, like our Sparrows, and 
 fome of them in the Fields, but thofe are few. They have a fort of fmall Birds 
 of a greyifh colour, which the Spaniards for the likenefs of their colour, call Spar- 
 rows, but are different in their note, for thefe fing fweetly, and chirp not like 
 the ordinary Sparrow : the Indians call them Poriapichiu •-, they breed in the Mud- 
 walls of Houfes, or in Walls covered with Buihes, and fometimes alfo in the 
 Field. They have another fort of fmall Bird, which we call a Nightingale, by 
 reafon of its reddifh colour, but differs in its note as much as white and black , 
 having that unpleafant found, that the ancient Indians efteemed it as unlucky as the 
 croaking of a Raven. They have another fort of fmall Birds of a blackiih co- 
 lour, which the Spaniards call Swallows, but they are rather Swifts, than Swal- 
 lows, and come at their certain feafons •, they commonly lodge, and make their 
 nefts, in places where people do inhabit •, for my part, I never faw either Swal- 
 lows or Martens in the Hilly Countries of Peru. The Birds of the Plains are the 
 fame with ours, but their Sea-fowl is much different. They have neither Plo- 
 ver, Heath-pouts, nor Thrufhes in that Countrey, nor Cranes, nor Buftards: 
 howfoever there may be others like them which I cannot remember. 
 
 In the Kingdom of Chili, which was within the Dominions and Em 
 pireof the Incas-, there were Off ridges which the Indians call Suri, but theii 
 Feathers were not fo fine and curious as thofe of Africa \ their colours are com 
 monly grey : they take no high flight , but making ufe of their Wings and Feet 
 flutter along, and run faff er than a Horfe. The Spaniards run them fometime 
 down with their Horfes, but then two or three Horfemen chafe them from on' 
 to another, untill they are tired- In Peru they have a fort of Starlings, which fl; 
 in Flecks, and are of a black and grey colour -, the Indians call them Chayna fron 
 the noife they make : they have alfo feveral other forts of Birds, greater am 
 lefler , of which, for the variety of them, I am not able to give an account, 
 remember that they have a kind of Keftrel, or Wind-hover , but of more fpirj 
 and courage than thofe which we have here, for thofe will adventure to pre 
 upon fmall Birds. In the Plains of Tucay I once faw two Keftrels fly at a fma 
 Bird, which they had purfued a great way, and at laft lodged her in a tall an 
 thick Tree which is in that Plain. I left that Tree ftanding when I departed froi 
 thence, which the Indians in the time of their Gentilifm held, and e( teemed f( 
 Sacred, becaufe their Kings did often fit under the fhadow of it, to fee the dive 
 tifements and paftimes which were represented in thofe Plains. Thefe Kefht 
 following their natural fagacity, combined againft the poor Bird ■-, and one 1 
 
 the* 
 
 
 * 
 
 <: 
 
 W 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. '337 
 
 them entered Into the Tree, whilft the other (bared aloft , being ready to take 
 the Bird fo loon as (he adventured out. When the Bird was forced out by 
 : the Keftrel in the Tree, the other without {looped at her like a Hawk ■-, which 
 the Bird avoiding, returned again to the Tree, to (belter her (elf 5, then the 
 Keflrd, which was on the Wing, entered in after her, whilft the other took her 
 place in the Air •, and thus they entered and (allied three or four times, untill at 
 laft the poor Bird adventured to fly towards a bujlding, where (lie flickered her 
 [ felf within the hole of a Wall, fo little, that the Keftrels could not enter, and fo 
 efcaped from being made a prey unto them. All this time fome Spaniards with 
 great delight and curiofity obferved the many (hifts of thefe Creatures, which na- 
 ture had taught them to maintain and preferve themfelves. They have wild Bees 
 in diver, manners ■■, but fuch as are houfed and hived at home, they have none, 
 neither have the Spaniards taught the Indians as yet how to manage them. Their 
 iwild Bees hive themfelves, and make their Honey in clefts, and hollow places 
 of the Rocks, and hollow Trees : the Bees which are in the cold Countries 
 make little Honey, becaufe they want Flowers and odoriferous Herbs out of 
 iwhich to extract it ■■, and that little which they do make is bitter, and the Wax 
 black, and of no ufe : But in the warmer Countries, and more temperate, where 
 the Climate yields good Herbs, and odoriferous Flowers •-, the Honey is excel- 
 lent, and white, clean, and very fweet : This fort of Honey being carried into 
 1 icolder Countries, candies and turns to a Sugar •, they highly efteem it, not onely 
 ;becaufe it is wholfome food, but alfo becaufe it is medicinal, and very whol- 
 ifome. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of the divers forts of Parrots ; arid how talkative they 
 are. 
 
 PArrots breed, and are found mod commonly in the Mountains otAntls ; they 
 are of divers forts and fizes, fome being greater, and fome lefs : the little 
 'ones are lefs than Thrulhes, and the great bigger than Keftrels •, there are fome all 
 over of the fame colour", others of great variety, being green, yellow, blew and 
 red, efpecially thofe of the great kind, which the Spaniards call Guacamayas, which 
 are of all colours, efpecially their Tails, which are long , and the Feathers fo fine, 
 that the Indians on the days of the Feftivals adorn themfelves with them •, from 
 the beauty of which Feathers fobn Bocacio took his fubjecl: to frame the pleafant 
 'Novel of Friar Cipolla. The Spaniards call the(e Parrots by divers names, accor- 
 ding to the difference of their fize and bignels : the leaft of all they name Peri- 
 fluillos, thofe that are bigger they call CatalnilLu, and fuch as are a fize b'gger, and 
 which fpeak beft, they name Loro •, and the biggeft of all, which are dull, and 
 never fpeak, they call Guacamayas, and are good for nothing but to look upon , 
 for the beauty of their Feathers : Such as thefe they carry into Spain in Cages, 
 for the delight they have in hearing them talk •-, but others, which are not fo 
 'beautiful], nor diverting, they think not worth the care and charge of tranfport- 
 jting fo far. 
 
 lathe Year 15^5, and j6, there was a Parrot at Poto/i, which was one of 
 thofe called Loro, which was fo ready in its Tongue, that it would call the Indi- 
 t»s, as they pafled along the Streets, by the names of their feveral Countries -, 
 fuch as Co/la, Tunca, Huayrn, <$ueckua, &c. as if it had been acquainted with 
 the feveral Sadies they wore on their Heads, to diftinguilli their Countries. 
 
 Upon a certain day there was a beautifull Indian Woman palling the Streets 
 very fine, and accompanied with three or four Servant- Maids , as if (lie had 
 been fome great Lady, or PMa of the Bloud-Royal : So foon as the Parrot 
 
 X x (aw 
 
:8 
 
 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 favv her, he fell into a great laughter, crying out, Huajru, Huayru,'Huayru, which 
 is a Nation the moft bafe and contemptible of all the Indians .■ With which the 
 Indian Woman was greatly afhamed, being laughed at by the people, who in 
 great Numbers were always about the Parrot, hearing him talk •■> and when ihe 
 came near he called her Cupay, which is Devil , the Indians which were by, ap- 
 proved the Saying of the Parrot, for they knew that (he was an ordinary Woman 
 difguifed in the Habit of a Pal/a, or great Lady. 
 
 Some few years part in Sevil, there was another Parrot of this kind , which 
 did moft horribly abufe a certain Phyfician, though unworthy of that name, be- 
 ing a mere Quack, as he pafled the Streets •, which he did fo fcurriloufly, and fo 
 much to the purpofe, that the Doctor took it ill, and was really offended: 
 Whereupon the Juftice commanded the Mafter not to fet the Parrot any more in 
 the Street, upon penalty of forfeiting it to the next perfon offended at his prate. 
 The general word which the Indians have for Parrots, is Vritu ; and when they 
 hear a Man talk much, and obftreperoufly, with much noife, they call him Vri- 
 tu, for the noife and chat which the Parrots make when they fly in great flocks, 
 is like the prate of a vain- talking fellow, who, as the Divine Ariofto fays, in his 
 
 twenty fifth CantO, Knows little, and talks much, 
 
 Thefe Parrots', at| the feafon of the year, when the Corn is ripe, fly out 
 from the Amis, to feek their food 5 and being in great flocks, they fpoil the 
 Mayz, or Corn, wherefoever they alight ; they are very ftrong upon the Wing, 
 and fly high : but the Guacamacas being a dull and heavy fort of Bird, go not 
 out from the Amis .- And all thefe different forts of Parrots keep to their own 
 kind s to make the Proverb true, that Birds of a Feather flocks together. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Of the four famous Rivers, and of the Fifh which is taken 
 in thofe whieh belong to Peru. 
 
 IHad almoft forgot to give a Relation of the Fifh which the Indians of Peru 
 have in their frelh- water Rivers of Peru •-, the which Rivers are many, and 
 very great , of which, for brevity fake, we fhall onely mention four. The firft 
 is that great River, which is now called the Madalena, falling into the Sea be- 
 tween Cartagena, and Santa Maria ; the mouth of which, according to the Sea- 
 charts, is eight Leagues wide, having its head, or fource, from the high Mountains 
 of Peru : The fierce fwiftnefs of the current with winch it falls into the Sea is 
 fuch, that for ten or twelve Leagues the forcible dreams are fenfibly perceived to 
 reach into the Seas, the fury thereof contending with the Waves of the Ocean. 
 The River Orellana, called fo by us , being diftinct from the Madalena , is , accor- 
 ding to the Sea-charts, about fifty four Leagues wide at the mouth of it, though 
 fome Authours onely reckon it for thirty, others forty, others feventy, making 
 their account with great variety ; howfoever, for my part, I fliall rather adhere 
 to the opinion of Seamen, who are knowing and learned in Maritime affairs, and 
 thofe whofe bufinefs it is to fail over, and meaiure the Seas, and have made Sea- 
 charts and Draughts with great Art : the diverfity of die opinions in the meifures 
 is this, becaufe ibir.e mealuring juft at the mouth of the River, from fide to fide 
 make it fifty Leagues •, but fuch as draw their lines from the extreme points ot 
 Land, which extend into the Sea, may meafure feventy Leagues, as is well knowr 
 to the Pilots. The fource or head of thofe Fountains which make this River 
 arifes in the divifion oiCumifuyu, being to the South- Weft of Cozco, and diftan 
 about eleven Leagues Weftward from thence. This River, at the very head 
 it, is very deep, and not fordable, and is very fwift and rapid, the ftreams there 
 
 c 
 
 to 
 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 339 
 
 of being contracted between very high Mountains, which from the bottom to the 
 top, where the Snow is lodged upon them, meafure thirteen, fourteen, and 
 fifteen Leagues almoft perpendicular. This River is the greateft of any in all 
 Peru, wherefore the Indians call it Apurlmac, becaufe Apu Signifies Chief, or Prin- 
 cipal both in War and Peace : they call it alio Capac Mayu, Capac Signifying plen- 
 tifull, rich, abundant, and AJayu a River : For as Capac was an Epithet, or Title 
 'given to their Kings , fo they attributed that Title or Dignity to the Chief and 
 Prince of all their Rivers. This River keeps its name, whilft it paffes through 
 the Countrey of Peru 3 but whether it lofes its name afterwards or not , or that 
 me Nations who live in the Mountains give it any other name, I am not able to 
 fay. 
 
 In the year 1 5 j j, by reafon of the great Rains which fell that Winter, a vaft 
 'aart of the Mountain tumbled into the River, with fuch mighty and prodigious 
 'locks, as gave a flop to the current of the water for three whole days 3 and fo 
 emained till the water overflowing the ruinous Mountain which fell in, came at 
 'aft to take its naturale courfe 5 at which detention, or ftoppage of the water, the 
 l>oor Inhabitants, which lived below, much admiring, and not knowing the reafon 
 'hereof, concluded that the end of the World was come 3 and this ftoppage be- 
 !>w caufed the water to rile at fourteen Leagues diftance above, being fenfibly ele- 
 vated as far as the Bridge, which is in the great and royal High- way leading from 
 bees to Ciudad Real. This River Apurlmac runs North and South at lead five 
 hundred Leagues from the head and fource of it to the Equinoctial •, thence ta- 
 'ing a turn to the Eaftward, it runs under the Equinoctial, fix hundred and fifty 
 '^eagues meafured on a ftrait line, to the place where it falls into the Sea 3 but be- 
 lg meafured by the turnings and windings of it, 'twill make fifteen hundred 
 .eagues, as Francis de Orella reports, who failed down that River, in a Voyage he 
 nade in company with Goncalo Plcarro, who went to make difcovery of theCoun- 
 .:ey ofcW<*,as we (hall mention in its due place. The Chart of Navigation makes 
 \ on a ftrait line to be fix hundred and fifty Leagues without any doublings of the 
 Liver. And though Merchants in defcribing the fituation of places do not much 
 leddle with in-land Countries, but thofe onely which lye on the Sea-coaft, and 
 iofe Rivers which fall into the Ocean : Yet in regard that this River is the grea- 
 jft in the World , being above feventy Leagues in breadth at the mouth of it, 
 nd runs with fo great a ftream and torrent, that it makes frefh water for above a 
 undred Leagues within the Sea •, they have thought it worthy of their obferva- 
 lon and enquiry : So that according to the Relation of Orellana ( as Gomara at- 
 efts) thofe five hundred Leagues which we mention in a ftrait line, will make 
 wo thoufand Leagues with the turnings, and doublings of this River falling into 
 he Sea diredly under the Equinoctial •, and it was called Orellana according to the 
 ame of this Gentleman, who failed over it in the year 1 543. 
 Howfoever a difcovery was made before that time of this River by the Pinco- 
 es of Sevil, in the year 15°° 3 to which they then gave the name of the River 
 '{ Amazonr, becaufe they obferved that the Women fought with as much cou- 
 3ge in defence of thofe parts, as the Men 3 the like inftances whereof we have 
 1 our Hilfory of Florida. In that River there are many greater and letter Iflands, 
 nd the tide flows from the Sea above an hundred Leagues up the River : And 
 'hus much (hall fuffice to have faid of this Rjver. 
 
 Now as to that River which is called Marannon, it falls into the Sea about fe- 
 renty Leagues to the Southward of Orelh.na, which is about three degrees of 
 '■oath-latitude, being about twenty Leagues wide at the mouth of it. This River 
 ! (Tues from fome great Lakes on the upper parts "of Peru, which are filled by the 
 mow-waters that diflolve from the high Mountains which are covered with Snow. 
 •low in regard that thefe two Rivers fall into the Sea, fo near one unto the other, 
 1m apt to believe that they make one River of thefe two, giving the name of 
 'hellAna to both theie Rivers, fo far as the frefh water runs into the Sea. As to 
 
 he River which tire Spaniards call el rie de la plat a, and the Indians Parahuay 3 we 
 
 ave in our fecond part given the reafon, why this River was fo called in Spamfk , 
 nd explained the fignification of the Indian word 5 the Fountains of whofe waters^ 
 ke thofe of Marannon, have their head or fource from the prodigious Mountains 
 >f the fnowy defart, called the Cordillera, which paffes though all the Countrey of 
 '«•». This River many times overflows with rapid inundations all the Fields and 
 illages near the banks, and forces the people for three Month? in the year, to 
 
 Xxj be 
 
340 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII 
 
 be ready with their Boats and Canoes, which they tye to the branches of Tree 
 to fave themfelves, untill thofe Flouds are over, having no other place whereir 
 to fecure themfelves : It falls into the Sea about the degree of thirty five, beim 
 about thirty Leagues wide at the mouth 1 5 and yet here below it is narrower thar 
 it is eighty Leagues above, where it is fifty Leagues broad •■, fo that joyning th< 
 breadth of thefe four Rivers together at the places where they fall into the Sea 
 we may fay, that they meafure one hundred and thirty Leagues in breadth, an< 
 may be reckoned amongft the Miracles and Wonders of Peru. Befides thefe fou 
 great Rivers , there are multitudes of other fmaller Rivers , which every-wher 
 fall into the Sea, as we may fee defcribed in the Waggoners, and Sea-Maps, t< 
 which I refer my felf •, which if joyned together, would make greater Rivers thai 
 any we have hitherto mentioned. 
 
 And now in fuch vaft Rivers we might rationally conclude, that great plent 
 of Fiili were produced in them •, but it is quite otherwife, namely inPw*, which i 
 the Countrey I chiefly treat of-, for with other parts I meddle not. Some attri 
 bute the caufe of this fcarcity of Fi(h in thofe Rivers to the rapidnefs of thei 
 ftreams, which are too violent for Fifh to remain in -, and there are very fev 
 places in thofe Rivers, where the Waters are (till, or tolerably quiet. More 
 over it is obfervable , that the Fifh which is bred there, is of another and diffi 
 rent fort to that in Spain •, they feem to be all of one kind, without fcales, th 
 Head being broad and fmooth, in fafhion of a Toad, with a wide Mouth : How 
 fbever, it is very favoury, and pleafant to eat $ and the skin is fo delicate an 
 fweet, that it is the beft Meat of all : they call them Chaliua, which fignifies Fi 
 Another reafon why thefe Rivers otPeru, which fall into the Sea, are fo ill fton 
 with Fifh may be, becaufe the Waters are lhallow, as well as rapid •-, and yet 
 the Winter they are too deep to be waded over. 
 
 In the great Lake olTitkaca are great quantities of Fifh, which though they at 
 of the fame quality and form with tnofe in the Rivers , yet the Indians, to diftii 
 guifh them from ethers, give them the name otSmki .• they are fo fat, that whe 
 they are fryed, or ftewed, they need no other greafe than their own. There 
 likewife in this Lake another fort of Fifh, which the Spaniards call Bogas, the h 
 dian word for them I have forgot •, it is a little fmall Fifh, of a bad tafte, and 
 worfe fhape 5 and if I am not greatly miftaken, they have fcales, and might 
 be called Harnhnelas, or Sprats, for the fmallnefs of them : both forts of thel 
 Fifhes breed abundantly in that great Lake, having room enough to fpawn in, an 
 have fufficiency of feeding, which is brought down by the Rivers which fall 
 it. And thus much fhall ferve to have fpoken of Rivers, and of the Fifh vvhii 
 the Waters of that Countrey afford. 
 
 -• 
 
 CHAF 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 341 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Of the Emeralds, Torquoifes, and Pearls of that Cowi- 
 trey. 
 
 ■ TH H E pretious Stones found in Peru, in the time of the Incas, were Torquoi- 
 J- fes, Emeralds, and Cryftal of the fineft fort, though they were not ac- 
 ' quainted with the manner how to work it : the Emeralds grow in the Mountains 
 , of the Province of Mama, which is within the Jurifdiction of Puerto Viejo 5 but 
 ! yet the Spaniards have not been able, with all their endeavours, to find out the 
 ', quarry of them , which is the reafon that they are fo fcarce and rare 5 fuch of 
 ,j them as are found, are the beft of that kind in all Peru .- Howfoever from that, 
 ; and other parts of the mft-Indies, they have brought fuch great quantities of 
 I them into Spain, as have made them cheap, and difefteemed : howfoever the E- 
 meralds from other parts are not to be compared with thofe of Puerto Tim ^ the 
 , which grow in their Quarries, and take their tincture from the nature of the Soil 
 from whence they are produced , ripening there with time, like fruit in their pro- 
 per feafons : The Emerald, when it firft begins, is of a palifh white, partaking of 
 a grey colour mixed with a green •■, then as it grows ripe, or towards its perfection, 
 ; . it takes at one end a tincture of green, perhaps at that end firft which points to- 
 wards the Eaft, after which that pleafant colour difperfes it felf over all the Stone 5 
 1 I fo that as the Stone is when it comes from its Quarry, fo it remains for ever after. 
 . I faw in Coz-co, amongft many Emeralds, two efpecially of lingular note, being 
 , of a perfect round (hape, as big as ordinary Nuts, and bored through the middle 5 
 1 one of thefe Stones was complete, and in all parts perfect ■-, the other in the mid- 
 ' die, and at one of the corners, was perfect, and extremely beautifull •, the other 
 , two parts, or corners, were not fo pleating, being not come to their full beauty and 
 , perfection, howfoever were not much fhort of the beft 5 but the other which was 
 oppofite to it, was foul, and little worth, having received but a faint green, and 
 fuch as appeared worfe, by the beautifull luftre of the others, fo that it feemed 
 a piece of green glafs joyned to the Emerald. Wherefore the Mafter of that 
 Stone cutoff that part from the other, for which he was much blamed by curious 
 and inquifitive Men •, who were of opinion, that for proof and evidence, that the 
 Emerald grows by degrees to perfection in the Quarry ■-, he ought to have permit- 
 ted them to remain together ; and that the curiofity of the thing would have been 
 more valuable than the Stone it felf. I then being a Boy, they gave me that part 
 which was cut off to play with, which I (till keep, not being of any value. 
 
 The Torquoife is a Stone of a blew colour, fome of them of a more deep 
 azure, and finer than the others, but not fo much efteemed by the Indians as the 
 Emerald. 
 
 Pearls were not much ufed or worn in Peru, though they had a knowledge of 
 them : the reafon was, becaufe the lncas, who were always more tender of the wel- 
 fare and fafety of their people, than of their improvements in that which we call 
 Riches, forbad them to expofe themfelves to that danger which is required in 
 fiihing for Pearls, which therefore were not in ufe amongft them. Since that 
 time they are become fo common, that Acofta reports thus of them, which words 
 we (hall rehearfe verbatim. " Since we have undertaken (faith he) to treat of the 
 principal Riches, which are brought from the Indies, we muft not omit Pearls, 
 * which the Ancients called Margarites ; the value of which were at firft fo great, 
 -t that they were efteemed Jewels fit and worthy onely for Princes and Royal Per- 
 ' ( fons : but now they are become fo common, that even Neger Women wear 
 Strings of them. Then afterwards in another part of this Chapter, he proceeds, 
 | and fays, That Pearls are found in divers parts of the Indies , but the place. 
 i where they abound moft, is in the South- Sea, about Panama, where thofe Iflands 
 . are, which are called the Pearl-Iflands : but the beft and greateft quantity is 
 
 found 
 
 
2J.2 Royal Commentaries. BookVIIJ. 
 
 " found in the North- Sea, near the River called Hada, where I underftood how 
 " they fifhed for them, and took them 5 which is done with the great labour and 
 " hazard of thofe poor people, who will dive fix, nine, and fometimes twelve 
 " fathoms under water to gather the Oifters, which include the Pearls, and grow 
 " clofe to the fides of the Rocks ■■, and having loaded themfelves at the bottom 
 " of the Sea, they arife, and buoy up themfelves again to the furface of the wa- 
 " ter, and emptying their (hells which they bring up into their Canoes, they 
 a then open them , and take out that Treafure, which good fortune hath prefen- 
 " ted to them : the coldnefs of the water at the bottom of the Sea is great, and 
 " troublefome to the Divers, but much more laborious to hold their breath for a 
 " quarter of an hour, and fometimes for a full half hour , during the time that 
 " they remain under water •■> the which cannot be performed by any, but thofe 
 " who have accuftomed themfelves to it from their infancy, and who ufe great 
 " abftinence , adventuring not to dive , but when they are fading : Likewife 
 " covetoufnefs in this people makes them the more abftemious, though it be ne- 
 " ver fo grievous : they drudge for Pearls in divers manners, and find them in fuch 
 " quantities, that they now firing them in Neck-laces. In the year 1 587, within 
 u my memory, there came from the Indies, for the King's account, 18 Mark 
 " -weight of Pearl, with three other large Chefts of the fame, belides 1 264 Mark 
 " weight for account of particular perfons, and feven other bags full not weigh- 
 " ed : the report of which, at any other time, would have feemed incredible. 
 Thus far are the Words oiAcofla, with which he concludes that Chapter. 
 
 And now hereunto I (hall add two Stories about Pearls ; one is, that about the 
 year 1 ^64, they brought fo'many Pearls to Sezit for the King's account, that being 
 heaped up into a hoard like feed, they were fet to fale in grofs to the higheft Bidder. 
 Out-cry being made of the fale to him that fhould give mod, and the price agreed ; 
 one of the King's Officers prefently offered to him that had bought them 6000 
 Ducats for his bargain •, and a certain Merchant called Profpero, who was skilled 
 in that commodity, immediately laid down the Money 5 fo the Pearls being ta- 
 ken up, the firft buyer remained contented with the advantage of 6000 Ducats, 
 which he had gained for one word (peaking --, and the other well fatisfied v, ith his 
 bargain, hoping to get much more Money and benefit by fo confiderable a parcel 
 of Pearls. The other Story is this : I knew a young Man in Spain of low condi- 
 tion, and in great want ; and though he were a Silver- fmith by Trade, yet ha- 
 ving no Stock to fet up with, lie worked as a Journey-man. This perfon lived in 
 Madrid in the year 1 562, and 63, and lodged with me at my Lodgings -, and ob- 
 ferving him to play away all that he got by his work , I often chid him, and told 
 him that I believed I fhould one day fee him in very great mifery : To which be 
 replied, that his wants and miferies could not be greater than they had been, when 
 * Thirty fix he came on foot, and onely with 14 * Maravedts in his pocket to Madrid. This 
 Mamvedis fellow, to improve and better his fortune, refolved to go to the Indies, and deal in 
 make fix p ear i Sj f or 1 knew he had fome skill in them : It happened that he was fo fuccefs- 
 pence. ^ . n ^ Voyage, and in his profit, that he got an Eftate of above thirty thou- 
 sand Ducats •, and then to fhew his Gallantry (for I knew both him and his Wife) 
 he made him a large Coat of black Velvet, which he embroidered with fine 
 Pearl before, at leaft fix fingers broad, and quite round the borders ; which was 
 very gallant, and agreeable to the new Mode •-, this Embroidery being valued at 
 the leaft in four thoufand Ducats. This Relation I have made, to fhew the great 
 quantities of Pearl, which have been brought from the Indies ; befides thofe which 
 we have mentioned in the third Book and fifteenth Chapter of our Hiftory of 
 Florida, which are found in many'parts of that great Kingdom, particularly in that 
 rich Temple of the Province called Cofachiqui •-, the 1 8 Mark weight of Pearl, be- 
 fides the two Chefts which Acofta mentions to have been brought for the King's ac- 
 count, were all choice Pearls, and fuch as at feveral times were culled out by the 
 Indians, and fet apart for the King's ufe and fervice, to whom a fifth part belonged 
 of all the Pearls which were taken , and accordingly delivered into the Royal 
 Wardrobe 5 from whence they were given out for adorning a Manto and Petti- 
 coat for the Image of our Lady of Guadalupe •, embroderying a whole Suit, fuch 
 as the drefs of her Head, Frontlets, Surcoat, hanging Sleeves, and hem of her Gar- 
 ments, all with the fineft fort of Pearl fet in Diamond-work : the Houfe, or Chair 
 of State made for this Image, which were ufually of a darkifh colour, were now 
 covered with Rubies and Emeralds fet in Gold ; by which it was apparent, by 
 
 whofe 
 
 i 
 
 
BookVIIL Royal Commentaries. 343 
 
 whofe command, and at whofe charge thofe Artifls worked, and to whofe fer- 
 vice the Catholick King did dedicate fo great a Treafure , which was immenfe, 
 and beyond the abilities and magnificence of any other, than his onely who was 
 Emperour of the Indies. 
 
 But to compute, and rightly to calculate the Riches of this Monarch, we ought 
 to reade the fourth Book of Acofta, wherein are fuch mange difcoveries of things 
 in the New World, as are almoft incredible. Amongft which I have been an eye- 
 witnefs my felf at Sevil, in the year i $79, where I law a Pearl, which a Gentle- 
 nan, called Don Diego de Temez., brought from Panama, and defigned for King Philip 
 ;:he Second : the Pearl was about the bignefs of a Wallnut, and roundnefs of a 
 Pigeon's Egg : it was valued in the Indies at twelve thoufand Pieces of Eight, which 
 nake fourteen thoufand four hundred Ducats, facomo de Tre^o of Milan, an excel- 
 ent Artift and Jeweler to his Catholick Majefty, efteemed it at fourteen, thirty, 
 lfty, and fometimes at a hundred thoufand Ducats, that is, that it had no price % 
 or in regard there was none like it in the World, and that there was none with 
 •vliich it might be compared, it was not capable of any eftimation : In Sevil many 
 vent to fee it for a fight, giving it the Name of the Foreigner. A certain Italian 
 Gentleman at that time went about that City, and bought up all the choiceft Pearls 
 le could find for account of a Great Lord in Italy -, when having purchafed a String, 
 [r Chain of the beft ■-, yet being compared and laid by the Foreigner, they teemed 
 ike fo many little pebles of the Brook. Thofe that knew, and were acquainted with 
 'earls, and pretious Stones, did aver, that it weighed 24 Quilats above any other 
 hat was ever known -, but what that means, I am not skilfull enough to interpret. 
 The Proprietor of this Pearl (aid, that a little Neger Boy, which was not worth 
 bove a 100 Ryals, filhed the (hell, wherein it was contained, out of the water 5 
 vhich was fo cragged, and promifed fo little outwardly, that they were going to 
 ,aft it again into the Sea •-, but yielding unexpectedly fo great a profit to the Ma- 
 iler, he was pleafed in. reward for the benefit to give liberty to the Slave 5 and in 
 ionour to the Matter on whom fortune had beftowed fo great a Treafure, the In- 
 abitants of Panama were pleafed to make him their High Conftable : the Pearl 
 t-as never polifhed , becaufe the Mafter would never confent that it mould be 
 ouched, unlefs it were to bore a hole through it •, for they never attempt to alter 
 he fafhion or fhapes of them, but firing them as they come from the fhells ■-, fo 
 hat fome of them come out very round, others long, others flat, others round of 
 >ne fide, and flat on the other •, but thofe which are in fafhion of a Pear, are moft 
 (teemed, becaufe they are not common : When a Merchant hath got one of 
 his (hape, he prefently enquires, and makes fearch for another which is like it ; 
 or being well matched, they rife double in their price 3 fo that when a Pearl, be- 
 og fingle, is valued at a hundred Ducats-, being afterwards well matched with 
 nother, doth prefently double its price, and both give a value to each other, be- 
 aufe they are made the more fit for Chains and Neck-laces, for which they are 
 rincipally defigned. Pearl is of a nature which will admit of no pclifhing, be- 
 ig compofed of a certain fhell, or tunicle, which covers it , and which decays 
 vith time, lofing much of its luftre and brightnefs which it had at firft •-, hovvfb- 
 ver, when they take off the upper coat, or tunicle, of the decayed part, that which 
 ; under appears as oriental as it did at firft, but yet with great damage to the 
 'earl, being confiderably leflened, at leaft one third of its bignefs : HowfoeveTj 
 he beft fort of Pearls do never decay, and may be excepted from this general 
 ,ale. 
 
 
 CHAT. 
 
^aa Royal Commentaries. BookVIIL 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Of Gold and Silver. 
 
 SPah it felf is a fufficient vvirnefs of the Gold and Silver which comes from Peru, 
 considering that for the twenty five years laft part, (befides what hath been for- 
 merly carried ) there hath been every year tranfported twelve or thirteen Millions, 
 according to Regifter, befides that which hath parted without account. There is , ; 
 Gold found in all the parts of Peru, fome more, and fome lefs generally in every 
 Province. It is found on the top or furface of the Earth, carried by rtreams and 
 currents, and walhed down by great flouds of Rain, which the Indians gather and K 
 put into water, feparating it from the Earth, as the Silver- fmiths do the filings, ' £ : 
 which fall in their (hops. That which is found in this manner, is called Gold in ~> 
 duft, becaufe it is like filings •, fome of which are indifferently big, and about the 
 falhion of a Mellon-feed, ibme are round, and others of an oval form ; all the L 
 Gold of Peru is -ibout eighteen or twenty Quilats, more or lefs, in goodnefs, onely 
 that which comes from the Mines o{Callavaya,ox Ca/lahuaya, is of the fineft fort,being 
 twenty four Quilats and better, as I have been informed by fome Gold-fmiths in 
 Spain. In the year 1 5 y 6, there was digged out of the veins of a Rock in the Mines • 
 of Ca/lahuaya, a piece of Gold Ore, of the bignefs of a Man's head, in colour like 
 the Lungs of a living creature, and indeed did fomething refemble it in the ihape 
 having certain Perforations through it from one end to the other 5 in all which J - 
 holes there appeared little kernels of Gold, as if melted Gold had been dropped in- K 
 to them, fome of them being outwardly in knobs, and others more inward : Thoft 
 that underftood the nature of Mines, w r ere of opinion, that had that piece of Ore ~i 
 been fuffered to remain, it would all with time have been turned into perfect 
 Gold. In Cozco the Spaniards looked upon it as ftrange and unufual, and the Indi- 
 ans called it Huaco, as they did every thing which was wonderful!, and worthy ol L 
 admiration •, die which word alfo was ufed by them when any thing was abomi 
 mble, or deteftable in its kind. The Mafter of this piece of Ore determined to 
 carry it with him into Spain, and prelent it to King Philip the Second as a curiofitj 
 greatly to be efteemed : But I was informed by thofe who were in the fame Flee 
 with him, that the Ship in which that perfon embarked was cart away, and tha 
 he was drowned, and all his treafure, wirh much more, perimed with him. 
 
 The Silver is digged with much more labour than Gold, and refined with mud 
 more charge and difficulty : There are many Mines in divers parts oiPeru, but now 
 like thofe ofPotofi, the which were difcovered in the year 1 54 5, being about four 
 teen years after the Spaniards firrt poftefled that Countrey, as appears by the Re 
 xord. The Mountain in which thefe Mines arile, is called Potoji ■-, but why it is (i 
 named, I cannot tell, unlefs it hath fome fignification in the proper Language 
 that Countrey •, for in the general Speech of Peru it hath none. It is fituated if 
 themidft of a Plain, in form of a Sugar-loaf, is about the compals of a Leagues 
 the bottom, and a quarter of a League towards the top, it is round, and very pte 
 fant to behold, rtanding alone, and fingle in a Plain ■, which Nature hath adorne 
 and beautified, having added comelinefs to that fame, which its Riches hath mad 
 renowned, and efteemed in the World. Some Mornings it appears with a cap c 
 Snow, the Climate thereabouts being fomething cold. That Mountain in th 
 divifion which was firrt made fell to the (hare of Goncalo Picarro, and aftervvarc 
 to Pedro Hinojofa •, as we lhall hereafter declare, in cale we may be Co free, as t 
 bring to light fome hidden and fecret practices contrived in die times of War 
 w hich Hirtorians do often omit ; fearing to difparage the Actions of great Met 
 and thereby create enmity and difpleafure to themfelves. 
 
 Acofia in his fourth Book writes at large of Gold, and Silver, and Quick filve 
 of which every day there are Mines difcovered in that Empire , fo that I lhall n< 
 need to write of them ; onely I lhall mention fome few remarkable things conce 
 ning thofe Metals, and how the Indians melted, and founded them before the .f/> 
 
 tl 
 
 nu> 
 
 1 
 
 St 
 
 II 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 345 
 
 1 nurds found out the ufe of Quick-filver ? and refer the Reader, to fatisfie his curio- 
 fity to that Hiftory olAcofta, in which he writes of all thefe Metals, and particu- 
 larly of the Nature of Quick-filver, at large. Tis obfervable that the Mines of the 
 Mountain Potofi were firft difcovered by certain Indians, who were Servants to Spa- 
 niards, called in their Language Tanacuna •, who under the feal of friendlhip, and 
 promife of fecrecy, kept it concealed for fome time, enjoying to themfelves the 
 benefit of the firft difcovery ; but finding the Riches immenfe, and difficult to be 
 hidden, they could not, or would not, conceal the intimation thereof from their 
 Matters, who opening the firft vein of Ore, found paflage to a greater Treafure. 
 Amongft thofe Spaniards, to whom this booty and fortunate lot happened, there 
 was one ailed Gon^alo Bemal, who was afterwards Steward to Pedro de Hinojofa -, 
 this Man difcourfing fome (hort time after the difcovery of this Mine, with Diego 
 Crntem, a Gentleman of Quality, and other Noble perfons, concerning the rich and 
 fpreading veins of this Mountain, declared it to be his opinion, that in cafe this 
 Mine were digged, and the Silver melted, which it would produce, that Silver 
 would become more common, and lefs valuable than Iron. The which affertiori 
 I have feen made good in the years i JS4, and js , when in the War ofFrancifco 
 Hernandez Giro*, an IronHorfe-fhoe was worth five Pieces of Eight, or fix Ducats, 
 and a Shoe for a Mule rated at four Pieces of Eight, and two Nails for fhoing va- 
 lued at a Tomin, or * fifty RveMaravedis. I have feen a pair of Buskins, or Spatter- * About ten 
 lafhes, fold at thirty fix Ducats •, a Quire ofPaper for four Ducats ; an Ell otValen- pence. 
 tia Cloth, dyed in grane, at fixty Ducats •, and according to this rate, all the fine 
 Cloths made ofSigovi* Wool, their Silks, Linen, and other Merchandifes of Spain, 
 Iwere eftimated : but the War was the caufe of this dearnefs, becaufe in the (pace 
 of two years, that it continued, there arrived no Ships in Peru with the Commo- 
 dities of Spain. Moreover, the great abundance of Silver which thofe Mines yiel- 
 ded, caufeditto be cheap, and of no efteem^ that a Basket of Cuca came to be 
 worth thirty fix Ducats, and a Bufhel of Wheat valued at twenty four or twenty 
 five Ducats ; at like rates they fold their Mayz, and all their commodities for Shoes 
 ,and Cloathing •, and their Wine alfo was fold at exceffive prizes, untill fuch time 
 jas it came to be imported in greater quantities: And though thisCountrey be rich, 
 and abounding with Gold, Silver, and pretious Stones, yet the Natives are the 
 ■moft poor and miferable people in all the World. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 Of Quickjfdver ; and how they melted their Ore before they 
 difcoz/ered that Mineral. 
 
 W 
 
 r E have in the foregoing part of this Hiftory fignified, that the focan Kings 
 had a knowledge of Quick-filver, but were unacquainted with the Na- 
 ture, or Ufe of it, and onely admired the lively and quick motions of it •, howfo- 
 ever, having obferved fome certain noxious qualities and effects it produced , fuch 
 i as ftupefadtions, palfies, and tremblings of the Nerves, the Kings, whofe chief care 
 was the fafety of their people, ( for which reafon one of their Titles was, Lovers of 
 the Poor) did abfolutely forbid their Subjects to ufe or meddle with it-, and they 
 being poftefled with an apprehenfion of its noxious qualities, abhorred it to that 
 degree, as not to think it worthy of their thought or word; fo that they had no 
 name for Quick-iilver, unlefs they have coined one for it fince the Spaniards in the 
 year 1 567, made a difcovery of it 5 and if they had any before, they had certain- 
 ly forgot it, as Men are liable to doe, who have no knowledge or practice of letters. 
 That which the I >icm ufed and permitted to their Subjects, was a fort of Earth of 
 a pure Vermilion-colour beyond expreffion , found in duft within the Mines of 
 
 Y y Quick- 
 
S 
 
 346 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 Quick-filver •-, the Indians call ic Tcbma ; that which ^cofia calls Z/;'w/>i is of a Pur- 
 ple-colour, and extracted from other Mines ; for in thofe Countries they have 
 Earth of all colours, which ferve us for Painting : But as to this curious Crimfon 
 with which the Indians are fo much affe&ed , it is alfo forbidden to be extra&ed 
 without licence, left the people venturing themfelves far into the Caverns of the 
 Earth in the fearch of it, mould prejudice their healths, and endanger their lives •, 
 and therefore the ufe of it is forbidden to the common people, and onely permit- 
 ted to Ladies of the Royal Bloud ; Men never ufe it, nor Women in years, but 
 fuch onely as are young and handfome •, who do not lay it upon their Cheeks, as 
 our Women do in Spain, but onely draw it in ftreaks about the breadth of a ftravv, 
 from the corners of their Eyes to their Temples 5 and in this manner it feemed 
 very becoming. Other Fhcus, or Painting, than this with Tchma, the Pa/Lts or great 
 Ladies did not ufe, nor was it their adornment of every days drefs, but onely then, 
 when they would appear fine and welldrefled upon the days of the principal Feafts, 
 when they always warned their Faces very clean, as alfo did all the common peo^ 
 pie. But the truth is, thofe Women who did much avail themfelves of theii 
 beauty, and clearnefs of their skin, would for confervation thereof, lay a fort of 
 white ftuff like Milk upon it, (of what they made it, for my part I cannot tell j') 
 but there they let it flick, and remain for the fpace of nine days, at the end of 
 which being well dried, like a fcurf on the skin, they would then take it off, and 
 the complexion would remain much more bright and clear than before : But as to 
 the Tchma, the Prohibition that was made againft extra&ing of it, caufed it to be 
 fcarce, and of little ufe. And whereas a certain Authour fays, that the Indi, 
 did ufually paint their faces in the Wars, and at their Feftivals, it is a grofs mi 
 ftake, though perhaps fome Nations might doe it, which were efteemed the mol 
 falvage and barbarous. 
 
 And now we are to declare how they melted their Silver, before they fou 
 the ufe of Quick-filver : the manner was this. Near to the Mountain Potocchi, . 
 Potocfi, (which is all one) there is another Mountain in the fame form and fhape 
 but not fo great, nor fo high, called by the Indians Hmyna Pom ft, or the Potocfi tb 
 Junior, as if they were Father and Son. The Silver, for the moft part, is extradei 
 from Bamn Potocfi, or the Elder Potocfi ; in melting of which, they at firft founc 
 great difficulty, for not being able to make it run, it burnt away, or evaporated ir 
 jfmoak •, of which the Indians could not penetrate the^caufe, nor difcover a remedy 
 But as necefllty and covetoufnefs make Men ingenious and contriving , fo parti 
 cularly the Indians were infinitely induftrious to find out fome way to Melt theii 
 Cold and Silver -, at length, after many experiments, they happened to try the mel 
 ting of a bafer fort of Metal, which the lefler Potocfi produced , confifting, for th< 
 moft part, of Lead mixed with Silver-, the which yielding more eafily, melte' 
 and run ; and this being put into the Melting-pots, together with the fine Silvi 
 and Gold, would immediately caufe them to melt and diflblve ; for which reafoi 
 the Indians gave it the Name of Curuchec, which fignifies any thing that diflblves 
 In the melting of which Metals, they obferved a certain proportion of this com 
 fer fort, for to fo much Silver they put fuch a quantity of this Cumckec, accorditij 
 as time and experience had informed their judgments •, for all forts of Silver wen 
 not of the fame finenefs, though digged and extracted from the fame vein •-, fo tha 
 according to the quality and richnefs of the Metal, the quantity otCumchec was g 
 be applied. The Silver being thus mixed with more fufible Metal, they melted 
 down in Earthen or Clay-pots, or Cryfobles, which they carried from place ti 
 place : But in regard they had no ufe of Bellows to make the heat of their fir 
 moreintenfe, nor yet ufed Copper Pipes , which we have formerly mentionec 
 wfereivith to blow the fire •■, it often happened, that they could not poffibly caul 
 their Silver to melt •, of which the Indians not being able to comprehend the rea 
 fon, did at length conclude, that it muft be a natural blaft of Wind which mul 
 doe this work : But then if the Wind were too ftrong, it would blow away th 
 Coles, and cool the Metal, fo that a temperate and eafie gale was requifite : T 
 procure which, their cuftome was to go upon the Hills by night, observing hoi 
 the Winds fate, and there placed their Melting- pots at fuch a height, higher < 
 lower, according as they perceived the force of the Wind. It was a pleafont iigl 
 in thofe days to fee eight, ten, twelve or fifteen thoufand of thefe Fires burning a 
 at the fame time, upon the fides of thefe Mountains ranged in order one by the c 
 ther. The firft Melting of the Ore was made in this manner on the Mountain; 
 
 bi 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries, 347 
 
 but then the fecond time they founded it again in their Houfes, blowing the fire, 
 as we have (aid, with the Pipes of Copper, when they made feparation of their 
 Lead from their Silver. For in regard the Indians had not the knowledge of all 
 thofe inventions, which the Spaniards have attained in the Art of feparating Gold, 
 and Silver, and Lead, performed by Aquafortis, and other Ingredients 3 their way 
 was by often Melting, to burn out the Lead, and fo refine : By which we may 
 obferve, that the Indians had feme knowledge of refining the Silver ofPotofi, be- 
 fore the difcovery of Quick-diver 3 and ftill conferve that Art, though not fo com- 
 monly or frequently known amongft them as formerly. 
 
 The Mafters and Owners of the Mines, perceiving that by this way of Melting 
 by natural Winds , their Goods and Riches were divided, and much embezellea 
 by being difperfed into feveral hands •, wherefore to remedy this inconvenience, 
 they employed Day-labourers, who were Indians, to dig and extract the Metal 3 
 and then the Spaniards themfelves melted down their own Silver 5 whereas before 
 : the Indians having extracted the Ore, for every hundred weight thereof agreed and 
 , ftipulated with their Mafters to return them fuch a quantity of Silver. By this good 
 , husbandry, and by the improvements they had made in the Art of Melting, they 
 i made great Bellows, which being placed at a diftance, would blow their fires in- 
 :to an extremity of flame. But this neither proving a ready way, they made an 
 1 Engine with Wheels, carried about with Sails like a Wind-mill, or turned by 
 iHorfes 3 which fanned and blowed the fire with great violence. Nor did this nei- 
 ther doe the work, fo that the Spaniards defpairing of the fuccefs of their inventions, 
 made ufe of thofe which the Indians had framed and contrived 3 and fo things 
 .continued for 22 years, untill the year 1 567, when by the wit and induftry of a 
 certain Portugal, named Henrique Garces, a great plenty of Quick-filver was difcovered 
 in the Province of Huanca, furnamed Villca, which fignifiesGreatnefs,or Eminence 5 
 J know not for what reafon, unlefs it be for the great abundance of Quick-filver 
 which that Countrey yielded 3 which is lb neceflary in the founding of Metals, 
 that without it there is great wafte and confumption 3 and which hath been fo ufe- 
 •full, that eight thoufand Quintals of it have every year been fpent in the fervice 
 of his Majefty 3 and yet notwithftanding this great plenty of Quick-filver which 
 was difcovered, the Spaniards were for fome time ignorant of the ufe which might 
 be made thereof in the more eafie extracting of their Silver 3 nor had they for 
 the fpace of four years after any good Aflay-Mafter, untill the year 1 571, when a 
 icertain Spaniard named Fernandez, de Velafco, who had lived at Mexico, and learned 
 the manner of extracting the Silver with Quick-filver, came to Peru, and taught 
 the ufe of it to them there. As Acofla more largely and curioufly relates, to whom 
 I refer the Reader, who defires to be informed of many rarities and matters of 
 .this nature worthy to be known. 
 
 Yy 
 
 BOOK 
 
C?49) 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 BOOK IX. 
 
 *- 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Huayna Capac caused a Chain of Gold to be made as big as 
 a Cable ; and bis Reafons for it. 
 
 TH E puiiTant and powerfull Hnayna Capac being abfblute Lord of 
 his Empire, employed the firft year of his Reign in performing 
 the Funeral Solemnities of his deceafed Father 5 and then af- 
 terwards, to the great joy and fatisfa&ion of his people, made 
 his progrefs in vifiting divers parts of his Empire ) and every- 
 where as he pafled, the Caracas came forth to meet and receive 
 him, and the people ftrowed their ways with Flowers, and made Triumphal Ar- 
 ches with Canes and Rufhes, covered with Rofes and Flowers, and odoriferous 
 Herbs •, all places refounded with loud Acclamations of the people, repeating the 
 Auguft Titles of the Inca, efpecially the Name of Hnayna Capac, Hnayna CapaCy 
 which they often echoed, as that which contained moft of Grandeur and Renown 5 
 the which he having deferved from his infancy, did now, as they believed, merit 
 a greater advance of Adoration, being placed in degree of a God. Acojla writing 
 in the 24th Chapter of his fixth Book in commendation of this Prince, hath thefe: 
 words : " This Huayna Capac was adored by his people in his life-time for a 
 " God, and with that divine Worfhip which was never before ufed towards his 
 " Anceftours, as ancient Men ftill living do remember, and relate of their own 
 knowledge. As this Huayna Capac had newly begun to make his Journey 
 into divers parts of his Empire, news was brought him , that he had a Son and 
 Heir born , who was afterwards called Huafcar Inca .• This Child being greatly 
 defired , filled all the Court with joy 5 and was fo pleafing to his Father, that 
 he returned to Coz,co , to be prefent at the Entertainments wnich were made for 
 celebraring the Feftivals of his Son's Nativity, and was there received with all 
 the evidences of joy, and cordial welcome, as could be poflibly exprefled. 
 This Solemnity being part , which lafted for twenty days •■, the Inca, out of the 
 abundance of joy, which he conceived for the Birth of an Heir, began to enter- 
 tain thoughts of doing and contriving fomething extraordinary, and never be- 
 fore invented againft the time that his Son was to be weaned , at which time 
 they cut off his firft lock of Hair, and gave him his Name , which, as we have 
 Jaid in the former part of this Hiftory, was the moft folemn Feftival that they 
 kept, being obferved by all forts of people, from the King to the Beggar; every 
 one having a (hare, and being concerned in the Birth and Welfare of the Prince, 
 
 who 
 
2<?o Royal Comment (tries. Book IX. 
 
 who was Heir. Amongft divers other particulars of Greatnefs, in an extraor- 
 dinary part instituted for celebration of this Feftival, one was a Chain of Gold 
 of that wonderfull bignefs, as made it famous by report through the whole 
 World, and yet was never feen by Foreigners, whofe Avarice was as ftrong as 
 their curiofity to fee a piece of fuch magnificence; the defign which the I»ca 
 had to make it, was this : In the Countries of Peru every Province or Nation had 
 Dances properly belonging to their Countrey, different from others, by which 
 they were diftinguiftied one from the other, as much as by the Drefs upon 
 their Heads-, and thefe Dances were always conftant, and the fame, without 
 any change or alteration of new Modes. The I»cm had a fort of Dance which 
 was grave and decent, without jumping, orcapring, as others ufed. Their 
 Cuftome was for the Men to dance without admitting the Women into the 
 Ring, and to clafp hands one with the other, reaching them out to the fore- 
 moft, untill all were, entred in, and chained as it were one to the other, fo 
 that fometimes two or three hundred Men were concerned in the Dance, 
 according to the number of thofe prefent at the Feftival; the which they be- 
 gan at fome diftance from the King, before whom they prefented it. Their, 
 manner was to begin all at the fame time, and to make three fteps by rule, 
 the firft was back, and then two others forward, like the Chafes and Coupees 
 that we ufe in our Spanish Dances; fo that giving but one ftep backward, and 
 two forward, they ftill gained ground, untill they came to the middle of the 
 place, where the l»ca fate : as they danced they fang by turns , not to tire 
 themfelves, fo much as they would do, in cafe they all fang together; their 
 Tunes were according to the meafure of their Dances, and the fubjecls of their 
 Songs were in praife of the prefent J»ca, and his Anceftours, and thofe of the 
 Bloud Royal, and of their Actions and Exploits performed in the times of 
 Peace and War. The hcas alfo there prefent , and ftanding about the King, 
 bore their part in the Confort, as thofe who were equally concerned in the 
 merriment, and the King himfelf danced fometimes, to render the Feftival 
 more folemn. 
 
 ' "ft 
 From this manner of clafping and linking hands one within another, the/** 
 Huayna Capac took his invention of making his Chain of Gold, efteeming that 
 it would be much more {lately and majeftical to have thefe Dancers linked and 
 fattened one to the other by this Chain, rather than by their hands. The par- 
 ticulars of this Chain I did not hear from common report , but from my Old 
 Uncle, whom I mentioned at the beginning of this Hiftory, who being a Per- 
 fon much pleafed with the remembrance of old Stories, told me that this Chain 
 was fo long, as would reach the length and breadth of the chief Market-place 
 of Co*,co, where they danced at the time of all their principal Feafts; and 
 though it was not neceflary to have it fo long in refpett to the Dance, oneljr 
 the Jwa was pleafed to order it of that length, for greater State, and in honqnr 
 to the Feftival of his Son and Heir, in which nothing was to be deficient which 
 might render it great and folemn. 1 (hall not need to inform and trouble thofe 
 who have feen and meafured that Market-place, with an account of the length 
 and breadth of it ; howfoever to fatisfie the curiofity of fuch as have not been 
 there, I dare to affirm, that that place North and South is two hundred com- 
 mon Paces in length, allowing two Foot for every Pace, and an hundred and 
 fifty Paces Eaft and Weft in breadth, taking in thofe Houfes which the Spani- 
 ards in the Year i$<; 6 - when my Matter Garcilajfo de la Vega was Chief Juttice, 
 had built on the fide of the River; fo that this Chain muft have been three 
 hundred and fifty Paces long, which make feven hundred Foot ; ' and when 
 I asked the fame Indian of the compafs of this Chain, he held up his Hand 
 pointing to his Wrift, fignifying that every Link was of that bignels. The 
 Accountant General Augujiine Car ate , in the 14th Chapter of his firft Book 
 having at any time occafion to fpeak of the Riches of the Royal Palaces belon 
 ging to the Incat, reckons up vaft Treafures, and almoft incredible, but I fhal 
 onely repeat what he fays particularly of this Golden Chain, which I have ex 
 traded verbatim. 
 
 GHoynacav 
 
B 6 o k IX. R oyal Commentaries. 351 
 
 " Guaynacava, when he had a Son born, caufed a Golden Chain of that weight to 
 " be made, (as many Indians ftill alive car\teftifie) that being fattened to the Ears 
 " orLuggsof two hundred Indians, it could fcarcely be raifed by them; and in me- 
 " mory of this remarkable Fabrick of Gold-, the Child's Name was called Guafca, 
 " which in their Language fignifies a Rope , or Cable, with the additional Title 
 * of inca. And thus far are the Words of that noble Hiftorian of Peru. 
 
 This rich and magnificent piece of Gold, together with other vaft Treafiires, 
 the Indians made away with, or concealed, fo foon as the Spaniards invaded their 
 Countrey, and fo confounded them beyond all recovery, that no knowledge or 
 , intimation remains where any part of them is to be found : And in regard this 
 rich and ftately piece of Gold was compounded and framed onely for that time 
 when the Prince an Heir was to have his Lock cut, and his Name impofed •, they 
 , furnamed him Huafcar, adding it to his other Names of Tnti Cufi Hualpa- 7 and be- 
 cause Htiafca fignifies a Rope or Cable, ( for in the Language of Peru they have 
 no Word for a Chain,) they, for better Grace of the Word, added R. the which 
 took fo much with his Subjects, that they for the moft part called him Huafcar t 
 omitting Tnti Cufi Hualpa, which Word Hualpa fignifies the Sun of Chearfulnefs. 
 For whereas in thofe days the Incas became very potent, and that power for the 
 imoft part raifes in Men a Spirit of Pride and Vanity, fo they began to be weary 
 •of thofe ovdinary Titles, which anciently exprefled their Grandeur and Majefty; 
 'and expe&ed other Hyperbolies and Exaltations of Divine Attributes , which 
 might raife them to the Heavens, and make their adoration equal to that of their 
 God the Sun. So they called him Tnti, which fignifies the Sun, or Phoebus, Cufi 
 Chearfulnefs, Pleafare, Contentment or Rejoycing. And thus much (hall ferve 
 in Explanation of the Names and Titles of the Inca Huafcar. Let us now return 
 to his Father Huajna Capac, who having given order for the making of this Chain, 
 and left fufficient directions for the fafhion and fize thereof, (that fo it might be 
 ^eady againfl: the time that his Child was to be weaned,) he profecuted the De- 
 fign he had already began, of making a Vifit to the remote parts of his Empire; 
 the which having finiihed in the fpace of two Years, being about the time that 
 his Child was to oe weaned, he returned to Cozco, where all things were prepa- 
 red that could be contrived to make this Feaft folemn, and joyfull, and full of di- 
 vertifement; and then the Child received the Name ofHuafcar. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
j<52 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Ten V allies of the Coaft are reduced, one after the other, 
 m they lay in order; and Tumpiz furrenders of it 
 (elf. 
 
 A Year being pall: after this Solemnity, Huayna Capac ordered that an Army of 
 forty thoufand Men fhould be raifed , with which he marched into the 
 Kingdom of ggitu, taking the Eldeft Daughter of the King of that Countrey 
 which he had Conquered, to be his Concubine, during the time of that Expedi- 
 tion-, but firft to prepare and hallow her, fhe was fent to remain fome days in the 
 Houfe of the Select: Virgins. By this Woman he had Atahuaipa, and his Bro- 
 thers, as we (hall fee by the fequel of this Hiftory. From guitu the Inca defcen- 
 ded into the Plains by the Sea-coaft, and in profecution of his Conquefts he came 
 to the Valley called Chimt, now Trugillo, which was the ultimate bounds to which 
 his Grandfather the good Inca Tupanqui had proceeded, as we have already menti- 
 oned. From thence he fent his Heralds with the accuftomary Summons and Of 
 fers of Peace and War to the Inhabitants of the Valley ofchacma, and Pafcafmayn, 
 Thefe people having long been Borderers and Neighbours to the Subjects of tr. 
 Inca, had from them been informed of the gentlenefs of their Kings, and the ac 
 vantage of their Government, and therefore from a quick fenfe of fo much feli- 
 city, returned anfwer, That they defired nothing more than to be Subjects to the 
 Inca, to obey his Laws, and be ruled by him. All die other eight Vallies fol- 
 lowed the Example of thefe two adjoining Provinces , being fituate between Pa- 
 cafmayu, and Ttmpiz, and are thefe which follow, namely Cama, Collque, cintn 
 
 Tucmi, Sayanca, Mutupi, Puchiu and Sullana ; in the fettlement of which Cou 
 tries, and in the improvement of them with good Husbandry, and in maki 
 Aqueducts to water their Glebe- lands and Pafturage, two years were (pent, ra' 
 ther than in the Conqueft or Subjection of them, for they chearfully, and witr 
 free Will furrendred themfelves to the Inca. During which time the Inca relie 
 ved his Forces three or four times, for in regard the Air of that Countrey was ho 
 and moift, and confequently unwholfome, he judged it fit for the better health ol 
 his Subjects, to change his Guards frequently, that fb the Difeafes of the Cour 
 trey might not enter the Camp, before they were again relieved by an exchang 
 of frefh Men. 
 
 The Inca having fubje&ed thefe Vallies , returned to the Kingdom ofi&//»- 
 where he remained for the fpace of two Years, that fo he might adorn that Cour 
 trey with fumptuous Edifices, and ftately Aqueducts, wherewith he advantage 
 and obliged that people. After which he commanded a levy to be made of fift 
 thoufand Souldiers, which being raifed and armed, he marched with them alon 
 the Sea-coaft, untill they came to the Valley of Sullana, which is the neareft St 
 to Tumpiz; from whence he fent his ufual Summons, and Offers of Peace an 
 War- The Inhabitants of Tumpiz were a fort of people more luxurious in the 
 Diet and Habit, than all thofe who live on that Coaft, and had already iubmii 
 ted to Obedience of the Incas; their manner was to wear a Garland on the 
 Heads by way of diftinclion, which ihey ailed Pillu. Their Caciques or Lon 
 maintained Buffoons, Jefters, Dancers, and Singers, for their Part ime and Dive 
 tifement 5 but their Religion yet was vile and bale, for they adored Tigers an 
 Lions, and offered the Bloud and Hearts of Men in Sacrifice •, they were ferve 
 and obeyed with great Fear and Awe by their own Subjects, and feared by Strai 
 gers-, howfoever being poflefled with dreadfull Apprehenfions of the Inca, th< 
 had no heart nor courage to make oppofition againft him , and therefore retu 
 
 i: ; 
 
 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 353 
 
 ed Anfwer to his Heralds, that they were with all willing obedience ready 
 3 receive him for their Lord and Emperour: The like Anfwer was made by 
 ie Inhabitants of the Vallies upon the Coaft, and other In-land Nations cal- 
 :d chmana, Chintu, and Co/louche, faquall, and others, feated on the neighbou- 
 rs parts. 
 
 CHAP, III. 
 
 Of the ■punijhment infliUed on thofe who killed the Officers 
 of Tupac Inca Yupanqui. 
 
 H E Inca being entred into Tumpiz , raifed a ftrong Fortrefs , and put a con- 
 siderable Garrifon into it j he built alfo a Temple for the Sun, to which he 
 joined a Houfe for the Selecl Virgins-, the which Work being finifhed, he 
 ed forward into the Countrey of thofe who had fiain the Captains, Inftruc- 
 , and Doctors of Religion, which his Father Tupac Yupanqui had formerly 
 Jated in that Countrey, for the better Government and Erudition of that people, 
 ' we have formerly mentioned. In memory of which treacherous Villany Hu- 
 <a Capac fent his Meffengers to them, commanding them immediately to repair 
 his Court, to render an Account of the wickednefs they had perpetrated ; and 
 ough they were confcious of the Fad, and trembled with the thoughts of the 
 inifhment they had deferved, yet they durft not refufe, or neglect the Summons, 
 d therefore in due fenfe of their demerit they humbly approached the Inca, ca- 
 ng themfelves with all fubmiffion at his Feet. The Inca hereupon afiembled all 
 \t Cm-acts, AmbaSIadours, Counfellours, and Nobles, who were prefent at that 
 feting, when his Father , at their requeft , fent his Officers and Instructors a- 
 longft them , the which they had treacherously murthered -, and all of them ap- 
 earing before him, a certain Colonel of the Army flood up, and made a Speech 
 'Jthem in behalf of the Inca-, and in the firft place upbraiding them with trea- 
 lery, breach of their Faith, and cruelty, heaccufed them of Ingratitude, and want 
 f Understanding •, for that whereas they ought to have adored the Inca and his 
 '•fficers, for withdrawing them from their brutiSh and beftial Life, to live like 
 l Ien, with all the Comforts and Enjoyments of a rational Being-, they on the 
 )ntrary had barbaroufly and cruelly murthered the Authours and Instruments of 
 jeir Felicity, to the great difhonour of the Sun his Father 5 for which offence 
 iey had deferved fo fevere a punishment, that if their whole Nation of both 
 'exes, and all ages were extirpated, and their Race extinguished, they were not 
 >le with the efrufion of all their Bloud, to make expiation for this heinous crime, 
 'ut in regard that Huajna Capac was an Inca to whofe Nature Mercy and Clemen- 
 / were mofl agreeable, and whofe Title it was to be a Lover of the Poor, he 
 id freely forgive all the common people -, and as to thofe Authours and Contrivers 
 f this Murther, though they had all deferved Death, yet he was contented to de- 
 'rnate them, and every tenth Man to die, as his Lot Should fall upon him, that 
 ) it might be evident, that the Inca had no Spleen or Hatred to any in particu- 
 r, but onely to puniSli Offenders, as Truth and JuStice required. And farther, 
 hat a Mark and Teftimony of this Treachery might remain in the Memory of 
 'ltureAges, the Inca commanded that the Curacas, and principal PerSbnages. of 
 ie Nation, Huanc/tvillca , Should have two of their Teeth drawn from above, 
 ^d two from beneath, and for ever to be fo continued to them, and their Po- 
 erity, and to remain as a Mark whereby to reprqach the fallicy of the Words 
 ronounced with their Mouths, and the breach of the Promife of Fidelity and 
 'aflalage made to his Father Tttpac Yupanqui. 
 
 Z z Thefe 
 
2ca Royal Commentaries. Book IX 
 
 Thefe Nations received the Sentence and Execution of Juftice with great Hu 
 mility and Resignation; efteeming themfelves very happy that the Infli&iono 
 their punifhment was no greater, fearing that it might have extended to a genera 
 Maffacre of them all who were concerned in this Treachery •, forfince the cunt 
 that the Empire of the Imat began to be dilated, nothing was punifhed with fc 
 much feverity as Rebellion -, which Crime being complicated with the vile fin o 
 Ingratitude, made the punifhment inflidted feem eafie, and not bear an equalitj 
 with what the offence deferved ; fo that when the whole Nation ofHttanca-vilk, 
 was punifhed for all the reft , they fupported the Sentence with Patience anc 
 Moderation-, and their Cur mm and Captains , willingly confented to have thei 
 Teeth drawn-, and to (hew their readinefs herein, they made it the Badge anc 
 Diftin&ion of their Nation, drawing out the upper and nether Teeth of thei 
 Children, fo foon as having fhed them, they were grown again-, whereby i 
 is obfervable, that rude and. barbarous People are as well pleafed with Mode 
 ration in the Execution of Punifhment, as others are in the Exceflesof 
 nefits. 
 
 I was once acquainted with an Indian Woman of Hna»cavilka in Cozxo, who 
 counted unto me at large all this. Story, the Men and Women, (as fhe faid) c 
 that Countrey, did ufually boar their Noftrils, for carrying Jewels of Gold an 
 Silver in them-, and I remember when I was a Child, that a Neighbour of our 
 called Coca, had a Horfe of a Chefnut colour, which being broken-winded, fc 
 his more eafie breathing they flit his Noftrils, with which Novelty the Indians bt 
 ing much pleafed, they called the Horfe Hnancavillca, in Similitude of one of tb 
 Nation. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 The Inca vifits his Empire, consults the Oracles, and ga, 
 the JJland of Puna. 
 
 . 
 
 TH E Inca Huayna Capac having reduced thofe Provinces ] punifhed the 
 fenders, and placed fufficient Guards and Garrifons for fubjecting the pe< 
 pie, and keeping them in obedience, he returned to the Kingdom of £>uitu, an 
 fhence taking a compafs to the Southward, he proceeded to the Cbarcas by 
 of Coz.cc, being a Journey of above feven hundred Leagues in length. He all 
 fent vifitors to the Kingdom of Chili , from whence they brought much Gold 1 
 himfelf, as they had done to his Father -, in which Travels he fpent four Ye 
 and then refided two Years in Cozxo. After which he raifed fifty thoufand Sou 
 diers out of the Divifion of Chinchaf/yu, which is to the North of Cczco, commai 
 ding them to make their Rendezvous on the Frontiers of Tumpz, whilft he i 
 Penon defcended into the Plains, to Vifit the Temples of the Sun, of which thei 
 were many of great Devotion in thofe parts. In the firft place he went to tr 
 rich Temple of Pachacamac, whom they adored for the unknown God; and thei 
 commanding the Priefts to confult the Oracle, who was the Devil, concerning t\ 
 happinefs of his Succefles, anfwer was made, that he fhould proceed in his Ente 
 prifes, for he fhould be profperous in them, and in all others that he fhould ui 
 dertake-, for that he was chofen for fupreme Lord of all the four Quarters of tl 
 World. Hence he pafled to the Valley of Rimac, where that famous prating Id< 
 was feated, the which he confulted in compliance with the Capitulations whic 
 his Great-grandfather had made with the Tuncas, of which one was, that that Id 
 fhould be always conferved by him in great veneration , and having received ! 
 Anfwer, which was full of Ambiguities and Flatteries, he proceeded forward 1 
 the Vallies which border upon Txmpiz, ■, where being arrived , he difpatched \~ 
 
 accufl 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 355 
 
 accuftomary Summons of Peace and War to the Inhabitants of the Ifland of Puna, 
 not far diftant from the Main Land is a fruitfull foil abounding with all things ne- 
 ceflary for humane Life. This Ifle contains about twelve Leagues in compafs* 
 the Lord of which was by Name Tumpalla, one of a proud and haughty Spirit; 
 for having neither by himfelf nor Anceftours acknowledged any Superiour, they 
 domineered over their Neighbours, and thereby being at difcord amorigft them- 
 felves, were the lefs able to make held or refiftence againft the Inctt. Moreover 
 this Tumpalla was vitious and luxurious in his Manners, and Way of living, for 
 he kept many Wives, and Boys ufed after the fafhion of Sodomites ; they fa- 
 crificed the Bloud and Hearts of Men to their Gods-, which were Tigers and 
 Lions , and the R(h of that Coaft, which, becaufe they yielded them Food in 
 great abundance , were by them, as well as by the common Indians, adored for 
 Deities. Thefe People, when they heard the Summons of the Inca, were greatly 
 furprifed and troubled ; to which, that they might return their Anfwer, Tumpalla 
 aflembled the principal Perfons of his Ifland, and then with great forrow declared 
 Unto them, faying, Here now appears at the Gates of our Houfes a certain Tyrant, who 
 threatens to take from us all our Goods and Efiates, and to deftroy hs all, unlefs we readily 
 receive him for our Lord and Mafier ; and now in cafe we fhould admit him, we mufi re- 
 >unce our ancient Liberty, our Command and Principality, which for many Ages hath de- 
 'ended to us from our Ancefiours. Nor is this all, for this Foreigner not trufting to our 
 7 ords and Fidelity, will compell ns to labour, and eretl Towers and Fortrejfes, and having 
 >ut Garrifons into them will force us to maintain the Charge and Expence, that fo we may 
 tver be in any capacity of recovering our Liberty. He will moreover feiz* upon the befi 
 if our Poffeffions, and take from us our Wives and Children, and the mofl beaut if ull of our 
 Daughters; and what is mofl grievous, he will abolifh our Laws, and ancient Cufioms, and 
 in the place thereof impofe new ones upon us, making us worfhip firange Gods , and throw 
 •wn our own, with which we have been acquainted; and in fhort, live after their manner 
 <d pleafure, which is the worfi of fervitudes. Which being certainly our Cafe, I leave it 
 oyou to conjider, whether we had not better die , than be enflaved, deflring you to confult 
 <d advife me what courfe is befi to be taken in this exigence. 
 
 The Indians hereupon debating the matter amongft themfelves, did greatly be- 
 ail their own weaknefs and inability to refift fo powerfull a Tyrant-, and that 
 ' correfpondence between them and their Neighbours being very ill, there was 
 no hopes of making a firm and faithfull Confederacy with them-, in confederation 
 of which having no profped of defending themfelves, and that their refiftence 
 vould produce nothing but Ruine and Deftru&ion, they concluded at laft, that 
 he lefs evil was to be chofen, which was to fubmit to the Inca; and to make a 
 fertue of Neceffity, to difiemble a ready Obedience untill opportunity prefented, 
 vhich might acquit them of their fervitude. On this Refolution Tumpalla did not 
 )nely render a very favourable and gentle Anfwer to the Meflengers fent by the 
 ca, but alio difpeeded Ambafladours in his own Name, and in behalf of all his 
 ►ominions, to him with prefents, humbly offering himfelf, and all his Peo- 
 ple, to his Obedience ; befeeching him to grace that Ifland, and his new Vaflals, 
 vith the favour of his Royal Prefence, which would be the greateft felicity that 
 ley could expedt: or imagine. 
 
 The Inca gratioufly receiving this Addrefs of Tumpalla, ordered conveniences to 
 ye provided for parting his Army into the Ifland, that he might take pofleflion of 
 :he Countrey ; all which being prepared With great punctuality, and in fuch man- 
 ler as the (hortnefs of the time would permit, though not with fuch Pomp and 
 Dftentation as Tumpalla did defire, the Inca pafled into the Ifland, where he was 
 •eceived with Feafting, and Dancing, and new Songs, purpofely compofed in 
 Praife and Honour ofHuayna Capac, and his mighty Actions. His Lodgings were 
 provided in a nc v Palace, lately built, for the Inca was not to fleep in fuch a 
 Chamber where any other Perfon had repofed. The Inca remaining here for 
 ome days, employed himfelf in giving out neceflary Orders for the Government, 
 yy Laws, and the Inftitution of his Religion, commanding the Inhabitants there- 
 of, and all the Neighbours of the Main Land, bordering thereabouts, which cort- 
 ifted of divers Nations and Languages, that leaving the Wormip of their former 
 jods, they fhould forbear to facrifice the Bloud or Flefh of Men, nor eat it, 
 
 Z z 2 nor 
 
 Y 
 
 
2^6 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 nor commit any other wickednefs of this nature; but that they mould adore the 
 Sun for their univerfal God , and live amongft Mankind with Juftice and Rea- 
 fon. AH which the J»ca, whofe Father was the Sun, pronounced, as Legiflator 
 of that great Empire, from whofe Words nothing was to be fubtra&ed ox 
 diminifhed upon pain of Death. To which Tumpalla and his People anfwe- 
 red, that they would comply with whatfoever the Ma Ihould pleafe to enjoin 
 them. 
 
 The Solemnity of the Feftival being paft, which was provided for the more < 
 decent reception of the Ma, the Caracas had time to think upon what they had .- 
 done, and confidering more maturely of the rigour of the new Laws impofed up- U 
 on them, and how contrary they were to their ancient Cuftoms, and reltridtive of b 
 thofe Paftimes and Divertifements they formerly enjoyed, they began already to ' 
 efteem a foreign Subjection grievous unto them; and eing denrous to rea 
 to their old beftiality, the Wanders and their Neig co'if K ired together 
 
 kill the Inca, and all his Army, in a treacherous marine: ; :t occaft 
 
 mould occur. To which end they confulted their Gods, privately restoring thc_ 
 Idols to fome fecret and convenient places, which that they might recc ? for 
 the late affront offered them for their Revolt and Defection , ihey facfi&ed toL 
 them, demanding their Counfel and Advice, whet r the Enterprile they idl|t^ 
 now defigned ihould be fuccefsfull and profperou:-, or iiot: To tois demand i 
 Devil gave them this Anfwer, That they ihould gp on and be p* ., W. 
 
 which thefe Salvages became fo proud and confident, thauhey bad immediao 
 proceeded to the Execution of it, had they not been duluaded by their Magicii 
 and Diviners, who advifed them to have patience for a while, for that thd_ 
 Gods were willing to defer the Execution untill a better and more fecure oppor- 
 tunity, 
 
 m 
 
 b 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 The I/landers of Puna Majfacre the People and Captai?is oj 
 Huaina Capac. 
 
 WHilft Huayna Capac was ordering and difpofing Affairs for the better govern- . i 
 ment of this People, and reducing them to a more political way of li- 
 ving, in the mean time the Curacas were meditating the manner how to execute 
 their Treachery ; an occafion for which feemed to offer it felf, at the time when 
 the Inca fending his Captains and Minifters with Commiffion and Inltru&ions, to 
 inform and teach the Nations of the Main- land the Laws, Doctrines, Cuftoms 
 and Religion of the Mas, for he then withdrew his Forces from the Ifland, the 
 Natives readily fupplying Boats and Femes to tranfport them into thofe parts to 
 which they were defigned •■, which being performed , the Ma alfo returned to 
 Tumpiz, on other important occafions 5 for whereas thefe Princes employed their 
 whole time to bufinefs for the better government of their People, they omitted 
 nothing which might tend to their good, and to the happinefs of their living, and 
 therefore might moft juftly be filled Lovers of the Poor , and Guardians ol 
 their People. 
 
 So foon as the Ma was departed, his Captains and Officers prepared alfo for 
 their paflage, ordering Boats and Ferries for their tranfportations , the which 
 were provided by the Natives, in fo fmalla number, as were not furficienttc 
 carry above half the People at a time, the which they purpofely contrived, that fc 
 
 bein§ 
 
 % 
 k 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 357 
 
 \ being on the Water, they might be able to matter that Party, and execute their 
 
 1 Defign, which was to kill them all: Wherefore one half being embarked toge- 
 
 ther with their Luggage, or Baggage, which was great, for it appertained for the 
 
 i moft part to Incas of the Bloud, who were near the Perfon of the King, and 
 
 1 therefore carried many changes of Apparel with them , which were very fine : 
 
 i Thefe Traitors which conducted the Boats being come to fuch a place of the Sea, 
 
 where they had defigned to execute their Treachery , cut the Cords and Ropes 
 
 which bound the Timbers and Planks of the Boats together , which carried the 
 
 ... Incas, with which all the Captains and Souldiers being plunged in the Sea, the 
 
 s Aflaflinates took up the Oars, and the Arms belonging to them, and therewith 
 
 ft knocked them on the Head, not fuffering one of them to efcape with his Life. 
 
 :« 4nd though fome of them endeavoured to fave themfelves by fwimming, for 
 
 ft; noft of the Indians are very expert in that Art, yet it availed them little, for they 
 
 Ttrt not fuffered to come aihore by the People of the Coaft, who preyed upon 
 hem in fuch manner, as the Maritime Creatures do upon thofe of the Land. In 
 his manner thefe Wanders having gained their Vi&ory , and made themfelves 
 vlafters of the Spoils, which were very great, they with much Joy and Triumph 
 aluted one the other from Boat to Boat, applauding the contrivance and fuccefs 
 if their Defign, with which they were fo elevated, being an ignorant and fottifh 
 People, that they believed they had now not onely fecured their Liberty, but 
 yere able alfo to make themfelves Matters of the Empire. With this vain opi- 
 ion they returned to the Ifland, and with like Difiimulation and Wickednefs of 
 ntention, took aboard the refidue of the Captains and Souldiers, which remai- 
 ed for the fecond adventure, whom having brought to die fame place where the 
 Drmer Villany was perpetrated, they a&ed the like on them •, and then returning 
 ome, they completed their Villany, by putting all the Governours and Mini- 
 ers to death, whom the Inca had left to doe Juftice, and to overfee the Revenue 
 elonging to the Sun, and to the Inca, the which they aded with incomparable 
 >uelty and Difdain of the Royal Perfon of the Inca, placing the Heads of the 
 furthered at the Gates of their Temples, and facrificing their Hearts and Bloud 
 their Idols, complying hereby with the Vows they had made to their Spirits 
 ad Devils, in cafe they would favour and profper their * Attempt. 
 
 ) 
 
 «ec 
 
 lac 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Punijbment which rea6 infli&led upon thefe faithlefs 
 Rebels. 
 
 THE fad news of this unhappy fuccefs being made known to HuaynaCapac, 
 
 1 he received it with as deep a fenfe of trouble, as the lofs of fb many Incas 
 
 f the Bloud Royal , and of Men experienced in War and Peace did require, 
 
 ondoling much that their Bodies mould be caft into the Sea, to be the Food 
 
 ,id Prey of Fiflv, for which being full of forrow, he put himfelf into mourning 
 
 yeeds, which amongft them is a Clothing of a greyifh colour, called Velkri. 
 
 ut the Anger and Indignation of the Inca, foon overcame his forrow, for having 
 
 lembled his People together , and provided all things neceflary , he with the 
 
 eateft Expedition imaginable patted into the rebellious Provinces upon the 
 
 Iain-land, and with great facility fiibje&ed the Inhabitants, who were a filly 
 
 ;ople, without Counfel, Policy, or Military Art, whereby to defend them- 
 
 lives 
 
 From 
 
o 58 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 From the Subjection of thefe people on the Main , the Inca pafled into the 
 If land, in his way whereunto he encountred a flight refiftence on the Sea, but fo 
 inconfiderable and weak, that the Enemy was immediately overcome, and yielded 
 to Mercy. Whereupon the Inca commanded all the principal Authours and Coun- 
 fellours of this Defign , together with the Captains , and Souldiers of chiefeft 
 , . note, who were in any wife concerned in this Treafon, to be feized, and brought 
 before his Tribunal of Juftice-, to whom one of the Generals made a grave 
 Speech, reprefenting to them the deformity of their Wickednefs, aggravated 
 with all the black circumftances that were poffible-, for that whilft the Inca was 
 ftudying their good , and endeavouring to reclaim them from their beftial and 
 brutifti Life, that they might enjoy a condition more agreeable to a rational Be- 
 ing; that then they were contriving to difappoint his good Intentions by the 
 worft and fouleft Cruelties: Wherefore fince Juftice was to be performed, and 
 that the Inca could not exercife that Clemency and Companion which was natu- 
 ral to his Temper, they were to prepare themfelves to receive a puniftiment agree- 
 able to their demerit •-, upon which Sentence being pafled, it was executed with 
 divers forts of Death, according as the Inca directed ■-, that it might have fome con- 
 formity to that kind of Cruelty which they acted on the people of the Inca, they 
 threw fome into the Sea, with great weights to fink them to the bottom; others 
 they ran through the Body with their Lances, and pitched them on Spears before 
 the Gates of their Temples-, others were quartered after their Threats were cut; 
 others they killed with their own Weapons , and others were hanged. Pedro <, 
 Cieca having at large defcribed the particulars of this Rebellion, and the Reveng 
 of it, writes afterwards thefe Words. " In this manner many thoufands of Ink- 
 " ans were killed and deftroyed with different forts of death ; the principal Lej 
 * ders of which Councils were either drowned or empaled. And after Httay* 
 " Capac had done Juftice upon thefe Offenders, he commanded that this difnuL 
 " ftory fhould be made the Subject of thofe Songs which were to be recited on 
 tl their days , and times of Calamity, which they in dolefull Ditties compofed 
 " in their Language and Proprieties of their Countrey. After which the Inca at- 
 " tempted to make a Caufey over the River Guayaquil, which certainly was a 
 great and magnificent work , according to thofe remains which to this day ap- 
 " pear of it -, but it was never finifhed according to the manner that he defignea 
 " being called to this day the Pafs of Guayna Capa •, all which being performed. 
 " commands were given to obey the Governour who refided in the Fortrefs of 
 " Tumbez,, with other matters relating to Government ; and fo the Inca departed 
 " from thofe Quarters. Thus far are the Words of Pedro de Cieca. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
— X . 
 
 1) Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 550 
 
 !i 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Mutiny which arofe amongft the Chachapuyas, and 
 
 the Valour of Huayna Capac. 
 
 1 
 
 TT 7"Hilft the King Huayna Capac was preparing for his return to Cozco, and to 
 ' W vifit feveral Kingdoms in his way, many Caciques, or Lords of thofe 
 Provinces adjoining to the Coaft, which were reduced to the Obedience of the 
 Empire, presented themfelves with fuch Gifts and Offerings as their Countries 
 Worded •, amongft which they brought a Lion and a Tyger, both Creatures moft 
 fierce in their Nature, and which the Inca very much efteeming, gave order that 
 they fhould be kept and nourifhed with lingular care^ by which Creatures God 
 was pleafed to work fo great a Miracle in favour of the Chriftians, (as we fhall 
 hereafter relate) that they were adored by the Indians for it, and efteemed like their 
 Twos for Children of the Sun. 
 
 The Inca Huayna Capac having provided all things neceffary for government of 
 Affairs both in War and Peace, departed from Tumpiz, intending in his Journey 
 to vifit one half of his Kingdom in length, as far as the Chkas, which is the ulti- 
 mate Confines of Peru, and then taking a compafs to vifit the other half, which 
 lies to the Eaftward. And being in the Countrey of the Chkhas, he employed 
 and fubftituted certain Vifitorsto furvey the Kingdom ofTucma, called by the 
 Spaniards Tucuman, and others to vifit Chile; and with them he fent many Veft- 
 ments, of fuch fort as the Inca himfelf wore, and other Curiofities for the Gover- 
 nours, Captains, and other Minifters of the King •, as alfo for the Curacas, who 
 were Natives of thofe Countries, that fo they might in the Name of the Inca ob- 
 lige them with thofe Prefents which were highly efteemed. In his Journey from 
 Cozco, and his return thither, he vifited the Fortrefs, which was then almoft fini- 
 'ihed, and the better to give Life and Encouragement to the chief Archite&s, and 
 Labourers in the Work, he himfelf would lay his own hand to fome part of the 
 Edifice. This Vifitation or Progrefs being made, in which four Years were fpent, 
 he commanded Souldiers to be levied, for the farther Conqueft of Tumpiz, to the 
 Northward, where it ftretches it felf along the Sea-Coaft •, and whilft he refided 
 in tha Province of the Camaris, which was the way, as he thought, that did lead 
 to Quitu, that he might the better defcend for Conqueft of that Coaft , News 
 was brought to him, that the Inhabitants of the great Province of Chachapuyas, 
 feeing him engaged in Wars and Conquefts of great importance, took that oppor- 
 tunity to make a Rebellion-, 'and confiding in the faftnefs of their craggy and 
 mountainous Countrey, and in the numbers of their People, which were fturdy 
 and ftout, had made a general Maffacre of all the Governours and Captains, and 
 many of the Souldiery, which the Inca had appointed to prefide over them ; and 
 fuch of the Souldiers, whom they had fpared, they made Slaves to ferve them in 
 the bafeft Drudgeries , and meaneft Offices. So foon as this Intelligence was 
 brought to the ears of Huayna Capac, with great anger and difdain, he counter- 
 manded all his Troops from their march on the Sea-coaft, and appointed them to 
 bend their courfe towards the Chachapuyas, refolving to punilh tnem with the ex- 
 tremity of fevere Juftice •■> and he in perfon went to the place which he had ap- 
 pointed for the general Rendezvous •, and whilft his Army was gathering into a Body, 
 he fent his Summons to the Chachapuyas, requiring them to return to their Obedi- 
 ence, and declaring pardon to all fuch as lhould voluntarify fubmit themfelves : 
 'out thefe brutiih people inftead of returning a fubmiffive and penitent Anfwer, 
 treated the Meffengers with indignities and opprobrious words, threatning them 
 with Death , if they did not immediately depart-, the which rude treatment the 
 lica highly refenting, made all the fpeed im.ig'nab'.e to unite his Forces, and ha- 
 ving affembled and fitted his Army, he marched to a great River, where they 
 
 found 
 
 1 
 
 m 
 
oro Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 found many Boats made of a fort of light and boyant Timber, which in the 
 common Language c£Pem are called Chuchau. 
 
 The Inca, confidering that it was neither honourable, nor decent for his Perfon, 
 nor People, to pafs over the water in companies of five or fix in a Boat, comman- 
 ded that all thefe Boats fiiould be joined together, and linked one to one, by which 
 means the Army might march over them in a more compact and conjoined Body, 
 as over a Bridge, the which was ordered with lb much Art and induftry, that the 
 Inca and his Army palled the Water in one days time-, and then with all expedi- 
 tion marched in Battalia towards Cafla Marquilla, which is the principal Province 
 of that people , intending to deftroy and confume all before him •, for as this 
 Prince availed himfelf much in being efteemed gentle, and gratious towards his 
 good and loyal Subjects, fo he delired no lefs to render himfelf terrible to Rebels, 
 Traitors, and Falfifiers of their Word. 
 
 Thefe Rebels being fenfible of the juft Anger of the Inca, and the power of I _ 
 Army, and the punifhment of their crime, which they too late repented , and al- 
 io confidering the rude and brutifh terms and treatment they had ufed toward 
 the Meffengers, which brought the late Summons from the Inca, with which de 
 fpairing of all favour and pardon, they refolved to demolifh their Houfes and 
 Dwellings , and with their Wives and Children , and fuch as were able to flee 
 unto the Mountains. Howfoever the old people and infirm remaining behind, 
 and being of more experience, and more confiderate than the others, recalled to 
 mind the late generality of this Huayna Capac, and the affurances they had, that he 
 would never refufe the Inftances and Requefts made him by a Woman, did there- 
 fore addrefs themfelves to a certain Matron, named Chachapuya, a Native otCajft 
 Marqullla, who had formerly been the Wife ofTupac Inca Tupanqui the Great, be- 
 feeching her that (lie would with all the Prayers and Tears (he was able, endea- 
 vour to divert the prefent danger, and appeafe the Wrath of the Inca, perfuading 
 him notwithftanding the late provocations , to receive the people to pardon and 
 mercy, without which there could be no hopes, or other expectation than a total 
 ruine and defolation of that Province. 
 
 This Matron confidering her felf involved with the her family in fame Defiruc- 
 tion, readily inclined to this good Office, and fo with Women of all Ages, with- 
 out admitting one man into their company, flie went forth to meet the Inca, whom 
 finding about two Leagues diftant from Cajfa Marquilla, (lie boldly proftrated her 
 felf at his Feet, and with great prefence of mind, expoftulated in this manner with 
 
 him : Sir, (aid (lie, where is it you are going ? Do not you conjider, that full of Rage and In- 
 dignation you are going to deftroy that Province which your good Father gained, and added to hit 
 'Empire ? Conjider I befeech you, that you are proceeding againji the Rules of that Clemency 
 and Piety which are natural to you, and that you are going to execute that Defolation and 
 Deflrutlion inyour anger, which you will repent with much remorfe, fo foon as you return to 
 your fober and natural temper. Reflect I befeechyou on your Title of Huacchacuyac, which 
 is a Lover of the Poor, and a Deliverer of the Diftrejfed; the which generous Quality you 
 cannot exercife at a more feafonable time, when you may manifefily evidence to all the World 
 the compaffion you have for humane frailty. Remember, Sir, that your Father conquered thit 
 People, which, though unworthy fuch a Patron, are yet your own, and therefore let not your 
 Fury fo far tranfport you in the punifhment of this People, and in the unprofitable effufion of 
 their Blond, which may blemifh your ancient Praifes , and eclipfe the bright char ailer you- • 
 have of being defcended from the Sun your Father. Conjider that how much the greater the 
 crime is which you pardon, fo much the more will your Clemency and Piety bee exalted and 
 admired, and the memory of your Ance flours be rendred more pre t tons and glorious by the 
 proof and exercife of this Vertue, which they have derived unto you. Wherefore my Petition 
 is, that you would vouch fafe to receive this People unto pardon; and if not , that at leaji 
 fince I am a Native of this Province, you would vent your Anger and Revenge fir ft upon me, 
 and thereby doe me that grace and favour, that I may not live to behold the entire Deftruc- 
 
 t ion of my People. The Matron having uttered thefe Words, was (ilent, and then 
 all the other Women*, that were with her, lifted up their Voices and Cries, re- 
 peating often the Titles of the Inca , faying, O thou Child of the Sun, thou Lover of 
 the Diflyeffcd, thou 'Great Huaina Capac, have pity on m, and pardon our Fathers, our 
 Husbands, our Brothers and our Children. 
 
 The Inca herewith was (truck dumb for a while, confidering the Reafons which 
 Mamacuna had given him, which being feconded by the Cries, and Tears, and 
 Sighs of the Indian Women, the Anger of the Inca began to moderate and afluage, ! 
 
 with 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 361 
 
 with which going towards his Mother-in-law, he raifed her from the ground; 
 
 and then faid to her, tl'clldoft thou defer ve to be called MamanchlC, or the common 
 
 , Mother ( he would have faid the Mother of me, and thy people) fince thou haft 
 
 beenfo provident, as to fore fee the Mifcrics which were coming, and to provide that remedy 
 a^ainft them, which was agreeable to my Honour, and the Glory of my Father s Memory : For 
 which I moft. heartily thank^ thee, being ajfured, that in cafe I had given way to my rage, I 
 • had to morrow repented the atlioHJ of this day. Well haft thou performed the office of a 
 Mother towards thy people, in redeeming their lives from deftrullion ; in which, fince thou 
 haft been fo fncceffull, whatfoever thou haft defired of me, {hall be accomplifhed ; and con- 
 fider, if there be any thing elfe which thou wouldft require of we , return therefore with 
 happinefs to thy people ; pardon them in my name, and offer them what other grace and favour 
 thou fee ft convenient : And for the better ajfurance of this my pardon, takf with thee the four 
 Incas, who are your Sons, and my Brothers, without other attendance than their own Menial 
 Servants, to whom I Jhall give no other Commiffion, than onely to fettle them in peace under 
 
 •a good and wholfome Government. Which being faid , the Inca returned with his 
 whole Army, commanding them to march along the Coaft in profecution of his 
 firlt defign. 
 
 The Chachapuyas by this gratious A6f. of Clemency being convinced of their 
 °rrour, became afterwards mod loyal Subje&s to the Inca 5 and in remembrance 
 land gratitude for fuch high and fublime generofity, they hallowed and efteemed 
 that place Sacred where this difcourfe had pafled between the Inca and his Mother- 
 s-law, fencing it about, that for ever after, neither Man, norBeaft, nor yet the 
 Fowls of the Air, fhould fet their foot, or tread that Sacred place : For fecurity 
 bf which they encompafled it about with three Walls - 7 the jfirft was of Stone 
 ^arely polilhed , with all its Cornilhes •■, the fecond was of rough and ruftick 
 itone, for better fecurity of that within $ and the third was of Clay, or Sun-burnt 
 Pricks, for defence of the other two, being more expofed to the weather : Of 
 r vhich fome Reliques and Ruines ftill remain, and might have endured for ma- 
 iy Ages, had not the Covetoufnefs of the New-come Guefts overthrown thofe 
 Edifices in the Queft of Riches. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the Gods, and Cufioms of the Nation 0/ Manta ; of thefr 
 Subjection ; together with many other Barbarous Nations. 
 
 HVayna Capac having fitted and prepared his Camp in order to the Conqueft 
 he had formerly defigned along the Sea-coaft, he arrived at the Confines of 
 that Province, which was called Mama, within the jurifdiftion of which lyes that 
 Harbour, which the Spaniards do now call Puerto Fiejo, or the Old Haven : the rea- 
 fon of which Name, we have already given, at the beginning of this Hiffory. 
 The ^Natives of this Countrey, and all the Inhabitants for many Leagues on the 
 Sea-fide Northward , obferved the fame Cuftoms, and the fame Idolatrous Reli- 
 gion 5 Worlhipping the Sea and Fifh, of which there was great abundance, fer- 
 ving them both for food, and for Gods : They alfo adored Lions, and Tygers, and 
 Serpents of incredible bignefs, and other creeping creatures, as they belt fanfied : 
 But above all in the Valley of Manta, which was the Metropolis, or chief place of 
 all that Countrey -, they Worshipped an Emerald of a prodigious bignefs, being 
 riot much lefs than the Egg of an Oftrich. 
 
 At their principal Feftivals they expofed it to publick view, fo that the Indians 
 came fir and near to Worfhip it, and offer Sacrifices to it, bringing Prefents of 
 lefler Emeralds •, the Priefts and the Cacique of Manta telling the people, that the 
 Offerings of the leffer Emeralds, which were the Children and Off-fpring of this 
 
 A a a great 
 
■XL 
 
 1 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 great One, were the moft pleafing and acceptable Sacrifice that they could make J 
 to this Goddefs 5 the which doctrine being inculcated into the people by the co- J - 
 vetoufnels of thePriefts, was the occafion that vaft numbers of Emeralds were 1- 
 amafled together in this place, where they were afterwards found by Don Pedro de 1 >. 
 Aharado, and his Companions, of which Ganllajfo de U Vega, my Matter, was one, p 
 when they were employed in the ConquelVof Pern .- but they being unskilful! 
 Lapidaries, were of opinion, that thefe Stones, if they were true, and notGlaG, re 
 could never be broken 5 and therefore in the trial of them broke the greateft part - 
 of them with Hammers upon an Anvil : But the great one, which was their God- : 
 dels, was conveyed away by the Indians in fuch manner , fo foon as they under- 
 flood that the Spaniards had invaded their Countrey, that with all the diligence | 
 and menaces which could be ufed, it could never be recovered •, as alfo other vaft 
 and immenfe treafures which have been loft and embezled in that Countrey. 
 
 The Natives of Mama, and the parts adjacent, and efpecially thofe that live 
 along the Coaft ( though we muft exempt the Serranos, who inhabit within the 
 Land ) did ufe and profefs openly, and without lhame, that abominable vice ol 
 Sodomy, and were more addicted to it than all the other Nations we have be- 
 fore mentioned, as guilty of this fin. Their Marriages were contracted, on con- 
 dition that the Parents and Friends of the Bridegroom lhould firft enjoy the 
 Bride before the Husband. Thofe which they took in the War they flea'd, and 
 filling their Skins with Allies, they hanged them up at the Gates of their Temple 
 in fignal of Victory, or in the publick places where they danced. 
 
 To this people the Ma fent his accuftomary Summons, requiring them eithp i\ 
 to fubmit themfelves to his Empire, or prepare to defend themfelves by Arms 
 But this people of Mama had a long time fince been well affiired, that their foro 
 was not lufficient to refill the power of the Inca, though they had been able t( 
 have made an Alliance with the neighbouring Nations 5 for confidering that thej 
 were a brutifh fort of people, without Government, Union, or Law, there wa: 
 no poffibility of reducing them within any terms of confederacy ■-, and thereforc 
 they all with much facility fubmitted themfelves to Huayna Capac. The Inca re- 
 ceived them very gratioufly, treating them with kindnefs and rewards ; and ha- 
 ving placed Officers and Governours over them, and Inftructours to teach then 
 their Religion, Laws and Cuftoms , he proceeded afterwards in his Conqueft tc 
 another great Province called Caranque. In the parts adjacent there were man) 
 other Nations, all brutifh, living without Law, Religion or Government. Th< 
 Conqueft of them was performed without any difficulty, for they never attemp 
 ted to defend themfelves •, and if they had, it would have been to little purpofe 
 being all of them, though united together, an unequal match for the power of th 
 Inca. In the fubjection and dilpofal of thefe people, the fame rules and method 
 were ufed, as with the former, over whom Governours and Inftructours were fe 
 to prefide, that they might rule and teach them. Proceeding forward in tl 
 Conquefts, they came at length to other Provinces more barbarous and fottifh t; 
 any as yet inhabiting along that Coaft 5 for the Men and Women cut and fiaf 
 their faces with (harp flints , and moulded their Childrens heads into a deforrm 
 lhape, different to what nature had given them : For fo foon as their Infants w 
 born, they clapt a fmooth Plate upon their foreheads, and another on the hinde 
 parts of the head 5 the which was ftraitned every day harder and harder, until 
 they came to the Age of four or five years •-, by which time the head was growi 
 broad on each fide, and confequently the forehead low , and the face contract 
 in the length : And to make themfelves yet more deformed, they cut off the hai 
 behind, and on the crown of the head, leaving onely locks on each fide •, nor wer 
 thefe locks of hair combed, or pleated, but frilled and frowfed, to make thei 
 countenances yet more monftrous and deformed : their food was for the moft par 
 Fiih, ( for Fifhery was their chief employment ) likewife they ate Herbs , an> 
 Roots, and fuch wild Fruits as the Woods produced •, they went naked, and wo; 
 fhipped the Gods which their Neighbours adored. Thefe Nations were calle 
 
 Apichiqui, Picknnji, Sava, Pecllanfimiqui, Pampahuaci, and the like. Thefe people h< 
 
 ing reduced, the Inca proceeded to another Nation, called Saramiffu, and thent 
 another named Pafiu, which is fituated directly under the Equinoctial line •, an 
 thefe were yet more barbarous thin the reft, for they owned no Gods, nor di 
 the thoughts of a God ever enter into their confideration •, for they were not afli 
 ciated in any political communion , nor had they Ho'ufes , but lived in hollo- 
 
 Tret. 
 
 
 1 
 
 

 Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 363 
 
 Trees, which are very capacious in thofe Mountains^ they had no propriety in 
 Wives, nor Children, but mixed together as they cafually met, and ufed Sodomy 
 in an open manner : they knew not how to cultivate the Land, or doe any other 
 thing which is conducing to humane life. Their Bodies were naked without any 
 habit ■■> their Lips they cut and flaflied both within and without ■-, their Faces they 
 painted in four quarters, with divers colours •, one part was yellow, another blew, 
 another red, and another black, changing the colours as they thought fit : They 
 never combed their heads, but fuffered their hairs to grow long and matted, being 
 full of ftraw, or duft, or any thing that fell upon them •■, in fliort, they were worfe 
 than beafts. In the year 1 560, when I went for Spain, I remember I law fome 
 of thefe people at a place where we touched to take freih water, and remained 
 :here for three or four days •-, and there thefe people came out to us in their Boats 
 nade of Ruflies to trade with us, and fell us their great Filh , which they muck 
 ■vith their Fifgigs •, which they performed with fuch dexterity, that the Spaniards 
 ,:ook great pleafure to fee them, and would bargain for them before they ftruck 
 :hem : their price was made for Bisket and Flefli, for they had no value for Silver : 
 their Privities they covered with leaves, or barks of Trees, not for the fhame they 
 >iad of them in the way of common modefty, but out of refped to the Spaniards; 
 :n fliort, they were falvage and barbarous above imagination. 
 
 It is laid, when Huayna Capac obferved the barrennefs of thofe Countries, being 
 lothing but Mountains -, and the beftiality of that nafty people, which was foftu- 
 •>id, that he defpaired of ever reducing them to a tolerable Oeconomy •, that 
 
 hen he fliould fay to his people , Come, and let m return again, for thefe deferve not 
 
 <be Honour of our Dominion. At which words the w hole Army faced about, and 
 eturned, leaving the people of Pajfau in their ancient filthinefs and brutality. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Giants which were i?i that Cotmtrey , and the de- 
 flruttion of them. 
 
 BEfore we conclude ourHiftory relating to the afrairs of this Countrey, we can- 
 not omit one notable particular, which the Natives by tradition from their 
 forefathers have received, telling us of certain Giants which came to that Coun- 
 ry by Sea , and landed at that Point, or Cape, which the Spaniards call St. He- 
 's, becaufe they firft difcovered it upon that day * and though the Spamjh Wri- 
 mention Giants , yet there is none who treats of them fo much at large as Pe- 
 'o de Cie<-a doth, who took his information from the people of that Countrey, 
 here thefe Giants refided , we (hall make ufe of his Relation, and rehearfe his 
 ords verbatim, as he fets them down 5 for though fofepb Acofta, and the Accoun- 
 mt-General Augufline de Carate touch thofe particulars •■, yet none defcribe them 
 ) much at large as Pedro de Cieca, whofe Words are thefe, in the $ id Chapter of 
 is Book : : ' Seeing that there are many reports of Giants in Peru, which, ac- 
 cording to common fame, landed at the Cape of St. Helen, which lyes near to 
 Puerto flejo ; I have thought fit to declare my opinion in the cafe, without re- 
 gard to the variety of common report, which often magnifies things above the 
 truth. The Natives of this Countrey having received it by tradition from their 
 Fathers,^ tell us, that many Ages pair, there was a fort of Men of an extraor- 
 dinary fize, which arrived at that Countrey in great Junks ; they were fo large, 
 that a Man of our ordinary ftature reached but to their knees •, and that their 
 bodies being proportionable thereunto, (as we may meafure the body of Hercu- 
 les by his foot) were ftrange monfters to behold : their Heads were great, co- 
 vered with long hair hanging to their fhoulders 5 their Eyes were as big as Sau- 
 
 Aaai " cers" 3 
 
3 6a ' Royal Commentaries. 
 
 " cers •, they had no Beards --, feme of them were cloathed with the Skins of 
 " Beafts, others were naked, and without other covering than long hair, which 
 ce nature had given them. They brought no Women with them, but being ar- 
 " rived at this Point, they landed, and feated themfelves in the manner of people 
 " under Government, of which there remain fome Ruines to this day : But in re- 
 " gard they found no water, they fet themfelves to make Wells, which they dig- 
 " ged out of |the hard living Rock , fo that they may continue for many Ages, 
 " and which fpeak the great and mighty ftrength of thofe robuftious Men •, and 
 " being very deep, they yield a moft fweet and pleafant water, very cool, and 
 " wholfome to drink. 
 
 " Thefe great Giants, or over-grown Men, having feated themfelves, and pro- 
 " vided Citterns for their Drink , the next thing was to make a fufficient provi- 
 " fion for their Victuals •-, for they had already almoft confumed the whole Coun- 
 " trey ■-, for one of thefe great Men was able to eat as much as fifty of thofe ordi- 
 u nary people, that were Natives of the place •-, fo that food beginning to want, 
 " they fupplied themfelves from the great quantities of Fifh, which they took from 
 cc the Sea, which yielded to them in great abundance. They lived with great 
 * abhorrence, and in ill correfpondence with the people of the Countrey 5 for 
 " their Women, they could not ufe without killing them •, and the Natives, for 
 ' that and other caufes, as much detefted them •, but being weaker than they, the 
 " Indians durft not attempt, or aflault them , though they often entertained Con- 
 " fukations in what manner to take advantages upon them. Some years being 
 " palled, fince thefe Giants refided in 'thofe parts, and having no Women fit for 
 " them, with whom to couple for propagation of their race, their numbers be-. 
 " gan to diminifh 5 and wanting the natural ufe of Women, by the motion and 
 " inftigation of the Devil , they burned in Luft one towards the other, and ufed 
 " Sodomy publickly in the face of God, and the Sun, without (hame or refpeft 
 u one to the other. The which abomination being deteftable in the fight of 
 " God, as the Natives report, it pleafed his Divine and pure Majefty to puni(h 
 " this unnatural Sin, with a Judgment extraordinary, and agreeable to the enor- 
 " mity of it : For being one day all together conjoined in this deteftable Aft, there 
 " iflued a dreadfull Fire from Heaven, with great noife and thunder 5 and imme- 
 " diately an Angel proceeded from this flame with a glittering and flaming Sword, 
 " with which, at one blow, he killed them all •, and then the Fire confumed them, 
 " leaving no more than their bones and skulls, which it pleafed God to fuffer as 
 " reliques to remain for an everlafting Memorial of this Judgment. Thus much 
 is the Relation of the Giants ; the which we have ground to believe, becaufe the 
 bones of Men are found there of an incredible bignefs •, and I have heard Spani- 
 ards fay, that they have feen the piece of one hollow Tooth to weigh above half 
 a pound of the Butcher's weight ; and that they had feen one of the Shank-bones 
 of an incredible length and bignefs : befides which evidences, their Wells and Ci- 
 fterns are clear teftimonies of the places of their habitation. But as to the parts 
 from whence they came, I am not able to render any account. 
 
 In the year 1 J^o, being in the City de Us Reyes, when Don Antonio de Mendoca 
 was Vice-king, and Governour of New Spain , there were certain bones of Men 
 digged up, wnich were of Giants, or Men of an extraordinary proportion •, and 
 I have heard alfo that at Mexico there were bones digged out of a Sepulchre, 
 which for being of an extraordinary fize, might be the bones of Giants : By 
 which teftimony of fo many perfons, it plainly appears, that there were Giants, 
 and thofe bones might be the reliques of thofe mighty 'Men, of which we have al- 
 ready fpoken. 
 
 At this Cape of St. Helena, ( which as I have faid is upon the Coaft of Peru, 
 and bordering near to Puerto Vie'jo ) there is one thing very confiderable, and that 
 is a Mine, or Spring of Tar, of fuch excellent quality, and which ifTues in that 
 plenty, as may ferve to Tar a whole Fleet of Ships. Thus far are the Words of 
 Pedro de Cieca, which we have faithfully tranfcribed out of his Hiftory, to fhew 
 the Tradition which the Indians have of thefe Giants 5 and the Spring of Tar 
 which iflues out about that place, which is a matter alfo very obfervable. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 365 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the Words which Huayna Capac uttered relating to the 
 Sun. 
 
 THE King Huayna Capac (as we have laid) commanded his Army to 
 return from the Province called Paffau, the which he made his extreme 
 and frontier Countrey to the Northward --, which having done, he returned again 
 to Coaco, vifiting his Provinces in the way, doing them all the favours he was able, 
 and adminiftring Juftice to thofe which did demand it of him. 
 
 Returning at length to Cow, after this long Journey of fome years, he arrived 
 there about the time that the principal Feaft of the Sun was to be celebrated, cal- 
 led Raymi : And the Indians tell us a ftory, that upon one day of the nine, that this 
 Feftival continued,, the Inc* took a liberty to fix his eyes upon the Sun, which 
 was a freedom yet unknown, and efteemed a prophanation fo to doe, or to behold 
 the circle wherein he moved ; on which objedt, whilft for fometime he continued 
 his fight, the High Prieft, who was one of his Uncles, and flood next to him , 
 
 {aid, Inca, what is it you doe ? know you not that this is not lawfull ? 
 
 Hereat the King withdrew his Eyes for awhile, but prefently after lifting them 
 up again, fixed them upon the Sun •■, which the High Prieft obferving, reproved 
 him for it , and told him, Sir, conftder what it is you doe , for you not onely doe an atlion 
 which u unlawfull in it felf, hut you give ill example andfcandal to all your Court, and the 
 people of your Dominions, who are here prefent to perform that venerable adoration which they 
 owe to your Father, as their fole and fupreme Lord. Hereupon Huayna Capac turning 
 
 to the High Prieft, told him , that he would ask him two Queftions , which he 
 required him to make anfwer unto : / being ( -faid he ) your King and mivtrfkl Lord 5 
 is there any of you fo bold as to command me for your pleafure to arife from my feat, and take 
 a 'journey to thofe parts whereunto you /ball direct me ? How, replied the High Prieft, 
 can anyperfon be fo impudent and daring ? Is there any Curaca ( laid the Inca) the moft 
 rich and power full of all my Subjects, who will adventure to difobey my Commands, in cafe 
 Ifhould difpeed him pofi from hence into the moft remote parts of Chili ? No, replied the 
 High Prieft, there cannot certainly be attywho dares to difobey you, or refufe your commands 
 rven to death. Then ( (aid the King) if it be Jo, there muft be fome other whom Our Fa- 
 ther the Sun takes and efteemsfor a more fupreme, and more powerfull Lord than himfelf ; by 
 whofe Commands he every day meafures the compafs of the Heavens, without any intermiffion, 
 or hour of repofe ; for if he were abfolute, and at his own difpofal, he would certainly allot 
 himfelf fome time of ceffation, though it were onely to pleafe his own humour and fancy, with- 
 out other conftder ation than that of liberty and change. For this Speech and Others of 
 
 the like nature, which the Indians reported of this Prince, the Spaniards conceived 
 
 fo great an opinion of his judgment and underftanding , that they believed the 
 
 fubtilty of his wit would very eafily have comprehended, and given admiffion to 
 
 the Dodtrines of die Catholick Faith. A certain Spanifk Captain, who might 
 
 have heard this Story of Huayna Capac, for it was commonly difcourfed in Peru, 
 
 did make himfelf the Authour of this Saying, and recounted it to Acofta for his 
 
 t own. This Acofta, in the fifth Book of his Hiftory of the New World, menti- 
 
 , ons this particular Saying, which is attributed to Huayna Capac, but names not the 
 
 perfon by whom it was uttered : but reports , " That there was a certain Inca, 
 
 a perfon of a fubtile wit, and refined underftanding , who obferving how his 
 
 '' Anceftours had always adored the Sun for a God, feemed to wonder at it, and 
 
 1 faid, that it was impoflible for the Sun to be God. For God was certainly a 
 
 " great Lord, who formed and acted all his matters with quiet and fettlement •-, 
 
 1 but that the Sun was a thing always in motion, which was contrary to the un~ 
 
 * alterable Being of God : His reafon was admirably good and found ; and fuch 
 
 ,' as being well explained to the Indians, might effectually have convinced them 
 
 . of their errours and follies. Thus far are the Words of Acofta -, with which 
 
 he 
 
266 Royal Commentaries, Book IX. 
 
 he concludes that Chapter. The Indians, who were very fuperftitious and fcru- 
 pulous in their Idolatry, interpreted this unpra&ifed liberty which Huayna Capac 
 took in beholding the Sun, to be an ill Omen of fome unhappy fuccefs. But 
 this conceit concerning the Nature of the Sun, was not ( as I hear ) primarily to 
 be attributed to Huayna Capac , but that he received it firft from his Father Tupac 
 inca Tupanqm , who uttered lbmething of the like nature. 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 Of the Rebellion of the Caranques , ami their Punijhment 
 
 for it. 
 
 16 
 
 TH E Inca Huayna Capac taking his Circuit through the feveral Provinces of 
 his Empire, which was the laft Journey he made ■-, news was brought him, 
 that the Province of Caranque, which was one ( as we have (aid ) that was the la- 
 teft conquered in the utmoft Confines of Peru, was rilen into rebellion •, for being 
 a fort of barbarous and cruel people, fuch as offered the bloud, and heads, and 
 hearts of Men, whom they had killed, in facrifice to their Gods, and ate Mans 
 fleili ; for not being able to bear the Laws of reafon and good manners,\vhich were 
 given them, efpecially that which forbad the eating of Humane fleih, they had 
 joined with the neighbouring Countries in Alliance and League, intending to 
 make a general Infurrecfion : For this reafon they held many fecret Meetings, and 
 gathered people to furprize and kill the Governours and Minifters of the Inca, to- 
 gether with the Souldiers and Garrifons which were let over them : And whiHl 
 matters were thus preparing for execution of their defign at the time appointed, 
 they diffembled their fubmiffion and treachery with the greateft demonftrations of 
 fidelity and kindnefs imaginable, that the Mas being thereby become more confi- 
 dent of their Loyalty, they might with the more facility, and lefs danger, find an 
 opportunity to cut their throats. The Plot being laid, and the time come for the 
 execution of it, they without any remorie killed all the Inca*, and others which 
 prefided over them, offering their heads, hearts and bloud to their Gods in facri- * : 
 fice, by way of acknowledgment for being freed from their fubje&ion to the In- 
 ca*. They then devoured their flelh, and drank their bloud with much greedi- 
 nefs, for being debarred for fome time from that food, they longed for it -, and 
 partly in revenge, and partly from a voracious appetite thereunto, they ate with 
 fpighr, fatisfying both their palate and their anger. The advice of which being 
 come to Huayna Capac, he was greatly troubled, and immediately difpeeded away 
 his Captains with an Army to execute juftice for this great offence, whilft he in 
 perfon kept at fome diftance, obferving the fuccefs of this affair : The Captains 
 accordingly inverted the Caranques •, but firft, according to their ufual cuftome, 
 they fent Propofitions of Peace and Amnefty, in cafe they would return to obedi- 
 ence and fubmiffion of the Inca. But thefe barbarous Rebels were fo far from ac- 
 cepting thefe terms, that they impudently reje&ed, and fcorned them ■■, and fo ill 
 treated the Meffengers, that they hardly efcaped from their hands. Of which 
 Huayna Capac being informed, he refolved perfonally to afla.il them with his whole 
 Army, putting ail to fire and fword before him. The Rebels fought with great 
 obftinacy, and the Incas honourably acquitted themfelves to revenge the affront 
 to their King •, fo that on one fide and the other many thoufands were flain : But 
 whereas the power of the Inca was, as to that people, invincible •-, they in a fhort 
 time began to abate in their courage and hopes ; fo that not daring to fight in the 
 open Plains, they betook themfelves to the Woods and Mountains, and to defend 
 themfelves in difficult paffes. But fuch was the Power and Military Difcipline 
 of the Inca*, that they entirely defeated the Enemy, taking many thoufands of 
 
 them 
 
 si 
 
 DO 
 fa 
 
 tit 
 
 
B o o k I X. K oyal Commentaries. 367 
 
 them Priibners •, the moft culpable of which, and the moft active in this Rebel- 
 lion, to the number of two thoufand, part of which were Caranques, and part Al- 
 lies with them, were put to death, having their throats cut within a Lake, and 
 their bodies funk into the deep ; the waters of which being Itained with the bloud, 
 the Lake was for ever afterwards called Tahuarcocha, or the bloudy Sea, in a per- 
 petual Memorial of this rebellious crime, and the punifliment of it. Pedro de 
 Cieca mentioning this particular, reports, that twenty thoufand of them frittered 
 this punifliment ■-, perhaps he means, that fo many might be killed in this War 
 on both fides. 
 
 The lnca Huayna Capac having executed this juftice in the punifliment of Rebels, 
 departed for ®uttu , being much troubled , that during his Reign, fuch enormous 
 wickedneiles ihould arife, which mould require his extreme feverity and rigour in 
 the juft punifliment ; being an action as much contrary to his natural inclination, 
 as it was to the cuftome and practice of his Anceftours, who moft availed them- 
 felves on the Titles of Pious and Mercifull : He was moreover much concerned, 
 that thefe unhappy accidents ihould concur in his time, and not in the Reign of 
 his Predeceflburs ■-, having no example, or precedent of fo much cruelty, unlefs it 
 were in the cafe of the Chancas, which happened in the Reign of the Inc'a VWac*- 
 cba. Perhaps the matter being well confidered, it might be a fore-runner of that 
 grand rebellion and defection, which was the deftruction of the Empire, and ruine 
 of die Bloud-Royal, as we mail now fee in the fequel of this Hiftory. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Huayna Capac mak.es his Son Atahualpa King of 
 Quitu. 
 
 THE IncA Huayna Capac (as we have before noted) had by the Daughter of 
 the King of ffluitu, who was Heir to that Kingdom , a Son named Atahu- 
 dpa, who was a perfon of great understanding, and of a quick wit and apprehen- 
 fion^ hewasalfo of afubtile, jealous, and cautious temper, naturally courageous, 
 and addicted to War, of a good (bape, and gentile body, with a pleafant Air in 
 his mouth, as have commonly all the Incus and Pallas, which are Ladies. Thefe 
 Endowments of mind and body were fo pleafing to his Father, that he loved him 
 entirely, and would have him always in company with him , and would have 
 made him his fole Heir and Succeflbur to his Empire, but that he could not dif- 
 inherit his Eldeft Son Huafcar, who claimed by Right of Primogeniture a title to 
 all the Eftate and Empire of his Father : Howfoever, as to the Kingdom of ££ui- 
 ' tn, there feemed fome colour of juftice to difinember it from the Empire , and 
 confer it in right of his Mother on her Son Atahualpa ; the which being the de- 
 fire and intention of Huayna Capac, he fent for the Prince Huafcar, then at Cozco, 
 to come to him, and in a full Aflembly of his Captains and Ctirdcas, fpake to his 
 legitimate Son and Heir in this manner : It is well known, Prince, that according to 
 
 the ancient Cuftome and Canon of our Ance flours derived to us from our fir ft Father Man- 
 CO Capac, this Kingdom of QuitU belongs to your Crown and Inheritance ; having ever 
 
 ibeen maintained for a rule unto this day, that whatfoever Kingdoms or Provinces have been 
 conquered, have ever been annexed to the Imperial Crown , of which CoZCO is the chief 
 City and Metropolis : But in regard I bear fo tender an affetlien towards your Brother 
 AtallQalpa, that it would grieve me much to fee him poor ; I could therefore wijhyou would 
 ! con fent to part with the Kingdom of Quittt, that fo I might be (low it upon him ; for though 
 the Inheritance in right be yours, yet confidering that that Kingdom was the Patrimo-y of 
 
 bis 
 
^ 68 - Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 his Fathers, and came by his Another ■-, and that I have added many Countries and Provin~ 
 ces to your Patrimony, you may the more eafily condefcend to my de fires in this ; and fo yiel- 
 ding QuitU to your Brother, whofe Vertues deferve a Royal condition, your inter eft mill be 
 fortified and ftrengthened by the afftftence of fuch an Affociate, who being endeared the more 
 by this obligation, rvill be able to recompence the favour, and ferve you in the Wars for the 
 Conquefi of many other Countries, which are adjacent to your Frontiers, and fay you for the 
 releafe of this Kingdom by the acquijition of many more •-, which if you think^ fit to grant, I 
 Jhall then depart with contentment out of this World, when I go to reft with our Father the 
 Sun. 
 
 The Prince Huafcar anfwered his Father with a chearfull franknefs, telling him, 
 that he was over-joyed of this opportunity, wherein he might demonstrate his 
 readinefs to obey his Father the Inca, in any thing which he might efteem for his 
 Service •, and that if it were neceflary for the better accommodation of his Brother 
 Atahualpd, that he fliould releafe other Provinces, provided it may be to give his 
 Father fatisfa&ion he would , efteeming nothing fo dear and valuable as his 
 pleafure and contentment. 
 
 Huayna Capac having received this obliging Anfwer from his Son Huafcar, gave 
 him leave to return to Cozco, and then contrived the ways in what manner to fettle 
 his Son Atahualpa in the Kingdom ofguitu, adding other Provinces to his Crown 
 and Dignity •, he alfo beftowed upon him feveral of his Captains of beft experi- 
 ence, and furnimed him with part of his Army •-, and, in fhort, omitted nothing 
 to render him great, though it were to the prejudice of the Prince, to whofe right 
 the whole Succeffion and Inheritance appertained: And being a moft tender and 
 indulgent Father, and paffionate in the love of this Son, he deiigned to be an Af- 
 fiftant to him in the Adminiftration of all the affairs of his Kingdom, during the j 
 time of his life : the which refolution was taken both out of care and favour to his j 
 Son, that fo he might lay a good foundation to his Kingdom , and alfo that he I 
 might the better keep the new Conquefts lately made upon the Sea-coaft, and In- 1 
 land Countries, in fubjedion 5 for the people there being warlike, barbarous, and 1 
 beftial, were ready upon all occafions to rebell, and rife in Arms againft the Go- 
 vernment of the Pica ■. For fecuring of which Peace , it was the cuftome and > 
 practice of the Incas to tranfplant the people from one Province' to another, which 
 was an approved courfe to make them quiet and peaceable, and much more ob-. 
 fervant and fubmiifive to their Kings, as we have at large difcourfed in thofe pla- 1 
 ces where we have treated of Colonies, called by them Mitmac 
 
 Jiiit 
 
 ■Cos 
 
 % 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 369 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of the two famous and great Roads in Peru. 
 
 I 
 
 tail 
 
 ri 
 
 T were but juftice to the Life and Memory of Httaym Capac, if we mention 
 thofe two great Roads which run North and South through tire whole King- 
 dom of Peru, becaufe the making of them is attributed unto him : One of them 
 pafles along by the Sea-coaft , and the other over the Mountains to the Inland 
 Countries, which Hiftorians defcribe with high Enlargements, though, in reality, 
 the work exceeds the common fame : And in regard I cannot pretend to lay them 
 down with fuch exadtnefs as fome have done, I {hall therefore refer my felf to 
 their Relations, and begin with Auguftin Carate, who in the 13th Chapter of his 
 firftBook fpeaking of the Original of the Incas, hath thefe words : " In a due 
 tl and orderly fucceffion of thefe Incas, there \\ as one called Gtiaynacava ( which 
 I fignifies a rich young Man) who came to the Government, and encreafed, and 
 [ greatly enlarged his Dominions 5 his bufinefs being chiefly to advance Juftice 
 " and Reafon, he fo far prevailed on the uncultivated underftandings of that bar- 
 " barous people, that he feemed to have worked Miracles in political converfa- 
 tion, having reduced them without the help of letters to Obedience and Rule, 
 and gained fo far on the affection of his Vaflals, that for his fervice they readily 
 applied their hands, and their hearts, to make and open a large Road in Peru, 
 "*' " which was fo famous, that we cannot in juftice omit to mention, and defcribe 
 ' it, in regard that amongft the feven Wonders of the World, there was none 
 ; ' made at greater expence and labour than this. When this Guaynacava marched 
 I with his Army from Coz,co to conquer the Province of £uitn, which are about 
 I five hundred Leagues diftant one from the other ; he fuftered many difficulties 
 i in his paflage, by reatbn of the inacceftible ways over Rocks and Mountains , 
 I which he was to overcome: Howfoever, having pafled and fubdued that 
 I Countrey , and being now to return again victorious and triumphant, the /»- 
 :< dians broke a convenient way through the Mountains , which they made both 
 :t plain and wide, breaking the Rocks , and levelling the Ground which was ruff 
 ' and uneven •, ib that fometimes they were forced to raife it fifteen or twenty fa- 
 I thorn in height, and in other places to fink it as far ; and in this manner they 
 I continued their work for five hundred Leagues in length. And it is reported, 
 I that when this work was finimed , the way was fo plain , that a Cart or 
 " Coach might be driven over it -, yet afterwards, in the time of the Wars, all 
 I this workmanfhip and labour was demolished by the Indians, to make the ways 
 I and pafles more difficult to the Chriftians. Now if we compare this work 
 'with thefhort cut onely of two Leagues of Mountain, which is between Ef- 
 " pinar, Segovia, and Guadarrama in Spam, and confider what charge and labour 
 ' hath been there employed, onely to make that way tolerably paffable for the 
 ' Kings of Caflile, when at any time they palled with their Equipage and Court 
 from Andalusia, or Toledo, and travelled into parts beyond thofe Mountains ■-, 
 ' which, as I fay, if it were confidered, what an immenfe and incredible work 
 I muft this feem to have been ? Nay farther, the Ineat were not content with 
 * this, for this Gu.macava intending again to vific the Province of J2*itu, for 
 I variety in his Travel;, he reiblved to take his paftaee through the Plains, which 
 ' the Indians, though with no led difficulty, made as convenient as that of the 
 Mountains-, for in all t!-,<-.fe YnlKcs which were watered with Pavers and Foun- 
 tain;, and were planted with Trees , which ( as we have faid elfewhere) did 
 I commonly continue for' a full League, they made a way almoft forty foot wide, 
 with thick Mud- walls on each fide, being four or five Frames, or Pannels, of 
 this Mud in height. Arid then entring out of thefe Plains into the fandy 
 WaySj they drove in great Stakes into the ground on one fide and the other , 
 
 B b b that 
 
 
 ? 
 
270 Royal Commentaries. Book iX. 
 
 : ' that fo Travellers might not miftake their way, or wander_ either on one hand, 
 : ' or the other ■-, and in this manner all was ordered for the fpace of five hundred 
 : ' Leagues, being the fame diftance as over the Mountains. But now the Stakes 
 " fixed in the fandy Grounds are in many parts broken, or plucked up by the 
 " Spaniards, who in the times, as well of War as Peace, made ufe of them for 
 " fuel •, yet the Walls which are made in the Vallies remain entire unto this 
 " day , by which we may conjecture and judge of the greatnefs of this work. 
 " And thus did this Gnaynacava go by one way, and return by another, being al- 
 " ways covered with Boughs of Trees, and entertained with the fragrant fmells 
 
 * of fweet Flowers. Thus far are the Words otAuguftin de Car ate. 
 Likewife Pedro de Cieca de Leon difcourfing of this matter, and of the Road 
 
 through the Mountains, 1 hath thefe words in the 37th Chapter of his Book: 
 "'From Ypiales you travel to a fmall Province called Guaca, and in the way thi- 
 " ther you pafs that famous Road which the Inc.u made in thofe parts, and may 
 " be compared to that which Hannibal made over the Alpes, when he marched in- 
 " to Italy •, and indeed, confidering the great Chambers and Store-houfes which 
 " were made in that way, it feems a more difficult, and a more admirable piece 
 " of work. 
 
 Of which Pedro de Cieca enlarges no farther 5 howfoever in- the 60th Chapter 
 of his Book , fpeaking of the Road over the Plains 5 he hath thefe words I 
 " That I may proceed in my Hiftory with due method, I have thought it re- 
 " quifite, before I conclude, to mention fomething relating to the Road over the 
 " Plains, which, as I have touched in other places, is a work of lingular remark 
 " and importance : And therefore I muft here denote fomething of that high 
 " Road over the Plains, half of which, at leaft, is a way made by order of the 
 " IngM ; the which , though now it is in many places broken down, and demo-' 
 " liified , yet the Ruines of it are durable evidences of the power of thofe u ho 
 " firft commanded the fame to be made. The Indians attribute this work to 
 tc Guaynacapa, and Top* Tnga Tupanque his Father, who defcended by thefe Vallies 
 " to the lower Provinces ■-, though fome report, that hga Tupangue, the Grand- 
 " father of Guaynacapa, and Father of Topa Tnga, was the firft who difcovered 
 " that Coaft, and palled thofe Plains unto it 5 and that the Caciques, or chief Go- 
 " vernours of thofe parts, made the Road fifteen Foot broad by command and 
 " direction of that hga .- on each fide a very ftrong Wall was built, adjoyning to 
 " which, were fine groves of Trees planted ; the Boughs of which did fometimes 
 " reach over the way, being laden with Fruit f and the floor, or the way under 
 " foot, was fmooth and eafie ■-, the Woods and Forefts all along were inhabited 
 " by Singing- birds, Parrots, and Fowls of all forts. 
 
 And farther, this de Cieca treating of the Store-hcufes, and places of entertain- 
 ment and provifion , faith", " That thefe Walls reach all along the way, excep- 
 " ting onely thofe fandy defarts which could not bear a foundation : Howfoever, 
 " as proofs of the greatnefs of the Founders, and as figns and marks to direcl 
 " Travellers, great Timbers, in the manner of Piles, were driven into the ground 
 " at fuch a fpace and diftance as were eafily feen from one to the other. And as 
 " they were very carefull to keep the ways in the Vallies clear, and the Walls 
 " in good repair 3 fo alfo the like diligence was uled to keep up the Pofts or, 
 " Stakes, in cafe any of them fhould be blown down by the Wind, or over- 
 " turned by any other accident : So that this Road w.as certainly a great piece 
 " of Workmanfbip, though not fo laborious in the making, as that oftheMoun- 
 " tains. In thefe Vallies alfo there were fome Fortreftes and Temples of the 
 " Sun, which we ihall {pecifie in their due places. Thus far are the Words of 
 
 Pedro de Cieca, which we have extracted verbatim. 
 
 Likewife John Botero Benes makes mention of thefe two Roads, and in his Ob- 
 fervations denotes them for miraculous Works 5 and, in fhort, fays thus much of 
 them : " From the City of C«ft> there are two great Roads, or King's High- 
 " ways, running at leaft two thoufand Miles in length, one of which goes by the ' 
 
 * way of the Plains , and the other leads by the Mountains: And in making 
 " thefe ways in the manner they now are, being twenty Rve Foot broad, it was 
 " neceflary to raile the Vallies, level the Mountains, and cut through the folid 
 " and living Rocks 3 which is a Work fo grea t, as exceeds above any com- 
 " parifon , the Pyramids of Egypt, or the Roman Edifices. All which is ex- 
 tracted 
 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 07 
 
 traded oik of the Words of the three preceding Authours, who treat of thefe 
 two famous Roads -, every one of which exalts their praifes to fuch a degree, as 
 moft pleafes his fancy , though they all come (hort of that praife and admiration, 
 which is due to the Greatnefs of fo mighty a Work : For were there nothing 
 more in the matter, than onely a continued diftance of five hundred Leagues in 
 length, it were much to be admired ; but when weconfider that this Road partes 
 over afcents on the Mountains of two, three, and four Leagues high •, it is then fo 
 ftrange, that nothing feems to be comparable to it. Befides all which, we rrtuft 
 note, that on the higheft tops of the Hills, from* whence was the beft profpecl-, 
 there were erected certain Lodges, or Houfes of Pleafure, which were feated on 
 each fide of the way, with Stone-ftairs to go up to them, where the Chair-men 
 which carried the Sedans did ufually reft, and where the Mas did fit for fome 
 time taking the Air, and furveying in a moft pleafant profpecl: all the high and 
 lower parts of the Mountains, which wore their coverings of Snow, or on which 
 the Snow was falling , which certainly was a moft pleafant view -, for from the 
 tops of fome very high Mountains one might fee fixty, feventy, eighty, or an hun- 
 dred Leagues round •, in which variety of profpecl: the piques of fome very high 
 Mountains were to be feen, that feemed to touch the Heavens, and other Chafms 
 and Precipices fo low and deep, as feeraed to extend unto the centre of the Earth. 
 Of all which Works, there is nothing remains but Ruines, and fuch as War and 
 time have not been able to deftroy. Onely in the Road by the Plains, and in 
 the defarts of Sand, which are wide and vaft, and where alfo are fome Hills and 
 Dales, there they have droven in their Piles, or Pofts of Wood •, which being 
 placed in fight one of another, do ferve for Marks to direct Travellers in their 
 way, where there is no path, or beaten road, becaufe it being all Sand, the track 
 and footfteps are covered by the Sand fo often as it is moved by the Wind : And 
 therefore thefe Pofts are fo neceflary to Travellers, as the Needle of the Compafs 
 is to direct a Ship through the floating Waves, 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 That Huayna Capac received News how the Spaniards 
 failed along the Coajt of Peru. 
 
 XjtVayna Capac being bufied and employed in the forementloned affairs, and 
 JlX refiding in the Royal Palaces of Tumipampa, which are the moft Magnifi- 
 cent of any in Peru , advices were brought him, that fome ftranger Nations, rie- 
 ver before feen in thofe Countries, failed along that fhore to make a difcovery of 
 the Land •-, upon which intelligence Huayna, Capac was much furprized , entertain- 
 ing new fears and jealoufies of an unknown people, of whom no account of their 
 Nation, or the parts from whence they came could be given. But we are to 
 note, that this Ship was Commanded by Bafco Nunnez of Bilbo, who was the firft 
 that difcovered the South-Sea, and the Seamen were Spaniards, who ( as we have 
 faid before) were the firft that gave the Name of Peru unto this Empire, which 
 happened in the year i s i s, the difcovery of which Countrey being two years be- 
 fore. There is an Hiftorian, who reports, that the Ship and Spaniards belonged 
 to Don Francifco de Picarro, and his thirteen Companions, who were the firft Dif 
 coverers of Peru •, in which there was a miftake between the firft Diftoverers, and 
 the firft Conquerours : There was alfo fome erroUr as to the time, for there was 
 fifteen or fixteen years difference between one and the other } for the firft difco- 
 very of Peru, and the Name given to it, happened in the year i ji j ; and the 
 year when Francifco Picarro, and his four Brothers, with Don Diego de Almagro in- 
 vaded that Countrey was 1 53 1 , and Huayna Catac died eight years before , being 
 
 BbW ft? 
 
yji Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 I 
 
 in the year 15x3, after he had reigned forty two years, as is recorded by BlasVa- 
 kra, and found in his loofe and fcattered Papers , wherein he writes as a curious 
 Antiquary of the Original and Antiquity of thofe Kings. 
 
 Huayna Capac lived eight years after the News was brought him that the firft 
 Difcoverers of thofe Countries coafted along his fliore •, during which time he 
 kept an extraordinary watch on the Coaft, and attended with greater care to pre- 
 ferve his people in Peace and Concord •, not being willing to extend and employ 
 his force into new Conquefts, untill fuch time as he was well affured of the na- 
 ture and condition of that people, who in a Ship frequented and vifited his Ports. 
 And herein he was the more troubled upon remembrance of the Prophecy of an 
 ancient Oracle, which foretold them , that after fuch a Number of years, and af- 
 ter the Regin of fo many Kings, there fhould arrive ftrange Nations, never before 
 feen in thofe parts, who fhould take their Kingdom from them, and deftroy their 
 Government and Idolatrous Religion : the which Prophecy was fulfilled in this 
 I ma , as we fliall fee in the fequel of this Hiftory. 
 
 And as a preparative hereunto, it happened out three years before this Ship was 
 feen on the Coaft of Peru, that a prodigious and ominous fight appeared at Cow, 
 which greatly afte&ed Huayna Capac, and aftonifhed all the Empire : the occafion 
 was this : That whilft they were celebrating the folemn Feftival, which was year- 
 ly dedicated to their God the Sun, a Royal Eagle ( which they call Anca) was feen 
 foaring in the Air, and purfued by five or fix Keftrels, and other Hobbies, and 
 
 
 
 it 
 
 ircci 
 
 on 
 
 inii 
 
 fmaller Hawks •, of which fome, for the rarity of them, have been brought into 
 Spain, where they are called Aletos, and in Peru Huaman ; the which exchanging 
 their blows and ftrokes on the Eagle, would not fuffer him to efcape in his flight, 
 but killed him with the flutters of their wings. The Eagle riot being able longer 
 to defend it felf, fell down in the middle of the Market-place amongft the lncasl I b1»! 
 as if ilie had implored their defence and fuccour •, and they willingly received. »*e 
 her, and finding her body covered over with fcurf, as with a fcab , and plumed of 
 all her fmaller Feathers, nourifhed her with all the care imaginable ; but nothing 
 availing to doe her good , fhe died in a few days , not being able to raife her felf 
 from the ground. The Inca and his Minifters judged this to be a bad Omen of 
 what was to fucceed •, and the Aftrologers and Diviners interpreted the matter to 
 prefage no lefs than the deftrudlion, and total ruine of their Empire and Religion 5 
 which alfo being followed by great Earthquakes in divers places, and fuch as were 
 fo extraordinary and violent, as to overturn many high Mountains •, the Prodigies 
 feemed terrible, and fuch as were the certain fore-runners of difmal Judgments. 
 The Indians alfo, who inhabited the Sea-coaft, oblerved that the tides in their eb- 
 bings and flowings did not keep their ufual courfe , nor did the waters contain I 
 themfelves within their due bounds : Comets alfo, and ftrange Apparitions were 
 feen in the Air ; and to encreafe this terrour, the Moon was obferved in a clear 
 and bright night to be encompafled with three large Haloes, or Circles •■, the firft 
 was of a bloudy colour =, the (econd of a blackifb, inclining to green-, and the third fltfcu 
 was like a mift, or fmoak. A certain Magician ( whom the Indians call Llayca) luei 
 having feen and confidered thefe prodigious Circles about the Moon, entred with Wcyivi 
 a fid and weeping countenance into the prefence of Huayna Capac, and with tears lint a 
 in his eyes told him, and faid , To you alone, Sir, it appertains to know, that the Moan l&Te 
 
 your Another, at a pious and tender Parent, makes known unto you, that the PachacamaC, 
 who is the Creatour and Suftainer of all things, doth threaten your Royal Family and Em- Mtt'x 
 fire with grievous Judgments, which he dejigns to fend upon pur people : For the firft bloudy i : 
 Circle prognofticates ; that after you are gone to reft with your Father the Sun, that then fo ; 
 wo ft terrible IVars fball arife amongft thofe of your own Line and Family, which will open ft I 
 large an effufton of Royal B loud, as will be fufpcient in a few years to extinguifh your whole 
 
 Race and Progeny. Which having faid, he let fall fuch a floud of tears, that he was 
 not able farther to utter his words : But at length having a little recovered him- 
 
 felf, he proceeded, and faid, The fecond Circle, which is blacky threatens us your Sub- 
 jells with a total deftrutlion and fubverfton of our Religion and Government, caufed by the 
 Wars and Di^entions of your own Family ; and thai then your Empire Jhall be alienated and 
 tranflated to another people, and all your Greatnefs vanqutfh into fmoak^and vapour, which is 
 the ftgnif cation of the third Circle. The Inca was grdatly aftonifhed with this difmal Pre- 
 diction ; howfoever, not to /hew fear, and meannefs of fpirit, he bid the Magician begone, for 
 thefe are (faid he) but your laft nights Dreams, which thou declareft to me for Revelations 
 and Advices from my Mother the Moon, No, faid the Magician, for that you may give 
 
 better 
 
 mm 
 ttoaa 
 
 m 
 

 Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 373 
 
 better credence to my words, you may be pleafed to come forth, and fie the truth hereof t eft i- 
 fiedbyyour own Eyes--, and then if you thinks fit-, you may be pleafed to take farther informa- 
 tion from the other Diviners, or Magicians, concerning thefe prodigious apparitions. The 
 
 Inca accordingly came forth from his Chamber, and having beheld thefe Signs in 
 the Heavens, he called for all the Diviners and Prognofticators which he maintai- 
 ned in his Court •, amongft which there being one of the Nation of Tauyu, who 
 was much efteemed above the reft , and that having beheld and confidered thefe 
 Circles, gave the fame judgment thereupon as the former had done. Howfoever 
 Huayna Capac, though he entertained f*d apprehenfions and fears hereof within his 
 own Breaft, yet not to difcourage his People, he feemed to make fmall account of 
 thefe affrighting Stories, telling the Magicians, that unlefs the Pachacamac himfelf 
 fhould reveal the fame to him by his own Words, he would not give credit to 
 iiich Sayings-, For is it pofible, faid he, that my Father the Sun fhould abhor and deufi 
 his own Bloud, and fo far abandon them, as to yield them up to a total deftruElion ? Antrfo 
 
 difmifled his Prognofticators. Howfoever reflecting within himfelf upon what they 
 had faid, and confidering how it agreed with the Prophecies of an ancient Oracle, 
 and comparing paft things with the prodigious Novelties of the prefent times, 
 which appeared and (hewed themfelves in every Element ■■, as alfo the Ship which 
 failed along the Coaft, with a fort of People never before feen in thofe Seas-, all 
 thefe things being taken together, did greatly move and difturb the Mind of Hu- 
 ayna Capac with inward fear and apprehenfion -, for which reafon he always kept 
 an Army in a readinefs, compofed of his moft experienced Souldiers and Officers, 
 which he drew out from the Garrifons of thofe Provinces. He ordained alfo that 
 many Sacrifices mould be offered to the Sun, and that all the Diviners and Magi- 
 cians in their refpe&ive Provinces fhould confuk their familiar Demons, and par- 
 ticularly the great Pachacamac, and the prating Devil oiRimac, who always gave 
 anfwers to all demands-, and to enquire and know of them whether thofe ftrange 
 and new Apparitions in the Heavens, and in the Sea, did portend either good or 
 evil to the Empire. The Anfwers from Rimac were fo dubious and obfeure, that 
 they could not promife themfelves any great good, nor yet did they feem to prog- 
 nofticate any affrighting evil. Howfoever all the Diviners prefaging nothing but 
 ill, the whole Empire remained in terrour and fear of fome approaching mifchief 
 and calamity 5 yet in regard no confiderable misfortune befell that people for the 
 fpace of three or four Years, the remembrance thereof began to wear out, every 1 
 one returning to his ufual quietnefs, and fetled way of living, in which they con- 
 tinued for feveral Years, untill the death of Huayna Capac. The relations of thefe 
 Prognofl ications which we have mentioned , were, befides the common report, 
 delivered particularly by two Captains, who had formerly been of the Guard to 
 Huayna Capac, and being each of them of the age of eighty years, were both bap- 
 tized ; the eldeft of them was called John Pechuta, his own Name remaining for a 
 furname after Baptifm, as was common to the Indians -, the other was called Chatt- 
 el Rimachi, but his Chriftian Name I have forgot: Thefe Captains, when they 
 related the ftories of thefe unhappy prefages , with die fuccefles of thofe times, 
 they would always burft into Tears-, fo that it was neeeffary to divert them with 
 fbme other Difcourfe , before they would ceafe their Tears and Lamentations. 
 The Teftament and Death of Huayna Capac, with many other particulars which af- 
 terwards fueceeded, were delivered to us by an old Inca, whofe Name was CufiHu- 
 allpa ; but the cruelties which Atahualpa exercifed upon all thofe of the Bloud Royal, 
 I received from the relation of my own Mother, and her Brother, who was called 
 
 Don Fernando Huallpa Tupac Inca lupanqui, who Were in thofe days, both of them 
 
 Children of ten Years of age, and lived in the fury and rage of all thofe troubles 
 which continued for the fpace of two years and a half, untill fuch time as the Spa- 
 niards invaded that Countrey, as we lhall relate in its due place, together with the 
 manner how they, with fome few others of the Royal Bloud, efcaped from death, 
 which Atahualpa had defigned for them, which turned greatly to,fhe advantage of 
 the Enemy. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
574 Royal Commentaries. Book IX.. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Of the Teftament and Death of Huayna Capac ; and the 
 Prophecy concemmg the lnvafion made by the Spaniards. 
 
 HVaj»a Capac refiding in his Kingdom oi^uitu, an humour took him in one 
 of the laft days of his Life, to warn and bath himfelf in a certain Lake, 
 onely to pleafe and recreate himfelf: fo foon as he came out from the Water he 
 was taken with a cold, and fhivering, (which the Indians call Chuccu,) which was 
 followed by a hot fit of a Fever •, after which finding himfelf every day to grow 
 worfeand worfe, he apprehended he fhould die-, the which he ftrongly fanned 
 from a remembrance of certain Prognofticks, which had fome years before been 
 delivered in reference thereunto-, in which the Indians are very fuperftitious, efpe- 
 cially in thofe which relate to the Royal Perfon of the King, which the Incas for 
 the reputation of their Idolatry call Revelations from their Father the SBn. 
 
 Befides thefe various Prognofticks and Sayings delivered by their Oracles, many 
 affrighting Comets appeared in the Air, and amongft the reft one with extraordi- 
 nary Rays, of a greenifh colour, very terrible to behold; and moreover a Thun- 
 derbolt fell in the Palace of the Inca himfelf; all which ftrange and ominous mat- 
 ters being put together, did greatly trouble and puzle the Wifedom and Art of 
 their Magicians and Philofophers, called Amautai, who were the Sages and Priefts 
 of that Religion, who being alfo converfant with familiar Spirits, prefaged the 
 death of Huayna Capac, with the deftru&ion of the Royal Family, and the total 
 Ruine and Downfall of the Empire, with many other difmal Calamities and 
 Misfortunes, which their Nations in general , and every one in particular was to 
 fuftain-, howfoever thefe fatal Stories were not vulgarly published, left they fhould 
 difmay and terrifie their people with utmoft defpair, who were naturally fuperfti- 
 tious, and of a melancholy temper, apt to receive impreffions of this nature. 
 
 Huayna Capac finding himfelf now fenfibly to decay, and his end to approach, 
 fummoned all his Sons and Relations, with the Govemours and Captains of the i 
 neighbouring parts to come to him, and declared to them, That he was then go- 
 ing to Heaven, to reft with his Father the Sun, who had fome time fince revea- 
 led to him, that he would (hortly call him from a certain Lake, or Fountain, or 
 
 River. Now in regard that I am feized, (aid he, with this Diflemper by the chilnefs of 
 the Water in which I bathed, it feems tome a certain token that I am called by my Father, 
 and that this is the time of my Diffolution. So foon as I am dead, I would have my Body 
 opened, as is the Cuftome of Kings ; my Heart and Bowels I would have carried and inter- 
 red in QuitU, as a Teftament of my love to that Kingdom, but my Corps I would have car' 
 ried to CoZCO, there to be buried with my Kindred and Anceftours. In a particular man- 
 ner I recommend my Son Atahualpa, whom Hove with a tender Affetlion, bequeathing unit 
 him my Kingdom of QuitU, with whatfoever additions he fh all gain and acquire thereunto by 
 his own Arms--, commanding and enjoining you that are my Captains to ferve him with all Fi- 
 delity and Allegiance, as your true and natural Prince, requiring you to perform all Obedi- 
 ence towards him in every things for I fhall illuminate him with Revelations from my Fa- 
 ther the Sun. 1 farther recommend unto you, and dejire you to ufe Moderation, and exer- 
 cife fuftice towards our Subjetls and Vafja/s, that fo we may defervedly continue the Title 
 of being Lovers of the Poor, and that in every thing you behave your felves at Incas, who 
 
 are the true offspring of the Sun. Having ended this Difcourfe to his Children 
 and Kindred, lie fummoned all the Captains and Curacas, who were not of the 
 Bloud Royal , recommending to them faithfull and dutifull Allegiance to their 
 King •, and in the laft place he told them, That there was an old Prophecy, de- 
 rived by Revelation from his Father the Sun, That after the Reign of twelve 
 Kings there fhould come a new Nation, never before known in thofe parts, that 
 fhould gain and fubjeft all thofe Kingdoms and Provinces, with many others, to 
 iheir own Dominion : which I greatly fufpetl to be thofe who now fail upon our Coaft, 
 
 being 
 
 -a:. 
 ik 
 
 rob 
 
 It 
 W4k 
 

 Book IX. Rovai Commentaries, ny<^ 
 
 be'in^ a valiant People, much furpaffmg ours in all pints of Excellency. Likewife you are 
 toobferve, that in me the number of twelve Kings is completed--, and I farther make known 
 to you, that in a few Years after my departure out of this Life, that this new Nation will 
 invade you', and then will be accomplished that which our father the Sun hath revealed, that 
 they fh all become your Lords and Makers, wherefore I encharge you to ferve them as Aden, 
 fur they in every thing have the advantage of you; their Law ts better than yours, their 
 Arms and military Difciplinc more warlike, and more invincible than yours y and lafily, I 
 leave my Peace with you, for I am fummoncd by my Father the Sun to refi and repofe with 
 him. 
 
 Pedro de Cieca in die 44th Chapter of his Book, touches upon this Prophecy 
 which Huayna Capac had delivered, concerning the Invafion of the Spaniards, and 
 that after his Reign the Empire would be tranllated to a Granger people, which 
 was like thofe that tailed in the Ship. All which the l»ca told his people in Tu- 
 mipampa, which is a Countrey not far from JW« , where , it is faid , the news 
 was flrft brought of the Spaniards, who were the Difcoverers of Peru. Francifco 
 Lopez, de Gomara, in the 1 1 5th Chap, of his Book, relating the Difcourfe which 
 intervened between Huafiar and Hernando de Soto, (who was afterwards Govemour 
 of the Florida,) and Pedro del Barco, faith, that when they two travelled alone 
 from Cajfamarca to Co^co, (as we (hall relate in its due place,) Huafiar being then 
 a Prifoner, amongft other Difcourfes which he recounts of him, reports farther of 
 him in thefe Words which follow, " And laftly he afiured them , that he was 
 
 the true and lawfull Lord and Heir of thefe Kingdoms, and that Atabalibd was 
 " a Tyrant and Ufurper , and that he would fee the Captain of the Chriftians, 
 •• and inform him fo much, that fo he might revenge his Injuries, and reftore him 
 " to his Liberty and Kingdoms-, for that his Father Guayna Capac had at the time 
 
 of his Death commanded him to be a friend to the people who were white and 
 " fair, wearing Beards, for they were to be Lords of thofe Countries, &c So 
 that this Prophecy was commonly known in all Peru, as all Hiftorians write. 
 
 All the preceding particulars delivered by Huayna Capac, were efteemed to be 
 his laft Will and Teftament , and held by the Indians in high eftimation, and 
 therefore they complied moft punctually with his Commands. I remember that one 
 day the old Inca formerly fpoken of, difcourfing before my Mother, and relating 
 thefe particular matters, and of the coming in of the Spaniards, and how they gai- 
 ned the Countrey, I took an occafion to ask him, how it came to pafs that this 
 Countrey, being fo rocky and mountainous as it is, and the people warlike, fo 
 that they could make Conquefts of many Provinces, and form a mighty Empire, 
 how, I fay, it came to pafs that they mould fubmit, and render themfelves to fo 
 fmall and fo inferiour a number as the Spaniards were ? In anfwer unto which he 
 repeated the old Prophecy concerning the Spaniards, telling me, that the Inca had 
 commanded them to obey and. ferve them, as a people endued with many more Ex- 
 cellencies than they •■, and having faid this, he turned to me, and with anger in his 
 face, reproved me for having termed them Cowards, and unwife ■■, and in anfwer 
 to my demand he told me, That the laft Words which our Inca uttered, where- 
 by he commanded us to refign our Empire, and fubjedt our felves to a ftranger 
 Nation , were much more powerfull and available than all the Force and Arms 
 which your Father and his Companions brought into this Countrey, but this he 
 faid to (hew the validity which the Commands of their own Kings had with them , 
 and how much more the Sayings and Injunctions of Huayna Capac, delivered at 
 the hour of his Death, who was the dearefl and moft beloved Prince to them of 
 any. 
 
 Huayna Gapac being dead, his Servants, incompliance with his Commands, 
 emboweled and embalmed his Body, which they carried to Cozco, but his Heart 
 they buried in jQuitu. In all parts through which his Corpfe were carried they ce- 
 lebrated his Funerals with extraordinary Sorrow, crying and lamenting for the 
 love 2nd affection which all forts of people bore towards him ■■, being arrived at 
 the Imperial City, his Obfequies were celebrated in the moft folemn manner, which 
 according to the culfome of thofe Kings continued for the fpace of a whole Year. 
 He left a numerous Race behind him of above two hundred Children, and as fome 
 fay, three hundred, 'which ferves to aggravate the Cruelty of Atahualpa, who 
 murthered the moft part of them. And now becaufe our defign is to lhew what 
 Animals were not found in Peru, untill they were brought thither. We fliall 
 make it the Subject of this following Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
ij6 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of the Mares and Horfes $ and how they were bred at the 
 beginning ; and of the great pice and value of them. 
 
 FOR the better Information and Satisfaction, as well of the prefent as of fu- 
 ture Ages, it will be neceflary to know what things were not in Peru at the 
 time when the Spaniards firft entred into Peru; and therefore I have thought fit 
 to make a particular Chapter thereof, to enumerate how many things thefe peo- 
 ple wanted, which we efteem neceflary for the wellfare and convenient living of 
 Mankind, and yet notwithstanding they lived happily , and contented without 
 them. In the firft place we muft know that they neither had Horfes nor Mares 
 for their fervice in War , or for their delight and divertifement , they had no 
 Cows, nor had they Oxen to plow their Lands, and prepare them for the feed-, 
 neither had they Camels, nor Afles, nor Mules for their Carriages or Burthens 5, 
 nor had they Sheep, as we have in Spain, which yield us both Food and Clothing; 
 nor had they Hogs, which yield us Salt-flelb, and Bacon, and Leather to make 
 our Bottels ; nor had diey Dogs of any good race, fuch as Grey-hounds, Beagles, 
 Spannels, Water-dogs and Tumblers-, nor had they Maftifts to keep their Flocks, 
 or Lap-dogs for pleasure of the Ladies, but onely a company of Curs of all forts 
 and fizes, which were good for nothing. 
 
 Nor had they Wheat, or Barly, or Wine, or Oil, nor Fruit, nor Pulfe, as we 
 have in Spain; of all which things we (hall treat distinctly, and of the manner 
 how, and when they were brought out of Spain into thofe parts. As to the Horfes 
 and Mares, the Spaniards brought them over with themfelves, having been very 
 ferviceable and ufefull to them in making their Conquefts in the new World , of 
 which the lidians had no great neceflity -, for being born and bred in the craggy 
 and fteep Mountains , they became naturally hardy, and nimble of foot, being 
 very active in climbing afcents, and defcending again down the fteepeft Precipices. 
 All th'ofe Horfes and Mares which are in the Kingdoms and Provinces of thofe In- 
 dies which have been difcovered by the Spaniards fince the Year 1492. untill this 
 time, are of the race of thofe which were brought from Spain, and particularly 
 from AndaltKig. The firft were landed in the Iile of Cuba, and St. Domingo, and 
 the other Iflands of Barvolento, as they were difcovered and fubdued; where they 
 increafed, and multiplied abundantly, and thence they were tranfported to Mexici 
 and Peru, for their fervice and ufe in thofe Conquefts- Ad firft, for want of care 
 in the Mafters, who put their Horfes out to pafture loofe, and into places without 
 fences they could not eafily be catched again 5 and fo roving in the Mountains, 
 they became wild , flying like Deer, at the fight of a Man, and not being feized 
 or preyed upon by any fierce Creature, they increafed and multiplied in great- 
 abundance. 
 
 The Spaniards who inhabited the Iflands, obferving how neceflary Horfes were 
 for the Conquefts -, and their Countries produced fuch as were very good, enhan- 
 fed the prices of them to a confiderable rate. There were certain Men who kept 
 thirty, forty, fifty Horfes in their Stables, as we have mentioned in our Hiftory 
 of the Florida. The way of taking die Colts was in a certain Park, which they 
 had encompafled with Pales, railed at fome convenient Avenues of the Mountains, 
 where are Coves, called Cavanas , of three or four Leagues wide, where the 
 Horfes and Colts defcending towards the Evening to feed, fome perfons who keep 
 watch in Trees give notice thereof; and then fourteen or fifteen Men on Horfe- 
 back, riding in amongft them, drive them within the pale, which then they en- 
 ciofe, and cafting Halters about the Necks of thofe Colts which are about three 
 or four Years old, they tie them to trees, letting the Mares go and efcape as they 
 pleafe; the Colts remain tied in this manner for three or four days, jumping and 
 leaping untill being weakned with wearinefs, and Hunger, they yield themfelves 
 
 to 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. ijj 
 
 to the Saddle and Bridle \ but many, before they ar.e thus broken, throttle them- 
 felves with the Halter-, but then on fuch as become tame, they fet Boys on their 
 backs, leading them with the Bridle ^ in this manner they accuftome them mor- 
 ning and evening, for fifteen or twenty days, untill fuch time as they are thorough- 
 ly broken-, and then they become very gentle, and ferviceable to their Mafters=, 
 and in a few days are (a w el! managed, th:t they can throw the Dart upon them, 
 and prove moft excellent Horfes. After all parts of the wefl-lndies were fubdued 
 there was no fuch occafion for Horfes as before, nor encouragement given for bree- 
 ding and managing of them, as formerly •, fo that the Inhabitant of thofe Iilands 
 turned their Traffick another way, and began to trade and deal in Hides, as we 
 fhall declare in its due place. Confidering often with my (elf at how great a 
 price good Horfes are held in Spain , and what an excellent race thefe Iilands 
 yield, Loth for their (Ize, ihapes and colour. I have much wondred at the reafon 
 why they have not been tranfported thence into^/», though it were onely in ac- 
 knowledgment of thofe which Spain did fir ft fend thither , and which were the 
 Sires and Dams of that new Race, efpecially fince they may be tranfported with 
 fo much facility and eafe from the Ifland of Cuba, which is one great part of the 
 way, and many Ships come empty thus far. The Horfes of Peru are much more 
 forward than thofe in Spain ; for the firft time that I darted on Horfeback in Cozco, 
 was upon a Horfe newly broken, and which had fcarce arrived to three years of 
 age. 
 
 When the Spaniards were firft employed in theConqueft of Peru, no Man 
 would ipare his Horfe, or fet any price upon him ; but in cafe it happened by the 
 Mafter's Death, or his departure for Spain, that a Horfe was fet to fale, the price 
 was four, five or fix thoufand pieces of Eight. In the Year i s'S4- when the Ma- 
 
 refchal Don Alonfo d'Alvarado went in purfuit of Francifco Hernandez, de Giron, which 
 
 was before the Battel of Chuqulnca. A Negro Boy leading a very hanfome Horfe 
 in his Hand, well managed, a certain rich Gentleman calling his Eyes upon him, 
 and being much taken with him, faid to the Owner of him, Sir, for the Boy and 
 
 Horfe, at they now are,^ I will give you ten thoufand pieces of Eifht, which is as much as 
 
 twelve thoufand Ducats ; but the Owner refilled the Offer, telling him that he 
 had occafion for the Horfe to charge upon in the next Battel, which was ihortly 
 expe&ed} the ifliie of which was, that the Horfe was killed, and the Mailer mor- 
 tally wounded : But that which is obfervable herein is this, that he vv! 10 would 
 have bought the Horfe was rich, having a considerable Colony of Tndians in the 
 Countrey of the Charcot ; and the Owner was a famous Souldier, who, to fig- 
 nalize himfelf in that day of Battel, refilled to fell his Horfe at any rate, though 
 never fo advantageous •, I knew them both to be Gentlemen , and Perlons of 
 Noble Quality : But fince that time the price of Horfes is much abated in Peru, 
 becaufe the breed is much increafed •, fo that a good Horfe may be worth three 
 or four hundred Pieces of Eight, and an ordinary Jade may be fold at twenty or 
 thirty. The Indians are very commonly fearfull of an Horfe, for when they fee 
 him gallop, or run in* any Street where they chance to meet him, they are fo af- 
 frighted, that they think they can never croud near enough to the Wall to avoid 
 him, fearing left he fhould run over them, and trample them under foot-, where- 
 fore when they meet a Horfe in the Streets', they will crofs the Street three or 
 four times from one fide to the other, and being fo feared (as it were) out of their 
 Wits, they have run blindly (as I have feen) into the very way of the Horfe, 
 whom they have endeavoured to avoid, and have never thought rhemfelves out 
 of danger, unlefs they could get a Spaniard to ftand before them, nor would that 
 guard neither acquit them from all fear ; and though now by cuftome and con- 
 verfation the dread of them is not fo great, yet never could any Indian be perfua- 
 ded to take upon him the Trade of a Blackfrnith, becaufe he would not be con- 
 cerned in (booing Horfes, though in all works of Metal they are excellent Artifts. 
 And though the Spaniards have bred up fome Indian Boys , and taught them to 
 drefs and curry Horfes, yet I never knew or law an Indian that dnrft adventure 
 to mount upon their Backs ; if any of them were fo bold as to lead a Horfe by 
 the Bridle, it was fome tame, gentle Jade, as quiet as a Mule ; for indeed that 
 which feared the Indians moft, was to find moft of the Horfes wanton and skittifh -, 
 for as yet the Spaniards did neither ufe them to the Martingale, nor to covers, or, 
 as they are called, Spedacles, for their Eyes, which was a great negled, and was 
 the caufe of much more labour and trouble to the Matter in the breaking and ma- 
 
 C c c nagery 
 
 
 
378 
 
 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 nagery of them-, for thefe Horfes are of that doable and tradable Nature, that 
 with good drefling and management they will in every thing incline to the will 
 and pleafure of the Mafter. At the beginning when the Conqueft was firft made 
 in Peru, the Indians believed that the Man and the Horfe were all of one piece, or 
 the fame Creature, fanfying, like the Poets, that they were Centaures. They teU 
 me now, that fome Indians have adventured to fhoe Horfes, but that there are ve- 
 ry few fo hardy. And having (aid thus much concerning Horfes, let us now pro- 
 ceed to give an account of what other things were not found in my Countrey. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Of their Cows and Oxen. 
 
 IT is believed that Cows were brought into Peru prefently after the Conqueft, 
 which foon increafed, and multiplied in thofe numbers , that they fupplied 
 all the Kingdom-, the fame alfo is probable of the Hogs and Goats, for I remem- 
 ber to have feen numbers of them in Cozco when I was a Child. 
 
 It cannot be expected that a price mould be let for a Cow in the firft begin- 
 ning when the Spaniards planted themfelves, they being brought over onely for 
 breed ; but afterwards by increafing they became common, and were fold at mo- 
 derate rates. The firft Man in Cozco that was Mafter of Cows, was Antonio de 
 
 Alt amir ano, the Father of two Sons, Peter and Francis, which he had by an Indian 
 Woman, and were my School-fellows, and both dyed young, to the great for- 
 row of the whole City, by reafon of the great hopes and expectation was of their 
 Underftanding and Vertue. 
 
 The firft Oxen that 1 ever faw at plough were in the Valley of Cozco, about 
 the Year i s ? o, belonging to John Rodriguez de Villalobos ; they were in all but three, 
 one they called chaparro another Naranco, and the third Cafii/k: I was carried to 
 fee this fight, with great numbers of Indians , who flocked from all parts, with 
 aftonifhment and wonder, to fee this prodigious Novelty, which I amongft the 
 reft did much admire. They faid that the Spaniards who were drones, and would 
 not work themfelves, had made thefe great Animals labour, and doe that work 
 which they ought to have performed themfelves. I have reafon to remember 
 thefe particulars •, for when I was a Boy, and plaid the Truant to fee the Oxen 
 Plough, it coft me two dozen of good ftripes, one half of which I received from 
 my Father, and the other dozen from my Schoolmafter^ the piece of land which 
 they ploughed was a very pleafant field, which is fituated a little higher than that 
 ground where now the Convent of St. Francis is built-, the which part of the 
 Convent, where the Body of the Church ftands, was erected at the charge and 
 
 Coft of the aforefaid John Rodriguez de Villalobos, and dedicated by him to St. Laza- 
 rus, to whom he was greatly devoted ; the remainder of the Church the Francifian 
 Friars purchafed with the two pieces of Land fome years after -, for when the Oxen 
 ploughed there was no Houfe or Buildings there, either belonging to Spaniards or 
 Indians, as we have at large declared in that part where we make a description of 
 the City and fituation of Cozco. The Ploughmen that tilled the Land were Indians, 
 and the Oxen were taught and broken to the Yoke in a certain Indofure without 
 the City, and then when they had learned their work, they were brought to Cozco, 
 where they had as many Spectators and Admirers that day, as had the Triumphs 
 at Rome in its mightieft grandeur. When Cows were firft brought to the Mar- 
 ket, one might be worth two hundred Pieces of Eight, but afterwards, as they 
 increafed, and became more common, they fell by degrees to that price at which 
 they are now valued. In the beginning of the Year i j 5-4. a Gentleman of my 
 acquaintance, called Rodrigo d'Ffquivel, an Inhabitant of Cozco, but born at Seville, 
 
 bought. 
 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries, 379 
 
 bought at Gudad de ks Reyes ten Cows for a thoufand Pieces of Eight, which 
 makes one thoufand two hundred Ducats ; then in the Year 1 5 59. I have feen 
 them fold at feventeen Pieces of Eight a head \ according to the fame proportion 
 the price of Goats and Hogs abated, as we (hall mention hereafter, by which we 
 may obferve, how fruitfull thisCountrey is: Since the Year 1590. they write 
 me, that a Bullock bought fingly in the Market is not worth above fix or feven 
 Ducats, and being bought in a Drove together, may be had cheaper. 
 
 The Cows in the Ifle olBarlwento running in the Mountains, became all wild, 
 as alfo the Horfes and Mares, excepting onely fuch Cows as they kept up in their 
 Inclofures, for the conveniences and benefit of Milk, Butter and Cheele, which 
 they made of them •, but fuch as ran wild in the Mountains, multiplied and increa- 
 fed to fuch a number, as would be incredible, did not the Hides of them, which 
 are yearly brought thence into Spain, give us clear and demonstrative proofs there- 
 of, as Acofta verifies in the 33d Chap, of his 4th Book, wherein he reports, That 
 in the Year 1J87. there was then brought in the Fleet from St. Domingo, onely 
 3J444 Hides-, and in the lame Year, from New Spain, 643 $0 Cow Hides, ma- 
 king in all 99794- 
 
 In St. Domingo, Cuba, and the other Iflands, their increafe would have been 
 much more , had they not been worried and deftroyed by Greyhounds and Ma- 
 ftiflfs, with which it hrft they did ufually take them, which alfo living in the 
 Mountains, became wild as the Cows, and fo fierce, that unlefs ten or a dozen 
 Men went together, there was no fecurity ; and thofe that killed thole Dogs re- 
 ceived the fame reward as for killing a Wolf. The manner of killing thefe Cows 
 tva.% this : They watched when they came down into the low Lands to feed, and 
 then they ran upon them with their Horfes, and having an Iron with (harp prongs, 
 in form of a half Moon, with which they {truck them, and then with a Cord 
 they enfhared them about the Horns •, but the Horfeman who ufes this fport, had 
 need take care in what manner he goes to work 5 for if the Beaft be before him, he 
 mud take the right fide of him, and wound him on that fide, or elfe, if he be on 
 the left, to wound him on the left, but not to meet juft before him, but turn as 
 he turns, left he butt and wound the Rider with his Horns, and give him no time 
 to avoid his blow. There are fome Men fo dextrous in this Art, that in one ca- 
 riere of their Horfe, and twice difcharging their Gun, they will kill and knock 
 down twenty, thirty or fourty Beafts; and therefore in thefe Iflands which yield 
 filch quantities of Beef, they might in my opinion victual the S?anift> Fleet with 
 fufficient provifions thereof for tneir Voyages , unlefs by reafon of the heat and 
 moifture of the Countrey, which are the caufes of corruption, the flefh will not 
 eafily receive the fait and pickle which are to preserve it. I hear now in thefe 
 times that there are Cows in Peru, which wander about in the difpeopled Countries, 
 and that the Bulls are fo fierce, that they will affault Men as they travel in the 
 way, and that there are almoft as many wild Cattel there on the Continent, as in 
 the Iflands $ which in gratefull remembrance to Spain, for the benefit they recei- 
 ved by the Stock of Cattel fent from thence, do now, by the great numbers of 
 Hides which yearly they fend, make their due acknowledgments and returns for 
 the fame. 
 
 C c c 2 CHAR 
 
 s . 
 
 is 
 
3 So 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 GHA P. XVIII. 
 
 4 
 
 Of the Carvels, Ajfes, Goats ; of the prices of them ; an d of 
 their great Increafe. 
 
 NOR were Camels in Peru at that time, and now alfb there are very few 5 
 the firft Man ( and as I think the laft ) that brought them thither, was 
 fohn de Reynaga, a Noble Perfon, born at Bilbo, I was well acquainted with him, 
 when he was Captain of a Foot Company againft Francis Hernandez, Giron, and 
 his followers, and did his Majefty good Service in that Action •, for one Male and 
 fix Female Camels Don Pedro Pormarrero gave him feven thoufand Pieces of Eight, 
 which make 8400 Ducats-, but the Camels have made little increafe there. 
 
 The firft Aft that I ever faw within the Dominion's of Cow was in the Year 
 i 5 57. he was fold in the City cS.Huamanca for four hundred and eighty Ducats, 
 and bought by my Mafter Garcilajfo de la Vega, with intention to get Mules by him 
 upon his Mares. In Spain fuch an Afs would not have yielded fix Ducats, for he 
 was lean and little-, but afterwards Gafper deSoteh, with whom I had acquaintance, 
 bought another, which coft him eight hundred and fourty Ducats-, but after that 
 time many Mules of both Sexes have been bred there, which have been fpoiled 
 and jaded upon the (harp rocks of thofe ways. 
 
 At what price the Goats were valued, when they were firft brought thither, I 
 cannot tell, yet fome years afterwards I remember they were fold for an hundred 
 and an hundred and ten Ducats a Goat* but thefe were not commonly brought 
 to market, but fold by one friend to another at their inftance, and defire to ob- 
 lige them therewith; and then they would tie ten or twelve of them in couples to- 
 gether, that they might not ftray from each other. That which I fpeak of now 
 was in Cozco, in the Year 1 5-44. and -~4j. but fince that time they have fo in- 
 creafed, as to become of fmall value, unlets for their Skins-, for the She-goats did 
 often bring forth three or four Kids at a time, as I have ken-, and a certain Gen- 
 tleman, who lived in Huanacu, did aflure me, that he had feen feveral that brought 
 forth five Kids at one yeaning. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 381 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of the Hogs , and their great Increafe. 
 
 AT the beginning Hogs were much dearer than Goats, though there was no 
 fet price made for them. Peter de Cteca in- his 26th Chapter of the Re- 
 marks or Obfervations of the Provinces of Peru, faith , That the Maremal Don 
 George Roblcdo bought amongft the Goods of Chrifiofher de Ajala, a Sow and a Pig 
 at the price of one thoufand fix hundred Pieces of Eight. And farther he faith , 
 That this Sow was eaten fome few days after in the City of Call, and was the chief 
 Entertainment at a great Feaft 3 and that it was ordinary to buy Pigs in the belly 
 of the Sow at a hundred Pieces of Eight a Pig, and fometimes more. 
 
 He that is defirous to know the exceflive prices which the Spaniards gave for 
 things in thofe days amongft themfelves, let him reade the fore-mentioned Chap- 
 ter, and then he will fee at how mean a rate Gold and Silver were efteemed in 
 comparifbn with the Commodities of Spain .• which proceeded from the great af- 
 fection which the Spaniards bore to their Native Soil, when firft they planted them- 
 felves in the New World 3 for then they never fcrupled the giving any price for 
 the things which came from Spain, that they might eat them, or breed them, as 
 if they had been fo neceflary to humane life, that no fubfiftence could be without 
 them. 
 
 In the year 1 $6o, a good Hog was worth ten Pieces of Eight at Cozco, and 
 now may be had for fix or feven 3 and were it not for the Lard, which, they fay, 
 is good to cure the Scab, or Murrain, to which the Cattel in that Countrey are 
 much fubjeel:, they would be much cheaper : And alfo the Spaniards, for want of 
 Oil in thofe Countries, have licence to drefs their Meat with it on Fridays, and in 
 
 Lent. 
 
 The Sows in Peru are ftrangely fruitfull 3 for in the year 1 s j8, 1 remember to 
 have feen in the Market of Peru two Sows , with thirty two Pigs, each of them 
 having brought forth fixteen Pigs at one farrowing ; and when I faw them, they 
 might be of a Month old 3 and yet they were fo fat and flick, that one would 
 wonder how it were poflible for the Dams to maintain and fuckle fo many of them 
 in fuch good plight and condition. 
 
 The Indians give the Name of Cuchi to the Hogs , which is a word they have 
 framed from Cache , Coche which the Spaniards ufter, when they fpeak to their 
 Hogs. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
qSi 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Of Sheep, and Tame Cats. 
 
 TH E Sheep of Caftile, which we call fo, to diftinguifh them from thofe of 
 Peru, to which the Spaniards improperly give the Name of Sheep, face 
 they are neither like them in (hape, nor colour, nor any thing eHe, as we have 
 fhewn in its due place: Thefe Sheep, I fay, ot Caftile, I know not when they were 
 firft imported into Pe re, nor by whom •, the firft that I ever faw were in the Fields 
 about Cozco, in the year i j j6, and were then fold, one with another, at the rate 
 of forty Pieces of Eight a head, and fome of the prime fort at fifty 5 and were 
 bought then both for love and money, as the Goats at firft were. 
 
 In the year 1 j 60, when I departed from Cozco, Mutton was not as yet fold in 
 the Shambles by weight : but fince by Letters from thence dated, in the year 1 590, 
 they write me that a Sheep was then fold in the Market for eight Ryals of Eight, 
 or ten at moft ■-, and in eight years time fihee, Sheep are fallen to four Ducats a 
 head, and under •-, and now at prefent are fo common, and in fuch numbers, that 
 they are worth very little 5 for an Ewe commonly brings forth two at a time, and 
 often three: their Wool alfo is produced in that quantity, that it is of little value, 
 and is not worth above three or four Ryals a quarter of a hundred •-, I know not 
 if they have learned as yet to make Weathers of them. There are no Wolves 
 in thofe Countries, nor ever were •-, nor will they be thought worthy to be tranf- 
 ported thither, unlefs they were more profitable, and better conditioned. 
 
 Nor rucT the Indians Houfe-Cats before the coming in of the Spaniards, though 
 now they have them, and call them Mtitst , which is a word they have framed 
 from the Spaniards, whom they have heard to call them Miz, Miz. This, I (ay, 
 to re&ifie the miftake of fome Spaniards, who were of opinion, that the Indians 
 had Cats before the time that the Spaniards came amongft them, becaufe they had 
 in their Language a proper Name for them : And in like manner a certain Hifto- 
 rian argues, that they had Hens before the time of the Spaniards, becaufe they 
 gave them the Name ot Gualpa -. And this would feem a moft convincing Argu- 
 ment to fuch who know not the deduction, or occafion, on which this Name of 
 Gualpa was given, which indeed is not Gualpa , but Atahualpa 5 and hereon de- 
 pends a moft pleafant Story, which we (hall recount, when we come to treat of 
 Tame Fowl, which were not in Peru before the time of the Spaniards. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 382 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of Conies, and Dogs of Game. 
 
 NOR had they Wild, or Tame Rabbets, as we have in Spain, for they have 
 been brought thither fince I departed from Peru .• The firft that brought 
 them to Cozco, was one of the Clergy called Andrew Lopez,, born in the Efiremadura, 
 but in what Village or Town I know not. This Prieft brought over a Buck and 
 a Doe in a Cage, and in patting over a ftream , which is about fixteen Leagues 
 diftant from Cozco, and runs through the Countrey of Chinchapuyu, where the fi- 
 liate of my Lord and Father Garcilajfo de la Vega lyes ; it happened out, that whilft 
 die Indian which carried them, had fet down the Cage to reft himfelf, and eat a 
 bit of bread, mat the Doe efcaped out through a hole of the Cage, where one of 
 the Rods was broken, and ran out amongft the Rocks and Mountains, and amongft 
 the Willows and Ofiers which grow by the banks of the River ■■, the Doe being 
 then big with Young, brought forth a great many, which being conferved after- 
 wards by the care of the Indians, have increafed to that degree, that they have 
 made a Warren, and now cover the ground with their Numbers. From thence 
 they have ftocked other Grounds in many parts , the Land being barren, and the 
 Grafs ihort, they have thriven fo well, as to become of a larger fee than ours 5 as 
 have alfo other Conies which have been brought from Spain into other parts. 
 
 It was the fortune of that Coney to get loofe in a temperate Climate, which was 
 neither over hot, nor very cold $ but as they fpread farther up the River, the Coun- 
 trey grows cooler, untill at length they come to places of perpetual Snows : Such 
 as took their downwards as the ftream runs, thofe were fubjedt to greater heats, 
 untill they came to the River Apurimac, which is the hotteft Climate of all Pern. 
 This Story of the Conies was told me by an Indian of my Countrey, who know- 
 ing that I was writing the Hiftory of Peru , gave me this information •, for the 
 truth of which, I refer my felf to the banks of that River } which if they be fo 
 well ftocked with Conies, as he relates, it may ferve for an undeniable proof. In 
 the Kingdom of JW« there are Conies like thofe in Spain, onely they are lets, 
 and of a darker colour, having a black ftreak along the top of their backs, in eve- 
 ry thing elfe they are like the Rabbets we have in Spain .• tney have no Hares, nor 
 do I know whether they have brought any thither as yet. 
 
 The Dogs of game, or of good race, fuch as we have formerly mentioned, 
 were not in Peru, untill the Spaniards brought them thither. Maftiffs were the laft 
 of any tranfported to thofe parts , by reafon, that having no Wolves, nor other 
 beafts of prey which might hurt their Cattel, they had no need of fuch Dogs for 
 their defence, or guard. Howfoever, when they were come thither, fuch as were 
 Mafters of great Flocks and Herds, would not want, or be without them, not 
 that they had any need, or occafion for them, but onely becaufe they would have 
 their Flocks and Herds be like thofe in Spain .• And fo paffionately was their fancy 
 it the beginning inclined hereunto, that in every thing they affedted the Manners 
 ind Cuftoms of Spain ; for which reafon, and not for any need, a Spaniard carried 
 1 MattifF Whelp, that was not above a Month and a half old, in a Wallet, which 
 he hanged at his Saddle-bow, from Cozxo to Los Reyes, which is a hundred and 
 twenty Leagues through a mountainous and craggy Countrey, being every day 
 troubled to rind Milk for this Whelp ■■, the which I faw, and can teftifie, having 
 been a Companion with that Spaniard in the Journey ; who told me, that he car- 
 ried that Whelp for a prefent to his Father-in-law, who was a Grafier, being Ma- 
 tter of great Flocks of Cattel, and lived fifty or fixty Leagues on this fide of c*'«- 
 iadde los Reyes, by whom he would be efteemed as a Jewel of mighty value. Thefe 
 1 flknd greater pains have the Spa tiards taken at the beginning to procure fuch Crea- 
 tures as are ufed in Spain, which afterwards they have neglected and conferved in 
 ittle efteem. 
 
 CHAP 
 
284 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Of Rats , and to what Multitudes they have increased. 
 
 WE muft fpeak fomething of the Rats which came over with the Spaniards, 
 for before their time there were none in the Countrey. Francis Lopez de 
 Gomara in his General Hiftory of the Indies, (which was not very faithfully wrote) 
 (ays, that untill the time of Blafio Nmnez, Vela, Rats were not known in Peru ; 
 but now they are in great numbers, and of fo great a proportion and fize, that no 
 Cat dares to contend or deal with them : Howfoever they are not as yet come fo 
 high as, to the Hilly Countries, by reafon of the cold, and Snows, nor can they 
 find covert, or (belter, under which they may convey themfelves thither. 
 
 Howfoever, they have great numbers of Mice, which they call Vcucha. In 
 Nombre de Dios, Panama, and other Cities on the Coaft of Peru, they have fuch 
 an infinite number of Rats, that they are forced to deftroy them with Poifon of 
 Rats-bane, which they lay for them at a certain time of the year by agreement of 
 all the Neighbourhood ; when proclamation is made that every Houfe fnould laj 
 its Arfnick for deftru&ion of the Rats , that fo at this notice every perfon ihou 
 be warned to cover their Provifions of meat and drink from the Rats, and efpu 
 daily the water, for fo foon as the Rat hath taken his dofe, he prefently runs to 
 the water, and therewith burfts and dyes 5 and then every Houfe lays its baits of 
 Fruits, of fuch things as Rats commonly eat , which being eropoifoned v,::h Arf- 
 nick, deftroy them in infinite numbers. 
 
 When I arrived at Panama, from Spain, prefently after the time that the poifon 
 had been laid, I remember that one Evening as I walked by the Sea- fide, I found 
 juft at the brink of the water fuch quantities of dead Rats, that they covered trie 
 ground for above a hundred Paces in length, and above three or four in breadth. 
 
 And now upon occafion of this difcourfe, concerning the infinite numbers of 
 Rats, I thall adventure to tell a ftrange Story of this kind, upon the credit of a 
 Noble Gentleman, call'd Her nan Bravo de Laguna, one who was Lord of Indians 
 in Cozco, and had the honour to be mentioned in the Hiftory of Peru .• the rela- 
 tion lie made, which he attefts to have feen, was this : A Ship failing from Pana- 
 ma to Los Reyes, touched in the way upon the Coaft at a Port called Trugilk, 
 where the whole Ships company agreed one day to go afhore, and be merry, lea- 
 ving onely one lick Man aboard , who, by reafon of his indifpofition, was not 
 able to walk fo far as from the Sea fide to the City, which was two Leagues. 
 Nor need we here to wonder, that they fliould leave their Ship fo ill provided, 
 for in thofe Seas ftorms and tempefts do feldom arife , nor was there any fear of 
 Pyrates, or Enemies , for as yet Sir Francis Drake had not opened the Navigation 
 into thofe Sea's. Now fo foon as the Rats perceived that the Ship was freed of 
 its company, they all {allied out to partake freely of the fpoil , where finding the 
 fick Man upon the Deck, they all joined to give him battel, that they might kill 
 and eat him : the which hath oftentimes happened in thefe Voyages, in which 
 fick Men have over night been alive, and next morning have been found dead in 
 their beds , with the fleih of their Faces , Armes , Legs and Thighs , gnawn 
 and torn from -the bones. In this manner this hungry crew would have dealt 
 with our fick Man , againft whom they formed their Army, and came to coin- 
 bat him , who finding himfelf fo hardly befet, got up, and taking a Spit from 
 the Cook-room, returned to his bed, not to deep, but to watch, and ftand upon 
 his guard ; which he did that whole day, and the night following , and the day 
 after, untill late in the Evening , when his Companions returned to the Ship 5 
 who having heard the Story, gave credit to it, when they found behind his Bed, 
 
 and 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 385 
 
 and upoir the Deck, and in coiners of the Ship, fo many of his Enemies {lain, 
 which appeared upon account to be three hundred eighty, and odd, which he 
 had killed with his Spit, befides others which had been wounded. 
 
 The fids Man, either out of fear, or joy of his victory, recovered his health, 
 being much pleafed afterwards to recount the particulars of this fuccels. In di- 
 vers places upon the Coafi ofiVr*, and in divers years, untill 1 <;yz, and 73, there 
 were great Deftruclions, and even Plagues, caufed by the incredible multitudes of 
 Rats and Mice =, w hich fwarming over all the Land, ate up the Seeds which were 
 thrown into the ground, as alfo the Fruit-trees, which they pilled of their bark 
 from the roots, to the very buds and fprouts ; fo that the Trees dying, the Inha- 
 bitants were forced to make new Plantations in their places-, and feared that they 
 mould have been forced to abandon their Dwellings, had not God in mercy caufed 
 that Plague to ceafe on a fudden, when it was juft at the extremity of deftrudtion, 
 The particulars of which incredible damages, we (hall, for brevity fake, omit. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Of their Hens a?id Pigeons, 
 
 • 
 
 WE come now, in the next place, to fpeak of Fowls, of which few others 
 have been tranfported into Peru, unlefs Poultry, fuch as Cocks, and 
 Hens, and tame Pigeons, or Houfe- doves. As for Stock-doves, or Wood-Pige- 
 ons, I know not whether any have been as yet brought thither. As to Hens, 
 there is a certain Authour, who writes, that they were found in Peru, before the 
 time that the -Spaniards conquered it ; and for proof thereof he alledges, that the 
 Indians have a proper Name for a Hen in their own Language, which is Guglpa ; 
 and for an Egg, which is Ronto -, and that the Indians have the fame propriety in 
 their fpeech for a Coward, whom they call a Hen, or Hen-hearted, as the Spaniards 
 hzw: To which Argument we (hall give this fatisfa&ory anfwer. 
 
 We (hall leave the Name of Gualpa untill the end of this Chapter, and (hall 
 ■begi^n w 1th the word Ronto, or Rmtu , which fignifies an Egg , not of a Hen in 
 particular, but in general of any Fowl, whether tame or wild •, and when they 
 mention an Egg, they add the Fowl or Bird from which it is produced , as of a 
 Hen, Partridge, or Dovej^<r. And Co much for Rmtu, or the Egg. 
 
 As to the expreflion oulualpa, or Hen, to fignifie a Coward, the Indian's may 
 have deduced, or taken it up, from the Spaniards, as is ordinary for people who 
 . have entertained a familiarity and convention with another to borrow their 
 phrales and proprieties of their Language ; as is commonly feen, how our Spani- 
 ards, chat travel into .Italy, France, Flanders and Germany, do frequently make ufe 
 of the Proverbs and Expreffions svvhich they have learned from ftranger Nations-; 
 (o alfo. the Indians have taken this.vvord from the Spaniards to denote a Coward, 
 for ot'herwife, in their own Tongue, they want not words more fignificant than 
 ws]$>a$fc Saying 5 for they fometime call him Huarmi, which is Woman 5 and 
 I have the proper word C'mpa, which fignifies a Man of a pufillanimous Spirit, 
 and one without Heart cr Courage, as alfo they have the word Llanclla ; fo that 
 the Metaphor of a Hen is borrowed from the Spaniards ; in which I may be cre- 
 dited, confidering that I my felf am an Indian, 
 
 The word Gualpa is corrupted by contraction of the Syllables, and is inftead 
 ^.ifahualpa, which doth not fignifie a Hen, but was the Name of the laft Ima 
 ' that reigned in Peru, w'hofe Life Was fo bloudy, as we (hall relate in its due place, 
 th;?t he exceeded in cruelty all the fierce and wild Beads and Bafilisks in the 
 World •, for he being a Baftard by fubtile artifices and contrivances, Murthered his 
 Elder Brother Huafcar, who was lawfull Heir, and Ufurped his Kingdom -, and fo 
 with cruel torments, never before known or invented, he deftroyed the whole 
 
 D d d Bloud- 
 
^ 86 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 Bloud-Royal, both Men, Women and Children, over which more tender Sex, that 
 his cruelty might triumph, he fubjedted them to the moft exquiiue torments that 
 his tyrannical malice could invent •, and not fatiating himfelf fufficiently with his 
 own flelh and blcud, his unhumane rage proceeded to a deftru&ion of all the Ser- 
 vants and Dependants on the Royal Court, which (as we have faid ) were very 
 numerous I for Offices were not confined to fingle perfons, but to Villages and 
 Towns, which were obliged to ferve in their turns, fuch as Porters at the Gate, 
 Sweepers, Water-bearers, Gardiners, and the like •, all which by their Villages 
 and Communities being employed in thefe fervices, had their Habitations for the 
 fpace of five, fix and feven Leagues round Cozco, whom he totally deftroyed^ and 
 not being contented with a Maflacre of the Inhabitants, he demolished their Dwel- 
 lings, and put all to a miferable devaluation 5 and yet his cruelties had proceeded 
 farther, had not the Spaniards, who in the furious progrefs of his Tyrannies, entred 
 that Countrey, given a ftop to his farther executions. 
 
 Now whereas the Spaniards in a fhort time after their coming took this Tyrant 
 Atahualpa, and in the publick Market-place putting him to the Wrack, executed 
 him before the people in the moft exemplary manner of punifhment j which when 
 the Indians obferved, they praifed their God the Sun , who had fent the Spaniards 
 to perform juftice, and revenge himfelf of the Tyrant, who had deftroyed his Chil- 
 dren, and allthofe ofhisBloud and Family : For which reafon the Indians looking 
 upon the Spaniards, as thofe who were fent from their God, did yield entire obedi- 
 ence to them , furrendring themfelves abfolutely to their difpofal , which was a 
 means to facilitate their Conquefts •-, for they adored them as the Progeny which 
 was defcended from their God Viracocha, who appeared in a dream to one of their 
 Kings, and therefore they gave the Name of Viracocha to the Spaniards. 
 
 On this falfe fuppofition they conceived this fimple fancy, that when they heard 
 the Cocks crow, which the Spaniards brought in, and were the firft that were ever 
 feen in Peru, they imagined that the Cocks pronounced the word Atahualpa in ab- 
 horrence of his deteftable tyrannies •, whence contracting the word, they called 
 Cocks and Hens by the Name otGualpa: And whereas the Indians recounted thefe 
 Fables to their Children, whereby they defcended by way of tradition to after A- 
 ges y the Boys, when they heard the Cocks crow, would anfwer in the fame tone, 
 crowing out, Atahualpa ; and I muft confefs, when I was a Boy, that I ufed, a- 
 mori^ft the other young Indians, to imitate the fame tune when I ran about the 
 Streets. 
 
 And thus we Children quavered out Atahualpa, imitating, as near as we could, 
 the voice of the Cock : Nor did we onely tune his Name to our Song , but we 
 brought the Names of his principal Captains into the Air of our Mufick, as Cha/l- 
 cuchma Quilhfcacha : And Ruminavi, which fignifies the Eye of a Stone, becaufe 
 he had a Pearl (as we call it) on one of his Eyes. Bias Valera having in his loofe 
 and fcattered Papers given an account of the fudden Death of Atahualpa ; farther 
 faith, that though he had been cruel to his Relations, md thofe of his Bloud, yet 
 in the Government of his own people he was endued with incomparable Excel- 
 lencies, endearing them to him by many obliging circumftances, and at laft in Ele- 
 gant Latin ufes thefe words : " Hence it was, that lb foon as his Death was di- 
 " vulged amongft his Subjects, they would comfort themfelves in faying, that the 
 " very Cocks which the Spaniards had brought over would not fuffer the Name of 
 xC fo great a Perfon to perifli, or be forgotten, lamenting in their dolefull tone the 
 * Name of Atahualpa -, and therefore they gave the Name of Atahualpa to all 
 " Cocks, which word the Indians of all Nations vulgarly received, as did alfo the 
 c< Spaniards and Preachers take up that word, when they would exprefs the Name 
 " of a Cock to the Indians. Thus far are the Words of Bias Vakra, who received 
 this Relation in the Kingdom of £vitu, from the Subjects of Atahualpa, who were 
 as well inclined to him, as good Subjects are to their natural King : And on the 
 contrary, fuch as lived in Cozco, and were of a different fadiion, interpreted the 
 crowing of the Cock with Atahualpa in his voice, to be by way of abhorrence and 
 deteftation of the many cruelties and tyrannies of which he was guilty. By which 
 I fuppofe, that I have fufficiently now confuted the three former Conjectures ; and 
 that I have clearly proved, that there were no Cocks or Hens in Peru, before the 
 Conqueft which the Spaniards made of it. 
 
 As the Spaniards brought Hens and Pigeons firft into Peru, fo alfo they brought 
 Peacocks thither from Mexico , for before that time none of that kind had been 
 
 feen 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 387 
 
 feen in my Countrey. It is a thing very remarkable, that Hens did not hatch their 
 Chickens in Cozco, nor yet in the Vallies neighbouring to it, though they fed them 
 with the beft nouriihment they could contrive to give them -, which defect they 
 attributed to the chilnefs of the Air. Such as have mentioned this particular, have 
 given for a reafon hereof, that Hens were ftrangers in that Countrey, and their 
 conftitution and temperament not agreeable to the Climate 5 becaufe in parts more 
 warm, as Tucay and Muyna, which are not above four Leagues diftant from the 
 City,the Hens hatch their Chickens as in other places -, but in Cozco for above thir- 
 ty years die Eggs proved all addle, and fo continued in the year 1 5 60, when I de- 
 parted from that City : but fome years afterwards, amongft other advices, which a 
 certain Gentleman called Card Sanchez, wrote me, I was informed that the Hens 
 began to hatch Chickens in Cozco, as freely and plentifully as in other places. 
 
 In the year 15-^6, a'Gentleman Native of Salamanca, call'd Don Martin de Guzman, 
 who had been in Pern -, returning from Spain a fecond time thither, carried very 
 fine furniture for Horfes with him, and other curiofities, amongft which he had 
 a little Canary-bird in a Cage, which fang to admiration, and was the wonder of 
 all, how fo little a creature mould be able to endure the long Voyage over two 
 great Seas, and the Travels by Land both in Spain, and in Peru, from the Sea to 
 Cozco. Thus we mention fmall and inconfiderable Birds, that fo it may be an induce- 
 ment to tranfport Birds and Fowl of greater benefit and ufe, fuch as Partridges, and 
 other tame Fowl, which We breed up in our Yards, and feed at our Barn-doors. 
 
 GHAP, XXIV. 
 
 Of their WJxat, 
 
 FRom the Relation oFBirds and Fowl, we are next to pafs to Corn, Plants, Len- 
 tils, and fuch other things as were wanting in Peru s And as to this point we 
 muft note, that the firft perfon that imported Wheat into my Countrey (for fo I 
 call the whole Empire of the Incas) was a certain noble Lady; called Mary ofEfco- 
 bar, who was married to Diego de Chaves, both Natives otTruxillo 5 I was well ac- 
 quainted with her, when I lived at my own Plantation, but many years after lhe 
 came to Peru, (he removed to Cozco ; but her Husband I did not know, for he dy- 
 ed at Los Reyes. 
 
 This Lady, worthy of all good fortune, was 'the firft that imported Wheat to 
 the City oiRimac in Peru; for which great benefit (he received no thankfull returns 
 from my Countrey, though for a lets valuable confideration the Gentiles adored Ce- 
 res for a Goddefs : I know not the year precifely in which it was brought-, but this 
 I am fure, the quantity was fo fmall, not exceeding half a Bufhel, that they fowed 
 the Corn three years for its increale, dividing it into fmall parcels of thirty and for- 
 ty Granes to a neighbour-, which was given alfo for friendfhip fake, that fo every 
 one might enjoy fomething of the new Harveft. 
 
 • For this great benefit which this worthy Woman did to Peru, and for the many 
 fervices performed by her Husband, who was one of the firft Conquerours, a Plan- 
 tation of Indians was beftowed upon her in the City de los Reyes. In the year 1 ^47, 
 Wheaten bread was not as yet eaten in Cozco, though there was fome Wheat found 
 in the Countrey : And I (peak it upon this ground, becaufe I do remember, that 
 
 when Don Frayfolano Dominico, Bifhop of that City, fled from the Battel of Harina, 
 
 he quartered in my Father's houfe with fourteen or fifteen of his Companions, and 
 my Mother entertained them with Bread of Mayz , and the Spaniards were then Co 
 famifhed with hunger, that they had not the patience to ftay untill the Dinner was 
 made ready, but taking whole handfulls of the raw Mayz, devoured them as if they 
 had been fugred Almonds. It is not certainly known who was the firft that impor- 
 ted Barley , it is probable that fome Granes of it being mixed with the Wheat, might 
 grow up with it, for we obferve that they are never purely and entirely feparated. 
 
 D d d * ■ CHAP. 
 
q8H Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 C HAP. XXV. 
 
 Of the Vine, and of him who fir ft planted Grapes. 
 
 HE who had the honour to be the firft Importer olNoah's Plant was Francis de 
 Caravantes, a Nobleman of 'Toledo, and one of the firft Conquerours of Peru. 
 This Gentleman confidering the Countrey to be in fome tolerable ftate of quiet 
 and repofe, fent for Vines to the Canaries, as being the neareft place -, from whence 
 they brought the black fort of Grape, which produces a red Wine, but not of the 
 deepeft red, or Tent-colour 5 and though they have fince planted feveral forts of 
 Vines, fuch as Mufcatel, and others, yet there is none of a pale or whitifh co- 
 lour. 
 
 Bacchus was adored hv the Gentiles, and worfhipped for a God in reward of a 
 lefler piece of fervice than this Gentleman had done for the Indians 5 for though 
 Wine be now plentifull in Peru, yet the Natives thereofhave fo ungentile a palate, 
 that they know not how to relifh it, contenting themfelves with their ancient Be- 
 verage made of Car a and Water. Moreover, I have heard in Peru, from the re- 
 port of a Gentleman of good repute, that a certain Spaniard, who was very curi- 
 ous, and a great Virtuofo, had extracted a fort of Wine called Almacigo from Raifins 
 which he had brought from Spain 5 and that having fowed fome of the Raifin- 
 ftones, they produced a kind of Vines , but were fo tender, that he was forced to 
 conlerve them three or four years' in Almacigo, untill fuch time as they were ftrong 
 enough to be planted 5 and that from thence the Grapes have taken fo high a co- 
 lour, that all the Wine in Peru became like the Tent- wine in Spain, though not al- 
 together of fo deep a colour. It is probable that the Grapes of Peru have had their 
 Original from both of thefe ways •-, for the Spaniards, who were always paffionate 
 for their Countrey, and defirous to fee the fame Fruits growing in the Indies, as 
 were in Spain, did omit no experiments or trials to bring the iame to their defiretf 
 intent. Captain Bartholomew de Terrazas, who was one of the firft Conquerours of 
 Peru, and one of thofe who entred Chili under the Admiral Dm Diego de Almagro, 
 was the firft that planted Grapes in his own Vineyard in the City of Cozco - 7 1 was 
 well acquainted with this Gentleman, and efteemed him for a moft generous per- 
 fon, and well accomplifhed in all points of moft vertuous Endowments. He plan- 
 ted a Vineyard in his Lands, fituated in the Province of Cuntifuyu, which he ma- 
 nured by Indians, being called Achanquillo •, from whence in the year 1555-, as an 
 evidence and proof of his good Husbandry, and greatnefs of his liberal Soul, he 
 fent thirty Indians kden with fair and goodly Grapes to his intimate and familiar 
 friend Garcilatfo de la Vega, my honoured Lord, with order that he fhould divide a- 
 mongft the Gentlemen of that City an equal (bare and proportion, that every one 
 might enjoy the fruit of his labours. It was indeed at that time a great curiofity 
 to have the Fruit of Spain growing in that Countrey, and a clear evidence of hit 
 munificent and liberal Soul •, for if he would have made merchandife of thofe 
 Grapes, he might have fold them for four or five thoufand Ducats. For my parti 
 I did partake of thofe Grapes, for my Father having made me the Meflenger to 
 carry them, attended with two Pages, I delivered to eveiy principal Houfe two 
 large bunches of them. 
 
 -I 
 
 i 
 
 fans, 
 
 i 
 
 1! 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
 
 m 
 

 Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 380 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 Of Wine ; and of the firfi Man that made it in Cozco 5 and 
 of the value of it. 
 
 ON the j 1 ft of January, i J70. being upon my departure for Spain, I paffed 
 through the Plantation of Peter Lopez de Cacalla , a Native of Llerena, Z 
 
 place not far diftant from Cozco, he had been Secretary to the Prefident of Gafca, 
 othenvife called Marcahuafi, about nine Leagues from the Qty, and there I met 
 with a Portugal, called Alfonfo Vaez, who was a great Husbandman, and skilfoll in 
 Agriculture, and a very honeft Man-, he fhewed me all his Ground and Planta- 
 tions, which were full of mod rare and excellent Grapes, but would not fuffer 
 me to gather one bunch of them, which would have been very acceptable to a 
 Traveller, as I was, and to one who loved them fb well, but he was not pleafed 
 to mew me fo much kindnefs-, which when he perceived that I took notice of, 
 he told me plainly, that I ought to pardon that piece of difcourtefie, for that his 
 Mafter had encharged him not to meddle with fo much as one Grape, becaufe he 
 intended to make Wine of them, as he afterwards did, prefling them in a trough, 
 becaufe he had no other convenience wherewith to tread or prefs them out 5 and 
 as a School-fellow of mine told me afterwards in Spain , that this Peter Lopez de 
 Qtr ac alia, reiblved to gain the Jewel which Charles the 5 th commanded to be 
 given to the firft Spaniard, who from any of the Spanijh Plantations mould pro- 
 duce, or be able to ihew a certain quantity of Wheat, Barley, Wine or Oil, the 
 which this great Emperour, and other Princes of glorious memory, were pleafed 
 to hold forth, as an encouragement to thofe who ihould well manure their Land, 
 that it might produce the Fruits of Spain, which did not originally belong to that 
 Countrey. 
 
 The quantity of Wheat or Barley which was required , was about a Seame, 
 and of Wine, and Oil, about a hundred Weight of each, which is four Arrobat of 
 Spanijh Meafure ; and the Reward was to be of two pieces of Plate to the value . 
 of three hundred Ducats a piece •, the gain and lucre of which was not the chief 
 motive, that induced Pedro de Lopez de Cacalla to be thus induftrious in his Plan- 
 tations, but rather the Glory and Honour he conceived of being renowned to po- 
 fterity, for being the firft who made Wine from his own Vineyards near Cozco : 
 and thus much mall ferve as to the firft Wines which were made in my Countrey, 
 for other Cities of Peru, fuch as Huamanca and Arequepa, had them long before, 
 but they were a fweet fort of Haloca, or Mufcatel Wines. Difcourfing once in 
 Cordova with a Canon or Prebend of Peru, concerning thefe matters which we 
 now relate, he told me that he was acquainted in the Kingdom of Mmtu, with a 
 certain Spaniard, who was a very curious Perfon, and one very skilfull in Husban- 
 dry, efpecially in the manuring of Vineyards ; for he was the firft that brought 
 Vines from Rimae to £>uitti, and had planted a fpatious Vineyard along the Banks 
 of the River Afira, which being under the Equinoctial Line, is extremely hot; This Story is 
 and for the greater curiofity he (hewed me twelve feveral Apartments , one of very queftio- 
 which he pruned every month in the year, and by that means had always frefh and " ab £' ^ * 
 ripe Grapes through all the months of the year. In all parts of Peru they water ' that "^"r 
 their Vines, becaufe the Countrey is very hot , and the Weather always of the the Equinoc- 
 fame temperature ; fo that when they would have their Vines produce their Fruit, «ai the Sap 
 they afford them Water, and when not, and that they would have the Sap fall °a n tl n < eve / r ll,e 
 t£ the root, they with-hold the Water, and afterwards having caft their Leaves, fai" a^d con- 
 «nd again pruned them, they open the Water-banks, with which the root being fequently no 
 refreshed, they fpring, and bud, and produce their Fruit : In the fame manner Fruit be pro- 
 it pafles in fome Vallies with the Mayz , where one furrow is newly fowed, duce 
 ■when another is half a foot high in growth, and another is in the ear, and ready 
 to be reaped; all which is effe&ed by the natural fituation of the Climate, which 
 
 makes 
 
390 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 makes no difference of Seafons, and is indeed the effect of Nature, rather than of 
 Curiofity, or any other good Husbandry. 
 
 In the Year 1 560. which was about the time that I departed from Cozco, and 
 fome while after, it was not the cuftome to afford Wine at the Table upon any 
 invitation of the Neighbours, who were fuch as were Matters of Indians, and 
 common Guefts, unlefs one, or fo, might require it for the fake of his Health, 
 being accounted a point of Luxury and Vice for any one to drink it for other caufe 
 than for neceffity. For when the Spaniards laid their firft foundations of this Em- 
 pire, they adted it with great fobriety, and having began with hardfhip and tem- 
 perance, they eafily continued a moderate and frugal Table-, fo that their Guefts, 
 when invited, would refufe Wine, though it were offered them •, for they knew 
 the price to be very dear , being worth , when cheapeft, at leaft thirty Ducats 
 the Arrove, (which is but twenty five pounds weight) and continued at the fame 
 
 price untill after the Wars oiFrancifco Hernandez Giron. In the time of (7o»pr/o 
 
 Picarro, and before, it was worth from three hundred to five hundred Ducats 
 the Arrove 5 and in the Years 1 554. and 5 s • the Vintage fo generally failed through 
 the whole Kingdom ■-, and fuch fcarcity there was of it in the City of los Reyes, 
 that there was icarce fufficient for the Sacrament which is celebrated in the Mafs 5 
 wherefore the Archbifhop D.feronimo de Loayfa, ordered that half a Butt of Wine 
 which was found in a Houfe fhould be conferved for the ufe and fervice of the 
 Mafles. In fuch fcarcity and want of Wine they remained for feveral Days and 
 Months, untill a (hip arrived in that Port, belonging to two Merchants of my ac- 
 quaintance, (whom, out of refpedt to their Noble Families, I forbear to name,) 
 importing two thoufand Barrels of Wine , part of which they fold at firft for 
 three hundred and fixty Ducats the Barrel, and the latter parcel for no lefs than 
 two hundred. This account I received from a Mafter of one of the Veflels on 
 which I embarked in my Voyage from los Royes to Panama $ for which reafons 
 Wine is not commonly drank. On a certain day a Gentleman who was Mafter 
 of Indians invited another to dine with him, who was Mafter of node, and being 
 in cheerfull converfation with five or fix Spaniards more, he defired a cup of Wa- 
 ter to drink-, upon which the Mafter of the Houfe fent him Wine, but he refo- 
 fing it, (aid that he drank no Wine 5 whereupon the Mafter replied , that if it 
 were ib, he fhould defire his company to eat with him every day •-, intimating that 
 the charge of Victuals was inconfiderable, provided that the reckoning were not 
 inflamed with Wine, which yet was not refilled fo much for the dearnefs of it, as 
 for the total want there was fometimes of it, being brought from fo remote parts 
 
 as Spain. 
 
 ! 6 
 
 u 
 
 ; 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IX. Koynl Commentaries. 391 
 
 ; CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 Of the Olive P/a?its, ami who brought them firfl to Peru. 
 
 IN the fame Year of i 5 <5o. Don Antonio de Ribera-., an Inhabitant of the City of 
 lot Reyes, who had been Procurator General of Pern , and lived fome time 
 there; and going afterwards into Spain, and returning back again, he brought with 
 him from Seville feveral Olive Plants , which he carefully faved, and put up in 
 two great Jars, and of above a hundred which he had brought, there were but 
 three flips onely that were alive, the which he planted in a fruitfull Soil and Val- 
 ley, wherein he having alfo other Fruits, fuch as Grapes, Figgs, Pomegranars and 
 Oranges, Limes, and the like, with Pulle, and Seeds of Spain, he fold them publick- 
 ly in the Market-place of that City, which being new Fruit, were bought up at any 
 prices, and as I am informed for certain, that he made above two hundred thoufand 
 Pieces of Eight thereof. Don Antonio de Ribera having planted thefe Olive Trees 
 in his own Land, would not afford fo much as one Leaf of them to be planted in 
 any other Ground than his own; and for fecurity of them he guarded them with 
 at leaft one hundred Negroes, and thirty Dogs, which watched his rich Planta- 
 tions both by day and night ; but it happening out that fome perfons, more watch- 
 full than his Dogs, and perhaps by the connivance or confent of the Negroes, (as 
 is to be fufpe&ed) ftole away in the night time one of the three Olive Plants, 
 the which, in fome time after, was feen to flourifh and grow in Chili, being above 
 fix hundred Leagues from the City of Lot Rejet; and there for the fpace of three 
 Years afforded many fprouts for divers Plantations, increafing with that profperous 
 fuccefs, that not the leaft twig was put into the ground, but which took, and in a 
 fhort time became a fair Olive Tree. 
 
 Don Amcnio de Ribera , for recovery of his Plants , having procured many Ex- 
 communications againft the Authours of this Theft ; at the end of three years it 
 came to pafs , that the fame Tree was again reftored, and replanted in the very 
 fame place from whence it had been taken, with that fecrecy, and with that dex- 
 terity returned, that the Mafter could never deted: the Perfon who had robbed 
 him of it. The Olive-plantations have thrived better in Chili , than they have 
 done in Peru; the reafon whereof may be, becaufe the Climate of Chili may be 
 more agreeable to them, being fituate from thirty to forty degrees, being almoft of 
 the fame temperature with Spain; and in Peru they thrive better in the Hills than 
 in the Plains. At firfl: three or four Olives were a great Treat for a Stranger, but 
 now at this time they bring OU from Chili to Peru. And thus much fhall ferve to 
 have fpoken concerning the firft plantations of Olives in my Countrey $ let us 
 proceed to other Plants, Pulfe and Seeds, which were not originally in my Coun- 
 trey. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
qo2 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 Of other Fruits of Spain, and Sugar Canes. 
 
 
 IT is moft certain, that anciently in Peru there were neither Figs nor Pomegra- 
 nates, nor Oranges, nor Tweet or fower Lemons, nor Apples, nor Pears, nor 
 Quinces, nor Nectarines, nor Peaches, nor Apricocks, nor Plumbs of any Tort, 
 like thofe in Spain -, onely they have one fort of Plumb different from ours, which 
 the Spaniards call Me las, and the Indians Vjfm , nor had they Melons , or Cucum- 
 bers, nor Goards, which we drefs and ftew in our Dimes. Of all thefe Fruits 
 which I have named, and many others which I cannot call to mind, there was not 
 any fort found in Peru, when the Spaniards at firft entred the Countrey, and yet 
 now the abundance of them is fo great, that they are not efteemed -, and like the 
 Cattel, the number is fo increafed , that the Spaniards themfelves have admired 
 the plenty. 
 
 When Pomegranates were firft produced in the City of los Reyes, they carried 
 one of them, of a prodigious greatnefs, in proceftion, laying it upon the Pageant 
 of the moft holy Sacrament, when that was carried in triumph on the Feftival i 
 day of 'Corpm Chrifii. I dare not defcribe the bignefs of it, left I mould be thought 
 to tell a Traveller's Story, and offend the incredulity of ignorant People, who' 
 conceive the perfection of all worldly things to be contained within the compafi I 
 of their own Village. Howfoever it would feem an imprudent caution, and too 
 much nicety for a Man to forbear to relate the great Wonders of Nature, for fear w% 
 of offending the ignorant fort of Mankind , and therefore I (hall take the boldnefs ®t 
 to report with confidence, that the Pomegranate, of which I fpeak, was as big "K ; 
 as the Veflel in which they ordinarily carried Oil from Seville into the Indies 5 and flM 
 many bunches of Grapes have weighed eight or ten pound weight , and Citrons -■■ 
 half a hundred, and Quinces as big as a Man's Head. And thus much for the •& 
 Fruit. Now as to other Trees and Plants, we mall deliver that which is as ftrange -1 
 and wonderfull as the former. mn.\ 
 
 I ftiould gladly know the Names and Conditions of thofe Perfons who were 
 fo curious and induftrious as to import them into thefe parts, that fo I might fpe- 
 cifie and record them in this Hiftory, as worthy of due Praife and Honour. In -E 
 the Year ij8o. a Spaniard called Gafpar de Akocer, who was a rich Merchant in 
 the City of los Reyes , and had there a very fair Plantation , was the firft that 
 brought Cherries, and Mazards, into that Countrey, which, as they tell me, are 
 all dead, by reafon of the over great care they had of them', and the many expe- 
 riments they tried to make them grow. Nor were there anciently Sugar-Canes 
 in Peru, though now by the induftry of the Spaniards, and the fertility of the foil, 
 they are increafed to a loathfome plenty ; that whereas formerly they were highly 
 they efteemed, are now become of no value or eftimation. 
 
 The firft Sugar Works of Peru were made in Huanacu by the contrivance of a 
 Gentleman, with whom I was well acquainted-, a Servant of his who was a fub- 
 tile and ingenious Perfon, obferving the great quantities of Sugar which were im- 
 ported from Mexico, by reafon of which the Sugar of that Countrey would not 
 fell to any Account, advifed his Mafter to fend one Ship's lading of his Sugar into 
 New Spain, that they feeing thereby the plenty of that Commodity in Peru, might 
 forbear to fend any more thither-, the projeft fucceeded according to expectation, 
 and now Sugar-works are erected in many places of that Countrey. 
 
 I have been told, that fome Spaniards , who have been curious in Husbandry, 
 have engrafted the Fruits of Spain, upon the wild Stocks of Peru, to the great ad- 
 miration of the Indians, who have been aftonifhed to fee one of their own Trees to 
 bear two, three, and four forts of Fruit in one year, which being a curiofity be- 
 yond the fcantling of their Underftanding, they have contented themfelves with 
 the admiration of it, without farther fearch into the caufe. I am of opinion that 
 
 Olive 
 s 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 995 
 
 Olives mighc be engrafted on thofe Trees which the Indians call guifhuar, for both 
 the Wood and the Leaf is much like an Oliver and I remember when I was a 
 Boy, that I have often heard the Spaniards fay , that Olives and Oil did proceed 
 from Trees like them •, but the truth is, that Tree is barren, for though it cafts 
 out a Leaf like the Olive, yet it foon withers and falls i for want of Canes we 
 did ufually in Cozco make our Darts of that Wood ; for Canes will not grow in fo 
 cold a Countrey as that. 
 
 
 
 ju 
 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 Oj their 6 anlen- Herbs , and other Herbs t and of the great- 
 ne[s of them. 
 
 OF all the common Herbs, and Plants, and Roots, which are eaten in Spain, 
 there was none in Peru; that is to fay, Lettuce, Radifhes, Turnips, Garlick, 
 Onions, Beets, Spinage, Goards, Garden-Carduus, Afparagus, and the like, which 
 grow in Spain, onely there was Purlloin and Pennyroyal;' nor of Seeds had they 
 ,Peafe, or Beans, or Lentils, or Annifeed, or Muftard-feed, or Cairo ways, or 
 • Rice, or Lavander, nor many other Herbs and Plants ■-, nor had they Rofes, or 
 .Gillyflowers of various forts, as we have in Spain, nor Jafmines, nor other odori- 
 tferous Flowers. 
 
 Of all thefe Herbs and Flowers which we have already named , and many 
 i others, which I cannot now call to mind, there are now fuch great quantities, and 
 : Which do now abound to that degree, that they are cumberfome and pernitious 
 to the ground, having fo fpread and rooted themfelves in fome Vallies, that they 
 cannot be eradicated and deftroyed by the Art and Induftry of Mankind-, and ha- 
 iring fo over-run fome Vallies, that they have rooted out the ancient name, and 
 aufed them to take that of the prevailing Weed, witnefs that o&Rucma, which is 
 now called the Valley of good Herbs upon the Coaft. In the City of los Reyes 
 \e firft Spinage and Endive which they fowed grew to that prodigious height, 
 iat a Man could not reach the top of it with his Hand, and fo thick, that a Horfe 
 :ould not pafs through them •-, and all other Herbs grew to the like ranknefs and 
 largenefs at the beginning ; in like manner Wheat in many parts yields three hun- 
 ':ed Bufhels for one. 
 
 In the Valley oiHrnnu, lately peopled by a Colony whidi the Vice-king Dm 
 Hurt ado de Mendoca fent thither, the like abundance was obfervable •, for in the 
 Year i %6o. being upon my Voyage into Spain, one of the Inhabitants of that 
 Colony, called Garti Vazquez, who had been a Servant to my Father, carried me 
 :o his Houfe, where at Supper he gave me fome Bread, and told me, that it was 
 rf that Corn which had yielded him three hundred for one; andfo much I tell you, 
 .aid he, that you may report it of a truth in Spain •, which when I feemed to admire, 
 lard Vazquez aflured me that I might believe it , for that upon the Faith of a 
 Chriftian he had fowed no more than two Bufhels and a half of Wheat, and that 
 :hey had produced 68 o Bufhels, which were heaped in his Granary, and that he 
 :hought he had loft as much more for want of people to gather it in. 
 
 Once I remember, that telling this ftory to Goncalo Sihefrre, of whom we have 
 nade mention in our Hiftory of Florida, and (hall have farther occafion to name 
 lim, when we mall have deduced our matter to his time, he confirmed the fame, 
 nd farther aflured me, that in the Province of Chuquifaca , which is near to the 
 liver of Pilkmtayu, and where he hath fome Lands, that the firft Year he fowed 
 .Vheat, it yielded him four hundred Bufhels for one. In the Year I'fjtf. when 
 y>n Garcia de Mendoca went Governour into Chili, and taking the Port ofJri-a in 
 lis way, it was told him, that in a certain Valley, near to that place, called c*- 
 
 E e e capa, 
 
 
394 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 c*pa, there was a Turnip to be feen of that prodigious bignefs , that five Horfes 
 "might be tied to the top branches of it, and that ifhepleafed, they would carry 
 him to fee it. Garcia willingly accepted the profer , and went thither purpofely 
 that he might fay he had feen fuch a light, which when he faw, lie found the re- 
 port true, for the Turnip was fo big, that a Man could fcarce encompafs it with 
 both his Armes-, and fo tender, that being brought to Don brew's quarters, ma- 
 ny people ate of it. In the valley which is called the Vale of good Herbs, there 
 are fome Herbs of two Yards and a half long, for I keep the meafures of fome of 
 them, and upon that affurance I give this Relation. 
 
 , In the Year 1555. and in the Month of May, being in the Cathedral Church 
 oTCordoya, and there difcourfing with Don Martin de Comreras , and telling him, 
 that being now to write thefe particulars in my Hiftory , I was a little fcrupulous 
 to deliver the truth of the ftrange increafes of Corn, and the prodigious growth 
 of Herbs in my Countrey, left to many, who had never gone out of their own, 
 it mould feem incredible, or that I took the privilege of a Traveller, which is to 
 lye ■■, but he defired me not to forbear to give a true account on fuch confidera- 
 tions, leaving to them to believe what they pleafed ; for my part, I can teftifie 
 that I was an Eye-witnefs of the great Turnip in the Valley of Cucapa, where I 
 was that day with Don Garcia de Mendoza, and upon the Faith of a Gentleman I 
 faw the five Horfes tied to the tops of the Turnip, and that afterwards I ate fome 
 of it with feveral others-, and farther lean add, that the fame day I faw in the 
 Valley of Tea a Melon which weighed an hundred and three pounds weight, the 
 truth of which was attefted before a publick Notary-, and in the Valley'of Txcaj 
 I ate of one Root of Lettuce, which weighed feven pounds and an half. Many 
 other things of the like kind concerning Corn, Fruit and Herbs, this Gentleman 
 related to me, which I omit to mention, that I may not feem tedious to the 
 Reader. 
 
 Acofta, in the 19th Chapter of his 4th Book, where he treats of the Greens, 
 Herbs and Fruits of Peru, hath thefe very Words, which I have extracted verba- 
 tim • I have never heard, faid he, that the Indians ever had Gardens for Herbs, 
 " onely that they digged fome little pieces of ground to fow Herbs, Peafe, Beans 
 " and Fitches 5 nor have I learned, that ever any kind of thefe feveral forts of 
 " Pulfe which grow in Europe were found in Peru, untill they were firft imported 
 " by the Spaniards, which fince have grown and increafed in a wonderfull manner? 
 . for the fertility of thofe Countries far exceeds the foil of Spain, as we have given 
 :e an example of the Melons which grow in the Valley of Tea in Peru, which are 
 " not fown every year like ours , but take a root which produces Melons for 
 ' many Years, and are cut and pruned at the Seafons like a Tree, which is a thing 
 " that never happened, in any part of Spain, &c. Thus far are the Words of 
 'Acofta, upon whole Authority I adventure with much confidence to report the 
 great fruitfulnefs of this Countrey •-, and how wonderfully at the beginning the 
 Fruits of Spain thrived and increafed to an incredible greatnefs-, to which alfol 
 lhall add another Excellency which Acofta mentions, which is, that the Melon; 
 did all prove good, provided that time were given them to ripen, which gives 2 
 farther indication of the fertility of this Soil. And in regard the firft Melon; 
 which were feen in the parts adjacent to /« Reyes, gave occafion to a pleafant ftorj 
 which we fhall not omit in this place, becaufe it is a farther evidence of the an 
 cient fimplicity of the Indians, which is this : A certain Inhabitant of the City 
 los Reyes, who was one of the firft Conquerours, and a Perfon of Noble Bloud 
 named Antonio Solar , having a Plantation in Pachacamac , about four Leagues di 
 ftant from the City, maintained a Spaniard for his Baily, to overfee and manur 
 his land •■, who fent two Indians , laden with five Melons apiece , being ten in al 
 to his Mafter, that he might tafte the fruit of his ground -, arid therewith lent 
 Letter in one of the Baskets, telling them, that in cafe they ate any of them, that P; 
 per would difcover it. With this charge they departed, and being half a days Jou 
 ney on their way, they fate down to reft, and repofe themfelves •-, during whic 
 
 ftay, one faid to the Other, Let m tafte of this Fruit which we carry to our Mafter, bl 
 the Other made fome fouple, faying, The Paper will difcover all, as our Steward to 
 
 us ; but the other replied, that if they threw the Paper behind the Hedge, it cou 
 not fee them, norarife up in witnefs againft them-, which contrivance pleafed tl 
 Companion, and the Paper being laid afide, they cut the Melon, and devours 
 it. For the Indians at firft not underftanding the Myftery of Letters, imagin 
 
 m 
 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries, ^5 
 
 that Papers were Meffengers , to whom the Spaniards had declared their minds, 
 and fpoken thofe words whith were delivered to them, and that they were as 
 Spies to tell whatfoever they faw in the way where they travelled j and therefore 
 when they fell to their treat, they laid the Paper behind a bank, that it might 
 not fee them. As they travelled on their Journey, he that carried the five Me- 
 lons faid to him that had the four, if we go with this odd number, our Mafter 
 will fufpecl: that we have eaten one, and therefore let us eat another, to make 
 themtcqual-, this witty Counfel pleafed well, and fo by agreement they fate 
 down and ate the other : And being now come to their Mafter, they presented 
 -him with eight Melons onely, who reading the Letter, asked them" what was 
 become of the other two Mellons, for that the Letter fpecified ten. No Sir, faid 
 
 'they, the Steward gave ,us but -tight. Why do you lie, faid Antonio Solar, for the Paper 
 
 fyeaksvften: Wherewith the poor Fellows became fo -affrighted and confufed, 
 ithat they knew not what to reply, but onely to confefs the truth, faying, that 
 with i great reafon the Spaniards were called Viracocha , finoe they were able to pe- 
 netrate into fuch hidden Secrets. A Story of the like nature Gomara relates to 
 have happened in the Illand of Cuba, when it was at firft poflefled by the Spaniards ■? 
 -and indeed it is no wonder that the fame ignorance ihould be common in all parts 
 of the new .World j for the fimplicity of the Indians was fuch, as that whatfoever 
 ■was new, and not feen to them before, could never enter into their capacities, 
 -and onely ferved to fill them with wonder and admiration', for whatfoever' they 
 obferved to be extraordinary in the Spaniards , fuch as running on Horfeback, 
 ^breaking Oxen to the Yoke, and ploughing the ground with them, making Mills, 
 and "building Arches for Bridges, (hooting with Guns, and killing at an hundred 
 aid two hundred paces, and the like, were -all fuch miracles to them, as could 
 •not be effe&ed by other means, than fome Divine Power-, and for that reafon 
 they called the Spaniards Gods, as they did in the evidence which the Paper gave 
 againft them. 
 
 - w 
 
 
 ~— _ — i — , — — — ,— 
 
 CHAP. XXX. 
 
 Of Flax, Afparagus, Vifnagas, with which they cleanfe Teeth 5 
 and Amiifeeds. 
 
 NOR was there Flax in Pern at firft, but Donna. Catalina de Retes, who was a 
 Native of St. Lucar, and Mother-in-law to Francis de Villafuerte , a noble 
 and religious Lady , and one of the firft Nuns of the Convent of St. Clare in 
 Cozco, expected in the Year 1 560. to receive fome Flax Seed from Spain, to fow 
 in that Countrey, together with Looms and lnftruments to fpin and weave Li- 
 nen for their Houfes h but in the Year that I departed from Peru, I cannot fay 
 that thofe things were as yet brought^ but fince I came from thence, I have heard 
 that confiderable quantities of Linen are made there , though I cannot avouch 
 how great Spinfters the Spanijh Women have been, nor how good Hufwives my 
 Countrey Women are •-, for I did never fee them fpin Linen, though I have feen 
 them fow, and weave Cotton and fine Wool, which the Indian Women fpan with 
 great curiofity, though they combed it with their Fingers, for want of Cards where- 
 with to card it, and therefore they may be excufed, if they be not as yet become 
 fuch excellent Spinfters of Linen as our Spanijh Houfwives are. 
 
 But to return to our former Difcourfe, relating to the great efteem which the 
 Fruits and Commodities of Spain had gained in the Indies at firft, when the Spa- 
 
 E e e % niards 
 
596 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 tiiards had newly planted themfelves in Peru -, I remember that in the Year 1 j jy. 
 or — j 6 Garpa de Melo, who was then Treasurer for his Majefty in Cozco, lent to 
 my Lord Garplaffo de la Vega a prefent of three Afparagus, where he had them, 
 or where they grew, is not known-, onely hedefired him to accept and eat that 
 curiofity ofspanijh Fruit*, the Afparagus were very fair ones, two of which were 
 as big as a middle Finger, and the third of a yard long 5 the other was thicker, 
 but fhorter, but all of them fo tender, that they were eafily broken. My Father, 
 that he might doe the greater honour to this Spanijk Plant, ordered that the Afpa- 
 ragus fhould be boiled on a Pan of Coals in his own Chamber, in prefence of 
 feven or eight Gentlemen, who were at Supper with him. When the Afparagus 
 were boiled, and a fauce for them made with Oil and Vinegar, Garcilajfo divided 
 the two largeft among the Guefts at his Table, and the third he took wholly to 
 himfelf, defiling them to pardon him for that time, if he carved himfelf the lar- 
 geft portion of the Spanilh Fruits. In this manner the Afparagus were eaten 
 with great chear and mirth , as if the Phenix had been to be divided amongft 
 rhem j and though I ferved then at the Table, yet nothing thereof fell to my 
 flare. 
 
 About that time alfo Captain Bartholomew ofFerrazas fent my Father three Vif- 
 naga ftalks, (which grow like our Fennel Seeds, and are for picking the Teeth,) 
 the which being brought from Spain, were accepted with much thankfulnefs, and 
 were ferved at the Table to a Stranger after Dinner, one of the Straws being gi- 
 ven him with much Ceremony. 
 
 About this time alfo Annifeeds were produced in Cozco, and ftrewed in all their 
 Bread, which was of greater efteem than all the Ne&ar or Ambrofia which the 
 Poets mention-, at this rate the inconfiderable things of Spain were efteemed in 
 Peru at the firft, which may ferve to pleafe the curiofity of after Ages, when they 
 reade the Hiftory pf the firft adions and humours of their Forefathers. How- 
 foever I do not find that either Afparagus have thrived , or that Vifnagas haye 
 been produced in that Countrey, though other Plants, Corn, Herbs and Cattel 
 have multiplied in exceeding abundance. 
 
 In like manner they have planted Mulberry Trees, and brought over Silk- 
 Worms, which before that time were not in Peru; but the Silk which they 
 produce will not hold Winding, or Spinning, by reafon of fome great defect 
 in it. 
 
 ~ 
 
 ■ 
 
 ■ • 
 
 r! yvcd I 
 
 i 
 
 ■ 
 
 ' 
 
 ■ 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 u 
 
 *¥ 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. lay 
 
 C H A P. XXXI. 
 
 Of the new Names given to diftinguijb their [ever al Tribes, 
 or Generations. 
 
 BUT the beft and moft to be efteemed of all thofe things which were tranf- 
 ported into the Indies, were the Spaniards themfelves, and the Negroi which 
 are their Slaves and Servants. From thefe two Nations others have been derived, 
 which are a compound of thefe, and different mixtures which are diftinguifhed 
 by divers Names. And though in our Hiftory of Florida we have mentioned this 
 particular, yet it Being to our prefent purpofe, it may be convenient to repeat it 
 again in this place : the matter is this : A Spanijh Man, or Woman, born in Spain, 
 and come into that Countrey, is there called a Spaniard, or a Cafiitian ■, but the 
 Children born in the Indies from Spaniards, are called Criollos, which fignifies one 
 bom in that Countrey ; which word was made by the Negros, for fo alfo they call 
 their own Children born in thofe parts, and thereby diftinguifh them from thofe 
 ofGuiny, who are of more efteem for having been born free in the Countrey of 
 their Fathers, than thofe who were born in the land of Bondage ; fo that the 
 Name oiCriolks is common to the race of the Spaniards, and of the Negros .• the 
 bloud of a Negro, and an Indian, being mixed together, is called a Mulata, or Mo- 
 lata : To the Children of this kind of mixture they give the Name of Cholo, which 
 is a word framed in the Iiles of Barhvento, which is as much as a Dog, and not a 
 Dog neither of the beft kind or race, but of a Cur, or Mongril, giving them the 
 moft deteftable, and moft villanous Name they could invent 5 but the Children 
 between a Spaniard snA an Indian they call Mefiizos, which fignifies fuch as come 
 of Spanijh and Indian bloud , which is a word formed and framed by our Forefa- 
 thers the Spaniards, who firft conquered this Countrey •, and for this reafon I am 
 not afhamed to own that honourable denomination, and with a full mouth pro- 
 nounce my felf to be one of them; though in the Indies they take it for a great 
 difparagement for any Man to fay to one of them, Thou art a Mejiizo, or he is a 
 Mejiizo, and for that reafon they take it to be a more honourable Name to be 
 called a Mmntanier, which at firft was given them for an affront or difparage- 
 jbent, in regard that Mountanier is one born and bred in the Mountains : But af- 
 terwards in consideration that thofe who live" in the Mountains oiBifcay and Afttt- 
 rias, do under the Title of Mbuntainers aflurrie to themfelves great Honours and 
 Privileges, the MeJHzos were pleafed with that Appellation, though indeed it is 
 onely honourable to thofe who are Natives of thofe Provinces of Spain, and not 
 to thofe who are bom in the Mountains of Peru ; as Antonio de LebHxa attefts, to 
 whom Spain owes much for the Eloquence of his Latine Tongue. In the vulgar 
 language of Pern, Sacharma fignifies a Mount ainer, and which more properly is a 
 Salvage -, and fo when they called them Momtainers, it implied that they were a 
 kind of Beafts, or wild Men ; though our filly Parents not underftanding the true 
 propriety of the word, were pleafed, and gloried in their own ignominy : the 
 Children of Mefiizos they call ^uatralms, which is to fay, that they are three parts 
 Spanijh, and but one Indian ; but the Children of a Meftizo, with an Indian Wo- 
 man, they call Trefahtu , which is three parts Indian, and but one Spanijh. All 
 thefe Names, and many others, which for brevity fake I omit, were framed in 
 my Countrey for diftincltion of the feyeral generations, and mixtures of bloud, 
 which have been compounded fince the time of the Spaniards, and who were the 
 Authours of them, as they were of many other particulars which we have for- 
 merly noted. And fo let us return again to our Hiftory of the Incas, who were 
 defcended from Buayna Capac the Great, whofe memorable Actions require our 
 attention. 
 
 CHAP 
 
,g8 Royal Commentaries. Book .IX. 
 
 CHA P. XXXM. 
 
 Huafcar Inca requires his Brother Atahualpa to doe him 
 Homage. 
 
 HVayna Capac being dead, the two Brothers reigned peaceably togethei^&r 
 four or five years in quiet pofleffion ofyheir refpeftive Jurifdi&ions, with- 
 out invading the Rights, or Limits, of each other, or attempting new Conquefts. 
 Tor the . King Huafcar had his Territories bounded to the North with the King- 
 dom of '$$% which belonged to his brother 5 and ajl the other three quarters 
 were already fubjedted to Jus Dominion, as far as from the lofty Mountains of 
 the Amis, to the Sea-coaft, which extend Eaft, Weft and South, comprehending 
 therein the Kingdom of Chili. The Inca Auhualpa on {he other fide lived peace- 
 ably, not afpiring to new Conquefls, but onely inclined to enjoy hirafelf, and 
 confult the good and benefit of his people, but Dominion and Rule can adnric 
 no Rival or -Equal 5 ,fo this Tranquillity continued not for above five years before ± 
 that Huafcar repenting of his eafie aflent to the defire of his Father , imagined mU 
 that he had, to his own great damage quitted his Right to the Kingdom ot£ultH I 
 unto his Brother Atahualpa ■-, for befides the prejudice he fuffered by having fo 
 conficjerable a branch lopped off from his Empire , he alfo found himfelf disena- 
 bled from farther progrefs-in his Conquefts, or making additions to his Domini- 
 ons, being (hut up on that fide by his, Brother, where <inely there was way to far- ~ 
 ther Conquefts 5 the glory of which were naw onely belonging to the forrane of 
 Atahualpa .- And in regard, that as by fuch acquifitioos he wasina-poffibility of 
 making his Empire greater than his, fo it was probable rhe : might become equal, tf 
 not fupeiipur to him |j i^nd feeing ^a,t'thjs;his Brother was of an ambitious, and 
 an unquiet, Spirit, hebad juft caufe to jfufpecl:, that finding himfelf ftrong anid 
 powerful!, he woujd- attempt to takp the Diadem from his own-Head.-.. 
 
 ■ ' - - [i ■ • ' ■' 
 
 Thefe melancholy Considerations increasing daily in the breaft of Huafatrt^k 
 grew fo fad and penfive, .that not beijng,alple to fupport longer the burthen x>f his 
 jealoufie, he difpatched a Meflenger to his Brother Atahualpa 1, givingiiim to uff> 
 derftand, that according to the ancient Constitution and Canon of the Firft Into 
 Mamo Capac, which had been obiervcd by all generations defcended from him, 
 the Kingdom of MuitH, and alj the dependencies belonging to it, were properi$ 
 and of right inherent \x\ t;he Crown, arid Imperial'Seat of Cotco. And though he 
 had quitted his claim jthereunto, in relpe<5t to that forced obedience he owed to 
 his Father, yet by the ftric~t Rules of Juftice he wasooc obliged thereunto, nor 
 was any fuch Resignation lawful!, being. to the damage of his Crown, and to the 
 right of his Succeflburs, which his Father had neither power to enjoin, nor fee^ . 
 perform : But in regard his Father had fo commanded it, and he aflenred, he was 
 willing to confirm the fame Grant to him on two' Conditions : Firft, that he. do 
 not adq one Foot of Land to his prefent Pomirjipns., for fhat ail his i Cpnquefrs 
 do of right belong to the Empire \ and, fecondly, that as a Feudatorylheperibinl 
 towards him Homage and Vaflalage. 
 
 This Mefiage Atahualpa received with all the fubmiflion and humirky imagina- 
 ble •, and having taken three days time to return his Afofwer, he iwith.airfthe feigri* 
 ed affe&ion, and fubtile diffimulation, he could jcontrive, made this Reply : That 
 he had always in Tiis heart entertained obedient thoughts towards his LOixJ-aAd 
 Sovereign the Capac inca y and that as an evidence thereof, he would tievtt 
 attempt to encreafe, and enlarge his Dominions, of «£«*>«, but by the order, and 
 with the confent of his-Majefty, to whofe pleafure he was 10 entirely devoted 5 
 that in cafe he fhoiild think fit to difpofe otherwife of his Kingdom, he wodfoi 
 willingly refign all to his command, and live as privately in his Court, as any of 
 his l^ndes^jid Kindred, ferving him both in Peace and War with faithfulnefs and 
 
 diligence. 
 

 Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 200 
 
 diligence. This joyful! Anfwer from Atahualpa, the Meffenger returned with all 
 expedition by the Poft, remaining ftill at the Court of Atahualpa in expe&ation 
 of Mrud ions from the Inca of what farther to ad and negotiate therein. The 
 Inca receiving this foft Anfwer with great joy and fatisfadion, replied again, That 
 he did not in the leaft repine at the Pofleffions which his Father had beftowed on 
 Atahualpa •, fof'that he did again confirm them to him , provided, that he did al- 
 ways within fuch a term of years repair conftantly to Cozco, and perform the 
 Homage he had agreed. ,To which Atahualpa returned anfwer, That he was 
 very happy to know the Will and Pleafure of his Lord the Inca, but much more 
 to perform it •, which that he might doe, he would fpeedily repair to the place 
 appointed, to take the Oath of Allegiance 5 and for the doing thereof in the mod 
 folemn manner, he defired his Majefties licence and permiihon, that all the Pro- 
 vinces Of his State might attend him thither, to join with him in the folemn cele- ' 
 bration of the funeral Obfequi^s of his Father Huayna Capac, according to the cu- 
 ftome obfeived by the Kingdom of guitu, and the Provinces depending on it -, 
 and that having accomplithed that ceremony, both he, and all his Subjeds, would 
 take the Oath of Allegiance and Fealty. Huafcar Inca eafily confented to this 
 gratefull Propofition, which his Brother had ma,de to him , giving him to under- 
 ftand, that he might take his time of coming to Cozco, when it feemed moft con- 
 venient, and that he gave him leave to celebrate the rites of his Father's Fune- 
 ral according to the cuftome of his Countrey : And fo both the Brothers ap- 
 peared fatisfied 5 the one rejoycing at the good correfpondence he had with his 
 Brother, little fufpeding the malitious defign that lay concealed under it of be- 
 reaving him of his Life and Empire ; and the other pleafed himfelf with the 
 thoughts and contrivance of his damnable Plot, which he had laid to make him- 
 felf Mafter both of one and the other. ~ — 
 
 __ 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. 
 
 The Subtilties which Atahualpa ufed to take fufficion from 
 the mind of \m Brother. 
 
 THings being thus prepared, the King Atahualpa publifhed a Decree through 
 all his Kingdom and Provinces, that all people who were able to travel un- 
 to Cozco, mould within the fpace of fo many days prepare themfelves to take a 
 Journey thither, that they might according to the ancient cuftome of their Na- 
 tion celebrate the Funeral Rites of the Great Huayna Capac his Father, and take 
 the Oaths of Homage and Allegiance to their Supreme Monarch Huafcar Inca 5 
 and that for the greater glory and fplendour, every one fhould appear in his beft 
 Ornaments and Garments befitting fuch a Solemnity •-, but fecretly he intimated 
 his inftrudtions to his Captains, that in their refpective Divifions they (hould take 
 care to chufe fuch felect Men as .were Souldiers, and better armed for War, than 
 accoutred for performance of the Obfequies s and that they mould march in di- 
 vers Divifions of five and fix hundred in a Squadron, and fo difguife the matter 
 as to appear in the outward (hew, rather like Servants and Attendants, than like 
 Souldiers ; and that every Divifion fhould march at two or three Leagues diftance 
 each from the other. 
 
 And moreover, he gave Orders to the Captains, who led the Van, that when 
 they were come within ten or twelve days March of Cozco, that then they fhould 
 fhorten their pace, that the Rere might come up to them, who were commanded 
 to double their March , that fo they might overtake thofe in the Van. In this 
 order the Troops of Atahualpa, confifting of above thirty thoufand felecT: Men, 
 moft being old veterane Souldiers, proceeded in their March •, who alfo were 
 
 Com- 
 
4 0o Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 Commanded by thofe famous and experienced Captains which his Father had 
 left, and recommended to him •, two of which Officers were efpecially famous 
 above the reft , one of which was called Chalkhuclma , and the other &mzqSli ; 
 and AtahttatpA gave out, that he would himfelf in Peribn bring up the Rere. 
 
 Huafcar placing great confidence in the words of his Brother, arid much more 
 in that untainted Loyalty which the Indians had ever borri to their lhau •, a tefti- 
 mony of which faithfulnefs is given by Acofta, in thefe words, taken out of the 
 twelfth Chapter Of his fixth Book : " Without doubt, laid he , great was the 
 " reverence and affection which this people (hewed to their Inc.*, it having ne- 
 " ver been known that any one of them was ever guilty of High-Treafon, &c. 
 For which reafon Htftfcar fufpe&ing nothing lefs than fuch a faithlefs and t reafon- 
 able delign, did with all freedom and generous liberty give order, that they 
 mould be fupplied with all Provisions in their way, and all kind treatment (hewed 
 them, as befitted Brothers, who were travelling to perform the Funeral Rite* of 
 their Father, and to take the Oaths of Fealty and Allegiance. ; Thus both Par- 
 ties moved on different confideratiorts, that of mifekr with all the firr.plicify 
 and firicerity imaginable, and the other of AtktyiM, jyvith all the fubtile artifice 
 and cunning that could be contrired and learned irV^ne Schools of Malice. 
 
 For Atabualpa being inferiour in Power and Strength to his Brother Huafcar, 
 durft not adventure on an open War ; but covertly managing his idefigns, made 
 fure of his game , which he had certainly loft, had he profefldd an open en- 
 mity. 
 
 CHAP. XXXJV. 
 
 Huafcar being advifed of the Irea/on., nfembles bis 
 Forces. 
 
 IN this order the people of J&itu marched for the fpace of four hundred 
 Leagues, untill they came within a hundred Leagues of Cozco .- In which 
 March, feveral experienced Governours of Provinces through which they palled, 
 obferving that the order which thefe people kept, looked more like the Disci- 
 pline of an Army, than the Rule of Mourners going to a Funeral, or of Vaflals 
 going tojake the Oaths of Fealty and Allegiance •, for that on either of thefe oc- 
 cafions five or fix thoufand Men were fufficient =, and that for giving Fealty, the in- 
 tercourfe of Captains and great Men was onely requifite and neceflary, rather 
 than fuch a croud and multitude of common Souldiers : And farther refleciiqg 
 on the turbulent and unquiet temper of Jtahualpa, which was always falfe, am 
 his humour Martial, they could not but fufpeft, that there was fomething more 
 intended by this warlike Preparation, than what tended to Peace, and the prb- 
 feflions of a Brother and a Subject •-, on which fufpicion and jealoufie they difpat- 
 chedfecret intelligence to Huafcar, befeechingjiim not totruft to his Brother 
 Atahualpa, who certainly came with other defigns than what he outwardly pre- 
 tended. 
 
 Upon this information Huafcar awakening himfelf from that dream of fecuriry 
 in which he flept, difpatched Meffengers with all diligence poffible to the Gotfer- 
 nours of the Provinces of Antifuyu and Collafuyu, commanding them immediately 
 to march to Cozco with what Forces they were able to levy : But to the Drvifion 
 of Ch'mcbafuyu, which was of the greateft extent, and which was the moft war- 
 like Nation of all the others, he omitted to fend his Orders, becaufe they were 
 already joined with the Enemies Army as they pafled through their Countrey. 
 The people of Atahualpa growing confident, and emboldned by this negligence and 
 fecurity of Huafcar, and his Subjects, arrived within forty Leagues of Cozco ■? and 
 
 then 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries, 401 
 
 then thofe in the Van (liortning their days Marches, as the others enlarged them, 
 they came at length, in a few days, to make a body of twenty thoufand Men, and 
 to pitch their Camp at the bank of the River Afurlmac, which they pafled with- 
 out any oppofition •, and thence began to proceed like declared Enemies, with open 
 Arms in their hands, and their Colours flying : And thus they marched fair and 
 loftly in two Divifions or Squadrons, being the Van-guard of the Army, untill 
 the Rere- guard over-took them, confifting of ten thoufand Men more, and then 
 proceeded in a body untill they came to the top of the Hill of Villa cunca, being 
 but fix Leagues diftant from the City ; but Atahualpa kept himfelf within-the 
 Confines of his own Kingdom, not daring to adventure his Perfon farther, unrill 
 he had proved the fuccefs of the firft Battel, in which he had placed all his hopes, 
 availing himfelf much on the fecurity and negligence of his Enemies , and on the 
 Prowefs and good Conduct of his experienced Captains. 
 
 The Enemy being thus near approached, Huafcar made all the Levies of Soul- 
 diers, which the (hortnefs of the time would admit --, but the greateft number of 
 his Army being to be fetched from the remote parts of Collafuyu, which was at 
 leaft two hundred Leagues diftant, could not poflibly be brought together in time 
 to make any refiftence •, and thofe o(A»tifuyu were but few in number, by reafon 
 that that Countrey being mountainous, is very ill peopled •-, but Cuntifuyu being a 
 Province more compact, was very populous, (o that the Curacy came in in great 
 numbers , forming a Body of thirty thoufand Men : But thefe being all new 
 raifed Men, and by reafon of the long Peace unexperienced in War, they were ti- 
 morous, and unable to fight and contend with an Army of veterane Souldiers. 
 The Inca Huafiar, with his Brethren and Relations, and as many as he could af- 
 femble, confifting in all of about ten thoufand Men,, marched forth to join the o- 
 ther Body of his Army, which came from parts lying Weftward from the City j 
 and having met them, they ftaid together in expectation of farther recruits. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. 
 
 Of the Battel fought between the Incas , the ViRory of Ata- 
 hualpa, and his Cruelties, 
 
 TH E Atahualpans, who were the beft Souldiers, eonfldering that delays were 
 dangerous, and might hazard the fuccefs which quick execution would fe- 
 cure, marched with refolutiori to meet Huafcar, and give him battel before his o- 
 ther Troops were joined with him •, and finding him encamped in an open Plain, 
 about two or three Leagues to the Weftward of Cozco, they aflailed him with all 
 their power 5 againft which he on the other fide made fucn ftout refiftence, that 
 fortune feemed doubtfull unto which fhe fhould give the victory ■-, the Atahualpi- 
 am excited with the glory of taking Huafcar Prifoner, fought with fpight and ma- 
 lice-, and his own Subjects being great Lovers of their King, contended with e- 
 3ual courage to defend and preferve him, fo that the Battel continued that whole 
 ay with great (laughter on both fides : Howfoever, at length for want of the Col- 
 lot , and by reafon mat the people of Huafcar were a raw Militia, and unexperien- 
 ced in War, fo that one Souldier of Atahualpa's was worth more than ten of thofe 
 of the other party -, it came to pafsthat theAtahualpians gained the victory : In the 
 purfuit of wnich, aiming above all things to take Huafcar, for that their victory 
 would fignifie little, in cafe his Perfon efcaped their hands, they attacked his Life- 
 guard of about a thoufand Men, which furrounded his Perfon, and fighting in de- 
 fence thereof, were all cut to pieces in his prefence, moft being flain by the Ene- 
 my, and others feeing their Inca Prifoner, killed themfelves : befides whom, many 
 oyier Curacas and Sovereign Lords were taken with great numbers of Captains 
 
 F f f and 
 
402 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 and Officers •, the multitudes of common people which remained alive, fled, and 
 ftrayed abroad like iheep without a ihepherd ■-, and many of them wandring a- 
 bout, and not knowing -vliere to go, furrendred themfelves to the Enemy, not 
 being willing to enjoy their freedom when their hca was a Prifoner. 
 
 With this victory and luccefs, and with fo great a Trophy of it, as the Perfon 
 of Huafiar, the Atjhualfians were highly exalted ; and for lecurity of the prize, 
 they committed him to the cuftody and charge of four Captains, and other Soul- 
 diers of great fidelity, who lb narrowly watched him, left he ihould make an e- 
 fcape, that he never was out of their light either by night or day. 
 
 And now Hxafcar being in their hands, it was thought neceflary to publilh and 
 blaze his Imprifonment through the whole Empire, that fo in cafe any People or 
 Armies Ihould be coming to his afliftence, or fuccour, they might upon fuch ad- 
 vices be diverted from their proceedings •, but principally the news hereof was 
 difpatched with all diligence to the King Atahaalpa. 
 
 This was the fum of the moft material paflages of this War between the two 
 Brothers, who were the laft Kings of Peru -, as to other Battels which the spanifh 
 Hiftorians relate, they were but Skirmilhes which palled on the Confines of one 
 Kingdom and the other, on occafion of Incurfions, which the Captains and Go- 
 vernors of Garrifons made 1 And as to the Imprifonment of Atahualfa, it was 
 a lham, or a falfe report, which he himfelf had given out to amule his Brother 
 Huafcar and his Subje&s , as was alfo that which he had divulged in faying that 
 when he was in Prifon, his Father the Sun had turned him into a Serpent, that fo 
 he might efcape by creeping through a hole, which was in the Chamber .- which 
 was onely the Story of a Miracle broached and framed to introduce his Father die 
 Sun for an Authour and Favourer of his Tyrannies •-, the which report eafily gained 
 belief in the fimple minds of that people, who were credulous of any thing which 
 was mentioned in favour of that concernment which the Sun had towards his own 
 OfF-fpring. The ufe which Atakualpa made of this vi&ory, was with all the cru- 
 elty and treachery imaginable ■-, for publishing in all places, that his intentions were 
 to reftore Hxafcar again to the Government of his Empire 5 but yet under certain 
 cautions and reftri&ions, which were to be agreed and capitulated between them, 
 he fummoned all the Incas of the whole Empire, together with the Governours' 
 Major-Generals, Captains and Souldiers, to appear at Cotxo at fuch a certain 
 time, that fo they might be WitneiTes to thole Articles which ihould be confer- 
 red between thefe two Kings for the mutual peace and quiet of each others Subjects. 
 With thefe fair pretences and allurements all the Incas of the Bloud-Royal being 
 deceived, failed not to make their appearance ; which they performed with that 
 readinefs of mind, that neither ficknels, nor old age, nor far diftance did debar 
 or hinder their coming 5 nay, even thofe who might have exculed themfelves by 
 reafon of the remotenefs of their Countrey, and which might have retarded their 
 Journey by flow and dilatory Travels ; and which were fufpicbus and jealous of 
 what afterwards fucceeded ; yet even thefe againft their own fears and inclinations, 
 differed themfelves to be taken in the open and appearing fnare ; For fo foon as' 
 Atonal?* had gotten them into his power, he commanded, that they Ihould all be 
 put to death \ which Sentence was executed by various forts of cruelty, which fer- 
 ved to fecure his Empire from all Infurre&ions, or Pfots againft him. 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 • 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
 - 
 
I 
 
 
 M N 
 
 1 ! 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 405 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. 
 
 /we fog$^ which moved Atanualpa to exercije all lm Cru- 
 elties, ami the fatal effetts of them. 
 
 BU T before we proceed farther-, we are firft to enquire into theReafon which 
 moved Atahualpa to commit all thofe cruelties which he a&ed on thofe of 
 his own Bloud and Family. To underftand which, we muft know, that accor- 
 ding to the ancient Laws and Statutes of that Kingdom, obierved from the time 
 of the Firft Inca Manco Capac, untill the end of the Reign of Huayna Capac the 
 Great ; Atahndpa his Son was as uncapable of inheriting the Kingdom of Ji>mtn, 
 which, like all the other Conquefts, appertained to the Imperial Crown, as he was 
 of the Kingdom of Cozco ; for that the Inheritance of both indifpenfably apper- 
 tained to fuch an Heir, as was defcended from a lawfull Wife, who was to be Si- 
 fter to the King •, for that the Title to that Kingdom came as well by the Wo- 
 man, as the Man's fide : And if in cafe this ftrittnefs were not obferved 5 yet to 
 gain him fome tolerable pretention , he ought at leaft to have been the Son of a 
 Pa/la, that was defcended of Royal Bloud , for fuch were efteemed capable of the 
 Succelfion ; but thofe who had any mixtures of Foreign Bloud, could never, with- 
 out prophanation of all their holy Sanctions, be entitled to any fliare, or part, of 
 the Empire. 
 
 Now Atahmlpa being confcious to himfelf, that he wanted all the qualifications 
 which might render him truly and legitimately an Inca •, for he was neither the 
 Son of a Cqya, which fignifies a Queen, nor yet of a Pa/la, which is a Lady of 
 the Royal Bloud •, but the Son onely of a Whore, that was a Native of £>mtu ; 
 the which Kingdom neither, could not of right be difmembred from other parts 
 of the Empire. Wherefore confidering all thefe difficulties, and that though at 
 prelent he were vi&orious , yet when with time that things were quieted and ap- 
 peafed, matters would return again to their ancient courfe, and the people fet up 
 one of the legitimate Line and Race in defpight of him, or his pofterity : For 
 the opinion of legal Succeflion being fixed in the minds of the Indians, by their 
 ancient Idolatry, and vain Religion , and taught and preached to them by that 
 Dodrine which the Inca Manco Capac firft inftituted, and had ever fince, to all A- 
 ges, been maintained ; he concluded impofllble to be unriveted from them, but 
 by an utter extirpation of that whole Race •, which therefore he refolved upon, 
 and not onely to deftroy and extinguifh the true and legitimate Iflue, but even 
 thofe of Baftard Families, left they (landing in the fame capacity of Inheritance 
 with him, ihould be induced by his example to become Rivals with him for the 
 Empire. 
 
 To prevent which, no other remedy appeared, than that onely which Tyrants 
 and Ufurpers liave commonly ufed, which is to cut off all fuch who can have a 
 Title, or lawfull Pretention , to the Crown •■, fo that neither the People can caft 
 their eyes upon any other Prince, nor yet the Ufurper himfelf have obligations in 
 confcience or juftice to make reftitutions : With many examples and teftimonies 
 of which, in the like nature, both ancient and modern Hiftories furnifli us, which, 
 to avoid tedioufnefs, we omit ; it being fufficient to ufe that flngle inftance of the 
 Ottoman Family, whofe common cuftome it is to fecure the Empire to themfelves 
 and their pofterity, by the Death of their Brothers, and their other near Rela- 
 tions. 
 
 But greater, and more thirfty of the Bloud of his own Family, than any exer- 
 cifed by the Ottoman Kings, was the cruelty of Atahualpa, who not being fuffici- 
 ently fatiated with the Bloud of two hundred of his Brethren, who were the Sons 
 of the Great Huayna Capac , he proceeded to wade through deeper ftreams of all 
 the Bloud , lfied from the Veins of his Uncles, Coufins, Parents and Relations, 
 v\ ho were defcended by the direft, or indirect, Lines, even to the fourth degree -, 
 
 F f f z fa 
 
4°4 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 Book IX, 
 
 fo that not one, whether Legitimate, or Baftard, efcaped the cruelty of his Exe- 
 cutioners •, for he killed and deftroyed them by various kinds of Deaths : of fome 
 he cut the Throats , others he Hanged , others he threw into Rivers and Lakes 
 with weights about their Necks; that they might not fave themfelves by fwim- 
 ming, others w-ere thrown do\vn Rocks and Precipices •-, all which was a&ed 
 with the greateft difpatch and diligence imaginable by the Executioners ; for 
 this Tyrant could never think himfelf fecure, untill he had feen them all deftroyed, 
 or heard that they were dead •, for notwithstanding all his Victory, he durft not un- 
 till then pafs beyond Saujfa, which the Spaniards call Xauxa, being ninety Leagues 
 diftant from Cozco .- But as to the poor Huafiar, they kept him ftill alive, referving 
 him for the fuppreilion of infurrecYions, or tumults, which might arife againft At*- 
 hualpa 5 for they well knew that the Word and Command of Huafiar was fo pre- 
 valent, and of that authority with his Subjects, that it was able to quell and calm 
 any mutinies, or difturbances, amongft them: Howfoever, for his greater mor- 
 tification, they would often bring this unfortunate Prince from his confinement, 
 to be a Spe&atour of the (laughter and maflacre of his Kindred, which afflicting 
 fight was a more fenfible torment to him than Death it felf. 
 
 Nor did his Cruelty contain it felf within thefe bounds, but extended to all the 
 Prifoners, left they, being Curacv , and Men of intereft in the Empire, and af- 
 fectionate to the caufe of Huafiar , , lliould contrive means for his delivery : 
 Wherefore bringing them all forth with their hands tied into an open Plain in 
 the Valley of Sac/ahum* ( where the Battel was afterwards fought between the 
 Prefident Gafia and Goncalo Pifarro) they were ranged in order on each fide, and the 
 poor Huafiar cloathed in Mourning with his hands tied behind him, was made 
 to pals between them, with a Rope about his Neck •, which when the miferable 
 Captives (aw, and their Prince in that defpicable condition, they lifted up thek 
 cries to Heaven, and, proftrated their bodies on the Earth, adored and worship- 
 ped him , which was all the honour they could teftifie, or help they could give 
 him in that unhappy ftate : In punilliment for which iefpe<5t tliey killed them all, 
 either w r ith Pole-axes, or fhort Clubs, which they call Ckmpi ; for a bigger fort 
 of Clubs and Pole-axes they ufe in Fight, which they wield with both hands. 
 In this manner they killed all the Caracas and Captains in prelence of the King, 
 that fcarce any Noble Perfon efcaped their Tyranny and Cruelty. 
 
 C H A P. 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries, 405 
 
 chap. XXXVII. 
 
 Of the Cruelty which Atahualpa ufed towards the Women 
 and Children of the Ehud- Royal. 
 
 ATabuj/pa having deftroyed all the Men of the Royal Family, together with 
 all the Caracas, Commanders and Subjects, of any note belonging to Uu- 
 afar •■, his Cruelties, which were never fatiated with humane flelh and bloud, pro- 
 ceeded with new third and appetite to devour the Children and Women, being 
 the unhappy Reli&s of the Royal Race 3 and though the tendernefs'of their Sex 
 and Age was iufficienc to move compaffion, and plead in their behalf 5 yet fo ob- 
 durate were the Bowels of this Tyrant, that he made fearch in all places for the 
 Women and Children of the Royal Race, ( excepting onely the Wives of the Sun, 
 which conferved themfelves within the Walls of their Convent ) and having ga- 
 thered them together without the City, they pra&ifed fuch torments upon them, 
 that they died with lingring deaths. After which thefe damnable Minifters of 
 Cruelty made the ftri&eft fearch they could through all the Dominions, for thofe 
 of the Royal Bloud, that fo not any of them might efcape their hands; fo that 
 in all parts they had collected great numbers both of Men and Women, as well 
 illegitimate, as legitimate ; for that the Incas having a greater liberty and licence 
 granted them in the free ufe of Women , than any others , their Family became 
 the moft numerous and extenfive of any in the whole Empire. And having thus 
 collected thefe people, they ranged them in a Plain, which lyes about a League di- 
 ftant to the Northward of the City •-, which Field hath been called Yahuarpampa, 
 or the Field of Bloud, ever fince the Fight which happened in that place between 
 the chancAs, and the people of Cozco, as we have declared formerly in its due place. 
 Thefe poor wretches being in this manner Prifoners in the Field, they encom- 
 pafled them with three Files --, the firft was of Souldiers, who were to be a guard 
 about them , and to oppofe any Infurre&ion in cafe the City of Cozxo fhould at- 
 tempt it, and ferve to bridle and fubject their Enemies 5 and then the other two 
 Files were Sentinels and Guards, left any (hould efcape, or any others enter in a- 
 mongft them to bring them relief. Upon thefe fad wretches they pra&ifed their 
 Cruelties in feveral manners •, to fome they gave onely a little raw Mayz to eat, 
 and a few crude Herbs , making them to continue the ftrictnefs of fuch a Faft as 
 their Religion enjoyned them for a few days 5 the Wives, Sitters, Aunts, Coufin- 
 Germans, and Mothers-in-law of Atahualpa they hanged upon Trees, the talleft 
 and moft lofty that they could find •, fome they hanged up by the hairs of the 
 head, others under the armes, and others in that unhandfome manner, as becomes 
 not our modefty to report j to fome of them they delivered their Infants to hold 
 in their armes , which when they fell from them , they knocked them on the 
 head with Clubs 5 fome they hanged by one arme, fome by both, and others by 
 the watte, that fo they might be long in dying , for to kill them at once, feemea 
 too much mercy, and which thefe poor wretches implored with their laft cries 
 and groans. The Boys and Gills they killed by degrees, bringing out a number 
 to death at every quarter of the Moon, uiing them with no lefs cruelty than they 
 had exercifed towards their Parents 5 and amongft their other torments, ftarving 
 was one way of killing. Diego Fernandez, in his Hiftory of Peru, touching briefly 
 on the Cruelties which Atahualpa ufed, hath thefe words : :< Between Gttafcar 
 ' Inga, and his Brother Atabalipa, there happened a great difpute and contro- 
 " veriie concerning the Government, and him who was to be the Supreme 
 r Monarch. Gaafiar ir.ga rellding in Cozco, and his Brother Atabalipa in Coxa 
 . Malca. Atabalipa difpeeded two of his principal Captains, called Chakuchitnax, 
 E and JZuizquiz, , who being valiant and ftout Men , railed a great Army, and 
 I therewith marcRed againft Guafcar, with defign, that having overcome and ta- 
 i ken him Priibner, Atabalipa lhould be declared King. In this March they fub- 
 
 " dued 
 
406 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 " d'ued many Caciques and Indians, reducing them all to the obedience oi'Ataba- 
 ' Ufa ', of which, when Guaftar received intelligence, and of what they had ac- 
 " ted, lie prefently put himfelf into a pofture of defence, and with what force he 
 ' could aflemble in fo fhort a time, he marched from Cokxo to £m pay fan, which 
 " is about a League diftant from thence, where joyning Battel with Atabalipa, 
 " Guaftar was overthrown, and taken Prifoner. The Fight ( as is faid) was fo 
 " bloudy, that a hundred and fifty thoufand Indians were flain in the Battel ; and 
 " afterwards Atabalipa entiing victorious into Cojxo, they killed Man, Woman, 
 " and Child, fparing none who declared themfelves for Guaftar, and moft efpeci- 
 ' ally made fearch for the Children of Guaftar, and his Wives and Women, who 
 " were with Child by him : Howfoever one of his Wives called Mama Varcay 
 " made an efcape with her Daughter Coya Cuxi Varcay, who is now Married to 
 " Xayre Topa inga, of whom we have made mention in this Hiftory, &c. Thus 
 far are Words of this Authour , and then afterwards in the fequel of this Story, 
 he recounts the cruel treatment and hard ufage of poor Huaftar, during the time 
 of his imprifonment, together with the dolefull complaints he uttered, which we 
 (ball rehearfe in their due place. This Coya Cuxi Varcay, which he fays, was the 
 Wife of Xayre Topa, was called CufiHuarqut, of whom we {hall difcourfe hereaf- 
 ter. The Field where this Battel was fought was called gmjaypan by corruption, 
 though properly it had the Name of Jguepaypa, which fignifies a Trumpet, as if 
 from thence the Triumph of Atabualpa was trumpeted, and fent its found into all 
 parts of the Empire. I remember, that when I was a Boy, I went three or four 
 times into thofe Fields with other Boys, who were my School-fellows, where we 
 enjoyed the recreation of Hawking with fome Hawks, which the Indian Faulco- 
 ners managed for us. 
 
 In this manner, as we have related, "was all the Bloud-Royal, and Family of the 
 Incas, extinguished and extirpated in the fpace of two years and a half-, and though 
 they might in a much lhorter time have exhaufted the veins of Royal" Bloud, yet to 
 prolong their pleafure in Cruelty,they referved fome on which their appetites might 
 ked, and ftill be delighted in new exercifes of torment. The Indians fay that the 
 Field where the great effufion of this Bloud was made, was called Tahuarpampa, 
 or the Field of Bloud ; and that it rather took its denomination from the Bloud 
 of the Incas, than from that of the Cham as •, for though the quantity of the Bloud 
 of the Chancas was greater, yet the quality of the Incas made theirs much more 
 eftimable 5 and the death of Women and Children being of tender fex and age^ 
 rendered the many Murthers more tragical and execrable. 
 
 C H A P. 
 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 407 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. 
 
 Here fome of the Blond- Royal efcaped the Cruelty of Ata- 
 hualpa. 
 
 SOme, notwithstanding all this, efcaped out of die City, fome came not with- 
 in their power , and others by the connivance of the people of Atahualpa , 
 who being fatiated with this daughter, and touched with Come remorfe to fee mat 
 bloud ib plentifully fhed, which they once adored for Divine, connived at the e- 
 fcape which fome of them made out of the circle in which they were encompafied 5 
 and not onely fo, but fome gave them opportunity to change their Apparel, which 
 was the badge and diftin&ion of an Inca, for difguifes after the Habit of common 
 Indians : For, as we have faid before, the Incas were diftingqifbed by their Gar- 
 ments •-, but thofe whom they permitted to make an efcape were Infants, and Chil- 
 dren under the Age often or eleven years, amongft which my Mother was one, 
 together with her Brother Don Francifco Hualipa Tupac lncn Tupanqui, with whom 
 I was acquainted, and who, fince my abode in Spain, hath wrote me feveral Let- 
 ters : befides which I knew very few who efcaped from this miferable Outrage, 
 from whom I received the Relation of all that I report concerning this execrable 
 daughter. I knew alfo two Auquis who were Princes , being Sons of Huayna Ca- 
 fac, the one called Paullu, who was^ne-of thofe who efcaped, as we have men- 
 tioned •, the other was called Tttu, and being a Child then, was afterwards bapti- 
 zed, whofe Chriftian Name we have formerly fignified. Paullu left a Son which 
 defcended from Spanijh Bloud , whofe Name was Don Corks Inca, he was my 
 School-fellow, and afterwards Married with a Noble Lady born in that Countrey, 
 and from Spanijh Parents, by whom he had Don Melchior Carlos Inca, who in the 
 laft year, which was 1602, came into Spain to fee that Court, but chiefly by the 
 advice of fome friends, who perfuaded him, that he mould receive great rewards 
 for the Services which his Grandfather had performed towards the Conqueft and 
 Settlement of Peru, and afterwards for the refiftence he made againft thofe Usur- 
 pers and Tyrants, of whom we (hall fpeak in our Hiftory of the Empire : but a 
 more efpecial refpecl was due to him, for being the Great Nephew ot Huayna Ca- 
 t*t, and defcended by the Male line, fo that he is the Head, and chief Family of 
 thofe few which remain of the Bloud-Royal. He now at prefent refides at Val- 
 ladolid in expectation of rewards-, which though they may be great and coofidera- 
 ble, yet can fearce be fuch as may equal his merit. 
 
 I know not whether Titu had any IfTiie ; but I remember two Nuftas, or Prin- 
 cefles, which were the lawful! Daughters of Huayna Capac, one of which was cal- 
 led Beatrix Coya, and was afterwards Married to Martin de Mujtintia, aNoblePer- 
 fon, who was Accountant of the Revenue of the Emperour Charles the Fifth in 
 Peru 5 they had three Sons which were called the Bufiindas, and another called 
 fohn Sierra de Leguizano, who was a fellow Student with me at School -, the other 
 
 Nujla was called Donna Leonor Coya ; the firft time (he Married was with a Spani- 
 ard called fohn Balfa, with whom I was not acquainted, being then young •-, they 
 had a Son of the fame Name, who went alfo to School with me : But her fecond 
 Marriage was with Francis de Villacajlin, who was one of the firft Conquerours of 
 Peru, as alfo of Panama, and other Countries. There is a Story which goes of him, 
 worthy to be noted , which I found in the Hiftory of Francis Lopez, de Gomara , 
 which is , " That this Villacajlm was the firft that planted Colonies in Pedrarias, 
 * Nombre de Dios and Panama 5 that he opened a parage, and made a Road from 
 " one Town to another, with great pains and charge, through Rocks and Moun- 
 " tains, in which were infinite numbers of Lions, and Tygers, and Bears •, and 
 fuch multitudes of Monkies of all forts and fizes, that being difturbed, they 
 would make fuch a hideous noife, as was fufficient to make Travellers deaf, and 
 would climb up Trees with great Stones, to let them fall on the heads of fuch 
 
 " as 
 
 u 
 
408 Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 " as came within their reach. Thus far are the Words of Gomara. But I have 
 feen Tome Marginal Notes in a Book wrote by one of the Conquerours of Peru 5 
 in which is this paffage : " That a Monky threw a done at a perfon armed 
 " with a Crofs-bow, named Villacaflin, and beat out two of his Teeth •, he was 
 " afterwards one of the Conquerours of Peru, and Lord of a great Countrey, cal- 
 " led Ayavh-l •-, but being taken Prifoner, he dyed in Cozco; he was one who took 
 " part with Picarro in XaqmxagtvM, where one that owed him a difpleafure gave 
 " him a cut over the face after he yielded to quarter : He was an honeft Man, 
 " and did good to all , though he dyed poor, after he was defpoiled of his hdi- 
 " ans, and of his Eftate. This Vtlbtcafiin killed the Monky with his Crofs-bow, 
 " he chancing to (hoot at the fame time that the Monky threw his ftone. Thus 
 far are the Remarks of the Conquerour j the which I can in part confirm, becaufe 
 I knew the perfon, and faw that he wanted two Teeth in the upper row of his 
 Mouth 5 and it was the common report in Peru, that they were beaten out by a 
 Monky. I have thought fit to infert this Story as I do others of like nature, for 
 the truth of which I refer my felf to divers Witnefles. Other Incas and Pallas I 
 knew, to the number of two hundred, which were all of the Royal Bloud, but 
 of lefs note than thofe which I formerly mentioned, who were the immediate 
 Sons of Huayna Capac. My Mother was his Brothers Daughter, whofe>Jame was 
 
 Huallpa Tupac Inca Tupanqui. 
 
 I was acquainted with one Son and two Daughters of King Atahualpa, one of 
 them was called Angelina, of whom the Marquis Don Francifco Picarro begat a Son, 
 called Francifco, who when we were of the Age of eight or nine years, was a 
 great Antagonift and Competitor with me for running and leaping, his Uncle 
 was Goncalo Picarro. This Marquis had alfo a Daughter called Francifca, which 
 was very beautifull, and Married afterwards to his Uncle Hernando Picarro ; her 
 Father begat her upon a Daughter of Huayna Capac, called Tnes Huallu Nufia, who 
 was afterwards Married to Martin de Ampuero, an Inhabitant of the City of lot 
 Reyes. The Son of the Marquis, and another of Goncalo Picarro, coming into 
 Spain*, dyed young, to the great grief of thole who knew them, being the hope- 
 full Orl-ipring of iuch renowned Fathers : But as to the other Daughter of Ath 
 hualpa, I may miftake her Name, which was either Beatrix, or lfabel, (he Mar- 
 ried with a Spaniard called Bits Comer a ; and Wedded a fecond time with a Gen- 
 tleman, who was of Spani/h and Indian Bloud, called Sanco de Rojas , but his Son 
 was called Francifco Atabualpa, he was a very handfome Youth , well Ikiped, and 
 of a lovely countenance, as were all the other Incas and Pallas, but he dyed young. 
 We I hall fliorrly mention him on occafion of a Story which my old Uncle, the 
 Brother of my Mother, told me , when he related the Cruelties of Atahualpa. 
 There was another Son of Huapa Capac remaining , with whom I was not ac- 
 quainted, he was called M.ir.co Inca, and was the lawfull Heir to the Empire, for 
 Huaf.vr dyed without llTiie Male, of whom we (hall make mention hereafter. 
 
 M 
 
 C H A 
 
 
Royal Commentaries, 409 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. 
 
 Of what farther Cruelty was ufed towards the Servants of 
 
 the Court. 
 
 BU T to return to the Cruelties of Atahualpa, who not content with the death 
 and fkughter of all the Royal Family, together with the Lords, Captains 
 and Nobility, proceeded to Maflacre all the Servants of the Court, who were Do- 
 mefticks within the Houfe •, of whofe Function and feveral Minifteries we have 
 given a particular in its place, for thefe were not particular perfons, but whole Vil- 
 lages, to whofe care it belonged to provide Servants for the Court, and to change 
 and alter them according to their times of waiting 5 with thefe alfo Atahualpa had 
 a quarrel for die Relation they had to the Court, as alfo becaufe they bore the 
 Name of Ma, which was conferred on them by that privilege and favour .vhich 
 the firft Jnca Manco Cafac conferred on them. Upon thefe Atahualpa venr 5 i his 
 Cruelties, but with more exquifite torment on fuch who were more near A tten- 
 dants on the Perfon of the King , fuch as Porters, Keepers of the Wardrobe, and 
 Jewels, Butlers, Cooks, and the like 5 with whofe lives not contenting himfelf, 
 together with the bloud of their Wives and Children , he proceeded to burn and 
 deftroy their Houfes and Villages which they inhabited ', but fuch as were Ser- 
 vants at a farther diftance, fuch as Cleavers of Wood, and Drawers of Water, 
 were more gently treated 5 for fome of thofe they decimated, killing every tenth 
 or fifth Man, in fome places every third Man ; fo that all the Villages within fix 
 or (even Leagues of Cozco fuffered a particular and extraordinary Perfecution , be- 
 fides the general calamity in which the whole Empire was involved , being filled 
 in all places with Slaughter, Fire, Robberies, Rapes and Violences, with what other 
 mifenes and devaluation the licence of an unbridled Souldiery can exercife upon 
 a Nation. Nor were the Cities and Towns which were remote from Cozco ex* 
 empt from the like calamities; for fo fbon zs Atahualpa heard of the Lrpriibn- 
 ment ofHuafcar, he entred all the Countries which were bordering on his Fron- 
 tiers with Fire and Sword, and particularly that which is called Cannaris, becaufe 
 at the beginning they refufed to yield him Obedience : In revenge for which, fo 
 foon as he gained power he treated them with all the feverity imaginable •■, which 
 Atigufiin Carat e in the ijth Chapter of his Book, exprefles in thefe Words: 
 u Coming into the Province of Cannaris he aflaffmated fixty thoufand Men, being 
 " they had made oppofition againft him, and putting all to Fire and Sword, he 
 " laid wholly wafte the Plantation of Tumibamba, which is fituate in a Plain, and 
 " watered with three ftreams -, and thence proceeding in his Conquefts, left not 
 " one Man alive of all thofe who defended themfelves, &c the like Frantifco Lo- 
 pez reports almoft in the fame Words. But Peter de Cie^a is more large in his Re- 
 lation, faying that the want of Men, and the abundance of Women in his time 
 belonging to the Province of Cannaris, Was the caufe, that in the Wars of the Spa- 
 niards, the Writers thereof mentioned Indian Men for Indian Women, for to them 
 they gave Commands in the Army. And in giving the reafon for it, he ufeth 
 thefe Words in the 44th Chapter of his Book. " Some Indians tell us, faith he, 
 " that by reafon of the great numbers of Women which remained, after that 
 Atabalipa had deftroyed all the Men of this Province , whom he unhumanely 
 butchered •-, and after he had routed and deftroyed in the Countrey of Ambaro, 
 the Brother of Guafcar, called Antoco, who was the Captain- General of that 
 people 5 and had put to death all the Men and Children of that Province, coming 
 with green Boughs and Palms in their hands to implore his Mercy , yet not be- 
 ing moved with fuch a fpedtacle of companion, he with a cruel and fevere coun- 
 * tenance commanded his Captains and Souldiers to fall upon them, and flay them 
 '' all, by which a miferable flaughter was made of multitudes of Males, as we 
 ' have related in the third Part of this Hiftory -, fo thole who are now living 
 
 G g g " fay, 
 
410. Royal Commentaries. Book IX. 
 
 " fay, that there are fifteen Women in that Countrey to one Man. Thus far are 
 tlie Words of Peter de Cieca •, with which we lhall end this unpleafing Story of 
 the Cruelties of Atahualpa for the prefent , and reaffume the particulars again in 
 their proper places. And now occafionally upon thefe Cruelties, I was put in 
 mind of a Story of Don Francifco, the Son of Atahualpa, w ho dyed fome Months 
 before I went for Spain , which is this : The day after his Death , very early in 
 the Morning before his Burial, thole few Jncas, who were remaining, made a vifit 
 to my Mother 5 and amongft the reft came the Old Inca, whom I have formerly 
 mentioned •, who inftead of condoling and faying , / am firry for your lofs, becaufe 
 
 the party deceafed was my Mothers Brothers Son ; he {aid to my Mother, / am glad that 
 the Great Pachacamac, or Maker of the Vniverfe, hath confervedr 'yon unto this day, in 
 which you have feen the end and deflrutlion of all your Enemies •■, adding many Other ex- 
 
 prefTions full of joy and contentment oh this occafion : But I not well underftan- 
 ding the meaning of this Drollery, replied to him, andfaid, Vncle, why fhould we 
 
 rejoice for the Death of Don Francifco, fince he was our Kinfman and Acquaintance ? 
 
 With which turning towards me with great anger and palfion, and taking the end 
 of his Mantle, and biting it with his Teeth, as the manner is amongft the Indians,. 
 when they are in a rage, retorted upon me, and laid, what, you have a mind to be a 
 
 Kinfman to an Auca, the Son of another Auca (which fignifes a Tyrant and Traytour) 
 who defirqyed our Empire, and killed our Inca ; who exhaufied our Bloud, and extirpated 
 our Family ; who committed fo many outrages unnatural to our Kindred, unknown and ab- 
 horred by our Forefathers : Give me but this dead Rafcal into my hand, and you /ball fee me 
 eat him raw without Pepper or Salt. Oh that Traytor his Father was furely no Son e/Hu- 
 ayna Capac our Inca, but fome mean Baftard of an Indian of QuitU, with whom his Mo- 
 ther plaid the Whore, and abufed our King ; for if he had been an Inca, he could never have- 
 been guilty of thofe horrid Cruelties and Abominations he committed, nor could fuch execra- 
 ble defigns have entred into his imagination ; for confidering that it was a fundamental Doc-, 
 trine of cur Anceftours never to doe hurt or damage unto any, no not fo much as to their Ene-. 
 tnies : What Monfter then of iniquity mttft this Man be, who violating all the Rules of Hu- 
 manity, hath imbrued his hands in the bloud of all his Relations ? Tlien do not fay, that this 
 perfon can be defcended from our Lineage, whofe difpofition was unnatural, and diftrent to 
 the temper and conftitution of our Forefathers. Conjider what an injury you doe to them, to ' 
 res, nay to your felf, in flyling tu the Kinfmen of amofi cruel Tyrant, who from the degree of 
 Kings reduced thofe few of hs, who efcaped his outrageous hands to the condition of fervitude 
 
 andflavery. All this and much more this Inca uttered with fuch rage, moved by 
 a fenfible remembrance of thofe deteftable cruelties which Atahualpa had commit- 
 ted, that the fatisfa&ion they received by the Death of Don Francifco was changed 
 into woe and lamentations. And indeed this Francifco, during the time of his Life, 
 was fo fenfible of the common hatred of Mankind towards him , which avoided 
 his converfation, flying from him, as from the Peftilence, that he with fhame ab- 
 fconded himfelf, and lived retired within his own doors: the like alio did his two 
 Sifters, who hearing all places refound with Auca, which properly fignifies Cruel- 
 lies, Tyrannies, and Misfortunes, were filled with (hame and confufion. 
 
 CHAP, 
 
Book IX. Royal Commentaries. 41 
 
 CHAP. XL. 
 
 What remains furvived of the Incail Family. 
 
 A 
 
 ;tK 
 
 Long time after I had finithed this ninth Book, I received Advices from 
 Peru ( out of which I have framed this Chapter ) concerning the Reliques 
 ef the Incan Bloud, which being greater than I thought, I have added as pertinent 
 to this Hiftory. For in the year 1 603 , they all joined in a Letter directed; to Bon 
 Melchxor Carlos hca, Son of Bon Alonfo de Mefa, who lived near Cotwj and' like- 
 wife to my felf , defiring us that we would intercede in their behalf w ith his hU- 
 jefty, that he would be pleafed to exempt them from Tribute, and from thofe 
 grievous Exactions with which they were charged in common with other Indians % 
 for performance of which, they delegated all and every of us with full Power and 
 Authority from them particularly named, defcended from f§ch and fuch a King 5 
 and for better proof of their Lineage, they fent a Royal Tree of their Pedigree, 
 drawn out upon a Yard and half of white Taffity, made of the Bark of the China 
 Tree, defcending from Manco Capac to HuaynaCapac, and his.5on PW/« ; the Chief 
 hcas being all curioufly painted in their ancient Habits 5 upon their Heads they 
 wore the coloured Twift or Wreath , in their Ears their great Eatings with Parte- 
 fens in their hands in the place of Sceptres, being painted from their Breads up- 
 wards. The Papers were directed to me, which I addrefled to Bon Melchhr Car- 
 los Inca, and Bon Alonfo de Mefa, then redding in the Court at Valladolid, becaufe 
 my other affairs would not permit me tcattend this caufe , in which I mould 0- 
 therwife have gladly employed both my time and life. This Letter which was 
 fobfcribed by the hcas, was wrote by one of them in a very fair Character j the 
 phrafe, or ftyle, was partly Indian, and in yzxiCafiillian, they being all now much. 
 conformed to the Spanijh Mode, and it was dated the 1 6th of April 1 603. I did 
 not think fit to infert a Copy thereof here, becaufe it is too fad and tragical, re- 
 counting the dolefull e(tate into which they were fallen. The Addrefe is penn'd 
 with fuch aflurance of his Majefty's favour, that (as we all believe ) whenfjever 
 his Catholick Majefty (lull be informed, and made ienfible thereof, he will not 
 j j onely eafe them of their burthens, but beftow fuch privileges on them as arc de- 
 cent and becoming the Royal Off-fpring of Kings. 
 
 The Scheme which they drew of their Pedigree was exactly framed, for the 
 Kings who were hcas were painted in their feveral Figures , denoting on each 
 fide the dependencies from them , with this Infcription, Capac Ayullu, which is 
 the Royal Off-fpring, and is the Title in common to all, fignifying thereby, how 
 all of them were derived from the firft hca Manco Capac -, then the Pedigree of 
 every King hath its particular distinction with different Names ; by which ap- 
 pears, how every one defcended from fuch and fuch a King. The Iltue, or Pro- 
 geny, of Manco Capac they call Chima Panaca, from which forty hcas are fuccef- 
 nvely defcended. That of Sinchi Rocca they call Raurava Panaca, from whence 
 proceeded fixty four heat. That of Lloque Yupanqui the third hca, they call Hahu- 
 anha Ajllu, from whence defcended fixty three tticas. That of Capac Tupartqui they 
 call Apu Mayta, from whence are fifty fix. That cf Mayta Capac the fifth King, 
 they call Vfca Mayta, from whence are thirty five. That of Inca Rota they call Vi- 
 caquitau, from whence are fifty. That of Tahuar Huacac the feventh King, they 
 call Aylli Panaca, from whence are fixty nine. The Illiie of Inca Pacbacmec, and 
 his Son hca Yupanqm, being joined together, are called Inca Panaca, and make up 
 a double number of ninety nine. The Off-fpring defcended from Tupac hca Tu- 
 panqxi, they call Capac Ayllu, which fignifies no more than the Royal Progeny, 
 which confirms what we have declared before concerning that Title •, and of this 
 branch there are onely eighteen. The Off-fpring of Hmyna Ca?ac they call Tumi- 
 pampa, in remembrance of that folemn Feftival which he infiituted in honour of 
 the Sun, and celebrated, in that wide and open Field, which is fituate in the Pro- 
 vince of Cannaris, where he erected Royal Palaces, and Store-houfes, for fopport 
 
 G g g 2 'and 
 
 VOIt 
 
 at 
 lis: 
 
 
,12 Royal Commentaries. Book IX, 
 
 and accommodation of the Souldiery, together with a Monaftery for the Select 
 Virgins, and a Temple of the Sun ; all which were fo magnificent and ftately, and 
 fo mil of Riches, and replenifhed with Provisions, that Pedro de Cieca in the 44th 
 Chapter of his Book, commends them above the Skies 5 and fearing left he (liould 
 fall ihort in his commendations, concludes, that it was impoflible for him to ex- 
 press the wonderfull Riches, which were contained within thefe Royal Palaces of 
 the Incas. 
 
 In memory of the aforefaid Feftival, Huayna Capac determined to rtyle his Oft- 
 fpring with the Name oiTumijampa, that fo that Solemnity might give a Name to 
 his Off-fpring, of which there were.no more remaining than twenty two. And 
 whereas Huayna Capac, and his Father Tupac Ma Tupanqui were neareft allied in the 
 Tree of the Royal Lineage, Atahualpa was the more carefull and diligent to extir- 
 pate and deftroy them than the others 5 by which means very few of them esca- 
 ped his malitious cruelty, as appears by the Lift of fuch as iurvived j all which 
 being fummed up together, make the number of 567 perlbns ; and it is obier- 
 vable, that they were all defcended by the Male, and not by the Female line 5 for, 
 as we have faid before, the Incas made little efteem of the Female race, unlefs they 
 were ennobled by theBloud of the Spaniards , who had been the rirft Conque- 
 rours of that Countrey, and efteemed Incus, and fuch as were defcended from their 
 God the Sun. The Letter which they wrote to me was iigned by eleven Incas, 
 according to the eleven defcents ■-, the Chief of every one of which fubfcribed for 
 himfelf, and thofe of his Lineage, by their Chriftian Names and Surnames of their 
 Anceftours. The Names of all the branches, excepting the two laft, are unknown 
 to me in their significations, becaufe they are Names proper to diat Language which 
 the Incas exercifed amongft themfelves, and were not common to the whole Court, 
 We have now onely farther to fpeak of Don Melchhr Carlos Inca, the Nephew of 
 Paullu, and Grand Nephew dt Huayna Capac, who (as we have faid) came to Spain 
 in the year 1 602, in expectation of receiving great favours and rewards from the 
 Court •, which accordingly fucceeded in the year 1 604, when after consideration 
 had of his Worth and Merits, it was determined that a Largefs Ihould be made 
 him of 7joo Ducats of yearly Rent, and fetled forever on him and his Heirs, and 
 to be raifed out of his Majefty's Revenue ifluing from the City of los Reyes - y 
 and that an additional fupply mould be granted to him for bringing his Wife and 
 Family into Spain .- Moreover, he had the Honour of the Habit of Santiago con- 
 ferred upon him, with promifes of Lodgings in the King's Court : And that for the 
 » Indians, of which he was Lord in Cozco by right of Inheritance from Father and 
 Grandfather, they were transferred to the pofleflion of the Royal Crown, he not 
 being permitted to return to the Indies. The which information was wrote me 
 from Valladolid ; what hath pafled fince from the laft of March, I have not been 
 advifcd. And having faid thus much , we (hall pafs to our tenth Book , which 
 treats of the Heroick and incredible Actions of the Spaniards, who gained that 
 Empire. 
 
 The End of the Ftrfl Tome, 
 
 
 T II E 
 

SI 
 
 Itl 
 
 W 
 
 
 4 
 
 a! 
 
 a 
 
THE 
 
 SECOND PART 
 
 I O F T H E 
 
 General Hiftory 
 
 o F 
 
 PERU 
 
 Wherein is Treated 
 Of the Manner how that new World was difco- 
 vered. How it was conquered by the Spaniards. 
 Of the Civil Wars between the ?i$arrifls and 
 the Ahnagrians, occafioned by Quarrels arifing 
 about the Divifion of that Land. Of the Rife 
 and Fall of Tyrants ; and other Particulars con- 
 tained in that Hiftory. 
 
 Written in Sfanifh, by Garplaffb de la Vega. 
 

 I 
 
(4*7) 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the three Spaniards of Noble Quality, who undertook, the 
 Conquefi of Peru. 
 
 N the s>th Book of the firft part of thefe our Royal Commentaries, wa 
 have (hewed how the refblute Atahualpa pleafed himfelf with the thoughts 
 of having by Tyranny and Cruelty fecured to himfelf the Empire, little 
 dreaming that a ftrange and an unknown Nation (who were the Spani- 
 ards) mould in the moft calm and profperous time of his Enjoyments 
 knock at his Gate, and by the fame methods of cruelty caft him from 
 his Throne, and deprive him of his Life and Empire. That we may profecute 
 this Hiftory with the moft even thread •-, it is neceflary for us to look fome years 
 back, and take our matters from their firft fource and beginning. 
 
 The Spaniards therefore, after they had difcovered this new World, were ftill 
 defirous more and more of new and farther difcoveries, and though the Countries 
 they had already poiTefled were rich and profperous, yet not being contented with 
 their prefent Enjoyments, nor wearied with their Labours, and Travails, nor dif- 
 couraged with the fufferings of Hunger, Dangers, Wounds, Sicknefles, nor with 
 the bad Days, and worfe Nights, which they had endured both by Sea and Land, 
 yet ftill thirfting after new Conquefts , and great Enterprifes , they arrived at 
 length to that pitch of greatnefs, which hath for ever eternized their Fame and 
 Memory. For fo it happened in the Conqueft of Peru, That Francis Picarro, a 
 Native ofTraxi/lo, living at Panama, one of a Noble Family, and Diego de Alma- 
 gro, a Native of Malaga, or (asCarate will have it) of the Town of Almagro, 
 which is moft probable, aPerfon (as we may believe) of like noble Extraction $ 
 for though Iris Family be unknown , yet if we may know the Tree by its Fruit, 
 the greatnefs of his A&ions, and the glory of his Enterprifes have rendred his Birth 
 and Family illuftrious. They were both indeed rich and famous, for the brave- 
 ry of their paft actions, efpecially Picarro, who had been a Captain, and in the 
 Year r j 1 1. had been Lieutenant Governour of the City of Vrava, of which he 
 was afterwards made Lieutenant General by the Governour Alonfon Hojeda, having 
 been the firft Spanijh Captain which entred that Province, where he performed 
 m2ny brave Actions, labouring under many Difficulties , and Dangers , whicli 
 Pedro dedeca compendioufly relates in thefe Words: u After (fays he) that 
 " this had happened, the Governour Hojeda planted a new Colony of Chriftians 
 in that part which they call Vrava, of which he made Francis Picarro Ills Lieu- 
 
 H h h tenant 
 
418 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 " tenant Governour, and of which he was afterwards made Governour and 
 " Marquifs-, and living in the City of Vrava with the Indians, he endured much 
 " Famine and Sicknefs, for which Services his memory will ever be efteemed. 
 Thus far are the Words of de dec a. He was alio -in company with the famous 
 Captain Bafio Nmnez, when difcovery was made of the South -Sea, aod when 
 Nombre de Dhs and Panama were fubdued, he was then with the Governour Peter 
 Arhu de Avila, as Gomara reports in his Hiftory of the Indies. 
 
 But neither Picarro nor Almagro being fatiated with their former Glories, thir- 
 fted (till after greater Actions ■■> and incited with the report they had received of 
 the fimple and mean condition of the People of Pern ; thefe two great Heroes 
 made an agreement together for the Conqueft of it ■■, joining with them Hernando 
 de Luque, a Schoolmafter in Panama, who was Lord of Taboga. Thefe three fo- 
 lemnly fvvore in publick, and entred into Articles under Hand and Seal, never to 
 forfake each other in any Dangers or Difcouragemeats whatfoever, that mould 
 happen untill they had made an entire Conqueft of Peru; and that what Riches 
 or Booty they mould gain , fhould be friendly and amicably divided between 
 them. It was agreed, that Hernando de Lu^ue mould remain, and be their Agent 
 at Panama, to order and provide for their Affairs, fo as to yield them fuccoursj 
 that Pkarro fhould be employed in the Difcovery, and that Almagro mould go and 
 come with fupplies of Men , and Horfe, and Ammunition , for relief of their 
 Companions, who were immediately employed in the Conqueft. This School- 
 Mafter they called Hernando the Fool, or Coxcomb, and the fame might be faid 
 of all the three ; for who cannot but blame fuch Men as thefe, who having endu- 
 red great Travails and Labours in the World , and already entred into years, fo 
 that the youngeft of them palled fifty, and all of them rich and commodious in 
 the World, yet that Men under thefe circumftances fhould engage themfelves in 
 new Adventures, full of uncertainty, without knowledge of the Countrey, whe- 
 ther it were rich or poor, and without confideration of the hazards and difficulties 
 of it, feems the Work and Defign of ram and adventurous Fools. But the good 
 fortune of thofe who now enjoy the Benefit of their Labours, was that which 
 • called them to this Enterprife •, or rather the Mercy and Providence of God to- 
 wards thofe Gentiles, who was pleafed to make ufe of thofe means for propaga- 
 tion of the Gofpel in thofe parts, which he confirmed by fuch figns and Wonders, 
 as very much conduced to the eafinefs of the Conqueft. 
 
 ■I 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
1 
 
 Book I. Royal Commentaries. 419 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the excellent Fruit and Advantages which have refulted 
 from the Union and Agreement of thefe three Spanifh Ca- 
 valiers. 
 
 THis triple accord which thefe three Spaniards made at Panama , puts me in 
 mind of that confederacy which the three Roman Emperours made atZ*r- 
 *», a place near Bologna-? but yet in comparing them one with the other, they are 
 fo different in their feveral circumftances, that they feem to hold no agreeable 
 comparifon or fimilitude-, for on the one fide thofe were Emperours, and thefe 
 but private and poor Perfons ■■, thofe treated of the Divifion of the old World, 
 which had been the Prize and Conqueft of their Roman Anceftours, and which 
 they defiied to enjoy with peace and plenty ; but thefe engolfed themfelves into 
 Tolls and Labours, to gain the Empire of a new World, which was fo unknown 
 to them, that they were ignorant both of the difficulties they were to fuftain in 
 the Conquefts, and of the value of their Victories when acquired. If alfo we 
 confider the intentions and effedts of one and the other, we (hall find the fame di- 
 verfity, for that Triumvirate, compofedof three Tyrants, was concluded and 
 eftablifhed on no other ground, than to exercife a tyrannical Power over all the 
 World, and to afflict aad deftroy, but this was a defign of three generous Gen- 
 tlemen, each of which deferved an Imperial Crown, having no other end than to 
 enrich the World with unknown Treafures, as every days experience proves, and 
 as will be made manifeft in the following Chapters^ Moreover the intention of 
 that Triumvirate was to betray their Allies, Friends and Parents into the hands of 
 their Enemies, but this was to facrifice themfelves for the advantage of others, 
 that they might acquire a benefit equally profitable to Enemies, as well as Friends; 
 all which appears by thofe immenfe Riches which daily iffiie from the Bowels of 
 the unknown World, and are communicated not onely to Chriftians, but even to 
 the Gentiles, Jews, Moors, Turks and Hereticks, who enjoy the benefit of thefe 
 generous Labours. But that which we ought primarily to confider, that by our 
 Triumvirate Chriftianity was firft introduced into the great Empire of Peru, and 
 a Gate opened to the preaching of the Gofpel , by which many faithfull Souls 
 have been gathered into the bofome of the Church •, fo that who is it that can 
 fofficiently admire or exprefs the greatnefs of thisEnterprife. Oh thou great Name 
 and Family of the Picarros, how much are all the Nations and Inhabitants of the 
 old World indebted' unto thee , for thofe vaft Riches they have extra&ed from 
 the new, and how much more do thofe two Empires of Mexico and Peru owe to 
 thee, for thofe thy two Sons Hernando Cortes, and Francis Pkarro, and for thy Bro- 
 thers, Hernando Pkarro, John Picarro, and Goncalo Picarro, by whofe indefatigable 
 
 labours thofe poor Indians have been drawn 'from the darknefs of obfeure Igno- 
 rance to the true light and knowledge of the Gofpel. How much therefore is this 
 Triumvirate to be approved, and applauded above that of the three Roman Em- 
 perours •-, of which Guichiardin, in his Hiftory of Florence, gives this Cenfure. Lai- 
 no, a place famous for the League contracted between Marcus Antonitu, Lepidm and 
 Ct.ivianns, who under the term and notion of a Triumvirate contrived, and execu- 
 ted fuch abominable pieces of Tyranny, as had never before been pra&ifed, or 
 named at Rome; but our Triumvirate deferves a quite different Character, as the 
 Writings of Lopez deGomara, Augujiin de Car ate, and other modern Hiftorians will 
 abundantly prove, whofe Books and Relations we (hall as often quote, as our 
 fiibjett matter on which we neat (hall require a confirmation from their Autho- 
 rity. 
 
 Hhhi CHAR 
 
4.2.0 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the little Money which was in Spain before the Cc?iquejl 
 o/Peru. 
 
 : 
 
 T' 
 
 'O make more evidently appear the great Riches which this Triumvirate pur- 
 chafed to the World, we muft make a large digreffion from our defign in 
 hand - and for the more clear elucidation hereof, we muft make ufe of the Autho- 
 rity of fome Hiftorians, who have noted and defcribed the Revenue of certain 
 Kingdoms, which before the Conqueft of Peru were vaftly (hort of that Income, 
 which they yield at prefent. Bodtnus in his Book of Commonwealths (hews both 
 in gei erai, and particularly fpecifies the Revenues of fome Commonwealths and 
 Prince^ to have been of inconfiderable value before the Conqueft of Peru, in com- 
 parlfon of their prefent improvements, and inftances in feveral Eftates which were 
 mort^3ged, or fold at mean prices; he tells us how fmall was the pay of Souldiers, 
 and the wages which Princes gave to their Servants, and at how cheap a rate all 
 things we;e fold; and in (hort, that what was formerly valued at an hundred 
 Crowns a year, is now worth a thoufand; and that all Lands and Houfes are rifen 
 twenty times in the value of their rent. Farther he inftances in the ranfome which 
 Lewis the jith. King of France, paid for his own Perfon to the Soldan of Eppt$ 
 which he fays amounted to no more than five hundred thoufand Florins, and this 
 (1\ m c i ( he compares with the ranfome of three Millions, which ^ aiarip-the firft of France 
 Jr ^ y } paid to the Emperour, Charles the jth. for his ranfome. Farther he adds, that in 
 the Reign of Charles the 6th. which was about the Year 1449. the yearly Re- 
 venue of the whole Crown of France did not amount to above four hundred thou- 
 fand Franks, and yet in the Year 1 J74. when Charles the 9th dyed, the fame Re- 
 venue was improved to fourteen Millions, and the like proportion of increafe was 
 advanced in all other Kingdoms and Governments, which Examples ferve fuffi- 
 ciently to demonftrate in what manner all the World hath been enriched by the 
 Treafures of Pern. And in regard that Our Spain hath been efpecially obliged to 
 that Countrey, by the vaft effluxes of its Wealth from thence, we need not feek 
 or borrow proofs hereof from other Countries, but onely confider our own ; nor 
 need we to look many Ages back , but onely from the time of King Ferdinand, 
 furnamed the Saint, who regained Cordova and Seville, of whom the General Hi- 
 ftory of Spain, written by Don Ahnfo the wife, makes mention; and tells us, that 
 Don Ahnfo the 9th. King ol Leon, who was Father of King Fernand the Saint, made 
 War upon him; and that his Son wrote him word, that as an obedient Child he 
 was refblved never to refift him , and that he would gladly appeafe his Anger 
 
 mil 
 
 !'Jj 
 
 with any fatisfa&ion that he mould require of him -, to which Dm Ahnfo replied, 
 
 Thirty fix That he required of him the payment of ten thoufand Maravedis, which he owed 
 Maravedis y^ xvlilcrli v, hen he had performed, he would then ceafe his Wars, and enter 
 pence. 1X into Arriity with him. The whole Copy of the Letter, written at large , we 
 have omitted to recite for brevity fake; onely we have thought fit to repeat the 
 Anfwer, which was wrote in this manner: That the caufe of his War was for 
 the recover/ of ten thoufand Maravedis, which the King Don Enriquez owed for 
 the high way which he had made to Santhannez de la Mora, and that paying this - 
 Money, the Quarrel fhould end ; whereupon the King Fernando not being willing 
 to wage War with his Father for ten thoufand Maravedis, prefently made him fa- 
 tisfa&ion ; the which is related in the general Chronicle of Spain, and in the parti- 
 cular Life of King Fernando, 
 
 About the fame time a certain Knight, who wore the red Crofs as a badge of 
 his Pilgrimage unto the Holy Land, named Ruy Diat, began to commit many in- 
 folence? before his departure -, for which Offences divers complaints coming againft 
 him, he was cited to appear before the Courts of Juftice, to make anfwer to thole 
 Accufations which were laid againft him; upon which fummons Dias making his 
 
 aopea- 
 
 i 
 
 
 :; 
 
 I* 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 421 
 
 appearance at VUladolid, where the Court then refided ; but being informed of the 
 many complaints which were there formed againft him, he in a rage and fury de- 
 parted thence, without giving any Anfwer. thereunto : At which the King Fer- 
 nando being highly difpleafed7 Immediately by procefs of Law banifhed him the 
 Countrey •, howfoever Bias maintained himfelf within his Caftles and Fortirfles, 
 untill fuch time, that by Agreement with the King, to pay him fourteen thoufand 
 Marivcdis, all matters were compounded, and the Fortreffes were configned into 
 the hands of the noble King Bon Fernando. The fame Hiftory alfo makes mention 
 of this following paflage, namely, That when Kingi^rwWo had poileilion of one 
 part onely, and not of the entire Kingdom of Leon, he left Manftlla, and went to 
 Leon, which was the principal City of that Countrey, where he was received with ' 
 great joy and magnificent entertainment, and there crowned King of Leon by the 
 Bifhop of that City, and being in the prefence of all the Nobles and Citizens, 
 feated in the Regal Throne, Te Beum was folemnly fung , with the common fa- 
 tisfk&ion andrejoycing of the people, and from that time he had the Title, of 
 King oiCaftilt and Leon, both which Kingdoms were his lawfujl Inheritance, de- 
 scended to him from Father and Mother-, for thefe two Kingdoms Had formerly 
 been divided, and beftowed by the Emperour to his two Sons, that is Caftile to 
 D. Sancho, and Leon to Fermndo, and afterwards came to be again united together in 
 the Noble Perfon of Bon Fernando the third. After this theQueen Terefa the Mo- 
 ther ofTancha and Buke, the Sifters of B. Fernando, feeing that her Son was be- 
 come Mafter of the whole Kingdom, and that ihe was not able to make farther 
 i refiftence againft him, (he difpatched an Ambailadour, to B. Fernando, demanding 
 fome (hare and convenient {ubfiftencej which heing granted, was much difplea- 
 fing to fome degenerate Spirits, who were in hopes of making a benefit to them- 
 felves by the Wars between Caftile and Leon; of which Embafiy die Noble Lady 
 Berengaria, Mother of Fernando, being informed, fhe laboured milch to bring mat- 
 1 ters to an accommodation, being very apprehenfive of the many Troubles and in- 
 ' finite Ruines which are caufed by a Civil and inteftine War-, and for that rea- 
 fbn labouring on both fides, fhe at length produced a Peace between her Son the 
 King Fernando, and his Sifters the Ladies Samba and Buke, and prevailed with the 
 King to ftay at Leon, whilft fhe made a vifit to the Queen Terefa, and her Daugh- 
 ters, then refiding at Valentia. And then it was that Berengaria prevailed with Te- 
 refa, and her Daughters, to quit all their Title and Intereft to, the Kingdom of 
 1 Leon; in confideration of which King Fernando did oblige himfelf to give a yearly 
 , Annuity to each of thefe Sifters of thirty thoufand Maravedis of Gold. To con- 
 ; firm this Agreement the King came to Benevente, where he met his Sifters, and 
 there figned and fealed a Writing to them, to pay them the thirty thoufand Ma- 
 ravedis of Annuity $ making them Aflignment on the places where to receive 
 their Money, which was afterwards the Foundation of a happy Peace. 
 
 After this King Fernando being married to Queen Joan, he went in Progrefs to 
 vifit feveral parts of his Kingdom, and being at Toledo, he underftood that Cordova, 
 and other remote Cities of his Kingdom , were in great penury and diftrefs for 
 want of Provifions-, for (imply of which he fent them twenty five thoufand Mara- 
 veiis to Cordova, and the like fum, to other Garrifons. All which ftmll fums are 
 particularly recorded in the Chronicles which write of the Life of Den Femand* 
 the Saint.' 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 I 
 
4*2, 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 The Authour proceeds in his Difcourfe concerning the [mall 
 quantity of Money which was in ancient days , and how 
 much there is now in theje. 
 
 . 
 
 THE which Treatife being of the fame nature with the preceding Chapter, 
 to avoid tedioufqefs to the Reader, we have thought fit to omit. And 
 fo proceed unto the next Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Shewing how little the Conqueft of the new World cofl unto % 
 the Kings o/Caftile. 
 
 BEing come now to our ultimate Argument to prove the {mall quantity of Mo- 
 ney which was then in Spain, before the time that the Conqueft of my 
 Countrey was effected •, we cannot give a more pregnant inftance , than by de- 
 monftrating how little the moft rich Empire of Peru, and all the new World, not 
 before known, coft the Kings of Caftile. France Lopez in his General Hiftory of 
 the Indies, having recounted many remarkable paflages, we fhall faithfully recite 
 fuch of them as are moft pertinent to our purpofe-, as namely, That Chrifiophtr 
 Columbus treated with Henry the 7th, King of England , about the Difcovery of 
 the Indies, as alfb with Alfonfo the Jth King of Portugal, with the Dukes of Medi- 
 na Sidonia, and Medina Celi, who not receiving with good approbation the Propo- 
 fals made them, Friar John Perez,, and Friar Francis de la Rabida, which laft was tha 
 King's Cofmographer, encouraged him to make his Applications to the Court of 
 Spain, where they believed his Propofitions might find a gratious reception : Bj( 
 thefe means Columbus was introduced into the Court of Caftile, in the Year 148$ 
 where he delivered his Propofals and Petition to Fernando and Ifabella, King anc 
 Queen of Spain, but they being embroiled at that time in their Wars againft th< 
 Moors in the Countrey of Granada, had little leifare to convert their thoughts t( 
 Projects of this nature. And Columbus being but a ftranger, and poor in habit 
 and without other Credit orlntereft than that of a poor Friar, whom they woulo 
 neither vouchfafe to lend an Ear unto, much lefs to believe , was the caufe 
 great Difcouragement and Affliction to Columbus, Onely Alonfo de guintanilk 
 who was Auditor General, gave him his Diet at his Caterer's Houfe, taking grea 
 pleafure to hear him difcourfe , and promife high Matters, and Riches, whic! 
 were to be fetched from unknown Countries ; and therefore to keep up his Spi 
 rits, he gave him hopes one day to prevail with his Catholick Majefty in his be 
 half; the which he accordingly effected for him, by introducing him firft to th 
 knowledge of Cardinal de Mendoca, Archbiihop of Toledo, who had a great powe 
 and authority both with the King and Queen of Spain. This Noble Perfon fa 
 ving maturely examined and considered of the Propofals which Columbus made 
 procured him an Audience with the King, to whom at firft his Propofitior 
 
 feeme 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 413 
 
 feemed vain Projects , and without foundation , howfoever he received good 
 Words, and hopes of a favourable difpatch, fo foon as the War with Granada 
 fliould be concluded. With this Anfwer Columbus conceived fome fatisfa&ion 
 and began to be effeemed inthe Court, for untill that time the Courtiers tur- 
 ned all his Project into ridicule , and derided it as a Dream , or a melancholy 
 fancy. Granada being at length taken , Columbia renewed his Negotiation with 
 fuch fuccefs, that he obtained his Demand, and a Commiffion to go into the new 
 World for Gold, Silver, Pretious Stones, and other rich and valuable Commo- 
 dities, and to receive and take unto himfelf the twelfth part of all fuch Riches, 
 Royalties and Rents, which he fliould difcover and acquire in thofe unknown 
 Countries , without Damage or Prejudice howfoever to the Right which the 
 King of Portugal pretends to thofe parts. All which Articles of Agreement were 
 made, granted and concluded at Granada on the 30th q[ April, in the year when 
 that City was taken and fubdued, and confirmed in virtue of the holy Faith, and 
 with all the Privileges and Graces of the Royal Favour 5 but in regard the King 
 had no Money wherewith to furnifh Columhu on this expedition* Lewis de St. Angd, 
 Clerk of the Exchequer, lent fix Millions oiMaravedts to him, which make the 
 fum of fixteen thoufand Ducats. And now here are two things particularly ob- 
 fervable, one of which is, that with fo fmall a fum as this all'the Riches of the/»- 
 dies accrued to the Royal Crown of Cafiile. That fo fbon as the Conqueft over 
 the Moors was perfected, the Wars with whom had continued for the fpace of 
 eight hundred years, the Conqueft over the Indians was begun, that fo it may ap- 
 pear how zealous the Spaniards have ever been toexercife, and employ their 
 Arms againft the Enemies of the Faith of Chrift. By which it appears, that by 
 the continued and conftant folicitations which Columbus ufed at the Court for the 
 fpace of feven or eight years before he could procure his difpatch, together with 
 the help of fixteen thoufand Ducats , all Spain, and the whole World hath been 
 enriched. And having now treated of the Royal Aflent, we (hall defcend to more 
 common and particular matters, to evidence the truth of this whole Hiftory. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 The Value of common things before the Conqueft of Peru. 
 
 W Herein the Authour enlarging himfelf by particular inftances, at how cheap 
 a rate all things were valued in Spain, in the fame manner as in the 2d, 
 3d, and 4th Chapters, we have, for brevity fake, thought fit to omit, and for bet- 
 ter divertifement to the Reader we proceed to 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
414 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Wherein Wo Opinions are declared concerning the Riches of 
 Peru, and the beginning of that Conq?ieft. 
 
 HAving already defcribed to what fum the Revenue of Spain did amount in 
 former times, it would now be very fatisfa&ory, if we could give- an ac- 
 count to what a value it is amounted and improved in thefe days*, but I muft 
 confefs, that that would prove too difficult a work for me, who have no intereft 
 or communication with the Officers of the Royal Exchequer, nor fuch intimacy 
 with them, as to obtain fo great a favour, from any of them 5 and indeed I am per- 
 fuaded, that if I had, yet the vaft quantities of Riches which pafs through their 
 Hands are almoft incomprehenfible, and fuch as they cannot number, how much 
 lefs am I insufficient for this matter , who have no skill or knowledge of that Kj 
 Wealth, or, as I may ufe our own Saying, -who know not what colour Flower 
 or Meal bears. Onely this we may aver, as a matter clear and manifeft, that all the 
 charge and expence for equipping out the Fleet againft England, in the Year 1^88. 
 was all charged on the Wealth of Peru; befides which Philip the 2d. King of Ca- 
 fti/e, received eight Millions of Ducats from thence in the fpace of fix years, be- 
 fides all other branches of his Royal Revenue-, the which fum was commanded 
 afterwards to be paid in the term of every three years. It is farther manifeft and 
 apparent, that foon after Philip the third came to the Crown , that the Kingdom 
 offered another increafe of his Revenue to eighteen Millions, payable in the fpace 
 of fix years; the which continues to thefe times, befides all other Rents and Du- 
 ties paid to the Crown: By thefe, and other particular inftances before mentio- 
 ned, we may colled and imagine the great improvement hath been in the King's 
 Revenue ; the feveral branches of which being much more various than thofe of 
 private Eftates, and there having in every one of thofe branches been a confide- 
 rable advance and improvement ; the fum thereof is become fo prodigious and 
 vaft, as can fcarce be valued by the Skill of our Arithmetick. By which we may 
 conclude , that if that Man is to be efteemed poor , who can value his Riches, 
 Pauperis eft numerare pecm, how much muft we be plunged in our account, when 
 we come to reckon, and fum up the Revenue of that Monarch, in the circumfe- 
 rence of whofe Territories (as Coimographers defcribe) the Sun never fets? All 
 which Riches and Grandeur are to be attributed to the fuccefs and labours of this 
 our Triumvirate. 
 
 And though it be true what we have faid before, that we had little acquain- 
 tance or c6mmunication with the Officers of HisMajeflies Royal Exchequer-, yet 
 at length, by the friendfhip which I gained with John de Morales, a Native of Ma- 
 drid, who was a very honeft and intelligent Gentleman-, I procured fome account 
 of the King's Revenue, with which he was pleafed to oblige me, for the better ad- 
 vance of this Hiftory, which I now write ■-, the which was fo difficult a work to 
 him, that he kept me three months before he could fatisfie me therein-, and at 
 laft he delivered me this following account, which I have extracted verbatim from 
 
 his own Paper. " Your Worfliip was pleafed to defire of me, that to ferve a 
 fion of yours, I would fet down in writing the rents and value of 
 
 
 particular occafion 
 
 all his Majefties Revenue-, the which is a bufinefs fo difficult, that I cannot 
 fumm within any tolerable compafs of certainty. And indeed , though the; 
 King hath defired it, and commanded it to be given in, for the better direction 
 and mea fores of his Council of the Treafury, and ordered all to be put into a 
 Book, yet that work is not as yet begun, nor do we know when it will be be- 
 gun, much lefs when it will be ended, for there are fuch vaft Riles and Falls, 
 fuch Advances and Abatements, that nothing can be delivered with any certain- 
 ty," every thing running in fuch different chanels, as is impoffible to reduce them 
 to any coherence of method-, but in the bulk or lump, we may affirm, that 
 
 the 
 
 7 
 
 * 
 
I 
 
 BookL Royal Commentaries. 4Z5 
 
 *Nhe Revenue of the King is a prodigious Mafs of Wealth and Treafure. Thus 
 far are. the Words of Morales, which we have willingly alledged in confirmation 
 of the truth of what we have faid, being defirous not to write any thing but that 
 which we can avouch on good ground and authority. And for farther proof of this 
 difficulty, and how hard a thing it is to fumup the Revenue of this King of >i>»'», 
 now Emperour of the new World, I (hall produce the Teftimony of John Bote™, a 
 great aRd an univerfal Hiftorian, who, after he had made a calculate of the Revenue . 
 of the King off Una, and of the Rents which Galizia, Afiurias and Portugal anciently 
 yielded to the Roman Empire ; with what was the Revenue of the Kings of Navarre, 
 
 France, the EmperOUr, Poland, England, Duke of Lorrain, King of Scotland, Swedeland 
 
 and Gothland; as alfo what was the Income of theHoufe ofAuftria, oftheKingof 
 Narfinga, the Neriffe of Egypt, and of the Gran Signor; yet coming to the Reve- 
 nue of our King of Spain, he is there filent ; for which I can render no other rea- 
 fon, than becaufe this Authour coming to this Account, he found himfelf fo plun- 
 ed and immerfed therein, that he durft not adventure to fathom the fame; not 
 aving, as I imagine, numbers fufficient to fum up the Tribute of his many King- 
 doms, and with them the immenfe Riches imported from Peru. 
 
 And in confirmation of the great Treafure with which Peru hath enriched all 
 the World, I have this farther Teftimony to offer from the moft Reverend Father 
 Bon Paulo de Lagma, who was Prefident of the Council of his Majefty's Exche- 
 quer, and afterwards Prefident of the Council of the Indies, and Vice-king of the 
 New World, and in the Year 1603. was elected Bifhop of Cordova; this great 
 Perfon difcourfing one day with his Confeflbur, and others, concerning the im- 
 menfe Riches of Peru, did confidently affirm, that from one Mountain onely of 
 Peru, there had been tranfported into Spain, untill the Year 1602. two hundred 
 Millions of Pieces of Eight, which had been regiftred; and that at lead one hun- 
 dred Millions more had been imported without Regifter ; And I can farther add, 
 
 (laid he) that twenty five Millions in Gold and Silver have been brought into Spain by one 
 Fleet in my time.' The Standers-by hearing this, anfwered, IVe could never believe it, 
 my Lord, but that we receive it from fo authentic^ an Authour at your Lord/hip. what I 
 fay, replied the Bilhop, I know for a certain truth; and moreover I afrure you, that all 
 the Kings of Spain, joined together from King Pelayo to thefe times, have not been Ma- 
 kers offo much Money as King Philip the 2d. hath been. After which teftimony from 
 
 fo great a perfon, we ihall not need to add, or require farther proofs for what we 
 have alledged. 
 
 But fucn as look on the Riches of Pent with more than a common Eye, are of 
 opinion, that they have rather been hurtfull than good or beneficial to Mankind; 
 for that Riches have been the caufe of Vice, and not of Vertue, having inclined 
 the Nature of Men to Pride and Ambition, to Gluttony and Luxury •, for enjoying 
 an affluence of Fortune, they have given themfelves up to Sloth, and Effeminacy, 
 becoming neither fit for Government in the times of Peace, nor yet for Hardlhip 
 and Labour in the times of War, employing their whole thoughts and time in 
 contriving new Dimes , and Liquours, to pleafe their Appetite, and fantaftical 
 Fafhions for their Clothing; in which they are arrived to that height of extrava- 
 gance, that they fcarce know what to wear, and are come to that undecency of 
 Drefs, that their Habit is more correfpondent to Women than to Men. And 
 as the Rents of the Rich have been raifed to maintain the Lufts and riotous Li- 
 ving of great Perfons, fo have the Poor been oppreffed, and reduced to Rags, and 
 Famine, to fupport the Pride and Luxury of their Landlords. And the truth is, 
 the Poor are become much more poor than formerly, for the quantity of Money 
 being increafed, which is all accumulated into the Coffers of the Rich, hath en- 
 hanfed the price of Provifions and Commodities to that degree, that the Poor 
 ftarve by the abundance of the Rich ; and though the Rich have a plenty of Mo- 
 ney, and may out of their great ftores enlarge their Charities towards the Poor-, 
 
 vet their Alms do not anfwer the price of Provifions which the plenty of Money 
 nath raifed in the World ; fo in lhort they conclude, that the Riches of the new 
 World not having increafed the Provifions neceffary for the fupport of humane 
 Life, but rather ferved to make them dear, and Men effeminate, having enfeebled 
 them in their Bodies and Underftandings, and debauched them in their Habits and 
 Cuftoms of living, the generality of Mankind is become much worfe, and leis 
 contented, and having been formidable, and dreaded in ancient times by all die 
 World, are now rendred mean and effeminate by the corruption of their Riches. 
 
 I i i Now 
 
a 2 6 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 Now as to thefe two Opinions, I leave every one free to follow' that v. Inch 
 feems beft to him. For I being a party, and biafied by affe&ion to my own 
 Countrey, dare neither pretend to favour that which applauds the grandeur and 
 glory which Peru hath brought to Spain, nor yet oppofe the other, left I mould 
 ieem partial, and too affectionate to my own Caufe. And fo we (hall proceed 
 and take the thread of our Hiftory, paffing by divine favour through the beginning, 
 middle and end of this famous Triumvirate. 
 
 We fay then, that thefe three great Men having entred into an Agreement and 
 Society together, and affigned to each other his feveral and diftinft Charge and 
 Office. The firft thing they did was to build two Ships, upon one of which Fran- 
 cis PihOrrt, in the Year \s z S- departed from Panama with an hundred and four- 
 teen Men, by licenfe and permiifion of the Govemour Peter Aria* de Avila, and 
 having failed about an hundred Leagues, they arrived at a Countrey very moun- 
 tainous , and fubjedl to Rains .• The Natives were as fierce and rugged as the 
 Countrey they inhabited, and in great numbers (allied forth to join Battel with 
 the Spaniards, of which they killed forne^ and in four Skirmifhes Pkarro received 
 (even wounds, with Arrows, but he being well armed, none of them proved mor- 
 tal •, howfoever they were forced to leave the Countrey, to their great difcourage 
 ment , repenting now of the defign they had undertaken. Almagro foon after- 
 wards departed from Panama, in queft of Pkarro , and coming to the fame Land 
 which was appointed for their Rendezvous, "were entertained with the like treat- 
 ment-, for the Indians being flefhed by the fuccefs of the late Skirmifhes, {allied 
 out againft the Spaniards with like courage, and having killed many of them, and 
 beaten out one of the Eyes of Almagro, he was forced likewife to leave the Coun- 
 trey; but what land or part this was, the Spanijh Hiftorians do not tell us: At 
 length Almagro going in fearch of Pkarro, joined with him at Ch'mchama, where! 
 they agreed again to land their Men," but this Countrey proving as mountainous, 
 and as fubjed to Rain as the other, and the People no lefs fierce and warlike,! 
 fallying out upon them in great numbers, forced them again to retreat unto 
 their Ships, beftowing on them a thoufand Curfes and Reproaches at their de- 
 parture. All which is related at large by Lopez de Gomara, to whom I refer the 
 Reader, in cafe he defires to know more particulars of that Expedition. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 How Almagro returned twice to Panama for Succour aw 
 Recruits. 
 
 AFter this ill fuccefs Almagro returned to Panama for new Recruits, at* 
 brought with him eighty Men-, and yet for all this force the two Captair 
 durft not attempt the Conqueft of any Countrey, by reafon that the Natives mad 
 a bold and ftout refiftence % howfoever failing along by the Sea Coaff , they cam 
 at length to a Countrey called Cat amen, which was plain and level, without moot 
 tains, and abounding with fuch quantities of Provilions, that they furnifbed theiti 
 felves with all things neceflary for humane fuftenance-, and there obierving th; 1 
 the Indians wore great Studs and Plates of Gold on their Faces, with fine Emt 
 raids and Turquoifes , the Spaniards became again elevated in their hopes , n< 
 doubting now but to make a good Voyage , and to gain Riches and Wealth t 
 their full fatisfaclion. But foon after the Spaniards loft the hopes and expectsric 
 of all their imaginary Wealth, fo foon as they faw the Indians come down upr 
 them in great numbers, with good Orders, and with defire and courage to figh 
 with Which the Spaniards became fo difcouraged, that they durft not engage wii 
 diem 3 and though they were at leaft two hundred and fifty Men, yet by commc 
 
 co: 
 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 4Z7 
 
 confent they departed, and landed at a certain Ifland, called the Cock Ifland? 
 where having remained for leveral days, fometimes in hopes, and again deprefled 
 with fear, as their different Rencounters and Succefles were promifing, or adverfe, 
 they began for the moft part to defpond, and wi(h they had never adventured on 
 the Enterprife 5 onely the Captains and Commanders remained firm and conftant 
 to their firft Defign, refolving either to overcome, or dye in their Enterprife: 
 With this determination they agreed that Pkarro (hould continue in the Iiland } 
 and that Almagro (hould return to Panama, to fetch Provifions, and more Recruits 5 
 but many of the Souldiers growing weary and timorous, defired to return with 
 him ; which Almagro refufed to admit , or to carry Letters, left the Souldiers ad- 
 vifirg the dangers and hazards they had fuftained to their Friends at Panama, 
 (hould bring a Difreputation and Difcouragement on their whole Defign, which 
 they had formerly magnified, having cried up the vaft Treafures of thofe unknown 
 Countries: In purfuitof which the refolute Conftancy which thefe Chiefs had 
 (hewed enhanfed the eftimate of thofe hidden Riches. 
 
 But whatever the Captains could doe to hinder the Intelligence which the Soul- 
 diers might give of their Difaftures to Panama, they could not prevent or difap- 
 point the Advices, which Men in Diftrefs contrived to fend for their Relief-, for 
 a certain Perfon, who was a Native otTrxxillo, and for being of the fame Cbun- 
 trey with Pkarro, had greater Obligations to follow the Fortune of his Leader, 
 found out a way to fold up a Paper within a bottom of Cotton Yarn, made up in 
 the bignefs of an Egg, in which Writing all the Difaftures, and ill Succefles of 
 their adventure were related, being directed to a certain Friend, fubfcribed by ma- 
 ny of the Souldiers, giving an account of fuch as were dead, and flain, and of the 
 prefent (traits and neceflities they were in, as alfo of their Confinement, not be- 
 ing fuftered to return to Panama; at the foot of which Advice, or Intelligence, 
 thefe four Verfes were written , 
 
 Good Mr. Governour, 
 We fray you confider, 
 Tii at there goes the F etcher, 
 And here ft ays the Butcher. 
 
 I remember, that when I was a Child I often heard thefe Verfes repeated, when- 
 foever Difcourfcs occafionally were made concerning the Conqueft of the New 
 World, which became afterwards like a Proverb, or old Saying, frequent in the 
 Mouth of every one •■> and in reality they proved very prejudicial to thefe Chiefs, 
 whofe Defign was wholly loft, and all the Money they had fpent, and Labours 
 they fuftained, came all to nothing: When afterwards I came into Spain, and 
 found thofe Verfes inferted in the Hiftory of Lopez, de Gomara, I was much plea- 
 fed to fee them there recorded, becaufe I remembred to have heard them in the . 
 times when I was in the Indies. 
 
 I i i 2 C H A P. 
 
4*8 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 CHAP. IX 
 
 Pi<jarro is forjaken by all his Souldiers, onely thirteen Com- 
 panions remain with him. 
 
 WHen Jlmagro returned to Panama, it was then about a year fince this En- 
 terprife was firft begun, at which time he found a new Governour, called 
 Pedro de los Rios, a Gentleman of Cordova, who having received and perufed the Peti- 
 tion of the Souldiers, he fent a certain Judge, called Tafur, to the Cock Illand, with 
 Commiifion to free all fuch as mould be defirous to return unto Panama. This 
 Report being rumoured abroad, fuch as before had engaged themfelves to go with 
 jlmagro, began to withdraw themfelves, faying, that fince thofe who were alrea- 
 dy on the place, were weary of their Employment, and defirous to return home, 
 it would be to little purpofe for them to take up the Cudgels which the others 
 had laid down 5 the which misfortune Almagro greatly lamented, having loft all 
 his hopes-, and Pkarro, when he found himfelf abandoned , and forfaken of all 
 his Men, without regard to that Faith and Engagement of Articles by which they 
 had aflociated themfelves with him, he remained perplexed, and diftra&ed with 
 great confufion of Mind 5 at length plucking up his courage, that he might di- 
 ftinguilh who were for him, and who were againft him •, he laid his hand upon 
 his Sword, and drew it, and with the point thereof he drew a Line on the ground, 
 towards Peru, and turning to his Men, faid to them : 
 
 " Fellow Souldiers, This Line fignifies the Labours, Hunger, Thirft, Weari- 
 " nefs, Wounds, Sicknefles, and all other Dangers and Hazards which are to be 
 " fuftained to procure this great Conqueft, even to the lofs perhaps of Life it- 
 u felf: Whofoever finds himfelf endued with Courage fufficient to undergo this 
 " great Trial, and whofe Heroick Soul is capable of the generous Thoughts of 
 " this Noble Conqueft, let him, in token, and for evidence of his brave Spirit, 
 " pais on the other fide of this Line, which (hall ferve for a Teftimony between 
 " me and them of their Faith and Refolution ; and let fuch as find in themfelves 
 " a Cowardly Spirit, and a Soul too mean for fo fublime an A&ion , let them 
 " return to Panama; for my part, I will force no Man, being refolved to remain 
 " here my felf with thofe few that will be my Companions, not doubting but 
 " that God, for the Glory and Honour of his moft holy Name, will fo aflift us 
 " with his Divine Providence, that we lhall find no want of thofe who out of 
 " Fear and Coward ife forfake us. 
 
 The Spaniards having heard the conclufion of this Speech, immediately halted 
 aboard with all fpeed imaginable , left any unlucky accident (hould prevent their 
 return to Panama •, for as the difficulty and fear of Labour is always more prevalent 
 in mean and poor Spirits, than the thoughts of Honour, or hopes of Riches , fo 
 thefe vile and abjeft Souls forfook their generous Captain, who would have con- 
 dueled them to the height of eternal Fame, to return ignominioufly with their 
 Judge. Howfoever thirteen remained for Companions with Pkarro, who could 
 not be corrupted or difcouraged by the ill examples of the Fugitives, but rather 
 having their Hearts and Spirits more enflamed with Difdain againft the cowardly 
 and t>afe, they courageoully pafled the Line which Pkarro had drawn with his 
 Sword, and there renewed their Vows and Proteftations, of Conftancy and Faith, 
 promifing to live and dye with their Captain and generous Leader. 
 
 Pkarro having returned them Thanks, and promifed them the Prizes and Re- 
 ward's of their Conquefts, they pafled over in a Boat to another Illand, called the 
 Gorgona, where they endured great want of all Provifions, living for feveral months 
 and days on no other fuftenance than with Sea-weeds, and great Serpents, and 
 other creeping Creatures , of which that Illand yields great abundance % and is 
 miferably infefted with Rains , and fubjeft to terrible Lightnings and Thunder ; 
 
 in 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 429 
 
 in which fad and difmal place and condition they fuffered Miferies beyond ex- 
 preflion. Of all thefe thirteen brave Heroes Gmara makes mention but of two 
 onely » I know not his reafon for it, or why he omits to name the other eleven; 
 but now I think on't, I have obferved that it is the common omifiion and defect 
 oiSfanijh Writers, not to reckon particularly the Heroes of their Countrey by 
 name, for they ought to declare their Names and Surnames, their Families, Coun- 
 tries and Parentage, that the memory of fuch Perfons, famous in their Generation 
 for the Conqueft of a new World, may be conferved unto all Ages, and their 
 Families boaft in the honour of being allied to fuch Anceftours. The two which 
 Comara mentions are Peter de Candia, who was not a Spaniard neither, but ZGreel^ 7 
 and Bartholomew Ruyz de Moguer, a Native of Moguer , and Pilot in this Naviga- 
 tion and Voyage. But Carate was more accurate in his Relation, for befides the 
 
 tWO former he names feven Others, viz. Nicholas de Ribera, fohn de la Torre, Alonfo 
 Brifetmo, all Natives otVcnavente, Chrifiopher de Per alt a , a Native of Baeca, Alonfo 
 de Truxillo, Francis de Cuellar, a Native oiCuella, and Alonfo de Molina, born at 
 Vbeda. Befides which recited by this Writer, there was another Ribera, compa- 
 nion to the former, whofe Name I have forgotten, perhaps it might be feronimo 
 or Alonfo, but to diftinguifh them one from the other , they ufually called them 
 Ribera the Senior, and Riber 'a the Junior -, not that one was much elder than the 
 other in years, but by reafon of their feniority in the Society with Pkarro, for one 
 of them was in the number of the firft Adventurers which came from Panama, and 
 the other was of the fecond or third Expedition, which came thence with Alma- 
 %ro; all which particulars I learned in my own Countrey from thofe who dif- 
 courfed of thofe times, and were for the moft part Eye-witnefles of the matter of 
 faift; both which Ribera* had their Shares and Divifions of Indian's made to them 
 mCixdadReal, where they left Sons and Daughters, educated with, all Goodnefs 
 and Vertue. He whom Carate calls Alonfo Truxillo, was fames, for I was well ac- 
 quainted with him, and know that he had Lands and Pofleflions given him in; 
 Cotco, and that in the Year 1560. when I departed from that City, he was ftill 
 living. Moreover Francis Rodrigues of Villa Fume near Cozco, was another of the 
 thirteen, and one of the firft which pafled the Line, which, as we have faid, Al- 
 magro drew with the point of his Sword , and was living in the year abovefaid, 
 onely two are wanting of the thirteen, whofe Names we know not. And thus 
 •much we have faid to illuftrate the Hiftory of Carate, in honour to thofe Fami- 
 lies, whofe Off-fpring may well boaft to have been defcended from fuch famous 
 Anceftours. The like particulars I (hall mention in other paflages, where I find 
 that spani/h Writers have been defective, that fo the Reader may receive entire 
 (ausfa&ion in this Hiftory. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
a->o Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 C H A P. X. 
 
 Francis Pi^arro proceeds in bis Conquefl. 
 
 Pl^arro and his thirteen Companions remained many Months in the Ifland of 
 ' Gorgona, enduring great hardthips in that Countrey where are perpetual 
 Rains, without Houfe or Tent, or any thing to cover them, and where the beft 
 and choiceft of their food was nothing but the flefti of great Serpents; fo that it 
 feemed, as if God had Curtained them by a miracle-, and indeed the Divine Pro- 
 vidence appeared moft wonderfully in putting it into the Hearts of all , befides 
 thefe thirteen, to return, to demonftrate unto the World, that this Conquefl: was 
 not effected by Humane, but by Divine Aid 5 for it is hardly conceivable how, 
 humanely fpeaking, it mould enter into the minds of thirteen Men onely, toad! 
 venture on the Conquefl of Peru. Of which therefore we can give no other Ac- 
 count, than onely that the Divine Mercy compafllonating the Mileries and Ig- 
 norances of thofe Gentiles, was pleafed to incite and inflame a fire of Courage in 
 the Breads of thofe Spaniards, fitted for fuch an Enterprife-, for as God did under 
 the Old Teftament infufe ftrength and virtue into the Locks otSampfo, fo now 
 he was pleafed by fuch weak means as thefe to bring Light out of Darknefs, and 
 make vyay for the eftufion and fpreading of his Holy Gofpel. 
 
 At the end of many Months (for a difgatch could not be fooner made) die 
 Ship arrived which Almagro fent with Provifions, but without Men ; a misfortune 
 fo difcouraging, that one might believe they would rather have been induced to 
 return home, than perfift in their refolution. But God fo influenced their Minds 
 with ftrange hopes, that they figured unto themfelves a concurrence of all hap- i 
 py Omens in their favour, for they no fooner faw the Ship, than that they refol- 
 ved to proceed in their Voyage, and difcover at lead what Countrey and what 
 People they were, who inhabited under the Equinoctial , a Region as yet un- 
 known to the Spaniards: With thefe Intentions they embarked, and at length 
 with much labour they got out of the Golf in which they were embayed-, for 
 both the South wind , which always blows in , and the Current , which always 
 fets from North to South , made it very difficult to furmount both one and the 
 other-, for indeed it is a wonderfull thing to fee, and it were well if it were de- 
 fcribedin our Maps, for the benefit of Navigation , in what manner, and with 
 what rapidnefs thofe Streams run; for with the violence of the Waves, and force i'l 
 of the Current, they make fuch a noife, and raife fuch a froth, as is moft terrible , 
 to behold , and is dangerous to Ships , which being fucked in by thofe Whirl-B 
 pools, are certainly loft. Many of thefe Currents caft up the earth and flime 
 from the bottom, that the Waters are very thick and turbid, others are clear and 
 limpid -, fome are large and broad, and others narrow , but that which is moft 
 ftrange to fee, is the vaft difference of one Water from the other? that is of one 
 Water which runs with a fwift Stream from that which is frill, or runs flowly; 
 the Waters on each fide are quiet , and feem like a Wall to the rapid Stream 
 which runs in the middle, the reafon of which I cannot comprehend. It is fuffi- 
 cient for our purpofe to tell you, that their Navigation over fuch Currents, and 
 in an unknown Sea, for many Days and Months, was very difficult -, and there- 
 fore we cannot fufficiently applaud the courage of thefe thirteen Companions; 
 who would ftill adventure, and ftruggle under all thefe Difcouragements. They 
 differed much by hunger, for being but few in number, they were cautious of ha- 
 zarding themfelves amongft the Indians, onely they fometimes watched an oppor 
 tunity to get Food and Provifions by fteakh and robbery, rather than by force 0! 
 Arms, or open appearance. ' , 
 
 CHAP 
 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 43 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 How Piprro, ami bis thirteen Companions , arrived in 
 Peru. 
 
 AT the end of two years, after they had quitted the Ifland ofGorgona, for 
 fo long they had been in making their Difcoveries on theCoaft, noc 
 blowing well whither they went, during which time we will leave the Rea- 
 der to conlider what Diftrefles and Hardships they fuftained, all which other 
 Hiftorians omit , not counting the fleps , and degrees by which thefe Adven- 
 turers proceeded. At length I fay, they arrived ztTumpiz,, where it pleafed 
 God to work a Miracle, that thole people might receive, and embrace trie Ca- 
 tholick Faith, which was this; the Ship being nere arrived, the Spaniards obfer- 
 ved that the Countrey was well peopled, and adorned with many goodHoufes, 
 and more (lately Buildings, than any they had feen in other parts, became very 
 [jdefirous to make a farther difcovery ; but how to contrive it was very difficult, 
 "ar they were fearfull to fend one man fingly, left he mould be killed by the Wi- 
 ns, nor durft they adventure in a Body, for fear of the like fate; at length to 
 end the Difpute, Peter de Candia being full of Courage and Chriftian confidence, 
 [offered himfelf on this Adventure, telling his Companions, that in cafe he were 
 [killed, their lofs would not be much, conlidering that he was but a fingle perfbn, 
 and that if he came well off, the greater would be the Wonder and the Vi&ory 5 
 [which having fa id , he immediately covered his Body with a Coat of Mail, 
 i?hich reached to his Knees, and put on a Helmet of the beft and braveft fort, he 
 Jrt his Sword by his fide, took his Target of Steel in his left hand, and in the 
 i right he bore a wooden Grafs of about a yard and a half long, which being the 
 jfignal of his Redemption, he confided more therein than in his Arms of Steel or 
 I Iron. This Peter of Candia was a very tall Man, and though I did never fee him, 
 yet his Son, . with whom I went to School at Beaba, (hewed me the proportion 
 of his Father in himfelf; for being a Boy, but of eleven or twelve years of age, 
 was as big as another of twice that age. In this drefs Peter de Candia left his Com- 
 panions, defiling their Prayers and Recommendations of him unto God, and then 
 with a grave and ferious Countenance and Pace he walked towards the Inhabi- 
 tants, with as much Majefty as if he had been Lord Paramount of all that Pro- 
 vince. The Indians, who were in great confufion at the Arrival of the Ship, were 
 much more affrighted when they (aw a Man fo tall, and of fo vaft a proportion, 
 ' covered all with Iron, with a Beard on his Face, which had never been known 
 1 or feen before amongil them. • Thofe who met him in the Fields ran away, and 
 1 gave an Allarm to their People, and all taking Arms, ran into their Caftle or For- 
 trefs, which was fpeedily filled with crowds -, but Peter (fill continued his grave 
 Countenance, and Pace towards them, which when they faw, they were in great 
 I admiration, none daring to hurt him, for they believed that he was fome divine 
 I or heavenly Apparition •-, but to prove what manner of thing he was, the Curacat, 
 or Lords, agreed to try him with the Lien and Tyger which Huayna Capac had re- 
 commended to their Cuftody, (as we have already related in the Hiftory of his 
 Life, ) which when they had let loofe, they expected that they fhould kill and 
 1 tear him in pieces •, but this (lory is briefly related by Peter de Cie$a, in the Ac- 
 ', count he gives of the Conquefts and Actions of Huayna Capac in this great Pro- 
 | vince of TumpU, the which I thought fit to tranferibe word for word, that fo I 
 might have the leftimony of a Spmijh Authour, in confirmation of the truth 
 of what I have wrote, and with the lame occafion defcribe the beauty of that 
 pleafant Valley of Tumbiz,, for lb that Authour writes. " In regard, faith he, 
 I that the Inhabitants of the Ifle of 1'nna were always at variance with the Na- 
 tive? 
 
45 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 tivesof Tumbez, the Captains of the Inga built a Fortrefs, which perhaps they 
 deiigned with intention to employ the People, and divert their Minds from 
 their unreafonable Wars and Debates. So foon as this Fortrefs was finifhed 
 Guayna. Capal came thither, and commanded that a Temple lhould be built, 
 and dedicated to the Sun, near to the Fortrefs of Tumbez, and that two hun- 
 dred Virgins, chofen out of the moft beautifull Ladies belonging to Noble 
 Families of that Countrey, mould have their Lodgings therein. In this For- 
 trefs (of which there remain fome Ruines to this day) Guayna Capac did, by 
 his Deputy gather and colled the Tributes of the People, and laid them up 
 there, with many pretious Jewels, as alfo all Provisions for the Souldiersof the 
 Garrifon, and for thofe which marched that way ; alfo they report, that in 
 this Fortrefs the Lion and Tiger were kept, which had been fent thither by 
 Guayna Capac, and were the fame which they let loofe upon Pedro de Candla, 
 with intent that they might tear him in pieces, at that time when Francis Pi~ 
 farro came firft to this Countrey, with his thirteen Companions, to make a 
 Difcovery of Peru. In this Fortrefs of Tumbez, were many Silver- fmiths, which 
 made Veflels of Gold and Silver, and other pieces of rare Workmanftiip for 
 fervice and ornament of the Temple, which they efteemed holy and fan&i- 
 fied, as alfo for fervice and honour of the l»ca; and for his perpetual Fame 
 and lading Memory, they plated all the Walls of this Temple with panes of 
 Gold and Silver. And the Women which were dedicated to the fervice of 
 the Temple had no other employment than to fpin, and weave the fineft fprt 
 of their Wool, which they performed with great curiofity. And in regard 
 we have in the fecond Part of this Hiftory related as much as we could under- 
 ftand, or had reafon to believe, concerning the Kingdom of Peru , from the 
 time of Mango Capac , who was the firft to the time ofGuafcar, who wasi 
 the laft King that defcended by lawfull Succeflion 5 we (hall add no farther in 1 
 this Chapter, than what will ferve to illuftrate this Hiftory. 
 
 Thus far the Words of Peter de Cieca, collected out of that part of his Hiftc* •■ 
 ry, wherein he treats of the great Riches ofTumpiz, and of the wild Beafts which 
 they fet upon Peter de Candia, but proceeds no farther, referving the remainder of 
 his Story to be related in the third Part of his Works, which have not as yet 
 been publtfhed to the World. 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 492 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of the Miracle which God wrought in Tumpiz. 
 
 BUT to return unto our purpofe: We fay, That thofe wild Beafts behold- 
 ing the Chriftian, and the Crofs which he held in his hand, immediately 
 loft their natural fiercenefs, and as if they had been two Dogs which he had bred 
 up, came and fawned upon him, and caft themfelves at his Feet. Peter de Cmdla, 
 considering this Miracle which God had wrought for him, took courage, and 
 iftroked them on the Head and Sides , laying the Crols upon them -, whereby 
 the(e Gentiles might underftand, that by virtue of that Standard the favage Beafts 
 had loft their ferocity, and were made tame. The Indians feeing this Wonder, 
 conceived that Peter was no mortal Man, but defcended from Heaven and from 
 che Sun, and therefore with common confent adored him as a Child of their God 
 ■the Sun, bringing him into their Temple, which was lined with broad plates of 
 Gold, that fo he might be informed in what manner they honoured and worfhip- 
 ped his Father in that Countrey. 
 
 I And having ihewed him their Temple, with the Veflels of Gold and Silver, 
 and other Ornaments and Riches which were for the fervice of it, ihey conducted 
 him to the Royal Lodgings of his Brothers the Incas, whom they efteemed alfo for 
 Children of the Sun. Then they lead him through all the Palace, that he might 
 fee the fquare Halls, the Chambers, and Antichambers, together with the furni- 
 ture of Gold and Silver 5 they ftiewed him alfo all the Veflels which were for fer- 
 vice of the Inca, fuch as Jars, and Cups, and Pots, all which, even to the Shovels 
 and Tongs of the Kitchin were all of Gold and Silver. Then they brought him 
 into the Gardens, where he faw Trees, and letter Plants, and Herbs, and wild 
 Beafts, and creeping things, fuch as we have faid were placed in the Royal Gardens, 
 which were all made in Gold and Silver , at which the Chriftian was as much 
 aftonifhed, as the Indians were to fee a Man fo ftrange, and wonderfull as he ap- 
 peared unto them. 
 
 P 
 
 K k k CHAP. 
 
424' Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Peter dc Candia informs bk Companions of what he had 
 feen, and therewith they all return unto Panama. 
 
 PEter eU Candia being abundantly fatisfied with what he had feen, returned 
 with all Joy imaginable to his Companions, taking much larger fteps back, 
 than his gravity allowed him in his march towards the people; He then informed 
 them of all which had pafled, and what immenfe Riches he had feen, at which 
 his Companions remained with aftonifhment, being fcarce able to give credit to 
 his Relation ? howfoever being ready to believe what they fo much defired, they 
 were abundantly fatisfied with the Labours they had formerly fuftained in queft 
 of thofe mighty Treafures, and Riches, promifing unt© themfelves the pofleffion 
 and enjoyment thereof, had they but the fortune to entice and perfuade Men to C 
 adventure for them. And having thus difcovered what they defired , and more *• 
 than they expected, they returned to Panama, having not force fufficient to pro- 
 ceed farther. Auguftin Carate reports, that three Spaniards remained on the place, 
 after the others were departed-, or, as Lopez dc Gomata fays, but two, who out of 
 a curiofity of feeing thofe Riches which Peter de Candta had mentioned, or out of 
 a covetous defire of gaining fome of them, in cafe they were fuch as were repor- 
 ted, refufed to return with their other Companions. But it is not known what 
 afterwards became of them, the Spanijh Hiftorians fay, that they were killed by 
 the Indians, but that is not probable, becaufe they were worshipped and adored 
 by them as defcended from the Sun - 7 but it may rather be fuppofed that they dyed 
 of Sicknefs, that Coaft being very unhealthfull for the Bodies of Strangers-, and 
 thefe being thofe who perifhed from the number of the thirteen, dying, as is be' 
 lieved amongft the Indians, their Memory was forgotten, and no mention made 
 of them in the Exploits recounted of the other Companions. Thefe thirteen Spa- 
 niards confumed at lead three Years in the difcovery of Peru, as the Spanijh Aa- 
 thours tefUfie. Auguftin Carate, in the id. Chapter of his firft Book, hath thefe 
 Words: " Having made thefe Difcoveries in the fpace of three Years, they re- 
 :t turned to Panama, during which time they fuftained much hardfhip, and under- 
 " went many Dangers j they endured Want, and Hunger, and received Wounds 
 " in their Skirmifhes with the Indians-, but moft of all, their preateft difappoint-, 
 " ments proceeded from their own civil Difcords and Diffentions, the which Pi- 
 " $arro did often by his prudence and gentlenefs accommodate and appeafe -, giving 
 " them great encouragement by the affurances he made them of the faithfulnefs 
 " and diligence oiAlmagro, who was making provisions of Victuals, of Men, 
 " Horfe and Arms -, and indeed Almagro and Picarro were bosh fo cordial, and 
 * zealous in this Defign, that they fjtered neither 'their Eftates, nor their Lives in 
 " this Adventure, having made themfelves poor and indebted, who were before 
 " the richeft of their Countrey. Thus far are the Words of Carate -^ likewife Gt- 
 mara avouches the like in this manner. " Francis Picarro fpent three years in this 
 " Difcovery of Peru, having undergone great Hard lhips, and Labours, with Hun- 
 " ger, Perils, Fears, and many other ftraits. And fo concludes the Chapter. 
 
 Amongft the many acute and witty Sayings which are recounted of this famous 
 Captain Francis Picarro, and that which he would often ufe, when he perceivec 
 that his Companions were wearied, and difcouraged with various Labours they 
 fuftained in this Difcovery, and alfo afterwards, when they were entred on the 
 Conqueft, he would often fey, Miferable are we who harafs and wear out our [elves t, 
 gain ft range Empires and Kingdoms, which neither we our [elves, nor our Children, butm 
 
 know not who, [hall enjoy them. This Saying I have often heard reported from th< 
 mouih of thofe who were Ear-Witneffes thereof, and who were Companion; 
 with him in thofe Exploits. Likewife thofe very Conquerours would often re 
 peat that faying, when after the Conqueft the civil Wars arofe between Goncal 
 
 Picarr 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 435 
 
 Pkarro and Francis Hernandez Giron, in which moft of them were (lain 5 and in re- 
 gard that Saying appeared a moft univerfal Truth, every one would take it for his 
 own-, but certain it is, that it was the true prediction of Captain Francis Picarro, 
 to the truth of which I alfo am able to give an Atteftation, . 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Picarro makes a Voyage into Spain, and demands Aid for 
 the Conqueft of Peru. 
 
 F Rands Ptfarro returning with all poflible diligence to Panama, acquainted Die 
 go di}Almagro, and Hernandez Luque, the Schoolmafter, his two Fellow-un- 
 dertakers., with the immenfe and incredible Riches which they had difcovered; 
 with which News being overjoyed and encouraged, they agreed that Francis PP. 
 , cuno mould make a Voyage into Spain , to defire a Commiflion from the Em- 
 ,perour, Charles the jth. for the Conqueft and Government of that Countrey 
 which they had difcovered. But thefe three Aflociates had fo wafted and 
 1 confumed their Eftates in this late Undertaking, that they had nothing remaining 
 of all their own Fortunes, but were forced to borrow, and take up a thoufand 
 1 Crowns in Gold to defray the charge of this Voyage. Francis Picarro delivered 
 : in to the Council of the Indies a relation in writing, wherein he gave information 
 : to His Majefty of all that he had feen, fupplicating, that in consideration of his 
 former Pains and Labours in theDifcovery, and alfo of the Hazards and Expences 
 i he was for the future to undergo and fuftain in the Conqueft, adventuring the 
 Bloud and Riches of his Kindred and Friends, to gain an addition of new King- 
 doms and Treafiire to the Imperial Crown of His Majefty, He would be grati- 
 oufly pleafed to grant him the Government of that Countrey. Many that heard 
 Picarro publifti and boaft of fuch immenfe Riches and Treafure, did believe that 
 it was onely a Sham, or a Decoy to invite Men to adventure with them, but a 
 few years after verified the truth of his whole Narrative. In anfvver to this Peti- 
 tion His Majefty was pleafed to confer upon him all thofe Countries which he 
 1 mould conquer, with Title of Lord Lieutenant of Peru, as alfo of Captain Gene- 
 ral, and Governour of all thofe Countries which the Spaniards fhould conquer in 
 Peru, which then they called New Caflile, to diftinguifh it from thofe parts which 
 were named New Spain, both being gained after the fame manner-, that is, ag 
 Strangers fay, at the coft of Fools, and Madmen, and defperate Fellows. 
 
 Francis Picarro, to whofe Name hereafter we will add the Title of Don, becaufe 
 in the Commiflion from His Majefty that Honour is inferted •■, for in thofe times 
 the Title of Don was onely prefixed before the Names of Noble Perfons, and was 
 not half fo common as it is now, when every little fellow aflumes it, and the very 
 Indians, whether Noble, or not, in imitation of the Spaniards , give themfelves 
 that Title, and are called by it. We (hall alfo hereafter call Diego Almagro Don- 
 Diego, for having been a Companion with Picarro in his Enterprifes, and equal to 
 ■ him in all his Undertakings, we cannot in Juftice deny unto him a lhare of his 
 Honours. 
 
 Don Frantis therefore having received his Commiflion, and fitted all things ne- 
 ceflary for his Voyage •-, and being accompanied with four of his Brothers, and 
 many other Perfons of Quality of the Province of Eflremadura, he embarked at 
 Seville, and having a quick and profperous paflage, he happily arrived at Panama : 
 But Don Diego was much diflatisfied to underftmd that Don Francis had appropria- 
 ted all thofe Titles and Honours unto himfelf , and not made him a fharer with 
 him in thofe Offices, and Places of Truft, which were conferred by Commiflion 
 from his Majefty, forgetting that he had equally fuffered with him in all the La- 
 
 K k k z bours 
 
4^6 Royal Commentaner. Book I. 
 
 bours and Dangers which offered in the Difcovery t And in regard that Don Di- 
 ego had fpent more Wealth than he , having been much richer, and loft an Eye 
 in the Service, he appeared not onely equal, but to have greater Merit than Pi- 
 
 carro. . 
 
 Thefe difgufts were heightned by others, who aggravated the unkindnefs and 
 negleft of Pkarro towards his Companions, alledging, that from a natural Ambi- 
 tion he had appropriated all the Trails and Dignities to himfelf-, for which caufe 
 thefe two Companions became much eftranged one from the other, untill fome 
 Friends interpofing between them, fo reconciled matters, that they both agreed, 
 and proceeded in their Enterprise-, howfoever the Quarrel was not fo well made 
 up, but that there remained fome reliques of if, for that though the Provifions 
 were made, and all tilings put into a readinefs ■■, yet Don Diego could not fo forget 
 his Injuries, as to apply his mind with that zeal and warmnefs in his Office of ma- 
 king Provitions , as he had formerly exercifed, which Hernando Picarr.o more re- 
 fenting than any other, and being a Man of a hot and fiery temper, did utter more 
 harm Language aga'inft Don Diego than any other, reproaching his ■Brother, and 
 often charging him to be the caufe of all the Wants and Hardihips they fuftaineaS 
 to which Almagros Brother replied, That Don Diego had reafon to be remifs in his 
 Supplies , and that it could not be expected that he lhould be fo diligent in their 
 concernment, who had been fo baffled and neglefted --, and that though it were 
 true, that according to Articles he was to (hare in one moiety of tfci i Conqueft, 
 yet being a Gentleman, and of a generous Soul, he more efteemed of Honour and 
 Government, than of all the Wealth and Treafure in the.Univerfe.. From whence 
 arofe fuch a mortal Hatred between Hern ando Pkarro VT\d Don Diego da Almagro; 
 which was never appeafed , untill one kiHed. the other. . i Howfoever 'the Diffo : t 
 rence for the prefent was falved up by the Interceffion of fome fober Perfons, 
 whom DonFrancifio Picamo, and his other Brothers, who were Men of a more 
 cool and gentle Temper than Hemando> denied to interpofe, and make a Reconci- 
 liation, by reafon that they were well allured, that without the Affiftence and 
 Friendship oiAlmagro, the Defign would' be ruined. . Amongft feveral others who 
 were inftrumental in this Reconciliation , was Antonio de, la Gama, with whom 1 1 P 
 was acquainted at Co^co , and who had there a Divifion of Lands planted with 
 Indians. Alfo Don Francis Picarro did promife to renounce his Title of Lord Lieu- 
 tenant to Don Diego, and to befeech His Majefty, that he would be pleafed to 
 confer that Honour upon him. With which Don Diego being appealed,, he gave 
 almoft a thoufand Ducats in Gold to his Companion , with all the Vi&uals, 
 Arms and Horfes which he load provided, together 'with tvvo Ships to tran(- 
 port them. 
 
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Book I. Royal Commentaries. a^j 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 OJ the great Hardjhips the Spaniards endured in their Voy- 
 age from Panama to Tumpiz. 
 
 DOn Francifco Pkarro with his four Brothers, together with his Men and Horfe? 
 which were as many a^ his Ships could contain, let Sail from Panama, with 
 intention not to touch any where untill they came to the Countrey of Tumpiz , 
 
 , but the Southerly Winds always blowing in that Sea, which were contrary to the 
 courfe they fteered, they were forced to land a hundred Leagues fhort of Tumpiz.% 
 fo that fending their Ships back again to Panama, they reiblved to march all the 
 
 : way by Land, efteeming it much eafier than to turn to Windward for fo many 
 
 i Leagues. 
 
 But in their .Tourney by Land they fuffered much more than they would have 
 
 Idone by the contrary Winds by Sea-, for entringinto a barren Countrey, void 
 oi all Victuals and Provifions, they endured hunger, and want of all things % and 
 
 , the way being long and tedious , over Mountains and Rocks , and their pafTage 
 
 : (topped by wide Rivers, they contriyed to pais them with Floats, which they 
 made of Timber, and Canes, and Rufhes, which they faftned together, and with 
 
 j large Goards which they bound one to the other. 
 
 The chief Guide and Pilot over thefe Ferries was Bon Frantifco himfelf, who 
 was well acquainted, and experienced in matters of this nature -, the which he fu- 
 
 ; ftained with fo much courage and patience, that for better example to his Com- 
 panions, he would carry the fick and tired perfons on his own fhoulders over 
 Brooks and Fords, which might be waded over. 
 After all thefe difficulties, they came at length to that Province which they call 
 
 . Coaquiy where they found plenty of Provifions, and many Emeralds of the fineft 
 fort, of which they broke many, for being not skilfull Jewellers , they had 
 an opinion , that the true Emeralds would not break, and therefore for a trial 
 they proved them with Hammers upon the Anvil. The like they afterwards did 
 in Tumpiz, where they broke many Emeralds of three or four thoufand Ducats 
 price : But not onely thefe Spaniards fell into this errour, but likewife others, who 
 afterwards came to this Countrey under the Command of the Lord Lieutenant 
 Don Pedro de Aharado, who deftroyed many Emeralds and Turquoifes of an ine- 
 ftimable value. But befides thefe difaftures, the people of Pka-rro were affli&ed 
 with a loathfome difeafe, which at firft appeared with a fwelling on their Heads 
 and Faces, like Warts, and on feveral parts of their Body •, but afterwards, when 
 they came to a maturity, they were of the colour of ripe Figs, and about the big- 
 nefs of them, hanging down as it were by a firing , from whence great quantities 
 of bloud iflued •, the which were not onely loathfome, but very fore •-, and it was 
 
 • very ugly to behold fuch filthy Warts, or Wens, appearing on their Foreheads, 
 Eye-brows, Nofes and Ears, for which they knew no remedy or cure. But this 
 difeafe was not fo mortal , but that many of them who were feized with this di- 
 ftemper, recovered, though feveral dyed ^ and though the difeafe was Epidemical 
 to the Natives of Peru, yet it was not fo to the Spaniards, many of which efcaped 
 the Evil. Many years after that time I faw three or four Spaniards at Cozco, who 
 lay ill of that diftemper, but they recovered •, and it may be attributed to fome 
 bad influence which was tranfient, for fince that time, that ficknefs hath not been 
 known. With all thefe Labours, Difeafes, and Death of his Companions, Don 
 
 ■ Trancifco was not difmayed, always fhewing himfelf as forward to adventure him- 
 felf firft in dangers, as he was carefull in the cure of his Friends and Souldiers. 
 To Panama he fent twenty four or twenty five thoufand Ducats of Gold to fupply 
 Don Diego de Almagro with Money, that fo he might be enabled to furnilli thofe 
 neceflary fuccours of which they had occafion •, part of which Gold he gained by 
 War, and part by the ranfome of fuch whom he had taken Captives. Thus 
 
 pro- 
 
43§ 
 
 Koyal Commentaries. 
 
 Book! 
 
 proceeding forwards to Tumpiz, he overtook another party of Spaniards, who be- 
 ing moved with the report and fame of the mighty Riches of Peru, came from 
 Nicaragua to that Countrey •, their Captains, or Leaders, were Sebaftian de Belaka- 
 car, and John Fernandez, * with which happy rencounter Picarro was highly pleated, 
 by reafon that his own numbers were efteemed inefficient for that Conqueft! 
 Sebaftian de BeUkacar was by the Name of his Family properly called Mojam, but 
 he rather chofe to' take his Appellation from his Countrey , he was a Twin of 
 three, that is, two Sons and one Daughter, born at the fame Birth : His Brother 
 was called Favian Garcia Mojano, and his Sifter A/iafiafia ; they were both valiant and 
 courageous, as was their elder Brother, and efpecially the Sifter. ■ This Relation I 
 received from a Friar of the Order of St. France, who himfelf was a Native of.fr- 
 
 lalcacar, and was well acquainted With the whole Family of Sebaftian de Belalcacar. 
 
 The which Relation this Friar the more willingly gave me, becaufe he knew that 
 I was Writing this Hiftory, w herein I was glad to relate the extraordinary Birth 
 of this famous Souldier. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 The Spaniards make themselves Makers of Turhpiz, and 
 the IJland of Puna. 
 
 DOn Francifco Picarro being well recruited with Spanijh Souldiers, adventured 
 on the Conqueft of Puna, where Fame would have it, that there was much 
 Gold and Silver, and great Riches •-, to this Ifland, which was twelve Leagues with- 
 in the Sea, they pafled over on Floats with great hazard •, and being arrived on 
 the Land, they had many Battels with the Natives, who killed four Spaniards, 
 and wounded divers others, amongft which was Hernando Picarro , who received 
 a hurt on his Knee •, but the Spaniards prevailed with great ilaughter on the Indi- 
 ans 5 and with that Victory gained great fpoils of Gold, Silver, and Cloths, which 
 they immediately divided amongft themfelves; before the people which Hernando 
 de Soto brought from Nicaragua, could come up to them , for he had been difpat- 
 ched from that place by Almagro to carry Succours of Men and Horfe to Picarro I 
 Of which booty Soto having received advice, he made fuch hafte, that he arrived 
 with them at the time when they were removing their Camp thence. Picarro be- 
 ing reinforced with thefe fupplies, thought himfelf ftrong enough to adventure on 
 Tumpiz.-, and firft to ingratiate himfelf with the Inhabitants, he fent them by the 
 hands of three Spaniards, in quality of Ambafladours, a Prelent of fix hundred of 
 their own Countreymen, whom he had taken Captives in the Iiland of Puna, in 
 expectation by fuch an atonement and piece of generality to gain peace and friend- 
 ftiip with them ; hoping that thofe people, in gratitude for their liberty, and kind 
 treatment, would have given fo kind a report of them , as might have induced 
 them to a commerce, and good underftanding : But this ungratefull people find- 
 ing themfelves amongft their own Friends, altered the report which formerly they 
 had promifed to give, and reprefented the Spaniards as covetous and thirfty after 
 Gold and Silver -, and more to incenfe their Countreymen, they reported them to 
 be lafcivious Adulterers, and fuch as would defile their Wives and Daughters. 
 The people of Tumpiz, being ill affected, and prepoflefled with this evil report, 
 did prefently, and without fo much as hearing the three Spaniards fpeak , deliver 
 them into the hands of their Executioners, who having put them to death, facri- 
 ficed them with fury and rage to their Gods : the which Story is confirmed by 
 
 Gomara, and Auguftine de Car ate ; but Bias Fa/era, who was a Very Credible Au- 
 
 thour, fays, that it was onely conjectured, and believed to be fo, becaufe they 
 .never appeared more. But the Governour of that Countrey faith, That one of 
 
 thefe • 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries* aoq 
 
 thefe Ambaffadours was drowned going over a River, and that the two others 
 dyed of natural ficknefles, to which that Climate is very fubjeft, and unhealrhfull 
 to the bodies of ftrangers ; for it is not probable that the Indians, who had obfer- 
 ved with what fubmuTion the Lion and the Tyger had crouched in a miraculous 
 manner to Pedro de Candia, fhould flay, or facrifice them, whom they efteemed 
 for Deities. Pkarro in his paffage over the Waters on Floats and Raits, was in 
 great danger, as were all his people, of being caft away by the ftreams, which in 
 thofe parts are very fierce and rapid, for their Floats were very unruly, and uneafie 
 to be governed; howfoever in defpight of all, they leaped on more, and marched 
 boldly towards the people, with whom, after many Battels, the Spaniards remained 
 Conquerours , and thereby the Enemy being become cowed and difmayed by thq 
 many flaughters which were made of them, they entirely yielded : And fuppo- 
 fing that thefe deftru&ions were Judgments of the Sun infli&ed for their Sins, 
 they endeavoured to pleafe and pacifie their Enemies by Prefents of Gold, Silver, 
 i and Jewels, which they had oblerved to be Commodities pleafing to them, and 
 the Motives which had incited them to all their labours and dangers 5 and more- 
 over, the Curaca. came with all humility to fubmit and furrender his Eftate and 
 Perfon into their hands. 
 
 The Spaniards confidering how profperoufly their affairs fucceeded by the for- 
 tune of this one Battel, refolved to fettle their firft Colony in thefe parts, which 
 they called St. Michael, being founded on the day of his Feftival •, and in this firft 
 and ancient Colony they planted feveral of their Companions in the year 1 J31, 
 to receive and give entertainment unto all fuch who were (hortly expected from 
 Panama and Nicaragua. 
 
 From this place Pkarro difpatched his three Ships back again to Panama to 
 .bring him more recruits of Men, and fupply of Provifions •, and to give more life 
 to the delign, he feat above thirty thoufand Ducats in Gold and Silver, beiides 
 Emeralds, as the fruits of his Labours, and as an evidence of the vaft Riches of 
 that Countrey. But we fhould have told you before, that Pkarro (amongft the 
 many other favours which he received from his Majefly in Spain) had the honour 
 and privilege granted him to entertain a Guard of twenty four Halbardiers, for 
 ; protection of nis Perfon, and greater authority of his Office and Government : 
 i Wherefore having fubdued and mattered Tnmpiz, he defigned to make choice of 
 . fuch a Guard wherewith he might with more oftentation and pomp, than he had 
 1 formerly fhewn, make his entry into that Countrey. But he could not with all 
 the promiles he could make, perfuade any of all his company to fubmit fo low, 
 , as to accept of that Office •■, for it is not onely incident to the humour of the 
 
 ■ Spaniards to be haughty, and fanfie 1 know not what high and fublime matters ; 
 I but even thofe who are humble, and would accept of any mean and low employ- 
 iment in other parts, do no fooner enter into thefe Countries, but are immediate- 
 : ly elevated with a new generality and greatnefs of Soul, that they fcorn to accept 
 
 of ordinary preferments : But thus much I fhould not have adventured to have 
 
 ; faid, had I not received this report from Spaniards, who find the like inclinations 
 
 I within themfelves. Howfoever, there were two of all the number who accepted 
 
 ithe Halberts, with whom I was acquainted, who both in the Conqueft of that 
 
 , Countrey, and afterwards in the Civil Wars behaved themfelves like brave Soul- 
 
 diers , and in reward thereof the honour of Military Commands were beftowed 
 
 upon them , with a fhare of Lands and Jurifdittion over the Indians ; they were 
 
 both killed in the War, though their Names I have thought fit to conceal for fe- 
 
 . veral refpe&6. After Picarro the Governour had quieted and fetled TumpU, and 
 
 ■ the dependencies thereunto belonging, and poffefled himfelf of the Riches, he re- 
 folved to proceed to Caffamarca, and make a vifit to King Atahualpa, the fame of 
 
 I whole treafure was extremely inviting -, and the report thereof the more proba- 
 , ble, by the apparent Riches which were found in TumpU. In their March thither 
 they palled a Countrey uninhabited, and of dead and barren Sands, extremely 
 hot and dry, without Water •-, with which, for want of knowledge of the Coun- 
 trey, they had not provided themfelves ; but at length they came to certain plea- 
 fant and fruitfull Vallies, where they were relieved with all things neceffary for 
 their refrefhment. At this place the Governour received an Embafly from the 
 unfortunate Hmfcar Inca, but how and which way it came from him, is doubt- 
 full, in regard ( as we have faid ) he was kept a clofe Prifoner under fevere cu- 
 itody : But it is probable that this Meffage might be fent by fome Cnraca out of 
 
 com- 
 
.. Q Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 compaflion to the true and legitimate Prince of that Empire, who was defined 
 and opprefled by tyrannical hands: the fum of this Metfage was, tohr.p!o:e 
 with all humility, the Juftkre, Righteoufheis, and Protedion of the Son; of the 
 God Viracocha, which he did not doubt to receive from thole who pubhmed *nd 
 gave out in all parts, that their defigns were to relieve and fuccour the oppi efTcd : 
 To which the Governour anfwered, that he was now on his way to adminifter 
 relief unto the unhappy Inca, and to fuccour all others who were under wrong 
 and opprefiion. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Of 'the Embaffy a?id Prefents which the Inca fent unto- the 
 Spaniards. 
 
 TW O days after this the General received another Embafly more folenin 
 than the former, from the King Atahualpa, brought by a Brother of his own 
 both by the Father and Mother's fide, called Titt* Aautachi, who in few words de- 
 clared, that the Inca had fent him to give a hearty welcome to the Sons of his God 
 Viracocha ; and in token of the good will he bore them, and of his defiie to ferve 
 them with all his power, he had fent them a Prefent of fuch things as their Coun- 
 trey afforded , defiring them to refrem and enjoy themfelves with the plenty of 
 fuch Provifions as he had made for their Journey, for that both he and all his Sub- 
 jects were defirous to fee his Kinfmen, who were related with him to their com- 
 mon Father the Sun, whom therefore they honoured, and to whom they promi- 
 fed all obfequioufnefs and allegiance. And having expreffed thus much in behalf 
 of the Inca, he afterwards (for fuch were his inftiuctions) made this Speech from 
 
 himfelf : Inca Viracocha, (aid he, thou Progeny of the Sun, Jince it hath been my fortune 
 to carry you this happy Afejfage , I pre fume with this occajior. to befeech you, that you would 
 gratioufly be pleafed to grant me thefe three Requefts : In thefirft place, that you would efteem 
 my Inca, and King Atahualpa, for your Friend, and enter into a perpetual League of peace 
 andfrtendfhip with him. Secondly, that you would forgive, and pardon what crime or fault 
 foever our people have either out of ignorance, or want of due conjideration, committed againfi 
 you ; Andlaflly, I befeech you, that the funifhment which by Command of the great Godyout 
 Father ViraCOcha,_>o# have infliBed on thofe of the Ifland of Puna, and thofe of Tumpiz, 
 and other parts, you would moderate andremit towards thofe o/Caflamarca, and fuch others 
 whom you fh all meet '., and that in regard you are an Inca, and defcended from the Sun, that 
 you would pardon and exercife that Clemency, which is one of your divine Attributes. And 
 
 having (aid thus much, he commanded that the Prefents fhould be delivered to 
 the Governour, and the other Spaniards his companions , the which Prefents were 
 Goats, Sheep, dried flices of the flefh of wild Beafts, fuch as of the Huanacu, the 
 Vkunna, Stags, Elks, and fallow Deer; of which they brought many alive, that io 
 they might fee of what fort of Beafts thofe flices of dried flefli w-ere : they pre* 
 fented them alfo with tame and wild Conies, Partridges both dead and alive, with 
 Water-fowl, and with innumerable fmaller Birds •, likewise with Mayz in the 
 grane, and fome made up in Bread 5 as alfo with Fruit both dry and green, Honey 
 in the Combs, and in Pots, with Indian Pepper, which they call Vchu, and great 
 quantities of drink made of their Wheat, and of that grane which they call Mulli. 
 Moreover, they prefented many Veftments of the fineft fort, fuch as thofe with 
 which the Incas were cloathed , befides Parrots, Monkies, Apes and Marmofets, 
 and other Animals and ftrange Infects, which, as we have (aid, were common in 
 that Countrey : As alfo many Veftels of Gold and Silver to drink in, with Plates 
 and Dilhes for the Table, with many Emeralds and Turquoifes. And as a par- 
 ticular fignal of refpeel: to the General, they brought him a pair of fuch Hole as 
 
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Book I. Royal Commentaries. 44: 
 
 
 the hex bimfelf wore, with two Bracelets of Gold, which they all Chipana , the 
 which two were for variety and change, becaufe the Inca wears but one at a time, 
 and that is on the Wrift of his left Arme •, which is a fignal of Military Honour, 
 which none are qualified to receive, but thofe of the Bloud-Royal, or Captains, or 
 Souldiers, who had fignalized themfelves by fome notable Acts of bravery ; in re- 
 ward of which, the King conferred that Ornament with his own hand •-, and on 
 both thefe reafons and refpe&s Don Bmafia was efteemed worthy of this fignal 
 favour : For in the firft place, he was believed to be a legitimate Iftue defended 
 from the Sun, and their God Viracocha \ and fecondly, his Afts of Valour and Bra- 
 very did befpeak and proclaim him for a famous and renowned Captain. And 
 thus having made their Prefents to the Governour, and his Spaniards, Titu Atauchi. 
 defired them to pardon this preemption, of having made fo mean and low an 
 Offering to the Children of the Sun, unto whom hereafter they would endeavour 
 to make amends by their future obfervance, and dutifull performances. The Go- 
 vernour and Captains taking very kindly their obliging Complements, and much 
 more their Prefents , returned in the firft place their thanks to the Inca, and then 
 to his Ambafladour : but when they underftood that he was Brother to the King, 
 they (hewed him extraordinary honour and refpecl: according to' his quality $ and 
 having given him a ihort Anfwer to his Embaffy, he returned fully fatisfied, and 
 with high contentment. Their Anfwer, infhort, was this, That the Spaniards 
 were come by Order and Commiffion from the Pope, or High Prieft, to turn 
 them from their Idolatry, and to inftruft them in the true Religion of the Chri- 
 ftians : They were alfo come from him who was Emperour, and King of Spain, 
 who was the greateft Prince of the Chriftians, to enter into a League of Friend- 
 (hip, and a perpetual Peace , and to make an Alliance with the Inca and all his 
 Empire, and never to doe them hurt, or offer them any violence, befides many 
 other things which they would more at their leifure communicate to the Inca 5 
 but neither Gomara, nor Auguftine de Carate make any mention of thefe rich Pre- 
 fents, nor of an Ambafladour, who was Brother to the King, nor of any Anfwer 
 made by the Governour 5 onely they fpeak of fome Hofe and Bracelets, which 
 they brought to the Commander in chief, and of fome Ruffles or Cuffs for Shirts, 
 but thefe Authours did not confider that the Indians in their natural Habit do not 
 wear Linen. The King Atahualpa fent that Meflage and Prefents to the Spani- 
 ards, with an opinion, that thereby he might appeafe the Sun, whom they fanfied 
 to be angry, and difpleafed by rafon of the refiftence, which the Indians of the 
 Ifle of Puna, and the Valley of Tumpiz, had made againft the Spaniards, of whom 
 fome of them ( as we have faid ) being killed, they feared a thoufand judgments 
 and punifbments for their Rebellion againft thofe who were defcended from the 
 Sun, and their God Viracocha .- To the terrour of this apprehenfion, the Prophecy 
 which his Father Huayna Capac had delivered, came freih into memory : which 
 was, that after his time a ftrange Nation, which was not feeri or heard of before, 
 fhould enter their Countrey, ruine their Empire, fubvert their Government, and 
 deftroy their Idolatry. And now the King Atahualpa did really believe that the 
 time for accomplifhment of this Prophecy was come ■-, for that unlefs thefe few 
 ' Spaniards had been affifted by the power of the Sun, who was angry with his peo- 
 ! pie, it were impoffible that fo fmall a handfull of Men fhould be able to make 
 fuch (laughters as they had done at Panama, Puna, Tumpu, and other parts. And 
 ' now fearing the like at his own home, he ordered his Brother the Ambafladour 
 to make thofe three Requefts, before mentioned, in his own Name , for though 
 Atahualpa was unwilling to difcover any fuch fear, or timoroufnefs in himfelf 5 yet 
 1 the apprehenfion and dread of thefe things were fo fixed in the mind of Atahualpa, 
 that his fpirit and courage, which was formerly brave and afpiring, was now be- 
 \ come cowed and low with thefe imaginations , and became fo intimidated, that 
 , he never^durft make any refiftence or oppofition againft the Spaniard;. Thofe 
 vvho confider well thefe matters, have a large fcope to make reflexions thereupon -, 
 fome attribute thefe Judgments to the Juflice of God in puniihment of their Ido- 
 latry, and Cruelties exercifed on the true Family of the Incas ; but others perhaps 
 may with more reafon interpret this Invafion of the Spaniards to be directed by 
 the gratious Providence of God, who out of compaffion to the ignorance and ob- 
 fcurity in which thefe Gentiles lived, was pleafed by thefe means to introduce the 
 light of the Gofpel into thofe dark and unknown parts of the World. 
 
 L1I So 
 
44* Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 So foon as the Ambaffadours were returned back again to their King, the Spa- 
 niards made many reflexions, and put divers interpretations on the Mefrage and 
 Prefents which were fent : Some were of opinion, that thofe Gifts and Offerings, 
 by how much the more rich and magnificent they were, by fo much more they 
 were to be fufpe&ed \ fanfying that they were defigned with intention to amufe 
 and lull them into a kind of fecurity and confidence in their faith and fimplicity, 
 and fo furprize and kill them with more eafe and advantage •, and therefore look- 
 ing on thefe Prefents as fallacious, and defigned for traps and fnares, it was argued 
 that they mould be the more watchfull and circumfpect in all their proceedings : 
 Howfoever the other Spaniards, who were the greateft number, being of a led 
 fufpicious nature, were of opinion that thefe Gifts and Offerings were onely evi- 
 dences of the good will of the Indians .- And that though the Rules of Military 
 Discipline did oblige them to be always vigilant and cautious in an Enemies Coun- 
 trey, yet they could not but applaud and efteem the Magnificence of the Inca, 
 the fuavity of his Words, and the Majefty of hisEmbafly •, which to render more' 
 honourable, he was pleafed to perform it by the hands of his Brother, whofe cour- 
 tefie and difcretion were very vifible both in his Reafons, and in his Comport- 
 ment 5 though for want of a good Interpreter to understand the Language of c«> 
 co, much of nis fenfe and words loft their true force and vigour : the which ap- 
 peared in his Speech, which feemed to be uttered in long Sentences, with their 
 due Accents, Paufes and Periods , but in the rendering of them, the Interpreter 
 delivered them in fuch broken Speeches, without coherence or fenfe, that they were 
 Icarce intelligible to the Spaniards •, but howfoever they took all in good part, that 
 which was wanting in the words, being fupplied by the better effects of Prefents. 
 That night, and feveral other days after, they cheered themfelveswith the Prefents 
 of Atahmlpa, and fo marched towards Caffamarca , where though they found not 
 the inca, as was expected , yet they were received there by the Indians, who, by 
 order of the King, had aflembled both Nobles and Commoners to feaft and treat 
 the Off-fpring of the Sun, and Children of the God Viracocha, ftrowing all their 
 Chambers and Lodgings with Flowers, and fweet-fmelling Herbs •, likewife they 
 entertained them with plenty of Meat and Drink ■■, the care and charge of all which 
 was committed to Cu/lqui Human, who was the Curaca, or Lord, of Caffamarca , 
 and who in obedience to the Commands of his King, did endeavour to exce&i in 
 all points of civility and refpect towards the Spaniards. But amongft the many 
 Services which the Indians fhewed to them, there was one of lingular remark $ 
 which was, that they obferving that the Bits and Curbs which theHorfes had in 
 their mouths, were made of Iron, they prefently imagined that the Iron Mas their 
 Meat 5 and therefore not to be defective in any point of Service towards the Spa- 
 tiiards, they readily brought feveral Ingots of Gold and Silver, which they laid 
 in the Mangers before the Horfes, defiring them to eat of thofe Metal?, which 
 were much more delicate Meat than the Iron -, the Spaniards who obfei red and 
 laughed at this fimplicity of the Indians, commended their kindnefs to the Horfes, 
 telling them, that they could not oblige them more, than by giving them good 
 (tore of that Provinder. 
 
 — 
 
 CHAT. 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. aai 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 The Governour [ends an Ambaffadour to King Atahualpa. 
 
 T 
 
 H E day following the Governour held a confultation with his Brethren and 
 Captains, touching an Embafly to be fent to the King Atahualpa, whereby 
 to inform him of his intentions to make him a vifit, that fo he might communi- 
 cate to him the matters encharged to him by theEmperour, and by the Pope •, for 
 that to be filent, and make no returns, would favour of ingratitude, and little fenfe 
 of the prefents and kind treatment they had received. Wherefore they agreed, 
 that fince the Inca had fent his Brother on this Embafly, that they fhould corre- 
 spond in the like manner by the Brother of the Governour, qualified with the 
 fame character of Ambafladour : Accordingly Hernando Pi^arro, and Hernando de 
 Soto were fent to the Court of the Inca, not far diftant from Cafamarca, where he 
 had a Royal Palace, and commodious Baths, and where was at that time a nume- 
 rous concourfe of the Nobility and Souldiery, which flocked from all parts to 
 celebrate certain Feftivals agreeable to their Religion , and with that occafion to 
 reform feveral corruptions and abufes, which by the licentioufnels of the Wars 
 were crept in amongft them ; and for the better fecurity and confervation of his 
 own Perfon, and advancement of his own Tyrannical Power and Authority, he 
 enacled and eftablifhed other Laws and Statutes, pretending that they were tranf- 
 mitted to him by revelation from the Sun : For the truth is, though Atahualpa. 
 had Murdiered as many perfons of the Bloud-Royal, as he was able, yet he was , 
 ftill jealous, and fearfull of thofe few which furvived, left any Pretender mould on 
 the pretext of Religion advance one of the right line to be the true and legitimate 
 Heir 5 to which end he formed new Laws, pretending that they were derived from 
 the Sun, to equalize and balance againft the ancient Canons and Statutes of Reli- 
 gion. Thefe two Ambafladours were in this manner difpatched with their In- 
 terpreter Philip, who though he was a Native of the Ifie of Puna, and ill verfed 
 in one or the other Language, yet he was a neceflary inftrument 5 and fuch, as 
 for want of a better, was very ufefull. With thefe two Spaniards the Curaca of 
 Caftmarca fent two hundred Indians to attc-nd and conduct them with greater ftate 
 and pomp to the prefence of their King , encharging them upon their lives to 
 perform whatfoever they mould command. So foon as thefe Ambafladours had 
 pafled Cajfamarca, they fent an Indian of Quality out of thofe who attended them 
 to the King Atahualpa, to acquaint him of their coming, and to demand his licence, 
 that they might appear in the prefence of his Highnefs : To which MeiTage the 
 Inca made anfwer, that they fliould be extremely welcome, for that their Arrival 
 had been long defired and expe&ed ; and prefently commanded one of his Major- 
 Generals witha great number of his Men to go forth and meet thofe Defcendants 
 from the Sun, and perform towards them all that Worfhip and Veneration which 
 appertained to them. This kind Anfwer of the Inca eafed the Spaniards of all the 
 fear and fufpicion they had conceived upon the rumour, that the Inca was encom- 
 pafled with a Guard of thirty thoufand Men 5 and fo with great confidence taking 
 their way towards the Royal Baths and Palaces, they met about the middle of 
 their Journey in an open Plain with thofe Companies of Souldiers which were 
 fent out to receive them 5 which fo foon as Hernando de Soto efpied, he fet Spurs to 
 his Horfe, and boldly rid up to them with a full cariere, giving them to under- 
 ftand, that if they had been Enemies, as they were Friends, he alone had been 
 fufficient to encounter with them ; and then turning and carveting with his Horfe, 
 he came and ftopt near the Commander in chief. And here the Spamjb Hiftori- 
 ans recounting this paflage , tell us.jhat this Commander in Chief was Atahualpa 
 himfelf, and that Soto came up to his very Chair pranfing with his Horfe 5 at which 
 though Atahualpa feemed not to be difmayed, or altered, yet feveral of his people, 
 who ran away and fled to avoid his Horfe, he caufed to be put to death : But this 
 Authour was mif-informed in the Relation he made , for neither was Atahualpa 
 
 L 1 1 * there 
 
aaa Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 there prefent, nor vvhofoever he was, did he put any to death •, for if their retire- 
 ment was onely to give way or place to the Horfe in his cariere, as was probable, 
 it was fo far from being a fault, or to deierve punifhment, that it was a piece of" 
 civility and refpeft, which they defired to (hew unto thofe whom they efteemed 
 to be Children of the Sun 5 and to have done otherwife, or to have obftrufted 
 the way and pafiage of thefe ftrangers, would have feemed a piece of impiety 
 and prophanation towards thofe whom they confefled to be of Divine Race, and 
 defcended from the Heavens. Nor was Atahualpa fo ftupid in his underftanding, 
 as to flay his own Indians in the prefence of the Ambafladours whom he had em- 
 ployed to pay Honour and Worfhip to them , and to affure them of all fecurity 
 and protection. Nor is it probable that Hernando de Soto would have been fo rude 
 and difcourteous as to ride up to the very Nofe of the King, with whom he came 
 to treat in behalf of the Emperour and the Pope : By all which, it is greatly to be 
 lamented, when we confider with how little care Men give Relations of paffages 
 which occur in thofe remote parts, without regard to the reputation of that peo- 
 ple. The Inca Atahualpa ( as we (hall declare more particularly hereafter ) (hewed 
 limfelf very generous and real towaxds*he Spaniards •, and therefore it may be law- 
 ull for us to render a character of his abilities, difcretion and underftanding with 
 which Nature had endued him : For in regard we have made mention at large of 
 all the Tyrannies and Cruelties which he committed, the rule of Hiftory doth 
 oblige us not to conceal the mixtures of Vertue which appeared in him, unlefswe 
 would approve our felves falfe by writing a Romance in the place of true Hiftory, 
 That which I report, proceeds from the relation of many Spaniards who were pre- 
 fent at all the a&ion, being fuch as I received from their own mouths, at thofe 
 times of converfation which they pafled in my Father's family, when a great pare 
 of their entertainment was to recount the many paffages and accidents which o& 
 curred in this Conqueft •-, the fame I have heard confirmed from feveral Ixdiam, 
 who at the vifits which they made to my Mother, did frequently difcourfe of thofe 
 A&ions, and particularly of what happened in the Reign of Atahualpa to the time 
 of his Death, attributing all the misfortunes which befell him to die Judgment of 
 God, for the Tyrannies and Cruelties he committed upon his own family. 
 
 And farther I am able to confirm the truth of thefe particulars from the reports 
 fent me by my School-fellows, who took the trouble to extract them out of the 
 Hiftorical Annals of their refpe&ive Countries where their Mothers were born , 
 as I faid in the firft Part of this Hiftory. To thefe Relations I have the Autho- 
 rity farther to add of that curious and accurate Father Bias Vakra, who was die 
 Son of one of thofe who was a fellow Prisoner with Atahualpa, and was born and 
 bred on the Confines of Cajfamarca, and lb might have advantages to extract the 
 Records from their Originals, ashehimfelf doth atteft •-, and indeed he hath been 
 very large in defcribing the fuccefles and paffages which occurred in that Kingdom, 
 and which by comparing them with other Relations, I have found agreeable to 
 the trueft reports. And farther I do aver, that I (hall trace the fame \\ ay that the 
 SpaniJJ? Hiftorians direct me, making ufe of their Commentaries in fuch matters 
 wherein they may be ufefull to me, and (hall add and enlarge in what they come 
 ihort, or are deficient, as in many things they may be, for want of reading and 
 knowledge of Hiftorians. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 hi 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. aac 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of the Reception which the Inca gave to tlie Embaffy of the 
 Spaniards. 
 
 BU T now to reaflume again the Thread of our Hiftory, We fay, That the 
 Major General which was fent oat to receive Hernando Picarro, and Hernan- 
 do de Soto, having performed his Complements, and adored them with profound 
 Veneration, turned to his Captains, and Souldiers, and declared to them , that 
 thefe were the Sons of their God Viracocha; at which the Indians made them 
 a low Reverence, beholding with great admiration their Afpeft, Habit and 
 Voice, and fo accompanied them to the Prefence of the Inca: The Spaniards 
 being entred, were much aftonifhed to behold the greatnefs and Riches of the 
 Royal Palace, and the number of the King's Family, and Attendants; and fuch 
 was the wonder of both parties, that it is not to be determined which was the: 
 greater : The Ambafladours made their Obeifance after the Spanifh Fafhion, with 
 low Reverence to the Inca, who was feated in a Chair of Gold •-, with which the 
 King was highly pleafed , and ftanding up, he embraced them with much kind- 
 nefs, faying, Capac Viracocha, Thou art welcome to my Dominions •-, the which words 
 Bias Valera repeats in the Indian Language, being very skilfull in that Tongue, the 
 which I omit as not neceflary. Then the Inca fate down, and Seats were brought 
 alfo of Gold , which were prepared by order of the inca for the Ambafladours 5 
 for they being efteemed for Kindred of the Sun, it pleafed the Inca to make no 
 difference between himfelf and them, and more efpecially, becaufe one of them 
 was Brother to the Governour : When they were fate, the Inca turning his Face 
 towards his Kindred who attended him, Behold, faid he, the very Face, Countenance, 
 and Habit of our God Viracocha, in the fame manner and form as the Inca Vil acocha, 
 our Ancefiour defcribed, and reported to have appeared to him. As the Inca was faying 
 thefe things, two young Maidens, very handfome, and of the Royal Bloud, 
 (which they called Nufia,) entred into the Chamber, each of them carrying two 
 1 imall Cups of Gold in their Hands, filled with fuch Liquour as the Incas ufiial- 
 ly drink ; and thefe were attended with four Youths of the fame Kindred, though 
 . not of the lawfull Line, in regard their Mothers were Natives of the Kingdom 
 ofJtahua/pa. The Maidens having bowed before the Inca, delivered one of the 
 golden Cups into his Hand, and the other to Hernando Picarro, as the Inca directed. 
 And then Titu Atauchi, who was the King's Brother, ancl he that was fent on this 
 Embafly to the Spaniards , told Philip , the Interpreter , that he fhould acquaint 
 them, that the Inca was defirous to drink with them, which, according to the 
 cuftome of their Countrey, was an evidence of Refpeft, Peace and everlafting 
 Friendlhip: Hemando Picarro having underfbod the Words of the Interpreter, 
 made a low Reverence to the Inca, took the Cup and drank : Then the Inca, 
 having drunk twice, or thrice, of his own Cup, gave the remainder to his 
 Brother, Tun Atauchi: Then he took one of thofe Cups which the other 
 Maiden brought, and ordered the other to be given to Hemando de Soto, who 
 did the fame thing as his Companion had done before him , and the Inca ha- 
 ving drank twice, or thrice, as before, gave the remainder to his Uncle, 
 called Choquehuamam. Having thus drank, the Ambafladours began to declare 
 their Meflage , but the King defired them to defift for a while, that he might 
 behold and admire the form and figure he faw in them of his God Viracocha 5 
 and at that inftant fix Boys, and fix Girls, very well habited , came in, bringing 
 green and dry Fruits, of feveral forts, with their fineft Bread, and Wine made of 
 the Seed of the Tree Mulli , and with them they brought very fine Towels 
 made of Cotton, becaufe Flax did not grow in their Countrey, then one of the 
 
 Maidens 
 
a 46 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 Maidens, called Pillcu Cka Nufta, made a Speech to the new Guefts, and faid, 
 
 Ojots who are Sons of Capac Inca Viracocha, tafte of thefe things which we bring you, 
 which will be a great contentment and fatisfaBion to us. The Spaniards admired much 
 to fee fuch Civility and Courtefie in a people whom they reputed barbarous, and 
 to live in all beftiality and filthinefs-, wherefore, that they might not feem to 
 contemn or flight that Courtefie which they fo freely offered, they ate fomething 
 of what they had fet before them, and then faid it was fufficient, with which the 
 Indians were highly fatisfied. 
 
 C H A P. XX. 
 
 The Speech of the Ambalfa&our , and the Anfirer of the 
 Inca. 
 
 Silence being now made, Hernando Pkarro defired Hernando de Soto to fpeak and 
 deliver his Meflage , for that more time was not to be loft, and likewife 
 that he would be as fhort and fuccincl: as he could, that fo they might return 
 again that night, and lodge with their Companions, for that it was not prudence 
 to confide much in thofe People, who were Infidels, and who perhaps might 
 fhew them fuch Courtefie the more eafily to enfnare and betray them : So then 
 Hernando de Soto v'£ng up, made his Reverence after the Cajlilian manner, and 
 uncovering his Head, fate down again, and then faid. 
 
 " Moft ferene Inca, You are to underftand, that in this World there are two 
 " fupreme Princes, one is the Pope , who is High Prieft , and fits in the Place 
 " and Tribunal of God, the other is Emperour of the Romans, called Charles 
 " the jth. King of Spain, who having underftood the blind Ignorance in which 
 " the Natives of thefe your Kingdoms live , defpifing the true God , who is 
 " the Maker of Heaven and Earth , beftowing the Worfhip due unto him 
 " upon his Creatures, and upon the Devil himfelf, who deceive and delude 
 " them, have fent their Governour and Captain General , t>on Trandfco Picarro, 
 " with his Companions, and fome Priefts , who are the Minifters of God, to 
 " teach your Highnefs, and your Subjeds, the Divine Truth, and his holy Law; 
 ' c and for this Reafon it is, that they have undertaken this long Journey to your 
 " Countrey , where having received effe&s of your Bounty from your liberal 
 " Hand, they entred yefterday into Caffamarca, and this day they have fent us to 
 " your Highnefs, with Offers of Peace and Concord, which fhall endure for ever 
 " between us , that fo receiving us under your Faith and Protection , we may 
 " have leave to preach our Law, and that your Subjects may hear and underftand 
 " the Gofpel, which will be of great Honour, as alfo of Benefit and Salvation 
 " to your Souls. 
 
 And on this occafion BlasValera, who was a very religious and zealous Man 
 for the Salvation of thofe poor Gentiles, doth very much lament that thofe im- 
 portant Words of Hernando de Soto fhould fall to the ground for want of a good 
 Interpreter, learned in both Languages, and one who was afte&ed with fuch in- 
 ward Charity , as might have moved his Heart with efficacy to have explicated 
 the force of thofe Words. But, alas, it was the misfortune of that Empire, and 
 of the firft Conquerours to have no better an Interpreter than this Philip , who 
 was fuch an ignorant Sot, as not to be able to render the fenfe either on 
 one fide, or the other, but rather gave tilings to be underftood in a different man- 
 ner, and with that barbarity as fpoiled the Honour and Dignity of the Embaffy, 
 of which both the Inca and Standers-by were fenfible, finding that the Words of 
 
 the 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 447 
 
 the Interpreter were of a* contrary fenfe to the matter difcourfed, which caufed 
 
 the Inca to lay , Tins ftammering Fellow runs from one word to another , without under- 
 fianding , and from one errour to another , that his Silence were better than his Words. 
 
 Which Expreflions of the hex were more figniticant in the Indian than in the Spa- 
 nifh Language. And alfo the Captains and Lords being fenfible of the Defects 
 of the Interpreter, did attribute the ill Expreffions, and want of Senfe to his Igno- 
 rance, and not to want of Understanding in the Ambafladours, whom they eftee- 
 med for Gods, and adored them for fuch, and accordingly the Inca returned this 
 Anfwer to the Ambafladours. 
 
 K I am much pleafed, ((aid he) Divine Lords, that you and your Companions 
 " are in my days come into thefe remote Countries , that fo I might fee thofe 
 " Prophecies and Prognostications fulfilled which our Anceftours have left us , 
 " though in reality my Soul hath much more reafon to be fad, when I confider 
 " that the end of our Empire approaches, of which, according to ancient Pre- 
 " di&ions, your coming is a Forerunner , and yet I cannot but fay that thefe 
 f! times are blefled , in which our God Viracocha hath fent fuch happy Guefts, 
 " which (hall transform the State of our Government into a better condition, of 
 " which Change and Alteration we have certain afTurance from the Tradition of 
 " our Anceftours, and the Words of the laft Teftament of our Father Huajna 
 
 * Capac; for which Reafon, though we had certain Intelligence of your entrance 
 " into our Countrey, and the Fortifications you made in it, and of the Slaughter 
 " you committed in Puna, Tumpiz, and other parts, yet neither I, nor my Cap- 
 " tains, have entred into any Confutation, how, or in what manner, we might 
 f expell you from hence, -becaufe we hold and believe, that' you are the Sons of 
 u our great God Viracocha, and Meflengers of the Pachacamac •, for which caufe, 
 " and in confirmation of what my Father delivered us, we have made it a Law, 
 f and publilhed it in the Schools of Cozco, that none (hall dare to take up Arms 
 
 * againft you, or offend you •-, wherefore you may doe with us as you pleafe, it 
 " being Glory fufficient for us to die by your hands, whom we efteem the Di- 
 ll vine Meflengers of God, by whom you muft be fent, confidering the Actions 
 u you have already performed : Onely I defire to be fatisfied in one doubt, How 
 " comes it to pals, as you lay, that you come to treat of Friendship, and a perpetual 
 " Peace, in the Name of the two before mentioned Princes, and yet on the other 
 " fide, without fo much as any Summons, or fending to treat with us, or know our 
 " Will or Pleafure towards you, you have committed fuch outrages and {laughters 
 " in the Countries through which you have palled? I conceive that the two 
 8 Princes which employed you, have given you fuch Commilfion to aft with 
 " fuch Severity againft us, without any fault of ours -, and I imagine that the Pa- 
 
 * chacamac hath fo commanded them to proceed, wherefore I fay again , Doe 
 " your pleafure with us ; onely I befeech you to have companion upon my poor 
 
 * Relations, whofe Death and Misfortunes will grieve me more than my own. 
 
 The Inca having ended his Speech, all his Attendants which flood round about 
 him, were fo affe&ed with his laft Words, which declared the lofs of the Em- 
 
 : pire, that they fhed many Tears, with an abundance of Sighs and Groans, for what 
 the Inca had now pronounced concerning the Deftrudtion of his Empire, he had 
 at other times formerly repeated. And whereas his Father Huayna Capac had ut- 
 tered this Prophecy, and mentioned the time to be (hort, and ready to be fulfilled; 
 Atahualpa thought of nothing elfe, but concluded the Fate unavoidable, and the 
 Decree of the great Pachacamac not to be refilled ; the which fuperftitious opini* 
 
 i on being fixed, and imprefled jn his Mind , was the caufe that the Spaniards fb 
 eafily conquered and fubdued his Countrey , and debafed his Soul and Spirit at 
 the prefence of the Spaniards; amongft the reft of the Company, which was pre- 
 fent with the Inca, were two Accomptants, or Hiftorians, who with their Knots 
 made certain Ciphers, defcribing or figuring all the paflages of that Audience, 
 with the Words of Hernando de Soto, and with the Anfwer of the Inca, though all 
 was very ill exprefled by the Interpreter. 
 
 The Ambafladours were much aftoniihed to fee the Lamentations, and hear 
 the Cries of the Lords and Captains there prefent, and yet obferved a fteaddinefs 
 and conftancy in the Countenance of the Inca , and not knowing the caufe and 
 
 reafon 
 
44 
 
 8 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 reafon of fo much fadnefs, were touched with compaflion and forrow for them. 
 And beceBlat Valera much bewails the want of a good Interpreter, that might, 
 by a true and faithfull underftanding of all that was faid, have given better fatis^ 
 fa&ion, both to the Indians , and to the Spaniards ; for when the Ambailadours, 
 heard talk of the Slaughters and Outrages committed in Puna , and Tumpiz, they 
 were apprehenfive that the Inca had entertained fome thoughts of Revenge, 
 for the Interpreter neither knew how to render the Words of the Inca, nor the 
 Anfwer of the AmbafFadours. 
 
 And now the Ambafladours defired leave of the Inca to depart, and return to 
 their Companions-, which was readily granted them, the Inca faying, That they 
 might depart in peace, and that he would fpeedily go into Cajfamarca, to vifit the 
 Sons of the God Viracscha , and the Mefiengers from the Pachacamac. The Spa- 
 niards departing out of the Kings Palace, could not but again admire the Ri- 
 ches of it, and the Adoration and Worfhip which the people {hewed towards 
 them •, for as they were going to mount their Horles, two Caracas, with their Ser- 
 vants, came to them, deiiring that they would not difdain to accept a fmall Pre- 
 ient, though unworthy the acceptance of fuch Gods, or Godlike Men, as they 
 were, laying before them Riches of like quality as before, though in much more 
 abundance, fuch as Veflfels of Gold and Silver, with Ingots of Gold, and Wedges 
 of Silver unwrought. 
 
 The Spaniards being ftrangely aftoniihed at this excefs of Courtefie, began to, 
 quit all fears and fufpicions of any ill Defigns of the Indians towards them, bla- 
 ming again the ignorance of their Interpreter, who for want of Expreflions had be- 
 trayed them to many Errours, as he did afterwards to many others, as will appear 
 in the fequel of this Hiftory. 
 
 i 
 
 ., 
 
 Lii -LA 
 
 i 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 -J 
 
 ' - 
 
 How the two Spaniards returned again to their Compani- 
 ons, and how they prepared themselves to receive the 
 Inca. 
 
 THE two AmbafTadours being returned, made a relation of all the Riches and 
 Greatnefe they had feen in the Palace of the Inca, and of the Courrelie 
 they had received, which appeared by the Prefents, of which a (hare was divided 
 to every Perfon. Notwithstanding all which, like good Souldiers, and cautious 
 Men, they prepared their Horfes and Arms, not knowing the occafion they might 
 have for them the day following-, and though they well knew the multitudes 
 which accompanied Aukmlpa, yet like brave Spaniards, they were not in the leaft 
 difmayed , but prepared to receive them 5 wherefore fo foon as it was day, the 
 Cavalry ranged themfelves in three Divifions, of twenty in a Troop, for they 
 were not in all above fixty in numbers the Commanders, or Captains of them, 
 Were Hernando Piparro , Hernando de Soto , and Sebaflian de Betalcacar , who at hl'ft 
 concealed themfelves under two old Walls, that fo their fudden Sally might give 
 the greater fear and furprife to the Indians. The Governour himfelf was Suppor- 
 ted with an hundred Foot-Souldiers, which in all exceeded not that number, and. 
 for their better encouragement, he put himfelf in the Head of them, on the fide 
 of the Tampu, which was like a great field, where they placed themfelves to expeft 
 thecominp of the King Atahmlpa, who foon after appeared , being carried in a 
 Chair of Gold on the Shoulders of his People, with fuch pomp, and Majefty both 
 of Servants and Courtiers, as evidenced his greatnefs in Power, ,and War; be- 
 fore 
 
 iiai 
 
 la 
 
 men 
 iM 
 
 Hi 
 
BOGK'L 
 
 Koyal Commentaries. 
 
 : his Chair came great multitudes of People, who gathered up the Stones, and 
 cleared all the ways ofRubbilh, or Impediments, which might hinder his Chair- 
 Men in the way, or caufe them to (tumble; with him alfo came great Atten- 
 d 'n:s of the Nobility. His Guards were divided into four Squadrons, confifting 
 oiYight thoufand Men; the firft Divifion, which was the Van-guard, marched 
 before the King, like Scouts, or Officers, to clear and fecure the ways 5 two 
 Others marched on each fide, like the Wings of an Army, as Guards of his Per- 
 fon 5 and a fourth marched in the rere: The Captain, or Commander in Chief 
 of diem, was called Rttmimavi, which fignifies an Eye of Stone, from a Pearl or 
 Catarack which grew in his Eye. In this order Atahualpa marched for the fpace 
 of a League, which was the diftance between his Palace and the Quarters of the 
 Spaniards ; in going of which he was more than four hours, and came not, as we 
 mall fee hereafter, with an intention to fight, but to underftand the fubftance of 
 the Embaffy, which was brought to him from the Pope , and the Emperour. 
 Atahualpa was informed, That the Spaniards were not able to walk up any afcent, 
 ■or fteep Hill, and that their Footmen either got up behind the Horfes, or held 
 fdt by the Pectorals of the Saddles, and fowere drawn, as it were, whenfoever 
 they attempted to mount any fteep Afcents; and that they were not able to run 
 like the Indians, or endure any labour or fatigue like them; with this opinion, 
 and with a fancy that the Spaniards were of Divine Race , Atahualpa marched 
 without any jealoufie or fufpicion of that which afterwards Succeeded. When 
 the King faw the Spamjh Infantry in fo fmall a number, and that, as if they had 
 been fearfull, they had taken advantage of a Rock to defend themfelves, he (aid 
 to his People, 'Thefe are the Afejfengers of God, to whom we muft'be carefuil to give no 
 fence, but rather receive and treat them with all Courtejie and Refpebl : Which being 
 laid, a certain Dominican Friar, called Vicente de Vaherde, taking a Crucifix in his 
 hand, approached the Inca to fpeak to him in the Name of the Emperour, 
 
 449 
 
 
 C H A P. XXII. 
 
 Wherein is repeated the Speech which the Friar Vicente de 
 
 Valverde, made to the Inca Atahualpa. 
 
 I Las Valera , who was a faithfull and curious Colle&onr of all Paffages and 
 Tranfactions of thofe times , repeats unto us the whole Speech at large, 
 vhich YnziVtcer.te made to Atahualpa; the Speech confided of two parts, and, as 
 VaUra faith, that when he was at Tmxi/lo, he faw it translated into Latin, and 
 writ with the proper Hand-writing of Friar Vicente 5 which afterwards Diego de 
 Olivarcs, who was one of the Conquerours, had gotten-, and he being dead, it 
 '.came to the hands of a Kinfman of mine-, fo that having had opportunity often 
 ; to read it, I got it by heart, and by my memory am able to infert it here in the 
 fame form as Bias Valera writes it, who hath fet it down more at large, and more 
 .diftinftly than any other Hiftorian: Wherefore to proceed ; when Friar Vicente 
 came near to fpeak to the Inca, Atahualpa did much admire to fee fuch a Figure 
 |0f a Man, fo different in Habit from all the others, his Beard and Crown being 
 .fhaven, after the Falbion of Friars-, it feemed ftrange to him alfo, to fee him 
 icoft him with a Crofs of Palms, and a Book in his hand, which fome fay was 
 2 Breviary, others a Bible, others a Miffal. The King, that he might be infor- 
 ned of the manner how he was to treat this Friar, asked one of thofe three Indi- 
 es , to whom he had committed the charge to provide the Spaniards with all 
 things neceffary, of what quality this Friar was, whether he was greater , or in- 
 feriour, or equal with the other Spaniards? to which the poor fimple Indian knew 
 
 M m m to 
 
a%o Royal Commentaries.' Book I. 
 
 to make no other reply, than that he feemed to be a Captain or Guider of the 
 Word, ( he might mean perhaps a Preacher ) or Minifter of the fupreme God, 
 or Meflenger of the Pacbacamac, and that he was of different quality to the others. 
 Then Friar Vicente having made a low Obeifance and Reverence, according to 
 the manner of Religious Men, with permiflion of the King, he made him this 
 following Speech. 
 
 The Firft Part of the Speech of Friar 
 Vicente de Valverde. 
 
 IT is neceffary for you to know, (mofi famous and powerfull King) and alfo for all your 
 Subjects, who are dejirous to learn the Catholicity Faith, that you and they both hear and 
 believe the things which follow. 
 
 Fir/} that God, who is three, and yet one, created Heaven and Earth, and all the things 
 which are in this World. That he gives the Reward of Eternal Life to thofe that doe well, 
 and punifhes the evill with everlafiing Torments. That this God at the beginning of the 
 World made Man of the Dufi of the Earth, and breathed into him the Sprit of Life, which 
 we call the Soul, which God made after his own Image and Ukenefs \ by which it appears, 
 that the whole Man confifts of Body, and a rational Soul. 
 
 Fren the firfi Man, whom God called Adam, all Mankind, which is in this World, is 
 defcendcd, and from him we take the original and beginning of our Nature. That this 
 Adam finned, by breaking the Commandment of his Cr eat our, and in him all Men that 
 have been born fince his time are under fin, andfofhallbe to the end of the World; for net- 
 their Man, nor Woman, is free from this original Sin, nor can be, excepting onely our 
 Lord Jefus Chrift, who being the Son of the onely true God, defsended from Heaven, and 
 was born from the Virgin Mary, that fo he might redeem and free all Mankind from the 
 Subjection of Sin ; and finally he dyed for our Salvation upon the Crofs, which was a piece cf 
 Wood, inform of this which I hold in my Hands, for which reafon, we that are Chriftians 
 do adore and reverence it. 
 
 This fefius by his own power arofe from the dead, and forty Hays after he afcended into 
 Heaven, where he now fits at the right hand of God the Father Almighty. After which he 
 left his Apofiles upon the Earth, who were his Succejfours, who by their Words and Admo- 
 nitions, and other holy means, might bring men to the Knowledge and Worfhip of God, and 
 Obfervation of his Laws. 
 
 Of thefe Apofiles St. Peter was conftituted Chief, as are alfo his Succejfours of all other 
 fuceeeding Apofiles, and of all Chrifiians, and as St. Peter was God's Vicar, or Vicegerent, 
 fo after him were all the Popes of Rome , who are endued with that fupreme Authority 
 which God hath given them; and which they have , and do, and fhall for ever exercife with 
 much fantlity and care, for propagation of the Gofpell, and guiding Men according to the 
 Word of God, 
 
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Book I. Royal Commentaries. 451 
 
 The Second Part of the Speech of Friar 
 Vicente de Valverde. 
 
 FOR which reafon the Pope of Rome , who is the High Priefi mow living , having un- 
 der flood that all the People and Nations of thefe Kingdoms , leaving the Worfhip of 
 the true Maker of all things ; do brutifhly worjhip Idols, and the Images of Devils ; and be- 
 ing willing to draw them to the knowledge of the true God, hath granted the Conquefl of 
 thefe Parts to Charles the $th, Emperour of the Romans, who it the mofl powerfull King 
 of Spain, and Monarch of all the Earth, that fo he having brought the Kings, and Lords, 
 and People of thefe parts, under his Subjetlion and Dominion, and having defirqyedthe rebelli- 
 on* and di [obedient, he may govern and rule thefe Nations, and reduce them to the knowledge 
 tf God, and to the obedience of the Church. 
 
 And though our mofl potent King be employed in the Government of his vafi Kingdoms and 
 Dominions, yet he received this Grant of the Pope, and refufed not the trouble for the good 
 and for the fahation of thefe Nations; and accordingly hath fent his Captains and Souldiers 
 to execute his Commands, as he did for the Conquefi of thofe great Iflands and Countries 
 which are adjoining to Mexico* ^ having fubjetled them by force of Arms, hath reduced 
 them to the acknowledgment of the true Religion of fefus Chrifi, for the fame God hath com- 
 manded, that fo it Jhould be. 
 
 For which reafon the Emperour Charles the $th. hath chofen for his Ambaffadour, and 
 Lieutenant Don Francifco de Piqarro, (who is here pre fent) that fo the Kingdoms of 
 jour Highnefs may receive all the benefits of Religion; and that a firm Peace and Alliance 
 may be concluded and efiablijhed between His Majefly andTour Highnefs; on condition that 
 your Highnefs, and all your Kingdom become Tributaries, that is, paying a Tribute to the 
 Emperour, Thou maift become his Subject, and delivering up your Kingdom, and all the Ad- 
 mini firation and Government thereof, Thoufhalt doe as other Kings and Lords have already 
 done, and have the fame quarter and conditions with them. This is the fir ft point : Now as 
 to the fecond: when this Peace and Alliance is efiablijhed, and that thou hafi fubmitted 
 either voluntarily, or by conftraint, then thou art to yield true andfaithfull Obedience to the 
 Pope, who is the High-Priefl, and thou art to receive and believe the Faith of fefus Chrifi 
 our God. Thou art alfo to rejetl and totally to abandon the abominable Super ftition of Idols y 
 which being done, wefhall then make known to you the Santlity and Truth of our Law, and 
 the Falfity of yours, the invention and contriv ante of which proceeded from the Devil. All 
 which, O King, if Thou wilt believe me, ThoU ought efi to receive with readinefs and good- 
 will, being a matter of great importance to thy felf, and to thy people; for if thou Jhouldfi 
 deny, and refufe to obey, Thou wilt be profecuted with the Fire and Sword of War, untillwe 
 have conftrained thee by force of Arms, to renounce thy Religion; for willingly or unwillingly 
 Tloou mufi receive our Catholick^ Faith, and with furrender of thy Kingdom pay a Tribute to 
 our Emperour; but in cafe thou fhouldfi contend, and make refifience with an obfiinate 
 mind, be ajfured, that God will deliver thee up, as he did anciently Pharaoh, who, with his 
 whole Army, perifhed in the red Sea; and fo fhalt Thou, And all thy Indians, ferijh, and 
 be deflroyed by our Arms. 
 
 Mmma CHAP. 
 
452 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Of the Difficulty there was to interpret the fenfe a?id mea- 
 ning of this Speech of Friar Vicente de Valverde. 
 
 UPon this Speech Bias Vakra makes fome Reflexions, in order to the better 
 underftanding of his Hiftory •, faying, that the Hiftorians which treat of 
 tbeie matters make mention of this Speech of the Friar , but howfoever with 
 fome variety, for fome leave out the ftrft part, and others the fecond, and fome 
 have abbreviated it in their Relations. But howfoever Bias T'alera faith, that fohn 
 
 de Oliva , and Cbrifiopher de Medina , who were Priefts , and skilfull in the Indian 
 
 Language, and feveral other Writers, have fpecified this Speech at large in both 
 parts, as fpoken by Friar Vincent •, and they all agree, that it was a moft tart and 
 rude Speech , without any mixture of fweetnefs or allurement whatfbever, and 
 that the Interpretation thereof was much worfe, as we (hall fee hereafter •, and 
 thefe Authours do much more approve the Speech which Hernando de Soto and 
 Puarro made to Atahualpa, being more gentle, andmodeft, than theiharp, and 
 ill-natured Speech of Friar Vincent. 
 
 And now as to the Interpretation which was made to King Atahualpa of thefe 
 Words, we may believe it was very imperfect and corrupt •-, for this Philip the In- 
 dian, who was all the Interpreter they had, was a Native of the Ifland oiPuna, and 
 born of common and blockith Parents , and was fcarce arrived to the age of 
 twenty two years, and was not onely ill learned in the Spanifh, but alfo in the ge- 
 neral Tongue, fpoken by the Incas at Cozco, which h different from mat ufed in 
 Tumpiz,', for as we have Odd at the beginning, the Language of Coze* is more refi- 
 ned, in refpe& of all other Indians, whofe Language is barbarous and corrupt. And 
 moreover this Interpreter had learned his Spanijh of himfelf, without Rule, and 
 fome Wordsonely which he had gotten up amongft the Souldiers, and lewd Peo- 
 ple, foch as zounds, and dammee, and the like^ and befides he was but a Servant 
 to the Spaniards, and learned onely to fpeak like the Negroes , and though he had 
 been baptifed, yet he was ignorant of all die Principles of Religion, having nei- 
 ther knowledge of Chrift our Lord, nor of the Apoftles Creed. 
 
 This was all the Education and Learning which our firft Interpreter had in Pe- 
 ns, and accordingly tlie Translations he made out of Spanifh were all imperfed, 
 and of a contrary fenfe % not that he made his miftakes voluntarily from malice, but 
 from ignorance, fpeaking, like a Parrot, things that he did not underftand $ as for 
 example, when he was to declare, and explain the nature of the Trinity, as that 
 God was three, and yet one, he would fay, God was three, and one, that is four, the 
 which appears by their Quipus, which is their Knots ufed in theCountrey ofCajfa- 
 marc a., where thefe Affairs pafled j and indeed he was much to blame, if we confi- 
 der, that in the Peruvian Language they have no words to exprefs the Trinity, the 
 HolyGhoft, Faith, Grace, the Church, the Sacraments, and other Words of the 
 like Myfteries-, for which reafon the Spaniards, who ftudy that Language in our 
 times, and endeavour to exprefs their myftical Notions, are forced to coin new 
 words moft accommodated to the reafon of this people, and to the manner of Ex- 
 preflions of the moft intelligent Indians, who having underftood fomething of the 
 Spanijh Language and Learning, have of themfelves framed new Words to fupply 
 the defe&s of their Speech, whereby the Preachers are now able to exprefs any 
 thing in conformity to the underftanding of their Auditory. We have upon di- 
 vers occafions given feveral Inftances of the Barrennefs and Defects of the Peruvian 
 Language \ and therefore we ought not to lay the fole blame on our firft Inter- 
 preter •-, for even in thefe our Days, which are twenty nine Years, fince that time, 
 there are almoft as many grofs miftakes made by our prefent Interpreters, as were . 
 by PbiUppillio, who never converfed with the Spaniards in other Language than 
 his own. In fhort, I fay, that I never knew an Indian who fpake good Spanijh, 
 
 but 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 453 
 
 but two Youths onely, who were my School-fellows, and from their childhood 
 went to School, and learned to reade and write Spari/h .- One of which was called 
 Carhs, the Son of Paulltt Inca 5 befides thefe two, I have obferved fo little curio- 
 fity in the Indians to learn the Spanijh Tongue, that I never knew any of them who 
 addicted himfelf to the ftudy either of writing or reading thereof, and never exer- 
 cifed any other means than what came by mere converfe, and common difcourfes 
 nor were the Spaniards on the other fide more ftudious in learning the Indian 
 Tongue 5 which neglett was fo great both in one and the other Nation, that thofe 
 Indian Boys, who were educated with me, did never arrive to any farther know- 
 ledge, than of common and familiar words •, and when any thing was to be taught 
 them of higher matters, I was conftrained to exprefs them in the natural terms of 
 their own Language. 
 
 And if the ignorance and little improvement in the knowledge of thefe Tongues 
 was to be blamed in both Nations, after twenty nine years conversation and 
 acquaintance one with the other , how little blame then ought we to objecl: unto 
 this Interpreter, for want of skilfulnefs in the Tongues, when firft the Spaniards en- 
 tred into thefe Countries : Nay how little ought Philipillio, and the good Friar 
 Valverde, to be reproached for their unskilfulnefs in thefe Tongues at the begin- 
 ning, when now after eighty years that the Indian Empire hath been fubdued,*here 
 ftill want words in the Indian Language to exprefs the Myfteries of our Holy Faith. 
 As appears by a Catechifm which Friar Diego de Alabama printed and publilhed in 
 the year 1 5 8 j, in three Languages, viz. in Spanijh, in tKe general Language of Coz- 
 co, and in the Tongue peculiarly belonging to the Province of Aymara -, whereby 
 it appears, that neither of the two laft Tongues had words fufficient to expreis 
 Theological terms without ufing the Spanish, making them terms of Art adjoyned 
 to the Indian -. As for example, in the fecond Queftion of the Catechifm -, An 
 thou a baptized Chrifiian ? the Common Tranflation hath it , Batizajcha Chucanqui ? 
 Whereby it appears, that the word Canqui is the onely Indian word, but the word 
 Batizafia is made Indian out of the Spanijh. In like manner the fourth Queftion 
 is, Dofi thou know the Chrifiian Doctrine ? the word do you kpow is Indian , but the O- 
 
 ther two words are formed from the Spanijh. Befides which there are innumerable 
 other words in the Indian Tongue derived from the Spanish, which for brevity fake 
 we omit 5 and therefore we mall inftance in thefe few words onely, which are 
 taught to the Indians in the proper spanijh words ; and are thefe : God Jefiu Chrifi, 
 
 Our Lady, an Image, the Crofs, a Priefi, Domingo, a Feafi or Holy-day, Religion, the 
 Church, Repentance, to Communicate, to Pray, to Fafi, Married, a Batchellour or Jingle 
 Perfin, amancebado, or one who keeps a woman, with many other like words in the 
 Catechifm. And though it be true that fome of thefe words, and others of the 
 like nature, might be exprefled in the Indian Tongue , as the Name of God, &c. 
 Howfoever it was with great prudence, and religioufly determined in charity to 
 the Souls of thefe people, to cover the Myfteries of the Chrifiian Faith, with 
 Chrifiian words-, left thefe people, being newly converted from their Gentilifm, 
 and being taught Chriftianity in their own words, fhould retain the fame fuperfti- 
 tious notions of God, and other things according to the primary impreflions of 
 their Idolatry •, and therefore it was judged neceflary to inftrucl: them with new 
 words, that fo, if poflible, the very Memory of their fuperftitions might be to- 
 tally abolifiied. 
 
 Having thus excufed PhilipilUo, and Friar Valverde, from blame for their bad in- 
 terpretation ; we muft add, that the interpretation he made of the Friar's Sermon, 
 ferved rather to obfcure than elucidate his fenfe •, for when he came to explicate 
 the Generation of Mankind, and original Sin by Adams fall •, that inftead of lay- 
 ing, That all the World finned in Adam, he would fay. That all the World hea- 
 ped their Sins upon Adam. And then fpeaking of the Divinity of Chrift our Lord, 
 he faid, He was a great Perfon, who died for Mankind : And then when he would 
 fpeak of the Virginity, Purity, and San&ity of our Lady the Virgin Mary, he faid 
 nothing to the purpofe , interpreting every thing almofi in a contrary fenfe to the 
 Catholick Do&rine. 
 
 Coming to the fecond Part of the Speech delivered by Valverde, he made fome 
 fewer errours and mifiakes than in the firft , becaufe that the matter concerned 
 more exteriour things, fuch as War and Arms, which were more obvious to the 
 fenfe •, on which occafion he extolled the Power and Magnanimity of the Empe- 
 rour, and his induftry in fending Captains and Souldiers to conquer the World ■, 
 
 the 
 
 
U.r- 1 
 
 a <*a Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 the which was (o ill exprefled, that the Indians believed he was Superiour to all, 
 as well in HeaVen as on Earth. Many other things he declared, which were as 
 ill underftood as thofe preceding, which for brevity fake we pafs by and omit. 
 And here Bias Vakra takes notice of a moft certain and obfervable truth ; that to 
 this day, though the Indian Children which are bred up and educated with our 
 Youth, fo that Spamfh is become almoft their natural Language, or at leaft as eafie 
 to them as the Indian ; and are very well inftru&ed and catechifed in the Princi- 
 ples and Myfteries of the Chriftian Faith, yet dare not prefume to explicate the 
 Do&rines of our Religion to the Indians in their own Language, for fear left the 
 barrennefs of their Tongue lliould not be able to reach the height of our myfteri- 
 ous Faith, and thereby adminifter occafion to them of many errours and miftakes. 
 So that if in thefe late days, wherein Men are both inftru&ed in our Learning, and 
 pra&ifed in both Languages, fuch difficulties do arife in this matter 5 what in- 
 congruities, what nonfenfe, and what Chimeras may we imagine, were at firft ut- 
 tered, wher^Men endeavoured to exprefs fublime Myfteries with a babling and an 
 
 imperfect Tongue 
 
 — m 
 
 it 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 The Anfwer which Atahualpa gave to the Friar s Speech. 
 
 WHen Atahualpa underftood the condufion of the Speech , which was, That 
 by fair means, or foul, he was to renounce and quit his Kingdoms, 
 and to remain a Tributary Prince, for fo was the command of the Pope, and the 
 pleafure of the Emperour •, and when they threatned him with fire ana (word, as 
 appeared by the figns they made, by brandifhing their Arms ; and that it feemed 
 as if nothing was prepared but mine and deftrudtion for himfelf and his Army, 
 like that of Pharaoh, he became extremely fad and melancholy, believing that thofe 
 whom they called Viracochas (for they conceived that the Spaniards were Gods) 
 were turned from them, and become their mortal Enemies , and therewith he 
 fetched a deep figh, and cried Atac, which is as much as Oh moft unhappy and 
 miferable-, which wofull groan was an evidence of the forrow he conceived at 
 the conclufion ef the Friar's Sermon : But at length recolleding himfelf, he 
 anfvvered in the manner following. 
 
 Though you have denied me all the requefts I made to your Meffengers, jet it would be a 
 great fatisfaElion to me, to grant me the favour onely to exprefs your felves by a more skilfull 
 and faithfull Interpreter, becaufe the Manners and political Lives of Men are better under- 
 ftood by difcourfe, than by figns or atlions ; for though you may be Men endued with extrt- 
 erdhtary vertues and abilities , yet unlefsyou make them appear to me by words and difcourfe, 
 Ifhall never be made capable to underftand them by outward figns andgeftures : For if there 
 be a neceffity of a common Language between Nations, who defire commerce and converfathn 
 together , much more is it requifite between people fo remote as we are ; for indeed to treat 
 by Interpreters ignorant of both Tongues, is like the inarticulate found of domeftick^ Animals '-, 
 and fuch, O Man of God, feems this difcourfe thou haft made me by this Interpreter. And 
 ■now, fofar as I underftand, methinks the difcourfe feems much different to what your Am- 
 baffadours lately propounded , for they treated of nothing but Peace and Friendfhip, of Alli- 
 ance and Confanguinity ; but now all the Words of this Indian are nothing but Menaces of 
 Wars, and Death, and Fire, and Sword, with the Extirpation and Banifhment of the InC3S, 
 and their Progeny ; and that Imuft voluntarily, or by force, renounce a right to my Kingdom, 
 and become Tributary to another. From whence I collect one of thefe two things •■, that either 
 you and your Prince are Tyrants, and rove about to plunder the World, and to difpojfefs o~ 
 thers of their Kingdoms, killing and fpoiling thofe who owe you nothing, and have never of- 
 fered you injury or violence ; or otherwife you are the Minifters of God (called by us Pacha- 
 
 camac) 
 
Book L Royal Commentaries* 455 
 
 camac) whom he hath fent to vifn us with vengeance and defiruclion. And if it be fo 
 ' both I and my Vaffals do offer our felves to death, and to what punifhment foever you will in- 
 fill upon us •, not for fear ', or out of any dread we have of your Menaces or Arms, but in 
 compliance with the Commands enjoyned us by my Father Huayna Capac at the time of his 
 death ; which was, that we fhouldferve and honour a Nation with Beards like your felves 
 which were to enter into thefe farts after his days, andof which he prophe/ied fame years before 
 your Ships coafted about our Countrey, and whom he declared to be Men of better Laws of 
 more refined Cufloms, more wife and more valiant than our felves. 
 
 Wherefore to fulfill the Prophecy and Teftament of my Father, we fly ie you Viracochas 
 under ft anding thereby, that you are the Meffengers of the Great God ViraCOCha, whofeWill 
 and Pleafure, jufi Indignation, Arms and Power, we are unable to rejifi ; and yet we are al- 
 ' fured, that he is all Goodnefs and, Mercy : And for that reafonyou, who are his Minifiers 
 and Executioners of his Will, ought to abftain from fuch Robberies, Slaughter and Violences 
 as you have committed in Tumpiz and the adjacent Countries. 
 
 In the next place, your Interpreter acquaints me of five great Perfonages, whom I am to 
 ' acknowledge, The fir ft is God, who is three and one, that is four, whom you call the Crea- 
 tor of this ZJniverfe ; which perhaps may be the fame> whom we call Pachacamac and Vi- 
 racocha. 'The fecond is the Father of all Mankind, on whom all other Men have heaped 
 their Sins. The third you call fefus Chrifi, who was the onely Perfin excepted, who did not 
 cafi his Sins on the firfi Man, but that he dyed. The fourth you name is the Pope. The 
 fifth is Charles, whom, in comparifon with others, you call the mofi Powerful? Monarch of 
 . the Vniverfe, and the Supreme Lord of all : But then if Charles be the Prince and Lord 
 . of the World, what need was therefor the Pope togk/e a new-Grant, and another Commiffi- 
 en to make War upon me, andVfurp my Kingdoms ? for confequently the Pope mufi be a grea- 
 ter Prince than he, and the mofi powerfull of any in the World. But I cannot but mofi ad- 
 mire at what you fay, that I am obliged to pay Tribute to Charles onely, and not to others 5 
 the which you alledge without giving me any reafon, and indeed I cannn conceive on what f core 
 I am obliged to pay it j for if I were bound to pay Tribute and Service to any, methinks it 
 fhould be to that God, who, you fay, created all things, and to that fir fi Man, who was the 
 Father of all Mankind, and to that fefus Chrifi who had no Sins to impute unto him •-, and t 
 I in fine, if Tribute were to be given, it fhould rather be unto the Pope, whmhath Power and 
 1 Authority to difpofe of my Kingdoms, and my Perfon. And if you fay that I owe nothing 
 unto any of thefe, I fhould imagine that I owe much lefs unto Charles, who was never Lord 
 of thefe Countries, nor ever f aw them. And if the Pope s Grant andConceffion be obligatory 
 '■ to me, it were jufi and reafonable to declare it to me, before you threaten me with War, and 
 Fire, and Sword, and Death •■, for I am not fo void of under fianding and fenfe, as not to 
 
 ■ obey the Pope, in cafe you canfhew me reafon, and jufi ice, and caufe for it. 
 
 Moreover, I defire to be informed who that good Man jefus Chrifi was, who, you fay, ne- 
 , ver laid his Sins on another, but that he dyed. I would gladly know, whether he dyed of a 
 
 ■ natural death, or by the hands of his Enemies 5 and whether he was numbred amongfi the 
 : Gods before his death, or afterwards. 
 
 And farther I defire to be informed, whether thefe five which you highly honour, are adored 
 by you for Gods ; for if it be fo, you hold more for Gods, than we, who acknowledge no other 
 than the Pachacamac, who is the Supreme, and the Sun, who is inferiour to him, and the 
 Moon , who is his Sifter and Wife. In which doubtfull ff)uefiions I heartily defire to be 
 
 1 truly refolved by fame other more able and faithfull Interpreter, that fo I may be made more 
 
 ' c.tpabjp thereby to know and obey your Will and Commands. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
4.c6 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. , 
 
 Of the great tumult and difturbance which happened between 
 the Indians and the Spaniards. 
 
 THE Inca obferving the inability of the Interpreter, endeavoured to affift 
 him in expreffing his Anfwer : Firft, by uttering his Speech by fhort peri- 
 ods, caufing him to exprefs one thing, before he proceeded to another ; and, fe- 
 condly, he fpake in the Language of chimafuju, which the Interpreter underftood 
 better than the Language of Cozco •-, by which means PhUippUlio did better exprefs 
 the fenfe and intention of the Inca, though he did it in a moft barbarous manner. 
 So foon as the Inca, had ended his difcourfe, the Keepers of the 2idpm were com- 
 manded to note the fenfe and particulars of all things delivered lay their Knots, 
 which were the onely cypher they had whereby to conferve their traditions to fu- 
 ture Ages. 
 
 By this time the Spaniards growing weary of this long and tedious difcourfe, be- 
 gan to quit their places, and come up clofe to the Indians, to fight with them, and 
 rob them of their Jewels of Gold, and Silver, and pretious Stones, with which 
 they had that day decked themfelves, that in a folemn manner they might appear 
 in their finery, to receive the Embafly which was fent them from the Univerfal 
 Monarch of the World : Some Spaniards alfo climbed a little Tower to plunder an 
 Idol, which they had adorned with Plates of Gold, and Silver, and pretious Stones j 
 the which outrage caufcd great noife and tumult amongft the Indians -, which when 
 the Inca perceived, he cried out with a loud voice to his people, that they fhould 
 neither hurt, nor offend the Spaniards, though they mould take or kill their King 
 himfelf. On which paflage Bias Vakra takes occafion to fay, That as God by the 
 prefence of Queen Efiher mollified the Spirit of King Ahafuerw -, fo by means of 
 the Holy CrOfs, which the good Friar Valverde held in his hand, he charmed the 
 Spirit of this' Cholerick and Warlike Prince Atahualpa, not onely to a degree of 
 gentlenefs, and quiet temper, but even to an entire fubmiffion, and humble refig- 
 nation : the which we ought to attribute to a Miracle of the divine Mercy ; for 
 God defigning to reduce this people to a knowledge of the true Dodrine of the 
 Holy Gofpel, was pleafed by this, and other miraculous inftances, which we fhall 
 find fcattered in divers places of this Hiftory, to operate on the Spirits of this bar- 
 barous people. Some Writers blame Friar Valverde for this diforder, faying, that 
 he moved the Spaniards thereunto, and encouraged them to Jay hands on their 
 Weapons, requiring them to doe juftice,and take revenge for the affront which the 
 King had given them, by throwing the Book on the ground which the Friar had 
 put into his hand •, and- fome fay this could not be the caufe, for that neither the 
 Friar delivered a Book into the hands of the King, nor did he receive it : But the 
 truth of all was this, Friar Valverde ftartled at a fudden out-cry of the Indians, arofe 
 up on a fudden from the feat on which he fate, difcourfing with the King 5 and 
 running in hafte, his Book, and the Crofs which he held in his hand, fell on the 
 ground •, and then catching them up again, he ran with fpeed, crying to his Com- 
 panions, that they fhould offer no hurt to the Indians, for that Atahualpa was kind 
 and well affe&ed towards them , and that he obferved by his Anfvvers, and de- 
 mands his good intentions, to fatisfie them in all matters according to his capa- 
 city •, but the noife and out-cry of the people was fuch, that the voice of the Friar 
 was not heard amongft them. And here it is to be noted, that it is not true 
 what fome Hiftorians report of Atahualpa, that he fhould fay, " Ton believe that 
 
 Chrifl is God, and that he died : I adore the Sun and the Moon, -which are immortal : 
 
 * And mho taught you, that jour Cod created the Heaven and the Earth ? To which 
 
 * Valverde made anfwer, This Book_hath taught it to m : Then the King took it in 
 " his hand, and opening the Leaves, kid it to his Ear •, and not hearing it fpeak 
 
 * to him, he threw it upon the ground. Upon which, they fay, that the Friar 
 
 * " Parting 
 
p:+f6 
 
y ■■■ 
 
Book 1. Royal Commentaries. 457 
 
 " fhrcing up, ran ro his Companions, crying out, that the Golpel was defpifed, 
 " and trampled under foot ; jultice and Revenge upon thofe who contemn our 
 " Law, and refnfe our Friendfhip. In like manner, it is fabulous what they write 
 * of the Inca, that he lhould fay that he was free, and owed not Tribute to any, 
 " for that lie knew no King fuperibur to himfelf. I mould be glad to be a friend 
 " to the Emperour, who hath evidenced his Power and Greatnefs in fending Ar- 
 " mies into Countries fo remote-, but as to what you mention of Obedience to 
 " the ['ope, I cannot understand the Reafons which fhould oblige me to a fubjec- 
 " tion unto him : For he who pretends to transfer another's right unto his friends, 
 " and commands me to quit and renounce the Kingdom, which I hold by Inheri- 
 " tance, to I know not whom, mews himfelf a Man of little understanding, and 
 " lefs jultice. And as to the change of my Religion, of which I am in my con- 
 " fcience fatisfied, and believe to be Holy •, it would be dishonourable, and a 
 " folly m me to queftion the truth thereof, which by ancient tradition, and un- 
 " doubted teftimony, hath been approved by my Anceftours. 
 
 All which I fay was falfe, and framed by the miftakes and flattery of Writers; 
 for AtthttalpA never queftioned the right of paying Tribute, but onely infifted on 
 the Reafons why, and whereforeit was due, and expe&ed from him ; which de- 
 mands, or queftions, put the Indians into a combuftion. ' The Commander in chief 
 of the Spaniards and Captains under him, fent notwithftanding the former relation 
 which they had forged unto the Emperour, and forbid aUr people under fevere pe- 
 nalties to make any other report or narrative of what had pafled in this particular : 
 the truth of which is, as I have related it, and which may be proved not onely by 
 the Historical, or Hyeroglyphical Knots of the Province otCaffamarca, but by the 
 teftimony of feveral of thofe Conquerours, who were then prefent at thofe tranf- 
 i&ions. Bias Vakra faith, That one of them was his own Father, from whom he 
 'hath often heard it confirmed. In (hort, we fay that 5000 Indians were killed that 
 day, 3 5 00 of which were {lain with the Sword, the reft were old and infirm Men, 
 ind Women, and Children, which were trampled and. trodden under foot, for an 
 innumerable number of all Ages, and both Sexes, were gathered together to fee 
 the Solemnity of this ftrange and unheard-of Embafly. Moreover a great num- 
 ber of Indians perifhed under the Ruines of a Wall, which fell by force of the 
 riolent crouds of people, which prefled under the fhelter of it. Two days after 
 this defeat, the Crofs was found in the fame place where Friar Vaherde had let it 
 fall, for no Indian durft approach near it, becaufe perhaps it was like, that which 
 the Indians adored in Tumpiz , believing that there was fome Divinity, or myfteri- 
 ous Power in that piece of Wood •, and being ignorant of the Religion of Chrift 
 our Lord, they asked pardon for thofe offences by which they had provoked him 
 :o anger. 
 
 And now the Indians began to call to mind the ancient Prophecy, delivered by 
 Tradition from their Inca Viracocha, whereby he not onely foretells the change of 
 :heir Laws, People and Government, but alfo that their fuperftitions and religious 
 Elites and Ceremonies mould be confumed, and perifh by fire. And in regard 
 hey were ignorant of the time when thefe things were to be accomplifhed, whe- 
 her now or hereafter -, both the King and his People were ftrook with fuch afto- 
 lifhment, that they knew not what to determine •-, nor did they refolve on any 
 jiing either defenfive to themfelves, or offenfive to the Spaniards, onely they con- 
 Idered and worshipped them as Gods, and Meflengers of the Great Viracocha, whom 
 hey adored under this denomination and belief. Thus far this Relation is extrac- 
 eq out of the Papers of Bias Vakra, which I fhall willingly quote hereafter in fe- 
 deral parts of this following Hiftory •, for he was not onely a religious Man, .but- 
 ane very curious in finding out the truth, and fincere in laying down makers as 
 hey really were adted •-, in which he was not fatisfied by his Enquiries from Spani- 
 ards, but likewife took his Informations from the Indians themfelves : For which 
 ealbn, whef efoever 1 find any thing of his tending to our purpofe, I fhall quote 
 hem as authentick for their authority 5 and in the mean time, cannot but much 
 ament his loft leaves, and fcattered fragments. 
 
 N n n CHAR 
 
4«8 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 The Authour compares his own Writings with the Hiftories 
 of Spaniards. 
 
 NO W to compare what we have (aid with the Writings of Spanijk Hiftori- 
 ans, we fay, that the Difcourfe of Friar Vaherde, and the Anfwer of At*, 
 hua/pa, are delivered very brief, and in few words, in all the printed Hiftories : 
 For the truth is, the General and Captains were not very fincere, or faithfull in 
 the Narrative they gave of paflages which occurred ■-, for to put the beft glofs and 
 colour they could on their actions, they left out all their cruel and unjuftifiable 
 proceedings, and added whatfoever they judged to have the beft appearance. 
 What we have alledged concerning Atabualpa, how that he ordered his Subjects 
 to refift the Spaniards, is confirmed by the authority of feveral Hiftorians, and par- 
 ticularly by Lopez, de Gomc.ra, who in the 1 1 3th Chapter of his Book, hath thefe 
 Words : " It is very obfervable (faith he) that though die Indians came all arm- 
 " ed, yet not a Man lifted up his hand, becaufe the word of Command was not 
 " given, nor the Signal fhewed for Fight, as was agreed, in cafe that matters 
 " required, $ for it is probable the furprize was fo fudden, and the affrightment 
 " great by the found of the Trumpets, the Vollies of the Mufquets, and roari 
 " of the Cannon, the milling of the Horfes, and clattering of Armour; t\ 
 " fo unknown to thefe poor people, as diftra&ed them, and put them befides ... 
 " underftandings and reafon. And a little farther he. adds : Great numbers 
 " them perifhed, becaufe they did not fight, whilft ours killed them with th. 
 " Daggers, flafhing and ftabbing them •■, for Friar Valverde advifed them not to u_. 
 " their Swords^ left in that fervice they fhould be either blunted or broken. Thu: 
 far are the. Words of.Gomara-^ the which is likewife confirmed by other Ai 
 thours, who 'report, that the Indians fled fo foon as they faw their King taken Pi. 
 foner, and that Atabualpa commanded them not to refift the Spaniards .- The whkL 
 we may attribute to'a Miracle of God^s Providence, who was pleafed to conferve 
 the Chriftians, and not fuffer them to pefifh, whom he had defigned to preacr 
 the Gofpel :• For if the Inca had not commanded them not to fight, certainly the) 
 would never have endured to fee their Prince overthrown and taken ■■> for having 
 Weapons in their hands, they would rather have died all in his defence, than hav< 
 firflfererf 160 Spaniards (whom they were able to have fubdued with ftones) to com 
 mit fuch Outrages upon, them ; inftead, whereof there was not one Spaniard eithe 
 killed or wounded, uhiefs it were Trancifco de Picarro, who received a little hur 
 in his hand by one of his own people, as he went to feize Jtalmaipa. The trad 
 is, the Indians did not fight, becaufe they held every Command of their Inca to b 
 a part of their Religion, and of the divine Law, though it were to the lofs of thei 
 Lives and Filiates. And as to what Hiftorians report of Friar Valverde, that h 
 himferf ufed his Weapons, and encouraged the Souldiers to kill and deftroy th 
 Indians, and ftab them with Daggers to five their Swords, and conferve them t 
 another opportunity, is a falfe report of thofe who wrote thefe paftages into Sp*i. 
 where they might eafily at 3000 Leagues diftance obtrude what ftoriesthey pleafe 
 on the minds of Men •, for otherwife it is not to be imagined, that a religioi 
 Friar, a good Catholick, and a Divine, would utter fuch outragious words of Cn 
 city, which became a Nero, rather than a Perfon of his Coat and Profeffion 
 and one who deferved the Dignity of a Bifhop, in that he died by the hands < 
 the Indians, for preaching the Catholick Faith : Which having faid, let us retui 
 to the Series of our Hiftory. 
 
 kk 
 
 •■ • 
 
 il. 
 
 it 
 
 wl 
 B 
 
 C H A 
 
 ^ 
 
 
L. Book I. Royal Commentaries. 459 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 How the Spaniards took the King Atahualpa. 
 
 TH E spanijh Horfe Tallying forth, attacked the Squadrons of the Indians, and 
 ran them through with their Lances, without any oppofition , and at the 
 fame time D. Francifio Picarro, and his Infantry, aflailed Atahualpa with all their 
 fury ; for they imagined, that in cafe they could once make themfelves Matter of 
 that Jewel, ( which was the King ) they fliould foon gain all the Treasures of Peru ; 
 ; but the Indians with great numbers encompaflihg the King's Chair, did not offend 
 the Spaniards, but onely endeavoured to defend and cover their King from hurc 
 and mifchief : Howfoever the Spaniards wounded them on all fides, and lanced 
 them through the fides, though they defended not themfelves, onely interpofed 
 their bodies between the King and the Spaniards 5 in fine, with much {laughter 
 they opened their way to the King 5 the firft that came up to him was D. Francifio 
 Pifarro, who laying hold on his Veftments, fell with him to the ground , though 
 fome Hiftorians lay that he took him by the Locks, which were very long % but 
 that was a miftake, for the Incas wear very fhort Hair. In fhort, die Spaniards 
 living overthrown Atahualpa, they took him Prifoner : In confirmation of which 
 truth, Gomara hath thefe words : " There was not one Spaniard either killed or 
 ' wounded, onely Francifio Picarro received a fmall hurt in his hand by a blow of 
 " one of his own Souldiers, who ftrook at Atahualpa to knock him down ; 
 c whence it is reported, that it was not P»'p*rr<?, but another which took the King 
 " Prifoner : With which Words Gomara ends his 1 1 3th Chapter. 
 
 Now to add unto his Hiftory what he hath omitted, (as we have declared, we 
 would) weaver, that this Souldier was called Michael Afiere, who afterwards Ji- 
 ved in the City of Huamanca, where he poflefled fome Lands, and commanded 
 over the Indians. When Atahualpa was fallen, this Souldier took off the coloured 
 Wreath which encircled his Temples , the which was as his Crown or Lau- 
 rel of Royalty, and kept ic for his prizes which gave occafion for the report, 
 that Atahualpa was taken Prifoner by the Souldier, and not by Picarro; but be the 
 matter how it will, fince both were fo near together, and the thing doubtfulJ, 
 the Honour ought to be given to the chief Commander : Howfoever Michael 
 Aflere kept the coloured Wreath by him, untill the year 1 jjz, when he be- 
 llowed it on the inca Sayritupac, who then deferted the Mountains to which he 
 was retired, as (hall be related in its due place. 
 
 The Indians feeing their King taken, and the Spaniards (till purfuing them with 
 wounds and (laughter, ftaid no longer, but all put themfelves to flight •, but not 
 being able to make their efcape by the way, ( for the Horfe had poflefled them- 
 felves of that pafs) they made towards a certain Wall, built of freezed Stone, in 
 the time of the Great Inca Pachacutec, when he had conquered Cafiamarca ; and 
 being in great multitudes, and many hands, they over-turned above a hundred 
 paces of the Wall, and climbed over the Ruines, over which the Horfe not be- 
 ing able to follow them, they efcaped into the Plains. And here a certain Au- 
 ' thour faith, that the Stones of thefe Walls were more tender and companionate, 
 J than the hearts of the Spaniards •, becaufe that being charmed with pity for the 
 miferies of the poor Indians, they trembled and fell, to make way for their flight 
 and efcape. Some Hiftorians fay, that the Spaniards not fatisfied to fee them fly, 
 purfued and maflacred them, untill the night put an end to their cruelty : And 
 then afterwards taking the plunder of the Field, they divided the fpoil which con- 
 fined of Jewels, Gold, Silver, and many pretious Stones. And Lopez, de Gomara 
 giving a relation hereof in the 114th Chapter of his Book, faith, " That in 
 " the Palace and Bath oiAtabaliba onely they found five thoufand Women 5 
 
 which though forrowfull and deftitute, yet they put on a chearfull counte- 
 * nance when they faw the Chriftians treating them with Prefents of fine Gar- 
 
 N n n 2. " menw 
 
 [ 
 
a6o Royal Commentaries. Book L 
 
 — l _^ r _ __ , — 
 
 " ments, with Towels, and other domeftick conveniences, as alfo with Bafons 
 " of Gold and Silver, one of which belonged to Atabaltba, and weighed eight 
 " Arroves of Gold ( which makes two hundred weight Englim ) and was to 
 " the value of a hundred choufand Ducats-, but poor Atabaliba in the mean time 
 " being much incommoded by his Chains, defired Picarro; that fince it was his 
 " misfortune to fall into fuch mifery, that at leaft they would treat him well, and 
 u eafe him of that burthen. Thus far are the Words of Gomara, which I have 
 extra&ed almoft verbatim, and which are of die fame fenfe with that which is 
 delivered by Auguftine Carate. To which Authours I refer my Reader, in cafe 
 any perfon defires to reade thefe matters more at large. 
 
 
 _ 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 Atahualpa , or Atabaliba , promifes a great Ranfome t$ 
 obtain his Liberty t and what Endeavours were vim 
 for him. 
 
 ■ ■ 
 
 TH E Nobility which efcaped from the (laughter of Cajfamarca, undeman- 
 ding that their King was alive, rerurned to perform their Services to hint 
 in Prifon $ onely a certain Commander called Rummnavi, who was of a diffe- 
 rent opinion to all the reft, and never afiented to have Peace with the Spaniards. 
 or to truft them , remained behind with the Souldiers under his Command ; ana I 
 being enraged to find his Counfels reje&ed , fled with his people into the King- 
 dom of J&itu, with intention to make preparations for a War againft the Spafi 
 wWr, and fuch provifions as were moft conducing to his own lafety : But his| 
 real defign was to levy a War againft Atahualfa himfelf ; who having been a Re* 
 bel to his own Prince, he thought it no crime to follow his example. To which 
 end being entred into the Kingdom of J%uitu, he immediately feteed on all the 
 Sons of Atahualpa, on pretence of defending and prote&ing them againft the 
 Spaniards 5 but in a ftiort time he killed them all, together with ^mllifcacha, who 
 was Brother to Atahualpa both by Father and Mother, called by the Spaniards. 
 Jlkfcai 5 and moreover, he killed chalkmUma, and other Captains and Curacas, as 
 we (hall declare in their due place. 
 
 The Ma Atahualpa being now in Prifon, and bound with Chains of Iron, trea- 
 ted with the Spaniards for the price of his Liberty, and offered for his Ranfome 
 as many Veflels of Gold and Silver, as mould cover the floor of the Chamber 
 wherein he was 5 and perceiving that the Sfoniards fhrugged their moulders at it, 
 as either not believing him, or thinking the propofal too mean (as Gomara re- 
 ports ) he immediately profered to fill the Room to a certain red line which he 
 had drawn on the Wall, fo far as he could reach with his hand , provided that 
 they neither put one Veflel within the other, nor battered, or beat them dofe, 
 but onely heaped them one on the other, untill they arofe to the mark and line 
 which he had drawn. And thus much we have extracted out of the 1 14th Chap- 
 ter of Gomaras Hiftory. But not to enlarge on the Particulars related by the 
 Spanijb Hiftorians, to whom we refer our felves 5 we come, in fhort, to that whichj 
 immediately concerns the Life and Death of thofe Kings, the /was, and the utter) 
 deftru&ion of them , which was the firft defign and intention of this Treatife -, 
 and then afterwards, in its due place, we lhall relate all the moft curious and no- 
 table pafiages which occurred in the Civil Wars arifen between the Spaniards 
 themfelves : But now to proceed. 
 
 . . Atahtalp* 
 


3ook I. Royal Commentaries. a6x 
 
 4tahmlpA fent for much Gold and Silver for payment of his Ranfome , which 
 
 rough amafled, in great quantities, yet wanted much of arifing to the line whicTi 
 
 as drawn •, lb that it ieemed almoft impoffible to comply with the promifes 
 
 Inch Ji.dit.i/p.t had made ■-, wherefore the Spaniards murmured, and faid, That 
 
 nee tire Priforier had not. complied . with the promifes he had given within the 
 
 me prefixed , they could not but fufpect that thefe delays were made on de- 
 
 gn to aflemble greater numbers of Souldiers, who might be able to mafter and 
 
 ill. them , and then free and refcue their King. The Spaniards being jealous of 
 
 >me fuch project, appeared angry and difcontented ; which Atahualpa perceiving 
 
 y their, countenance , for he was very quick of apprehenfion , demanded the 
 
 mfe of that trouble which appeared in their faces : which when he had under- 
 
 ood from Batwifce Pj' s ano ; he anfwered, that if they were informed of the 
 
 rest, diftance of die places from whence he was to fetch his Veflels of Gold 
 
 rid Silver, they would not entertain fuch hard thoughts of jealoufie concerning 
 
 is., intentions •, for the greateft part of his Ranfome was to be brought from Coz- 
 
 «, PdchMMnac, £>uitn, and feveral other Provinces, the neareft part of which was 
 
 achacamac, and that was at leaft eighty Leagues diftant ; that Cozxo was two 
 
 undred Leagues off, and £>uitu three hundreds and that if they doubted of the 
 
 uth of what he affirmed, they might, if they pleafed, fend Spaniards into thofe 
 
 i arts to fee and furvey the Treafure which was there, and in all places of that 
 
 i jngdom •-, and being fatisfied with the quantity thereof, might pay themfelves 
 
 liith daeir own hands* But the btca perceiving that the Spaniards doubted of 
 
 Iieir fecuriry with thofe whom he would employ to conduct them to thefe Trea- 
 
 Iires j he told them, that whilft he was in Chains, they were fecure, and needed 
 
 ■Ot tO fear Or doubt of their fafety : Upon which Hernando de Soto, and Peter del 
 
 Marco, Native of the Town of Lobon, refolved to travel as far as Cozco. When 
 mtakualpa underftood that Hernando would leave him , he was much troubled ; 
 Ipr having been the firft Chriftian he had feen, he entertained a particular kind- 
 I els for his Perfon, believing that on all occafions and emergencies he would 
 lirove his Friend and Prote&our. Howfoever, he durft not fay any thing againft 
 1} is going, left it mould beget a jealoufie, and contradict the profer he had made, 
 • nd which the Spaniards- had accepted : Befides thefe two Spaniards, four others 
 » sfolved to travel into other Provinces for difcovery of the Treafures which they 
 Yielded-, one therefore defigned for Quitu, another for Huajllas, another for Hua- 
 k tachucu, and a fourth for Sicillapampa -, all which, befides their primary intention 
 \ if difcovery, received. Inftru&ions to obferve whether any Levies were making 
 I or refcue of their King Atahualpa from his Prifon ; but he, poor Man, being far 
 rom fufpecling the Faith and Promifes which the Spaniards had given him, bufied 
 I lis thoughts on no other contrivances, than the ways to amafs fuch quantities of 
 I jold and Silver as he had bargained with the Spaniards for his Ranfome, not 
 '■ loubting but upon the delivery thereof, to have his Chains and Shackles knocked 
 >ff Upon which fuppofition the inca ordered publick Proclamation to be made 
 ' n all his Kingdoms, to receive and treat the Chriftians, travelling fingly into re- 
 I note parts with joy and kind treatment in all places where they mould arrive : 
 in virtue of which Command from the Ima, and out of an opinion which the 
 'adians entertained, that the Spaniards were Gods, and Meflengers of the moft 
 ^ig^hGod, (as they themfelves reported and publifhed in all places ) and were 
 ronfirrned in a belief thereof from the a&ion of Peter de Candia, who killed the 
 .vild Beafts (as we have faid) in Tumpiz, they received them in their Towns 
 ind Villages .with all the honour, joy, and kind treatment that they were able to 
 ;xprefs. They prefented them with Gifts, and fuch curiofities as their Countrey 
 yielded, and offered Sacrifices to them •-, for out of their abundant fimplicity and 
 fuperftitlon they efteemed of the Spaniards, as Gods : And though they were not 
 ignorant of the great flaughter they had committed upon the Indians in Caffamarca, 
 and on thofe which endeavoured to make their efcape, yet ftill they maintained 
 an opinion, that they were Gods, but cruel and terrible, and fuch as were to be 
 appeafed with Sacrifices 5 and though thefe angry Deities were never to be 
 perfuaded into that gentle Mood of doing good to them , yet perhaps they 
 might fee atoned , and retrained from doing them farther mifchiefs. 
 
 Hernando 
 
a6i Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 Hernando de Soto, and Peter del Barco, with the four Other Spaniards, were by Or- 
 der of the lnca carried in Hammacks upon Mens (houlders for their more conve- 
 nience and expedition. Now a Hammack is a word ufed by the Indians in thelfle 
 oiBarkvemo, and fignifies a Net made of the Leaves of a Palm, or of other Trees, 
 which in thofe hot Countries is much more cool than thofe made of Cotton, 
 which are ufed by the poorer and meaner fort of people : Thefe Hammacks are 
 hanged at the four corners with Ropes about a Yard from the ground, and are 
 much more cool than lodging upon Quilts. In imitation hereof, the Indians of 
 Peru did ufe to faften a Blanket at both ends to a Staff of about three or four 
 Yards long, on which he that was to ride Pod laid and ftretched himfelf at length, 
 fo that the Bearers feemed to carry a dead Corpfe : This Blanket was fupported 
 by two Indians, who changed with others after a certain diftance of travel, for 
 twenty of them being defigned perhaps to carry one Man, they often relieved one 
 the other ; and coming to a certain Stage, or Poll:, they found as many others 
 ready to eafe and difcharge them of their burthen •, which was the way and man- 
 ner of the Indian Pofts. This fort of Biere on which Men are thus carried, is 
 called Huantu, or Ram$a, called by the Spaniards Hamaca, being like their Cama y 
 which fignifies a Bed- 
 In this manner thefe tWO COUrageOUS Spaniards, Hernando de Soto, and Peter del 
 Barco, travelled the diftance of two hundred Leagues, which is between Cajfa- 
 mana and Cozco, with more fecurity and better treatment than they could have 
 found in their own Countrey': In like manner the other four were received and 
 carefied in all places where they pafled, and with fuch welcome joy, and hearty 
 entertainment, as was incredible, and which the Spaniards, when they returnee, 
 had fcarce the confidence to relate unto their companions. .. 
 
 chap, xxix; 
 
 The Travels of Hernando Pisarro to Pachacamac , and 
 of what befell him in that Journey. 
 
 SOon after the departure of Hernando de Soto, and Peter del Barco , Hernando Pi- 
 carro being moved with the fame of the vaft Riches of Pachacamac, refolved 
 to vifit that Temple •, but not knowing what might happen in this Journey, he 
 took with him a party of Horfe for his better fecurity and convoy : The Spaniards 
 in this Journey travelling one day over a certain Mountain, difcovered from uhe 
 top of it on the fide of another Hill , fomething that gliftered with a brightqefs 
 like Gold, and the rays of the Sun darting upon it, almoft blinded the eyes of the 
 Beholders. The Spaniards proceeded towards it with great admiration, and be- 
 ing come near, they perceived it to be a heap of Pots, and Jars, and Kettles, and 
 Pans, and fuch like Utenfils made of Gold and Silver, which the Brother of A- 
 tabualpa, called Qmllifcacha, (whom we have already mentioned) had amafled to- 
 gether towards payment of the Inca's Ranfome , being to the value of two Milli- 
 ons ^ though fome Hiftorians report, that all did not amount, in the whole, unto 
 more than three hundred thoufand pieces of Eight : but this muft be fome errourin 
 the account, as we (hall fee hereafter, when we come to reckon up the feveral parti- 
 culars ■■, howfoever the Mountain feemed to lliine with Gold, becaufe the Indians, 
 who carried thofe Veflels up the Hill, had laid them down to eafe, and reft them- 
 felves for a while, and fo had over-fpread therewith all the way upwards. This 
 Narrative I received in my own Countrey from the mouth of one who was then 
 prefent •, and the fame was afterwards confirmed to me in Spain by that worthy 
 Gentleman Don Graviel Pi$am, who was an Officer of the Inquifition at Cordova -, 
 
 and 
 
 m 
 
 h 
 
 it 
 
 idhn 
 
 toe* 
 
 trf 
 
 81 
 brfe'ii 
 BIO 
 
 ■ipe 
 
 
Book I. Kbyal Commentaries.- 463 
 
 and another Gentleman called Don fahn Picarto, who accompanied Hernando Picar- 
 ro in this Journey, made a like report of the golden Hill. 
 
 We have already laid, that fo foon as this Stgtlifcacha was come to Caffamarca 
 with the aforefaid Treafure, he immediately adviied his Brother Atahualpa to come 
 with all fpeed to the Kingdom of guitn, to prevent the Infurreftion, which the 
 Commander Rxmminavi was defigning to make -, which Plot Atahualpa having for- 
 merly fufpe&ed, had fent his Brother in purfuit of him. 
 
 This Rumminavi had formerly been an Aftiftant to Atahualpa in execution of all 
 his cruelties, and tyrannical practices ■-, fo that he was acquainted with his natural 
 temper, and well forewarned of his treachery and falfe dealings -, and fufpe&ing no 
 lefsfrom QmMfcacha, he received him like the King's Brother, and informed himfelf 
 of the I was imprifonment 5 and the bargain for his ranfome, to obtain which, they 
 both agreed to amafs all the Gold and Plate that was to be found in that King- 
 dom. And though Rumminavi defired nothing left than the liberty of the inca, yet 
 like a falfe and perfidious Traytor he ferved, and treated ^uillifcacha with much 
 kindnefs, as if he had been a moft faithfull and loyal Subject-, and carried this fair 
 outride untill fuch time as occafion offered, to put in practice his villanous de- 
 lign. 
 
 Hernando Picarro permitting §uillifcacha to pafs before him, proceeded on his 
 Journey to the great Temple of Pachacamac, whofe immenfe riches, and multi- 
 tude of people, which inhabited the Valley round about, furprized the Spaniards 
 with ftrange admiration •-, but much more were the Indians aftonilhed to fee the 
 Faihion, the Habits, the Arms and Horfes of their new Guefts : the Novelty of 
 which, and the Command of their I»ca caufed them to adore them for Gods, and 
 to receive and treat them with fuch kindnefs and refpeft, as pafles all imagination, 
 or expreflion -, and fo filly were thefe poor people, that obferving the Horfes 
 with Bits and Bridles in their mouths, they imagined like thofe in Cafamarca, that 
 the Iron was their food 5 and pitying to fee the poorBeafts with no better Victu- 
 als, they brought them Gold and Silver, defiring them to eat thofe Metals which 
 were much more pleafant and delicate than the Iron. The Spaniards were much 
 pleafed at the ignorance of the Indians, and cherilhing them in that opinion, told 
 them ( as they had done to thofe in Cafamarca) that they fhould bring much of 
 that fodder to their Horfes, and lay it under the Grafs and Mayz, for they were 
 great devourers, and would foon difpatch and eat it all 5 which the Indians belie- 
 ving, did as they defired. Of the Gold which was in the Temple, Hernando Pi- 
 cam took as much as he could carry with him , leaving his Command to carry 
 all the reft to Cafamarca for ranfome of their King •, on which belief the people 
 readily brought all, not concealing or embezling any part thereof 
 
 Whilft Hemando Pi carro was at Pachacamac, he received advice, that about forty 
 Leagues from thencethere was a certain Captain of the Army of Atahualpa, called 
 Ckalkxchima, who had gathered great Forces to him ■■, upon which Hemando fent 
 to him to come, and meet him, that they might treat of matters conducing to the 
 publick peace and quiet of thofe Kingdoms -, but the Indian refufing to come where 
 the Spaniards were, Hemando adventured with great hazard of his own Perfon, 
 and of the lives of his companions, to pafs unto him, being a Journey not to be 
 performed without much labour and danger both in the going, and in the return ; 
 for not onely the roughnefs of the way, and craggy Mountains were incommodi- 
 ous, but the broad Rivers gave jthem much obftrudtion , for in parting over the 
 Bridges oiofier, (which we ha4e formerly defcribed ) thegreateft difficulty was 
 how to Ferry over the Horfes. Wherefore this attempt was efteemed very ralh 
 and inconfiderate by the other Spaniards, to whom it appeared a vain confidence 
 to put themfelves into the hands of an Infidel, in whom, according to common 
 report, was no faith, and into the power of a perfon who was furrounded with 
 an Army. Howfoever the reliance which this Spanifh Commander had on the 
 promifes of Atahualpa, which at his departure he had exprefted by figns, and had 
 given him fome tokens which might ferve him for a Pafs port, in cafe he mould 
 meet with any Commander or General in his Journey, fo animated Hemando, that 
 he marched boldly towards Challcuchima •, and having met, he perfuaded him to 
 . leave his Army, and to accompany him to the place r where he might fee and 
 difcourfe widi his King : The Indian fuffering himfelf to be overcome by his im- 
 . portunity, attended Hemando •, and to make the Journey more ftiort, they cut off 
 J a great part of their way, by crofting over fome fnowy Mountains, where they 
 
 had 
 
464 Royal Commentaries, Book I. 
 
 had all perilhed with cold, had they not been relieved by the Indians, and con- 
 ducted to fome warm caves, w hereof there are many in that paffage, which were 
 hewen out of the Rocks for reception of Travellers. 
 
 The Spaniards not having been acquainted with the ruggednefs of the ways, had 
 not provided themfelves with Shoes for their Horfes, nor Smiths to nail them •, 
 for want of which their Horfes had fullered much , had not the Indians melted 
 fome of their Gold and Silver, and therewith forged Shoes of Gold, inftead of 
 Iron, for the ufe of their Hqiles.^ Gomara at the end of the 114th Chapter of 
 his Book, mentions this paflage in thele Words ; For rvant of Iron, fome {hod their 
 Horfes with Silver, and fome with Gold. 
 
 After many fuch difficulties and hardfhips as thefe, Hernando Picarro and ChaU- 
 cuchima arrived in Cajfamarca ; where ChalkuMma being about to enter into the 
 place where the Inca remained, and having firft put off his Shoes, and taken feme- 
 thing on his thoulders in token of fervitude, he with much tendernefs burft out 
 into tears Co foon as he faw his King in Chains , and laden with Iron, attributing 
 his Imprifonment by the Spaniards to his own default and abfence. But the Inca 
 rep'ied, that his abfence was not to be blamed, nor could any other caufe be af- 
 figned hereof, than onely the Decree of the Pachacamac, of which many Prophe- 
 cies and Prognoftications had for many years part preceded, foretelling their Inva- 
 ficn by new and unknown Nations, who ihould deftroy their Religion, and fub- 
 vert their Empue •, as his Father Huayna Capac had foretold at the hour of his 
 Death. And for better affurance of the truth hereof, fo foon as he was taken, 
 he fent to Cozxo to confult with his Father the Sun, and with the other Oracles, 
 which refolved Queftions and Demands in his Kingdom, and particularly with trie 
 prating Idol in the Valley of Rimac , which notwithstanding its former readineis 
 of fpeech was become filent 5 and what was moft to be admired, was, that the 
 hidden Oracle in the Temple of Pachacamac, which had undertaken on all occasi- 
 ons to anfwer the doubts and queftions which were made concerning the fuccefles 
 of Kings and great Men, was alfo become dumb, and made no anfwers. And 
 thougli it was told to that Oracle that their Inca, was held in Chains, and was con- 
 jured by them to advife a remedy for his releafe, he became deaf and filent : And 
 moreover the Priefts, and fuch as formerly entertained free and familiar difcour- 
 fes with the other Oracles, reported, that they were not able to obtain an anfwer, 
 or {crew out the leaft word from them -, for which caufe Atahualpa faid, that he 
 was greatly troubled and diffracted in his thoughts, fearing, left his Father the Sun 
 had abfolutely abandoned him ; for otherwise he would not have tied up the 
 mouths of his Idols on a fudden, which he had formerly caufed to be free and 
 familiar with devout perfbns, not fuffering them to advife, and yield them com- 
 fort in their ultimate diftrefs : All which were certain and unevitable fignals of 
 their approaching mifery, and alienation of their Empire. Thefe and fuch fad 
 apprehenfions Atahuaba uttered with extreme grief of heart to his General Chaffeu- 
 chima in the Prifon where he was, beginning then to feel the pangs of confeience 
 for his Treafon and Rebellion againft Huafcar •, in reward of which, and of all 
 other the Tyrannies and Cruelties he had committed againft him and his family, 
 he confefled himlelf to be now juftly punifhed with the like troubles and anguilh 
 in his own Soul. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book I. 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 465 
 
 CHAP. XXX. 
 
 How the Devils of Peru were ftrook_dumb by the Sacraments 
 of the Holy Mother the Church of Rome. 
 
 IT is moft certainly true, that fo fbon as the Sacraments of our Holy Mother 
 the Church of Rome were brought into Peru, namely the Confecration of the 
 Hoft, or of the Body and Bloud of Chrift our Lord, as is performed in the Mafs, 
 and celebrated on fuch days as the Sfaniards had time and leifure to hear it % and 
 that fome Indians, who had entered themfelves into the Service of Spaniards, re- 
 ceived the Sacrament of Baptifm --, and that likewife the Sacraments of Marriage 
 and Penance were pra&ifed ; fo foon, I fey, as thefe four Holy Myfteries were 
 made known, and appeared, (for the other three were not as yet introduced into 
 thofe Countries) the Devils became dumb and filent, and loft that familiar dif- 
 :ourfe and conversation in publick which (as we have faid) they formerly ufed 
 md practifed with thofe Gentiles, onely they whifpered fometimes in fecret, 
 with the famous Magicians, who were faid to have a greater power and influence 
 jpon them. And though at firft the party of Htta'fiar gave out, that this fullen 
 efervednefs and filence of the Oracles was caufed by the anger and difpleafure of 
 :he Sun for the tyrannies and cruelties committed by Atahnalpa $ yet at length 
 hey were convinced of a more over-ruling caufe, which attested the Indians 
 vith a general fear and confirmation, believing that the entrance of thefe new 
 juefts into their Countrey, had over-awed and filenced their Oracles : the which 
 pinion ferved to augment the dread and reverence they had of the Spaniards, 
 nd confirm the Name which they gave them oiViracocha, who is the God efpe- 
 ' 'ly adored by them, and held in more efteem and worfhip, than all their petty 
 tcoi -, of which we have already given a more large relation. 
 
 ' 
 
 O o o 
 
 CHAR 
 
466 
 
 Roval Commentaries. Book 
 
 chap. XXXI. 
 
 How Huafcar Inca demanded fuccour and juftice from the 
 Two who went on difccvery. 
 
 HErnwdo de Soto, and Peter del Barco, having travelled above a hundred Leagues, 
 came at length to Saufa, where the Captains oiAsahualpa held Huafcar in 
 imprifonment •, of which the Spaniards being informed, they defired to fee him; 
 and the Inca being in like manner defirous thereof, though he was kept under dofe 
 cuftody , yet at length they obtained admiffion : What difcourfe pafled between 
 them at that time, was not well underftood for want of an Interpreter ; nor could 
 they exprefs themfelves in any other manner, than by figns. Onely afterwards k 
 was reported, That Huafcar being informed by the Indians, that the principal de- 
 fign of the Spaniards was to doe juftice, and to relieve Men under oppreffion and 
 violence, which pretence (as the Spanifb Writers affirm ) was always in a fpecious 
 manner published by the Spaniards from the time of their firft Invafion of thofe 
 Countries, and which at all times they boafted in purfuance of the Commands of 
 his Majeliy, who enjoyned them to hurt none, and to render unto every one hii 
 due : Of which (as we fay) Huafcar, being aflured, he with more aflurance of re 
 drefs, complained of the tyranny, cruelty and injuftice, which he had receivi 
 from his Brother Atahualpa, who not content to defpoil him and his Heirs of " 
 Kingdom and Dominions, refolved to bereave him of his life, and to that 
 had imprifoned him under ftri<5t and watchfull Guards : Wherefore with all ear- 
 neftnefs he conjured them, not to abandon and leave him in that condition, but 
 to take him with them out of the hands of that Guard, which defigned (fo foon 
 as they were departed) to put him to death. And whereas they had published 
 and made known unto all perfons, that their intentions were to eafe and relieve 
 the opprelled, he was well allured, that fo foon as they had received true infor- 
 mation from the Captain-General of the juftice of his caufe, they would reftore 
 him again to his Liberty and Kingdom : Upon which condition he promifec 
 them not onely to fill the Chamber with Veflels of Gold and Silver unto the line 
 drawn by his Brother, but that he would raife and pile them up unto the very 
 ceiling ; for the performance of which, he efteemed himfelf much more able than 
 his Brother •, in regard that he was well acquainted with the places where fecrei 
 Treafures of his Father were concealed, and where his Anceftours had amaffec 
 immenfe Sums and Riches, which his Brother would have embezled, and mud 
 diminifhed, to build Temples and Altars for accomplishment of his Vows 5 in 
 which he had been fo profufe, that he was become poor, and unable to comph 
 with the Ranfome which he had promifed. In anfwer whereunto, Hernando I 
 Soto, and Peter del Barco, gave him to underftand by figns, that in obedience tc 
 the Command of their Captain- General, they were obliged to proceed as fa 
 as Cozco, and for that reafon could not ftay with him , but at their return thej 
 would perform whatfoever might tend to his fervice and advantage : After whicl 
 they departed, leaving poor Huafcar more fad and difconfolate than before ; fo 
 having once entertained fome hopes and expeftation of relief by their coming, hi 
 became abfolutely defperate, and defponding of life and comfort *, believing, a 
 it afterwards happened, that their vifit and difcourfe was a prelude to his death. 
 
 it) 
 
 C H A I 
 
Book I. 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 467 
 
 CHAR XXXII 
 
 How thefe two Spaniards arrived at Cozco, where they 
 found Cro/fes in the Temples and Royal Palaces. 
 
 THefe two Companions proceeding on their Journey towards Cozco, arrived 
 on the high Promontory of Carmenca, from whence they took a furvey of 
 the Imperial City, and much admired the neighbouring Towns and Villages which 
 encompaffed, or were adjoyning to it. The people coming forth to meet them, 
 received them with joy and mirth, with Mufick and Dances, erecting Triumphal 
 Arches in the ways, crowned with Flowers and Garlands, and (trowing the ftreets 
 with Rufhes, and lodged them in thofe Royal Apartments, which were called 
 Amarxcanchx, belonging to Huayna Capac 5 for being in their eftimation perfons of 
 Divine Race, they allotted thofe Chambers for them, which appertained to their 
 greateft and molt beloved King. At the entrance thereunto was a very fair Tower, 
 being four Stories high, each of which had a deling of Timber, in fuch manner 
 as covered the Royal Chambers, and which were fo lofty, that to fpeak in com- 
 pafs, the Turret above was as high as any Spire in Spain, unlefs that of Seville. 
 The top thereof was in form of a Globe, as were all the Chambers 5 and above 
 all, in the place of a Weather-cock or Vayne, ( which the Indians did not under- 
 ftand ) they had erected a Ball, which added much to the height, and was fo large, 
 drat the hollow of it contained above fixty Foot in compafs, called by them Sun- 
 tkrhuaci, which fignifies as much as the rare piece of Archite&ure, there being no 
 other building adjoyning thereunto to fupport or hide it. In my time it was thrown 
 down or demolished, to make the Market-place more large and airy 5 though 
 the truth is, it took not up much place , and now in lieu thereof the Jefuits have 
 eredted a high Cokfeo, or Pyramid, as we have mentioned in the firft Part of this 
 Hiftory. The next day after the Spaniards arrived, the Indians carried them in 
 feveral Palanchines, or Seats, placed on Mens moulders to fee and view the City ; 
 and as they palled, the people adored and worfhipped them after the manner of 
 their Gentililm and Religion. Nor were the Spaniards lefs furprized to fee the 
 Majefty of Cozco, with the Grandeur and Riches of the Palaces and Temples 5 
 which though much defaced, and defpoiled of their ancient beauty, by reafon of 
 the late Wars between the Incas, and the Imprifonment otHuafcar, yet they could 
 not but much admire the excellent Archite&ure of the Royal Palaces, which 
 were built without thofe Inftruments and Engines, which are neceflary for the 
 ere&ing fuch mighty Fabricks : But above all, they were much pleafed with the 
 rare Pavements, which were curioufly in-layed with divers Figures on each fide 
 of the ftream, which runs for above a quarter of a League through the City 5 
 and the multitude of people, and the numbers of Merchants ( though the Com- 
 I modifies not many ) were fo great, as much pleafed them to behold ; efpecially 
 : obferving the gentile behaviour of the Nobles, and the courtefie of the Commo- 
 1 nalty, who were all defirous to ferve them, and gain their favour - 7 and had ic 
 not been for the late Wars between the two Brothers, all things would certainly 
 have appeared in much more beauty and fplendour : But above all, they much 
 admired to fee Crofles ereclied on the top of the high Pinnacles of their Tem- 
 ples and Palaces ; the which, it feems, were introduced from the time onely that 
 Pedro de Candid being in Tumpiz charmed, or made tame thofe wild Beafts which 
 were let loofe to devour him , and which onely by virtue of the Crofs which he 
 held in his hand beeame gentle and domeftick : All which was recounted with 
 fuch admiration by the Indians, who carried the news of this Miracle unto Cozco , 
 that when the Inhabitants of the City had underftood it, they went immediately 
 to their Sanctuary, where a Crofs of Jafpar-ftone, as clear as Chryftal, remained , 
 as we have before mentioned ; which when they had brought forth, they with 
 loud Acclamations adored and worfhipped it, conceiving that though the Sign 
 
 O o z of 
 
468 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 of the Crofs had for many Ages been conferred by them in high efteem and venera- 
 tion, yet it was not entertained with fuch devotion as it deferved, becaufe they were 
 not as yet acquainted with its virtues. Wherefore now with ftronger aflurance 
 believing, that as the Sign of the Crofs had tamed, and (hut the mouth of the 
 wild Beafts, fo as that they could not hurt Pedro de Cahdia -, fo alio they imagined, 
 that it had a like power to deliver them out of the hands of thefe New-come' 
 Guefts : On which confideration having adored the Crofs, they ere&ed feveral 
 of them in their Temples, and in the Royal Palaces, like Tutelar Gods to defend 
 their Kingdom from the violence of Enemies. 
 
 Whence it is to be noted, that thefe Gentiles who were Idolaters, did entirely, 
 and with an implicit faith, devote themfelves to the Crofs, and therewith to the 
 belief of the whole Chriftian Doctrine before the Gofpel was preached to them. 
 It is moft certain, that after the Death of Huajna Capac (as we have mentioned at 
 the end of his Reign ) the Indians remained in great fear and confirmation, ap- 
 prehending that the time approached in which their Idolatrous Religion was to be 
 at an end, and therewith their Empire, Greatnefs and Dominion was to expire. 
 And though many years part many Predictions were uttered of this nature by 
 their Southfayers and Magicians , the which were confirmed by their Oracles, 
 and divers Prodigies •, yet they were delivered in fuch obfcure terms, that nothing 
 was clear, or intelligible, from thence, untill fuch time as Huajna Capac, by I know 
 not what Spirit, explained and interpreted thofe Prophecies with fuch clearnefs, 
 as evidently pointed at the coming of the Spaniards, and the propagation of the 
 Gofpel, declaring that the Empire of Peru was to end with his Life. And this is 
 the true reafon why the Indians adored and worshipped the Spaniards for Gods, 
 with fuch humility and fubmiffion, as we have declared, being certainly aflured, 
 that thefe were the people in whom the Prophecy of their King was to be accom- 
 plifhed. 
 
 Of all thefe matters Hernando deSoto, and Pedro del Barco, gave due intelligence 
 to their Captain- General, with farther information of the incredible Riches found 
 in that City, which were beyond all imagination , as alfo of the kind treatment, 
 duty and refpeft, which they had received from the Indians, by virtue of that Edict 
 and Command which Atahmlpa had caufed to be proclaimed in all parts of his 
 Dominions in favour of the Spaniards. In like manner the other four Spies, or 
 Difcoverers, which were fent into other parts, difpatehed their Informations of 
 all things they had feen, and which had happened to them. All which news de- 
 claring the immenfe Riches, and the adoration which was paid to their Cora, 
 panions, the other Spaniards received with great joy and fatisfa&ion : Bat as to 
 the Prophecies of Huayna Capac, they efteemed them for no other than Witch- 
 crafts and Sorceries of the Indians, of which they made no account or efteem. 
 
 Hi 
 M 
 
 1(0 
 
 fcas 
 
 CHAR 
 
 
(1 
 
 Book I. Royal Commentaries. 469 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. 
 
 Of the Subtilty of Atahualpa , and the Death of the King 
 Huafcar Inca. 
 
 AVguftin de Car Ate having related the Difcourfe which Huafcar Inca had enter- 
 tained with Hernando de Soto, and Pedro del Barco, (which was the fame that 
 we have already related) and how they had left him in a fad and defpairing con- 
 dition, he farther proceeds in the fixth Chapter of his fecond Book in this man- 
 ner. 
 " And fo (fays he) they proceeded on their Journey, which was the caufe of 
 the Death of Huafiar, and the lofs of all that Gold which he had promifed ; for 
 the Captains to whole Cuftody he was committed, immediately gave intelli- 
 gence to Atabaliba by the Poft, of all that had pafled ■-, which when he had 
 well confidered, and that if once the Injuftice which he had done to his Bro- 
 ther mould come to the knowledge of the Spanijh Governour, together with 
 the Promifes and Intimation which Huafiar had given of a greater abundance of 
 Gold than he could engage for 1 , he greatly feared that his offers would be fo 
 prevalent with the Chriftians, (whom he obferved to be covetous and thirfty 
 of Gold,) that they would not onely take the Kingdom from him, and tranf- 
 fer it to his Brother, but. to free themfelves from all other troubles of competi- 
 tion, might alfo deprive him of his Life, for which they had fo juft an occafion 
 on the fcore of his Brother, whofe Kingdom he had traiteroufly ufurped, with 
 the Death and Slaughter of all his Kindred •-, for which reafon he refolved to 
 kill Huafiar : But in regard he feared to commit that Murther, becaufe he had 
 heard the Chriftians frequently fay, that one of their principal Laws was, That 
 he who lhed Man's Bloud, by Man fhould his Bloud be fpilt; lie therefore, 
 before he would enter upon this Attempt, thought fit to try the Mind of the 
 Spani/h Governour, in what manner he would be concerned for an AA of this 
 nature. To perform which with the more Subtilty and Diffimulation , he 
 feigned himfelf one day to be very fad and deje&ed, weeping, and fighing, and 
 refufing to eat, or fpeak. And though the spani/h Governour was very im- 
 portunate to know the caufe and reafon of his Melancholy, at length with much 
 adoe he made Anfwer, that he had received information, how that one of his 
 Captains had killed his Brother Huafiar , in the Hands of thofe to whofe 
 Cuitody he had committed him •, the which he deeply refented , for that he 
 was his Elder Brother, and his Father •-, and though he detained himaPrifb- 
 ner, and under reftraint , yet it was not with any intention to doe him hua, 
 but onely to fecure him in fuch a capacity , as might difenable him from 
 making any Attempts on his Kingdom of Qmtu , which did not at all ap- 
 pertain unto him-, for that Province having been obtained by his Father's Con- 
 quefts, was conferred and bequeathed by Teftament to himfelf, being no part 
 of the Inheritance which belonged to the Elder Son. In Anfwer hereunto the 
 Governour bid him be of good chear and comfort, for that Death was natural 
 and common to all -, and that fo foon as the Countrey was quiet and fettled, he 
 would enquire into this Murther, and punifh thofe who fhould be found guilty 
 of that great Crime. Atabaliba obferving that Marquis Picarro was little con- 
 cerned for the matter, refolved to kill his Brother, and accordingly his Com- 
 mands were put into- Execution with fuch fpeed, that it was hard to diftinguilli 
 whether Huafiar was put to Death before or after die time that he teftified his 
 Sorrow in prefence of Pkarro. The fault of this unhappy accident is common- 
 ly objected againft Hernando de Soto, and Pedro del Bano •, for that they being 
 Souldiers, ought not to have been ignorant of the Duty and Refped they owe 
 to the Commands of their General, which are not to be difpenfed with on any 
 
 pretence 
 
470 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 " pretence or occafion whatfoever, without expreSs Order to the contrary. The 
 " Indians report, chat when Huafcar faw that there was no remedy, but that he 
 " muSt dye, he uttered thefe Words with great paSfion. / have been Lord of this 
 
 " Countrey but for afbort time, but <w to my Brother that Traitor, by wkofe Command, I 
 " that am his natural Lord, am put to death , he (ball enjoy his Government for a much 
 " fhorter time than I have done. Wherefore when the Indians had heard that Ataba- 
 
 " liba was afterwards put to death, (as (hall be related in the following Chapter,) 
 " they believed Huafcar to have been of the true and legitimate Progeny of 
 " the Sun, who had illuminated him with a prophetick Spirit, touching the Fate 
 " of his Brother. And likewife Huafcar farther declared , that when his Father 
 " gave him his laft farewell, he enjoyned and commanded him, That when a 
 " People, or Nation, which were white, and had beards, mould invade hisDo- 
 " minions, that he mould labour to make a friendship with them, for that they 
 " were to become Lords of that Kingdom. Thus far are the Words dtAugu- 
 
 fiim Carate. 
 
 For my part, when I find the Spanijh Writers to relate things fairly, and with 
 the truth, and gravity of Hiftory, I am more pleafed to make ufe of their words 
 verbatim, than my own-, for as I am an Indian, and not a. Spaniard, their words 
 and expreffions muSt be more proper than mine; the which Rule we Shall always 
 obferve, unlets it be where the Spanljb Hiftories are defective, and want Addi- 
 tions. 
 
 But to return unto the Relation which Auguflin de Carate hath given •-, It is to j 
 be noted, that he briefly touches many particulars, which we have more at large 
 related in this our Hiftory, as namely, that which concerns the Tyranny, the' 
 Craft and Diffimulation of Atahualpa, when he proved the Mind of Francis Vicar- 
 rt, how, and in what maftner he would take the Death of Huafcar $ for in reality 
 had the Spaniard been as wary and as fagacious as was this Indian, and had prefently 
 replied upon him, and told him plainly, that I know, and am well affiired, that 
 it was you that killed this Perfon, and that therefore I (hall inflict fuch punifli- 
 ment on you as your Crime deferves ; it is moft certain, that he would then have 
 been better advifed, and never have adventured on this Murther of his Brother ; 
 but when on the contrary, he perceived an indifferency in the Governour, who 
 little Sufpected fo much evil in a perfon of that Simplicity, he then took courage 
 and refolution to put his wicked Intention into practice againft the Inca his natural 
 King-, which confummated all his other cruelties-, Nor did he onely put him to 
 Death, but killed him barbaroufly, cutting hisFleSh into dices, and throwing 
 them none knows where-, but the Indians report, and believe, that they ate his 
 FleSh out of mere rage and malice againft him. Acofla faith that they burnt him. 
 And Carate mentions, that the diligence and fpeed, ufed in fending the Difpatches 
 for his Death, were not by the Pofts , but by Fires or Beacons, which the Chaf-. 
 quis, or Poftmafters, were ordered to make both by night and day, for greater ex-i 
 pedition, when any matter required extraordinary hafte. In like manner this Au- 
 thour touches on the Prognostication which Huayna Capac had left, concerning 
 the Invafion which the Spaniards were to make into thofe Countries, and of which 
 they were to become Mafters. He alfo farther proceeds, and tells us, that Her- 
 nando de Soto and Peter del Barco were not blameable for not remaining with Huaf- 
 car, as he defired, and for not hearkening to the propofition he had made to 
 them, which imported three times the Treafure, which his Brother had promiSed, 
 becaufe in reality they did not understand him •, for otherwife no doubt, but thofe 
 Men, whofe bufinefs was neither Conqueft, nor their Embafly matter of War or 
 Peace , but onely to fee that the Promife made by Atahualpa for his ranfome 
 were complied with, would have readily embraced the more advantageous Offet 
 of three times the value made by Huafcar. And thus thefe two Spaniards excufe 
 and clear themfelves from what was objected againft them, touching the Death oi 
 Huafcar. 
 
 Thus this unhappy Inca, the laft of the Monarchs of that Empire fell and en- 
 ded his Days, having been a Spectator of all thofe Cruelties and Murthers which 
 his Brother had exercifed upon his Vaffals, Servants, Uncles, Brothers and Sons; 
 and as to his own Perfon , had been ufed with fuch Hardships and Severity ir 
 Prifon , as were in Supportable, and which Diego Fernandez relates to have been ii 
 this manner : 
 
 Thi 
 
 il 
 19 
 II 
 I 
 
 Hi 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 471 
 
 " The two Captains ofAtabalipa returning to their Lord, carried Huafiar Prifo- 
 " ner with them-, to whom in their Journey they gave nothing but Urine to 
 " drink, and no other Food to eat than Worms, and other filthinefs. Whilft 
 " thefe things palled, Francis Pkarro, with other Chriftians his Companions, en- 
 " tred the Countrey, and took Atabalipa Prifoner in Caxamal. Thus far are the 
 Words of this Authou.r, who, in another place, fays that they killed Huafiar in 
 Andamarca, and Atabalipa in Caxamarca, that is Cajfamarca, which is the Countrey 
 or Province of Froft, for Cajfa fignifies Froft, and Marco, a Countrey - 7 likewife 
 Andamarca ought to be wrote Ant a. Marca, {ox Ant a fignifies Copper, ZtldAnta 
 Mana the Copper Countrey. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. 
 
 Don Diego de Almagro comes to Caftamarcas an <l what 
 Fears and Apprehenfions Atahualpa conceived before his 
 Death, by Comets and Apparitions in the Heavens. 
 
 
 AFter the Death of poor Huafiar, which happened in the manner as before re- 
 lated, Atahualpa did neither thereby obtain the liberty of his Perfbn, nor 
 •fecure his Life 5 but on the contrary, in a few days afterwards, orders were given 
 to put him to death , the manner of which is related by Auguftin de Carate, and 
 Lopez de Gomara, both which agree in the particulars of this paflage, as they doe 
 in other matters of this Hiftory. 
 
 Heaven often punifhes thofe who truft more in their own Plots and Artifices, 
 than in the ways of Reafon and Juftice^ for God differs their Mifchiefs and Con- 
 trivances to fall upon their own Heads , an Inftance of which we fhall fpeedily 
 give in the fequel of this Hiftory. For now we muft know, That Bon Diego de 
 Almagro was departed from Panama, on a very good Ship, carrying with him fre/h 
 Men, and good Supplies, in order to a farther Conqueft 5 and his Enemies report, 
 that his Defign was to advance farther to the Southward than Pi$arro, whofe Go- 
 : vernment, as yet, was not extended more than two hundred Leagues to the South, 
 from the Equinoctial Line-, and that he intended to fetup for himfelf, and ad: on 
 : his own Foundation •-, the which, as is reported, was difcovered by the Secretary 
 of Almagro to Pi$arro, whom his Mafter hanged for his Treachery. But be it as it 
 will, this is certain, that Almagro being on his way, and receiving intelligence of 
 the Imprifonment of Atahualpa, and of the incredible Riches which he offered for 
 his Ranfome, refolved to change his Defign, and to join himfelf with his vi&o- 
 ' rious Companion-, for that according to Articles of Agreement between them, 
 : one half of the Benefits and Profits appertained unto him. Accordingly Almagro, 
 with his Souldiers, arrived in Caftamarca, greatly wondring to fee thofe heaps of 
 : Gold and Silver which they had amafled together. But in a fhort time afterwards 
 ' the Souldiers of Pi$arro plainly told the People of Almagro, that in regard they had 
 I not been prefent at the taking of Atahualpa Prifoner, no fhare of thofe Riches and 
 Spoils belonged to them, which were already gained, nor no part of that which 
 was wanting to reach the Line which Atahualpa had drawn, and promifed in pay- 
 • ment of his Ranfome. Which when the Almagrians had heard, and considering 
 the largenefs of the room, believed that if all the Gold and Silver of the World 
 were amafled together, it would never arrive or reach to the height of the Line, 
 they prefently cried out, that the Ine/t fliould be killed, fo that they might receive 
 1 their (hare of what fhould be collected after his Death- Thefe and the like rea- 
 ions were fufficient to arraign and execute this great Prince Atahualpa, who obfer- 
 
 ving the Quarrels amongft the Spaniards, and their inceflant noife, and wranglings, 
 
 he 
 
472 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 he fadly fufpected that the Fury of thofe Jars would at laft turn to his deftru&ion -, 
 the which Fear and Apprehenfion was increafed by the Oracles, which were now 
 become filent to all his Queftions^and Demands, and by the reports which the 
 Indians gave him of new Stars, and Comets, which appeared, all which, in times 
 of lefs Extremity than the prefent, were ever interpreted as bad Omens, and lig- 
 nals, and, according to their fuperftitious Oblervations, were efteemed to por- 
 tend utter Deftru&ion and Ruine. 
 
 But that which above all things appeared fatal to him, was a certain great Co- 
 met of a darkilh green colour, little left in breadth than the Body of a Man, and 
 of a yard in length, which mewed it felf at night, being much of die fame fize 
 and fhape as that which appeared before the Death of his Father Huayria Capac, 
 of which when Atahualpa had notice given him, he was extremely troubled, and 
 defired the Spaniards to give him the leave and liberty to be brought forth, that he 
 might fee it with his own Eyes-, which when he had done, he was fo ftruck with 
 fadnefs and melancholy, that, as formerly, he became fullen and filent, and would 
 entertain no converfe with any Perfon whatsoever; the reafon of which, when 
 PUarre had prefied very earneftly to know, Atahualpa to fatisfie him gave him this 
 Anfwer. Apu , faid he, ( which is General ) I am now affured that the time of my 
 Death approaches, being certified thereof by the appearance of this Comet, for that another 
 of the like nature with this [hewed it felf not many days before the death of my Father:, and. 
 in regard that fuch Prodigies in the Heavens do always precede the Death of Kings, and por- 
 tend nothing but Calamities, and the Subverfion of Empires , I cannot but imagine my felf 
 concerned, being to leave my Kingdom's before I have enjoyed them. Indeed when I faw my 
 felffirfl in Chains, I thought there would be little diftance between my Imprifonment and 
 my Grave, of which I am now fully certified by this Comet ; and now I have given you the 
 real Caufe of this my fadnefs. 
 
 The Governour, to comfort him, bid him be of good courage, and not to 
 truft or confide in fuch fignals, to which no Credit was to be given-, for that on 
 the contrary he might {hortly expeft to be freed from his imprifonment, and refto- 
 red to his Kingdom. Howfoever Atahua/pa , whofe Faith was placed in the fu- 
 perftition of his Gentilifm, gave no belief to the aflurance ofPicarro, but remai- 
 ned in his Dumps, and difconfolate as before. Peter de Cieca, in the 6 >-th Chap- 
 ter of his Book, mentions the fame concerning this Comet , and tells us how w- 
 perftitious thofe Indians were in thefe Aftrological Obfervations. 
 
 Atahualpa giving entire credit to thefe Preiages , wholly funk in his Courage, 
 and defpaired of his Liberty, not being able to put the thoughts of Death out of 
 his mind -, the which accordingly happened fifteen days after the appearance of the 
 Comet, as Cieca confirms in the aforefaid Chapter. 
 
 - 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book J. 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 473 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. 
 
 H.Tnando Picarro returns to Spain, to give an Account of 
 what bad fucceeded in Peru. 
 
 THE Govemour, Don Francifco Picarro, not regarding the fears and apprehen- 
 fions of Atahualpa, was elated in his Hopes and Expectations, by thofe fa- 
 vours which good fortune had caft upon him •, and refolving to follow and im- 
 prove his fuccefs , he judged it convenient and neceilary to render an account to 
 His Majefty of all matters, which unto that time had occurred in Peru-, the which 
 Intention being moved to Almagro, his Companion , and his Brothers, it was 
 agreed by them to difpatch Hemando Picarro into Spain, with Advices to His Ma- 
 jefty of what had happened, that fo their Services might be rewarded according 
 to their Merit. And in regard Hernando Picarro was employed as a pubHck Per- 
 fon in behalf of the Commonalty, or the whole Company, it was ordered that fo 
 much fhould be taken out of the heaps which were already collected for the Ran^ 
 fome of Atahualpa, as would ferve to defray his Charges ; and moreover that he 
 fhould carry with him the value of two hundred thoufand Pieces of Eight in 
 Gold, and one hundred thoufand in Silver , for that fifth part which appertained 
 to the King, on account of the Ranfome of Atahualpa; the which Gold and Silver 
 were as the firft Fruits, and as an earneft of that Treafure and Riches which they 
 have already, and are yet to carry from my Countrey to His Majefty. The Silver, 
 as Augufi'm Car ate reports , was carried in pieces of malTy Plate , a Relation of 
 which he gives in thefe Words : 
 
 [ They agreed (faidhe) to fend Hernando Picarro to give a Narrative to His 
 " Majefty of their profperous Succefles, which had occurred untill that time ^ but 
 " whereas as yet they could not make a juft computation of what (hare His Ma- 
 I jefty was to receive out of the Collections already made, they took from their 
 I Heaps the value of two hundred thoufand Pieces of Eight in Gold, and twenty 
 I thoufand Marks in Silver •, for which they chofe the moft fair and weighty 
 tc Pieces of Plate, for the better fhow and appearance in Spain. AH which were 
 " weighed out, and the Jars, Pans, Figures of Men, and Women, and Sheep, 
 I were all caft into the Scale to make up the full weight and value already men- 
 I tioned. With this Prize Hemando Picarro embarked, to the great grief of Ata- 
 " kiliba, who had a great kindnefs for him , and entertained fuch confidence in 
 I him, that he freely communicated all his thoughts to-him, wherefore at his de- 
 parture he faid to him : And do you go, Captain, I am troMedfor it at my very heart, 
 for mhen you are gone, I am fur e that fat Fellow, and that blind Rafcal , will foon make 
 
 " an end of me; meaning Almagro, who, as we faid before, was blind of one Eye, 
 !< and Ahnfo Requelme, His Majefty's Treafurer , whom he had obferved to mur- 
 1 mur and quarrell about him on the occalion before related. And fo indeed, 
 " it happened , for no fooner was Hemando departed , than that immediately 
 I they contrived his Death by means of their Interpreter PhiUpillio , who was 
 " an Indian, &c. And Gomara confirms what we fhall more at large here- 
 after relate, That Hemando Picarro carried the fifth part of what appertained 
 to His Majefty on account of the Ranfome of Atahualpa, and he farther adds 
 thefe Words. 
 
 * The Truth of what paffed is this : Hemando Picarro carried no more with 
 
 him from Caffamarca than what is before mentioned •, but foon after his depar- 
 
 ^ ture followed the Death of Atubaliba , and then a Dividend was made of his 
 
 u Ranfome-, untill which time his Execution was rather deferred, than bis Life 
 
 P p p granted 
 
 *\ 
 
474 Royal Commentaries. Book L 
 
 " granted, or Freedom intended. Afterwards fixty of thefe Adventurers recur- 
 " ned into Spain , having made a Divifion of their Spoils, which amounted to I 
 ,c forty or fifty thoufand Pieces of Eight a Man, befides the fifth which appertai- j 
 " ned to His Majefty. Thefe Perfons departed after Hernando Picarro, and over- 
 " took him at Nombre de Dies, where they embarked, and returned altogether in 
 " company to Spun. Thus we fee how all Authours agree together in the fame ; 
 Relation of this matter. 
 
 Soon after the Departure of Hernando Picarro, Hernando de Soto and Pedro del Bar- | 
 co returned from Cozco, giving a Report of the Riches which they had feen in j 
 that City, as alfo in the Temples of the Sun, and in the Palaces of the late Kings, 
 in the Fortrefs , and in the Sanctuaries , and private Cells, where the Devil en- 
 tertained Difcourfes with their Wizards, Priefts, and others his Votaries; all 
 which places being efteemed facred, were adorned with Gold and Silver? the ! 
 like report was alfo brought by the other four Difcoverers. The Spaniards being i 
 highly pleafed with this News, were impatient untill they could take poffeflion 
 of thefe Treafures; which that they might haften with the more convenience and j 
 fecurity, they fpeedily determined the Death of Atahualpa, to prevent the infur- ; 
 regions of the People, that with the more eafe, and with the lead oppofition, 
 they might feize the Gold and Silver which was lodged in the Imperial City, and 
 in other parts. Both the aforefaid Authours agree in all the material circumftances ) 
 relating to the Death of Atahualpa-, wherefore we {hall repeat the very Words of t 
 Lopez, de Gomara, fpecified in the 1 1 ^th Chapter of his Book, the Title of which 
 isasfolloweth. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. 
 
 Of the Death of Atahualpa ; and bow he was arraigned hy 
 Jujiice , and upon the jalfe Information and TeftimonA 
 which was given againft him. 
 
 THE Death of Atabaliba was forwarded by a means, the Ieaft expected, for | 
 " Philipilio, the Interpreter, falling in love with one of the Wives of Ata- 
 
 * baliba, whom he intended to marry, after he was dead , raifed a report , that 
 " Atabaliba had fecretly, and under hand, given order to raifeMen, whereby! 
 tt to overcome theChriftians, and free himfelf. So foon as this report came 
 " to be {bread , and noifed amongft the Spaniards , their Jealoufie created a Be- 1 
 
 * lief; fo that fome cried out to have him killed, for fecurity of their own Lives, 
 ''' and of thofe Kingdoms - 7 others were of opinion, that they mould not imbrue 
 " their Hands in the Bloud of fo great a Prince, though never fo faulty, but ra- 
 " ther that they mould fend him to the Emperour: This certainly had been the 
 " beft courfe, but the other prevailed by means (as fome report) of that party 
 K which came with Almagro^ for they conceiving that no lhare of the Spoil 
 K would appertain unto them, during the Life of Atabaliba, and untill the condi- 
 " tions were complied with, which, according to Agreement, were made for his 
 " ranfome •, and Picarre being aifo of opinion, that his Death would free the Spa- 
 
 * niards of much trouble, and render the Conqueft and Poffeflion of the Countrey 
 " much more eafie , a refolution was taken by general confent to put him to 
 
 * Death. In order to which, that things might appear with a better face of Ju- 
 
 * ftice, an Endi&rnent was brought againft him for the Murther of his Brother 
 
 Huafcar 
 
 
I 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. ai^ 
 
 '• ffuafiar, King of thofe Countries , and for defigning to raife War againft the • 
 " Spaniards, though this laft was a falfe and malitious iuggeftion of Pkitipi&'o, who 
 " brought the Indians for Witnefles, making them to lay what he pleated-, and 
 " in regard the Spaniards undernVod not the Language , whereby to crofs exa- 
 " mine the Witnefles , all that PhilipHlio alledged palled for current, and good 
 " Teltimony -, howfoever AtabaUba ftifly denied it, faying, That fuch an Accu- 
 '' iation could have no ground of Reafon in it, considering that he remai- 
 " ned under fuch Guards, and Chains, that it was impoflible for him to make 
 " an efcape ■■, wherefore he perfifted in his Denial , threatning PhWpillio , and 
 " deliring the Spaniards to give no credence to his Words. After Sentence of 
 ' Death was pafled upon him, he complained much of Francifco Pkarro , for 
 " that having promifed him his Life upon payment of the Ranfome agreed , 
 " he afterwards faltered with him, and put him to Death. Wherefore he 
 " earneftly intreated him rather to tranfport him into Spain, than to imbrue 
 " his Hands in the Bloud of a Perfon who had never offended him , but 
 " rather enriched him, and done him good. As they carried him to Exe- 
 " cution, thofe who attended to comfort him, advifed him to defire Bap- 
 " tifm before he dyed, for that without that they threatned to burn him 
 " alive: Whereupon being baptized, he was bound to a Port; and there 
 " ftrangled. His Burial was celebrated according to the Manner and Rites of 
 " Chriffians, Pkarro alfb put himfelf into mourning, and performed his Fu- 
 " nerals with Pomp, and Solemnity. As to thofe who were the cauies of 
 " his Death, Divine Vengeance overtook them for this fin; lb that in a 
 " fhort time afterwards they came all to unhappy ends , as will appear in the 
 " fequel of this Hiftory. Thus AtabaUba dyed by a violent Death, before 
 " which he ordered his Body to be carried to Mgit*-, and there buried a- 
 ' l mongft the Kings , his Anceftours by the Mother's fide. If the Baptifm he 
 " defired was from his heart , moft happy he , but if not , the Murtners and 
 ■ Bloud he was guilty of will be fet to his Account in the World to come. 
 " He was naturally of a good Difpofition , wife , courageous , frank and open 
 " hearted. He had many Wives, and leftfome Children: Though he ufur- 
 " ped the Dominions of his Brother Huafcar , yet he would never aflume the 
 " purple Wreath , or Diadem , untill he was imprifoned ; nor would he ever 
 * fpit upon the Ground, but, for Majefty and State, (when he had occa- 
 fion ) he would fpit in the Hand of a principal Lady , whom he loved. 
 ' The Indians were in great admiration, when they heard of his untimely 
 " Death , which they efteemed for an accomplimment of the Prophecy of 
 " Huafcar , who being of the true and legitimate Off-fpring of the Sun , was 
 " divinely infpired to foretell the coming of his fpeedy Fate. Thus far are the 
 Words of Lopez, de Gomara. 
 
 But to return now to the Remarks which this Authour makes on the ill In- 
 terpretation of this Philipillio, and how he fuborned the Indian Witnefles to te- 
 Itilie whatfoever he defired •, he concludes that the fault was chiefly his , in 
 tegard that the Spaniards wanting Language, could neither examine the mat- 
 ter, nor dive into the Truth of it. And hence we may colled: what falfe 
 2nd imperfedt Notions he muft have rendred to the Indians of the Catholick 
 Faith : So that as for want of a true underftanding of the Indian Language, 
 
 Hernando de Soto, and Pedro del Barco, abandoned Huafcar, and expofed his Life 
 
 to the fubtilty of his Brother -, fo alio Atabaliba dyed, and both thefe powerfull 
 Kings incurred the fame fate for want of true underftanding, and faithful! In- 
 :erpretation of all matters. 
 
 Atahualpa ordered his Body to be enterred in Sluitu, amongft the Relations 
 rf his Mother, rather than in Cozco, with the Anceftours of his Father-, for 
 hough the Funerals of Kings were much more pompous and ftately in Co^co, 
 ban the Solemnities ufed by the Caciques in Sluitu , yet confidering how de- 
 eftable his Memory would be to the People of Coz,co , for the Cruelties and 
 furthers he had committed on their natural Kings , he believed that his Bo- 
 iy would be abufed, and his Ames never fuftered quietly to repofe in the 
 >epulchre of his Anceftours ; and for that reafon he chofe rather to be buried 
 
 P p p z amongft 
 
47^ 
 
 Royal Commentaries* 
 
 Book I. 
 
 amongft his own People with obfcurity, than with greater Ornament and 
 Srate by the angry and incenfed Citizens of Cozco. It is moft certain that 
 Jtahxalpa did not bind his Head with the coloured Wreath, untill he had 
 taken his Brother Huafiar Prifoner ; for before that time that Enfign of Re- 
 gality belonged to his Elder Brother , who was his Sovereign Lord ; but af- 
 ter he was taken, and imprifoned by him, he then proclaimed himfelf for 
 the univerfal Lord , and with his Dominions he ufurped all the Marks of 
 Power which belonged to them, as we have before related. 
 
 But now to confider that an Indian , who was an Idolater, and who had been 
 guilty of fuch horrible Cruelties , as Atahnalpa had been , mould receive the 
 Sacrament of Baptifm at the hour of his Death , can be efteemed no other- 
 wife , than as an Effect of the infinite Mercy of God towards fo great Sin- 
 ners as he was, and I am. At his Baptifm Atahnalpa was named Don John. 
 Bias Valera fays , That Friar Vincent de Valverde laboured many days before his 
 death to teach and inftrudl him in the Articles of the Catholick Faith 5 du- 
 ring which time the Inca finding himfelf in Prifon , and Chains , and with- 
 out other Society or Attendance of Indians, excepting a Youth, who was his 
 Kinfman , and permitted to ferve him , he was (truck with fuch a dump of 
 Melancholy on his Spirits, that he remained almoft infenlible. Upon which 
 the Spaniards brought him out of the Prifon, and called the principal Indians 
 to his Affiftance, who feeing their Lord in that condition, immediately fent for 
 their Chief Herbalifts to eafe and cure him. So foon as thofe Phyficians came, 
 they felt his Pulfe , to difcover the nature and force of his Fever ; but not as 
 our Do&ours , who try the Pulfe at the Wrift , but laid their Fingers on the 
 top of the Noftrils, and under the Eye- lids, after which they gave him a 
 Drink, made of the juice of certain Herbs, of great Virtue-, what they were, is 
 not known , unlets that onely which is called I'ayco. Moreover he faith , that 
 this Drink put him into a violent fweat, and caufed a long and found fleep$ af- 
 ter which his Fever left him, and being .returned again to nisSenfes, he was car- 
 ried back to Prifon. When warning was given him of his Death , he was 
 commanded to receive Baptifm, for without it they threatned to burn him alive, 
 as they had done Huahutimoc at Mexico, who was King of that Empire •, and to 
 affright him into Baptifm , the Pile of Wood was kindled, when they notified 
 this Sentence to him. At length he faid that he was contented to be baptized, 
 after which Proclamation being made of the Crimes for which he died, he was 
 tied to a Poft, and ftrangled. In all which particulars the Spani/h Hiltorians agree, 
 and alfo that he remained three months in Prifon. 
 
 CHAP 
 
Book 1. Royal Commentaries. 477 
 
 chap, xxxvn. 
 
 Of the Information and Procefs which was given in, and 
 made againft Atahualpa. 
 
 "T" H E Trial of Atahualpa was long and folemh, though Gomara touches upon it 
 -*■ in fhort. But the manner was this : 
 
 The Governour himfelf was Lord Chief Juftice of the Bench, and with him 
 prelided Don blego de Almagro, his Companion-, the Clerk of the Court was San- 
 cho de CuelLtr 5 there was alio an Attorney General appointed in behalf of the King, 
 and Council allowed for Atahualpa ; and others were affigned to bring in the 
 Witnefles, and take their Teftimonies upon twelve feveral Interrogatories s there 
 were alfo two other Judges named, to be Afiiftants, and give their opinions in 
 the Cafe, whom, for refpect, I think not fit to nominate, though they were fuf- 
 ficiently known to me. 
 
 The firft Interrogatory was this : Did you know Huajna Capac and his Wives ? 
 and how many had he? The 2d. Was Huafiar Inca his lawfully begotten Sun 
 and Heir of this Kingdom? and was Atahualpa illegitimate, and a Baftard, and 
 not Son of the King, but of fome Indian of j-jW* ? The id. Had the Inca other 
 Sons befides thofe before mentioned ? The 4th. Did Atahualpa inherit this Em- 
 pire by virtue of his Father's Teftament, or did he ufurp it by Tyranny ? The jth. 
 Was Huafiar difinherited of his Kingdom by his Father's Teftament, or was he 
 declared Heir? The 6th. Was Huafcar ftill living, or was he dead? or did he 
 dye a natural Death, or was he killed by order of Atahualpa} and when was it, 
 either before or fince the coming of the Spaniards ? The 7th. Was Atahualpa an 
 Idolater? and did he command his Subjects to facrifice Men and Children? The 
 8th. Did Atahualpa raife unjuft Wars? and was he guilty of the Bloud of much 
 People? The 9th. Did Atahualpa entertain many Concubines? The ioth. Did 
 AtahuMpa receive the Tribute of the Empire fince the Spaniards took the pofleflion 
 of it? and did he confume and embezle it? The nth. Do you know that 
 fince the coming in of the Spaniards that Atahualpa hath given Prefents or Gifts 
 out of the Royal Treafury to his Kindred and Captains ? and how, and in what 
 manner hath he embezled and wafted the Wealth of the Publick ? The 1 2th. 
 Do yon know that King Atahualpa hath fince his Imprifonment treated with any 
 Captains and Souldiers to rebell, and raife War againft the Spaniards ? and what 
 Levies of Men, and what Preparations of Arms have been made for War? Up- 
 on thefe Interogatories they examined ten feveral Perfons-, feven of which were 
 Servants to the Spaniards, and three of them were not, that fo they might not ap- 
 pear to be their Creatures •, yet they all declared whatsoever Philipilio put into their 
 Mouths, as Gomara affirms. Onely there was one Witnefs, who was none of the 
 Servants belonging to the Spaniards, called ^uefpe, who was Captain of a Com- 
 pany, being the laft that was to be examinee!, fufpe£ting that the Interpreter 
 would fayfomething which he had not teftified, he, to prevent it, anfwered in 
 fliort, either in the Affirmative, or in the Negative, faying either T, which is 
 yes, or Aianam, which is no. And left the Interpreter fhould falfifie thefe Words, 
 which were not well underftood by the Perfons prefent, when he (bake in the 
 affirmative, he would nod with his Head two or three times, and when in the 
 negative, he would (hake with his Head and his Right-hand, at which the Judges 
 much admired , being pleafed with the fubtilty of the Indian. Howfoever the 
 Death of Atahualpa being determined, Sentence was pafled upon him, and accor- 
 dingly he was executed, as we have already declared, though many of them, as 
 well fuch as belonged to Picarro, as thofe who came with Almagro, who were of 
 a generous Spirit, diflented, and protefted againft the Fad. The Names of the 
 
 moft eminent amongft them were Francifco de Chaves, and Diego de Chaves, who 
 were Brothers, and Natives of Truxillo, Francifco de Fuentes, Pedro de Ayala, Diego 
 
 de 
 
47§ 
 
 Royal Comment dries. Book I. 
 
 de Mora, Francifco Mofcofo, Hernando de Haro , Pedro de Mendo;a , Juan de Herrada, 
 
 and Alonfo de Avila, and Blot de Acien^t, with many others-, all \\ hich were of opi- 
 nion, that it was not lawfull to put a King to death, u ho had created therii kind- 
 ly, and had never done them any Injury, and if in cafe he weie guilty of any 
 Crime, they mould tranfport him into Spain, there co be tried by the Emperour, 
 and not by themfelves, who had no Power or Jurifdi&ion over Kings. That they 
 fhould confider the Honour of the Spanijb Nation, which mull greatly lufter in 
 the Reputation of the World, and be branded with Tyranny and Cruelty, when- 
 soever it ihould be objected againft them, that they had put a King to death, du- 
 ring the time that they had given their Parole to the contrary, and were under 
 Obligations of Treaty, and Articles, for his Ranfome, of which they had already 
 received the greateft part. That they ihould be cautious how, and in what man- 
 ner they {rained their great Atchievements with an Acl fo foul and inhumane as 
 this ^ that the fear of God mould reftrain them, who, after fo barbarous an Adion, 
 could not expect Bleflings, or Succefies agreeable to their happy beginnings, but, 
 on the contrary, Misfortunes, and Ruines, and aft unhappy end to all thofe who 
 had a hand in this Wickednefs. That it was not lawfull to put any, Man to 
 death, without hearing what he could fay in his own Defence •, that they appea- 
 led from their Sentence to the Emperour Charles the yth. and in the mean time 
 COnftitUted Juan de Herrada Prote&our of the Perfon of King Atahaalpa. Thefe 
 and many other particulars of this nature, they uttered not onely in Words, but 
 alfo in Writing, fblemnly protefting before the Judges againft this Fa£t, and 
 againft all the evils which might be the confequences thereof. Nor were thole 
 on the other fide lefs bitter and violent againft thofe who favoured Auhnalpa, 
 calling them Traitors to the Royal Crown ofCaftik, and the Emperour their 
 Sovereign, the augmentation and enlargement of whofe Dominion , they had 
 endeavoured to prevent. That by the death of this Tyrant they might fecure 
 their own Lives , and the entire Dominion of that whole Empire, all which by 
 the contrary would run great danger and hazard. Of all which, and of the Mu- 
 tinies which thefe Diflenters caufed, they would inform His Majefty, that fo he 
 might diftinguifh between fuch who were his loyal Subjects, and faithfull to his 
 Service, and thofe who were Traitors, and mutinous-, and obftruc~tive to the en- 
 largement of his Dominions. Thus were the Difcords enflamed to fuch a degree, 
 that they had broken out into a Civil War, had riot fome more moderate Men, 
 and lefs paffionate , interpofed between both Parties , and reprefented how de- 
 ftrudtive and fatal fuch Differences might prove to both fides, and to the fuccefs of 
 the Defign in hand, in cafe that Chriftians, on the fcore of Infidels , fhould en- 
 ter into a Civil War. They moreover reprefented to thofe who maintained 
 theCaufeof^/wM/jp*, that they fhould confider how they were no more than 
 fifty in number, andinferiour to the contrary party, which confifted of three hun- 
 dred and fifty 5 fo that in cafe they mould pretend to decide the controverfie by 
 Arms, the Iflue would be their own deftrudtion, and the lofs of that rich King- 
 dom, which now they might fecure by the Death of this King. Thefe Reafons 
 and Confiderations abated the Spirits of thofe who protected Atabmlpa , Co that 
 they concurred with the others in his Sentence of Death, which was accordingly 
 executed. 
 
 CHAR 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. ajq 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. 
 
 Of the Wit and Subtilty of Atahualpa ; and of the Trea- 
 fire which was collected towards his Ranfome. 
 
 ATahualpa (as we have (aid) was of a quick and ready Understanding, an In- 
 ftance whereof we have in this paflage, which indeed haftned his Death j 
 for he observing the Spaniards to read and write, did believe that it was a Gift 
 natural to them, and born with them, to try which he defired a Spaniard, who 
 came to vifit him, or that was one of his Guard, that he would write the Name 
 of God on the Nail of his Thumb -, the Souldier having wrote, as he defired, he 
 asked three or four Souldiers, one after another, what that Word meant, they 
 all told him, that it was the name of God. At length Don Francifio Pkarro came 
 in, with whom after he had difcourfed a while, he asked him the meaning of 
 thofe Letters which were wrote on his Nail : Now Pkarro not knowing ei- 
 ther to write or read, anfwered that he could not tell, by which he collected, 
 that the knowledge of Letters was acquired, and not natural-, and from that 
 time ever after he conceived a meaner efteem of the Governour than before ■, for 
 that (as we have laid) the lncas, in their Moral Philofophy, were taught, that 
 the Royal Family, Nobles and Gentlemen, ought to exceed their Inferiours in 
 knowledge and Vermes, as appears in the Trial of Novitiates, (as we have 
 : formerly related ) who were to run through all Exercifes and Hardships, which 
 i might try and approve them 5 fbwhen At ahualp a had difcovered the Ignorance 
 i, otPifarro, who being the Governour, and Chief, was, according to his Rule, 
 ■ to have excelled all his Inferiours in Learning and Vermes , he conceived a mea- 
 ner Opinion of him, which when the Governour had obferved, he grew angry and 
 •. offended with him, which haftened the Death of Atahualpa. This paflage I have 
 i heard from thofe who were then prefent, which may be a caution, and an adver- 
 1. tifement to Noble Perfons in the Education of their Sons^ for that for want of 
 I Reading, and Writing, and a little Latin, they may fall into Difgraces, and be 
 m fubjeft to Affronts 5 though indeed in thofe times ignorance was more excufable 
 n, than in this prefent age, which affords many Matters in Spain, where all Sciences 
 i, and Learning flourifh, and where Noble-men value themfelves not more on their 
 t honourable Birth, than on their vertuous Education, which yields a Luftre like 
 * pretious Stones enchafed with Gold. 
 
 Another thing is reported of Atahualpa, for an Inftance of his Wit and good 
 I Understand, which was this, that amongft many other things, which the Spani- 
 ards brought to truck and barter with the Indians, or, as fome fay, wherewith to 
 cheat them, there was one who had a GlafsCup, of the fineft fort of Metal, 
 which was made at Venice. The Merchant of it hoping for a good Reward, pre- 
 fented it to the King Atahualpa, who received it fo kindly, that (though he was 
 then a Prifoner) he ordered ten of his Cups of Gold, and Silver, to be given the 
 Spaniard in return thereof The Inca looking and admiring much the curiofity of 
 the Workmanfhip, asked one that flood by, if any other befides the Kings of 
 Caftile were ferved in iuch Veffels-, to which he that made the Anfwer, fuppofing 
 that he meant the Glafs, and not the Workmanfhip , replied, that not onely 
 Kings and Nobles, but the Commonalty of Spain, made ufe of thofe Glafles : which 
 when Atahuaipa heard, he let it fall from his Hands, faying, that things fo com- 
 mon, were not worthy the efteem of a King. At which Words of an Indian all 
 1 Perfons then prefent did much admire. 
 
 Thus was Atahualpa put to Death by formal procefs of Juftice, ( as is related ) 
 and before the quantity of Gold and Silver which he had promifed for his Ran- 
 fome was fully completed, becaufe time was not given him to make due com- 
 pliance ^ though fome report, that they put him to death after he had paid the en- 
 tire quantity : but whatfoever that was, the Spaniards divided to every Man hi: 
 
 Share 
 
 
a8o Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 Share, in the nature of Spoils taken in War. But what the value of this Ran- 
 fome was, Auguft'm de Carate, and Francis Ltpez, who wrote in thofe days, vari- 
 oufly report. I fuppofe that their Errours were in the heap or mafs, I (hall men- 
 tion fome particulars thereof, that we may make a better judgment of the whole 
 matter. Carate, in the 7th Chapter of his fecond Book, hath thefe precife 
 Words. " There was due to His Majefty for his Fifths, thirty thoufand Marks 
 " of pure , fine Plate , wrought and embofled ; and in Gold an hundred and 
 
 twenty Millions of Marks, ~&c Gomara, in the n 8th Chapter, faith, That 
 Frandfco Picarro, after he had made an EfTay of the Gold and Silver, he caufed 
 them to be weighed, and found fifty two thoufand Marks in good Silver, 
 and a million and three hundred and twenty fix thoufand and five hundred weight 
 or Ducats of Gold. 
 
 In cafe we compare thefe two Authours together , we (hall find that Gomara 
 comes fhort of the Sum which Carate mentions, at lead one hundred thoufand 
 Marks of Silver 5 becaufe that to make^ the King's Fifth to amount unto thirty 
 thoufand Mark, the principal muft confift of one hundred and fifty thoufand, the 
 likeErrour, and much more, there is in the Gold •-, for whereas Carate (aith, that 
 His Majefty's Fifth of the Gold amounted unto an hundred and twenty millions 
 of Marks, which muft be a plain Errour in the Print; for if according to the va- 
 lue we multiply every Mark of Gold at feyenty two Ducats, the fum will be- 
 come fo vaft and immenfe, that there will fcarce be numbers in Arithmetick fuf- 
 ficient to contain the account. And if by Marks they mean Maravedn, the Er- 
 rour will be as low on that fide, as it was exceflive in the other, becaufe an hun- 
 dred and twenty millions of Maravedis make onely three hundred and twenty 
 thoufand Ducats-, which likewife is more evident, as will hereafter appear by the! 
 account of Divifion, which thefe Authours make, in the fhare and proportion, 
 which belonged to every fingle Perfon out of theRanfome of Atahuatya, wherebj 
 they make the value of the Gold, reduced into Silver, to amount unto feven hun 
 dred and eighty fix thoufand and fix hundred Ducats. According to which I am 
 inclined to make out every Man's (hare and proportion of Gold and Silver, rather, 
 than to follow an opinion of fuch incredible Sums as are before mentioned. 
 And herein I am more willing to give credit unto Carate ( who was Accountant, 
 General ) in fuch Sums as he fets down precifely, than to the reports of Goers 
 and Comers, who fpeak at random i Onely as to the quantity of Silver which 
 was divided, I follow that which Gomara relates, becaufe Carate is filent in that 
 particular , as alfo in the proportions divided to each Captain, as appears by his 
 Hiftory •, onely the fhare which appertained to the General we have taken upon 
 the information of thofe who were prefent. Both Authours agree, that the Horfe- 
 men were fixty in number, and the Foot, or Infantry , one hundred and fifty. 
 Though Cieca de Leon, fpeaking of Cajfamarca , where Atahualfa was imprifbned, 
 faith, that thofe who took him were fixty Horfe, and an hundred Foot 5 in which 
 report concerning the Foot, I rather follow this Authour than Gomara 5 for befides 
 that he was actually in Peru, when he wrote of thefe matters, I am alfo much 
 more apt to keep within the compafs of Accounts, and fet down ten too little, ra- 
 ther than five too much. 
 
 Thefe Authours alfo differ much about the fhares which every Souldier recei- 
 ved ; for to the Souldiers they allot fix parts in Gold, and one in Silver-, and to the 
 Governour, and his Captains, and the People with Almagro, they give three parts in 
 Gold, and one in Silver. Why in thofe times the Gold fo much exceeded the 
 quantity of the Silver, ( the contrary to which now appears in all parts of the 
 World) the true Reafon is this: Becaufe that the Incan Kings were always Ma- 
 fteis of more Gold than Silver, of which they made no other ufe than to adorn 
 iipi] Temples, and Royal Palaces , not efteeming them in the place of Riches, 
 
 if reafure. Moreover there was much more difficulty in digging Silver, than in 
 
 ding Gold. For Silver, as we fee in the Mines of Potofi, is fetched from the 
 towels of the Earth, into which they fink fometimes two hundred fathoms, as 
 Acofta reports in the 8 th Chapter of his 4th Book, which fuch as have the cuiio- 
 ^ 47 may read and learn with what incredible labour that Metal is extracted, for 
 which caufe the Jwds would not exact their Tribute from the People in that Me- 
 tal, but Gold is procured with much more eafe, being found on the Surface of the 
 Earth, being wafhed down from the Mountains with fudden Rains , and with 
 the fall of the Waters is found in Brooks, and on the Banks of Rivers -, and" gene- 
 rally 
 
 
 foil) 
 m 
 
 Jfal 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 481 
 
 rally in all parts of Peru, though more in fome parts than in others ; this Metal, 
 when the Indians find, they walh it , and fift it as Goldfmiths do their Cinders , 
 and afterwards made Prefents thereof unto their Kings. 
 
 But to return again unto our purpofe, which is to determine what the value 
 was of that incredible Ranfome, for our better judgment wherein, we (hall fee 
 down the feveral particulars mentioned by the aforefaid Authours. As to the va- 
 lue and difference between Gold and Silver, there was in thole days, as well as 
 now in Spain, about twenty per Cent, in the efteem of Gold above that of Sil- 
 ver, and rather more than Ids 5 but for more plainnefs, we will reduce the 
 Weights of Gold and Silver to Ducats of Caftile , of eleven Rja/is and one Man., 
 vedis to a Ducat. Now to come to the Divifion, Carate faith, that the mare to 
 every Horfeman came to nooo Weight, that is Ducats in Gold, befides Silver 5 
 for every Horfeman had a fourth part more than a Foot-man , and yet notwith- 
 ftanding Atabalib.t had not complied with the fifth part of what he had promifed 
 for his Ranfome. And in regard that no (hare of this Ranfome belonged to Al- 
 magro and his Souldiers, becaufe they were not then prefent when Aubaliba was 
 made a Prifoner, howfoever the Governour beftowed a thoufand Ducats on eve- 
 ry Souldier, as a Gratuity, and an Encouragement : This Carate affirms. Gomar.% 
 faith, that the (hare to every Horfeman amounted to 370 Marks of Plate, befides 
 Gold i and to the Captains thirty or forty thoufand Ducats a-piece. And now 
 after we have fummed up the whole, which thefe Authours put to account, of 
 every parcel , let us fubtra<ft the fifth, and then we fhall eafily compute what the 
 fumm total amounted unto, and how much belonged to every Man for his fingle 
 fhare and proportion. 
 
 To the Governour they divided 200000 Ducats, of which 1 50000 was in Gold, 
 and 5-0000 in Silvery befides the Chair in which the Inca was carried, weighing 
 15000 Ducats of Gold, which being thrown into the Heaps amongft the other 
 Riches, appertained to him, as Captain General. To the three Captains of Horfe 
 their proportion was 90000 Ducats in Gold, and 30000 in Silver. To the four 
 . Captains of Foot the like fumm was proportioned of 90000 Ducats in Cold, and 
 30000 in Silver. To the hundred Foot Souldiers their (hare amounted unto 
 900000 Ducats in Gold, and 195000 in Silver. To the two hundred and for- 
 ty Spaniards which came up >yith Almagro, a largefs was given of Sccoo Ducats in 
 Gold, and 60000 in Silver'.' "And to Almagro himfelf 30000 Ducats in Gold, and 
 1 0000 in Silver, befides the Allowance which his Companion made him out of 
 
 Shis own (hare , as (hall hereafter be more particularly mentioned. The fifth of 
 all which, deducted from thefe feveral parcels in Gold, amounted unto 546250 
 Ducats, and the fifth from the Silver unto 1 5750 Ducats. And in regard, as Hi- 
 ftorians report, that the Silver was purified , and much finer than that which we 
 call Standard, and was by four Ryalls per Mark better, or of more value $ we (lull 
 add the fumm of 38 1 60 Ducats unto this Account, being for fo much as this Sil- 
 ver was more refined an'd '.bVfter than the common Standard. And not to wea- 
 ry the Reader farther with^thefe long Accounts of every particular fumm , we 
 lhall caft up the total, with allowance of twenty percent, advance, in the value be- 
 tween the Gold and the Silver •, with twenty percent, difference between the Piece 
 of Eight and the Ducat 5 fo that an hundred Pefos in Gold are worth an hundred 
 and forty four Ducats, according to which we fhall eafily make up the feveral 
 fumms in Gold. And in regard that Hiftorians do not mention whether the 
 Gold was fine , as they do that the Silver was refined and purified , we (hall 
 fuppofe that the Gold was worth twenty two Quilats and an half, as in the Stan- 
 dard in Peru, and not twenty four Quilats, as in Spain, for then we fhould add to 
 the whole value of the Gold 218500 Ducats, which arifes on the Quilat and an 
 half of Advance; but becaufe the Spamjh Writers do not mention that difference, 
 
 Mvve fhall likewife leave it out in this Account, left we fhould feem to infert any 
 thing without good Authority. As to the Silver, there is no other difference than 
 of twenty per cent, between the Piece of Eight and the Ducat. We fay then that 
 the Gold, which fell to the (hare of the Governour, together with the Royal 
 
 Chair, amounted unto- 25 2000 Ducats. 
 
 the Silver unto 60000 
 
 To the three Captains of Horfe in Gold 1 29600 
 
 in Silver 3600s 
 
 0.q q To 
 
482 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 To the fixty Horfemen in Gold- 
 and in Silver- 
 
 To the hundred Foot-fouldiers in Gold 
 and in Silver 
 
 To the 240 Men which came with Almagro in Gold- 
 and in Silver- 
 
 To Almagro himfelf in Gold 
 and in Silver- 
 
 The fifth deducted from the Gold- 
 and from the Silver 
 
 -1036800 Ducats. 
 —129600 
 -1296000 
 — 162000 
 —259200 
 — 72000 
 — 43200 
 — 12000 
 —786600 
 — 1 26900 
 — 38170 
 
 The difference of the refined Silver above the Standard 
 
 So that the fumm total of the Ranfome of Atahualpa amounted unto 460567* 
 Ducats, of which fumm 3933 000 Ducats are the value of the Gold, and the 672670 
 Ducats are the value of the Silver, accounting therein the advantage upon the fine- 
 nefs above the Standard-, both which fumms together amount to the aforefaid 
 total of 4605670 Ducats. This was the value of thofe Riches which theJ>*»;'- 
 ards gained in Peru, but much greater was that which they found in Cozco, when they 
 made their entrance into that City, as Gomara and Car ate report, and as we fhall de- 
 clare hereafter in its due place. BlasValera faith, that the Ranfome of Atahualpaa- 
 mounted unto 4800000 Ducats, the which he reports on the Authority of the In- 
 dians , who had fet down an account by their knots of every particular parcel 
 which was brought from the feveral Provinces , but we (hall rather follow the ac- 
 count given by our Hiftorians herein, than that of the Indians-? though Bio* Voter* 
 differs from the others, and makes the fumm greater by 1 9433° Ducats, than what 
 is before mentioned. In thofe former times fuch great fumms feemed incredible, 
 becaufe they were not known, though now they create no great Wonder, fince it 
 is manifeft, that for thefe thirty years paft, there have been imported ten or twelve 
 Millions every year in the River of Guadalquivir 5 the which my Countrey having 
 fent as an Offering to Spain, and all the old World, hath thereby been more pro. 
 finable to Strangers, than kind and natural to her own Children. 
 
 Gomara in the 1 1 8th. Chap, of his Book (peaking of this Ranfome, hath thefe 
 Words. " Francifco Pi^arro fent the fifth part of his Spoils, together with a Re- 
 " lation of his Succefles, by his Brother Hernando, unto the Emperour, and with 
 " him returned many of the Souldiers very rich, with twenty, thirty and forty 
 * c thoufand Ducats a Man. In (hort, they brought away almoft all the Gold fil- 
 " ling the Bank of Seville with Money, and the World with the fame and dif- 
 " courfe thereof, and with defires of that enterprife. Thus far are the Words of 
 Gomara. It is well known, that thofe who returned were fixty in number. The 
 Governour fhared to his Companion 1 20000 Ducats, being fo much as appertain 
 ned to him out of his proportion. To Hernando de Luque, the Schoolmafter, no- 
 thing was divided, becaufe it was known, that he bring already failed, could be 
 no farther ufefull , fo that Hiftorians have no occ^non to make other mentioa 
 concerning him. 
 
 I 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 485 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. 
 
 Of the Difco2ir[es which th^Spanmds-made upon thefe Af- 
 fairs. 
 
 BY the Death of thefe two Brother- Kings, (or rather Enemies) Huafcarznd 
 Atahualpa, the Spaniards became abfolute Lords and Mailers of both their 
 Kingdoms 5 there being none remaining to defend the People, or make head 
 againft them-, for the race of the Mas, being almofl extinct, the Indians were 
 like Sheep without a Shepherd, having none to govern them, either in Peace or 
 War •-, and befides, the Civil and intefline Difcords between the Factions of Huaf- 
 car and Atahualpa were become irreconcileable, fo that both Parties, being defi- 
 rous to gratifie the Spaniards, made them the Inftruments of each other's Revenge, 
 Moreover thofe Captains who were of Atabualpas party were divided amongft 
 - themfelves s for fome of them made head againft the Spaniards, as we mail fee 
 
 • ' hereafter, and others disbanded the Armies under their Command , with inten- 
 i tion to let up an Inca of their own choice, fuppofing that he would be more 
 
 • : kind and indulgent to them than a flrange Prince 5 the Perfon whom they elec- 
 
 ted was Paullu, the Son of Huajwa Capac, being one of thofe who had made his 
 efcape from the Cruelty olAtahualpa. The Perfon who had the principal hand 
 
 : in this Election, was the Major General ^uizquiz, who was in Cuntifuyu when 
 the News came of the Imprifonment ofAtahualpa, and untill that time had been 
 an Enemy to Paullu. But urgent and violent neceffities caufe Men to ftoop unto 
 mean and low Actions, and more efpecially Tyrants, and Men of poor and 
 bafe Souls, who finding themfelves finking , regard neither Honour nor Confer- 
 ence, but onely fuch means as tend to their own vile and mifchievous Defigns, 
 
 ! Stuizquiz was an Officer of Atahualpa, and a flout and an experienced Souldier. 
 To Paullu they gave the coloured Wreath, but he received no fatisfaction in that 
 Royal Signal, becaufe he knew that the lawfull Inheritance belonged to Manca 
 
 ■ Inca, and not to himfelf^ which when ^uizquiz obferved , and that Paullu was 
 
 1 cold, and not defirous of the Government, he then fet up for himfelf, refolving 
 
 1 to contend with his own Force and Prowefs-, and accordingly having raifed an 
 Army, he marched towards Cezco, to know what was become of his King Ata- 
 
 1 hualpa; upon which March we mall leave him, untill we come to the time and 
 
 ; place of his Actions. 
 
 The Spaniards obferving with what Honour and Adoration they were generally 
 received by the Indians, and that, according to the report made them by the fix 
 Spaniards who went on Difcovery, all Veneration and Service was paid to them ; 
 tney often entertained familiar Difcourfes one with the other on that Subject, 
 making various Reflexions on the caufes thereof, as the fancy of every Man did 
 fuggeft. Some would attribute the fuccefs of all to their own Prowefs and Va- 
 lour, for that the Indians feeing them fo flout and refolute, believed them to be 
 invincible, and fo out of mere fear and terrour fubmitted and yielded, and framing 
 a thoufand Rodomontado's of their own Conduct and Courage, fearched not for 
 any caufe beyond themfelves, nor reflected on the Prophecies olHuajna Capac, 
 which foretold the coming of the Spaniards into their Countrey, who mould de- 
 flroy their Idolatry, and tneir Empire , and out of this fuperflitious Belief yielded 
 all up without refiftance. Howfoever there were fome more confiderate than the 
 
 I reft, who being zealous for the fervice of God , and for the propagation of the 
 Chriflian Faith , attributed all their SuccefTes to the miraculous Operations of 
 God, in favour to the propagation of the Gofpel, that fo the Faithfull, as well 
 as Infidels, beholding them with wonderfull attention, the one might be thereby 
 induced to receive the Faith with readinefs and love, and the others be encouraged 
 
 Qji q % to 
 
4 
 
 9 a Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 to preach it with fervour and charity towards their Neighbours, and with due re- 
 fpe<5t towards God , who hath (hewed them fuch great and miraculous works. 
 And indeed we may aver it for a truth =, that it could be no lefs than miraculous, 
 That a Spaniard or two lhould travell alone two or three hundred Leagues in an 
 Enemies Countrey , and be carried through it on Mens Shoulders , and all Re- 
 fpeft and Adoration paid to them , as if they had been Gods , whenas they 
 might have thrown them over fome Bridge, or down fome precipice, or by other 
 means have eafily deftroyed them, is a confervation above all humane Wifedom 
 and Direction , and ought to be folely attributed to the Divine Providence, by 
 fuch as profefs themfelves good Chriftians, and Preachers of the Gofpel of Jefus 
 Chrift. Others improving this confederation and Argument farther, did fome 
 times in prefence of the Governour difcourfe to this efteft. That in regard Ata- 
 hualpa had received Baptifm, it had been more conducing to the quiet of that \ 
 Kingdom, and propagation of the Catholick Faith, to have conferved him alive, 1 
 and paid him all Honour and Refpecl, requiring of him, that fince he himfelf 
 BBS become a Chriftian, that he (liould publiih an Edid in favour of that Reli- 
 gion, commanding all his Subjects and Vaftals within a certain time to be bap- 
 tized •, certainly this courfe would have been extremely prevalent for three or four 
 moft pungent Reafons , every one of which fingly might have been fufficient to 
 have converted the whole Nation, how much more, when they all concurred to- 
 gether. J / 
 
 As firft, The Command of the Inca, to which in the moft trivial matters Obe- 
 dience is yielded , as. to the Law of God-, bow much more would it be in the 
 Cafe of Religion, delivered by thofe whom they in their own Minds efteemed 
 to be Gods. 
 
 Secondly, the Natural Obedience which they always yielded to their Inca*. 
 
 Thirdly, The Example which the King had given in being baptized, would 
 eafily have begotten a conformity in his People. And, 
 
 Fourthly, That which would have appeared moft fpetious and obligatory, and 
 which comprehends the force of all together , would have been the Precept of 
 Atahmlpa, declaring, That in purfuance of the Prophecy of his Father HuaynaOt- 
 pac, delivered in his laft Will and Teftament, fignifying the Obedience they were 
 to yield to thofe new Guefts, who were to enter into their Countrey, whole 
 Law and Religion was much better, and more excellent than theirs. 
 
 Had (I fay) the Preachers taken advantage of this convincing Method of Ar- 
 guments, certainly the Gofpel would have entred and fpread without oppofition-, 
 but God in his fecret Judgment would not admit of thefe Methods, that fo thofe 
 matters might come to pafs, which afterwards fucceeded. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 485 
 
 C H A P. XL. 
 
 The Effects which the Civil Difcords between the two Incan 
 Kings, who were Brothers, did -produce. 
 
 TH E War which was raifed between the two Kings Huafcar and Atahna/pa, 
 who were Brothers, was the caufe of the total fubverfion of that Empire, 
 and facilitated the Entrance, and the Conqueft which the Spaniards made of that 
 Counrrey, which being for the moft part craggy and mountainous, and full of 
 difficult Paflages, might otherwife have been eafily defended. But God, who 
 in his Mercy defigned the propagation of the Gofpel in thofe Countries, was 
 pleafed for the more eafie introducHon thereof, to permit thofe feuds between 
 j thofe two Brothers. 
 
 Acofta fpeaking fummarily of this Point, in the 2 ad. Chapter of his <Sth Book, 
 
 i hath rhefe Words. " Huaym Capac was fucceeded in Cozco by one of his Sons, 
 
 1 " called Tito CufiGualpa, (he means lnti CujiGualpa) afterwards he was called 
 
 . " GmfcarTnga, and his Body burned by the Captains of Atahnalpa, who alfo was 
 
 " the Son cAGuayna Capac, and raifed Arms againft his Brother in Sluim, and 
 
 " came againft him with a powerfull Army. At that time the Captains of 
 
 " Atahttalpa, namely Jgaizquiz, and ChilicHchima feized upon Guafcar Inca in the 
 
 u City of Cozco, after he was declared Sovereign Lord and King, and indeed he 
 
 u was the lawfull Heir and SucceiTbur. Great was the Confufion and Noife 
 
 1 " which this A&ion made through all parts, both of the Kingdom, and of the 
 
 ■ " Court. And whereas it was their Cuftome upon all great Emergencies of Af- 
 " fairs, to have recourfe unto Sacrifices, the People finding themfelves in no ca- 
 
 ■ " pacity to relieve their King, who was in the Hands of the Captains of Atahttal- 
 " la, and guarded by a powerfull Army, they therefore agreed, and, as they fay, 
 " by order of their Captive King, to offer a folemn Sacrifice to the Viracoch* Pa- 
 
 1 " chyaehachic, ( he mould have faid Pachacamac ) who is the Creatour of the Uni- 
 
 * verfe, praying , that flnce they were not able of themfelves to deliver their 
 
 ** King out of Prifon, that he would be pleafed to fend fome People from Hea- 
 
 " ven , who might procure his Freedom. Whilft they were intent to the fo- 
 
 " lemn performance of this Sacrifice, News was brought, that a certain People 
 
 " was come by Sea, and having landed, had feized Atahualpa, and kept him Pri- 
 
 " foner. And in regard that this Affair happened juft in that conjunfture of 
 
 T time, when this Sacrifice was offering , and that the People were very few in 
 
 " number, who had feized on Atahualpa in Caxamalca -, they gave the name of 
 
 " Viracochxs to the Spaniards, which name continues to them unto this day, upon 
 
 " a belief, that they were fent from God for refcue of their King; and indeed 
 
 " the People would have been confirmed in this opinion, had the Spaniards fol- 
 
 - " lowed thofe Methods which were purfuant thereunto. And on this occafion 
 
 " we ought ferioufly to contemplate the Wifedom of the Divine Providence , 
 
 f which conducted the Spaniards into thofe Countries in that feafbnable con- 
 
 " juncture of Affairs, when the Divifions between the two Brothers were grown 
 
 I up to a Civil and an Inteftine War ; without which advantage, which begat in 
 
 i the Indians a belief, that the Spaniards were a People dropped from Heaven, it 
 
 " had been impollible for fuch a nandfull of Men to have become Conquerours of 
 
 " that numerous People, the lofs of whofe Countrey was recompenced to them, 
 
 "by the gain which Heaven was to their Souls. Thus far are the Words of 
 
 1 .. '<Acofia, with which he concludes that Chapter, wherein with much brevity he 
 
 ^ fums up the War between the two Brothers , the Tyranny of the one , and the 
 
 Right of Succeffion which appertained to the other, the Imprifonment of them 
 
 both, and the fmall number of Men which took Atahualpa Prifoner, and 
 
 how gratious the Divine Providence was to thofe poor Gentiles in their 
 
 Converfion •, what Name they gave to the Chriftians , and the Efteem which 
 
 they 
 
486 Royal Commentaries. Book I. 
 
 they had of them, upon an opinion that they were come from Heaven .- All 
 which particulars we have already declared, and fet forth at large. We are 
 now to tell you the reafon of that name q{ Viracocha, given by them to the%»»- 
 ards, which was this: So foon as they favv the Spaniards in their Countrey with 
 that Beard and Habit , in which the Phantafme appeared to their Inca Viracocha, 
 the which Apparition the Indians ever afterwords adored for a God, as he declared 
 himfelf to be. And that when fome time after they faw that the Spaniards had at 
 their firft entrance taken Atahuatya Prifoner, and in a few days afterwards had put 
 him to death by form of Law, and in fuch manner as is due to Murtherers and 
 Malefa&ours, and had at his Execution, by the Voice of a Crier/ publifhed the 
 Tyrannies, Cruelties and Treafon againft Huafiar, for which he fufteredj they 
 were then really convinced, that the Spaniards were Sons of the God Viracocha, 
 and were defended from their Father the Sun, to punifli Atahualpa for his Crimes, 
 and to revenge upon him the Bloud of his Brother, and of all that Family. And 
 what did moreover confirm this Belief, were the Cannon and Mufquets which 
 the Spaniards ufed, and which the Indians took for proper Arms and Ammunition of 
 the Sun, giving them the name ofcYllapa, which (ignifies Thunder, and Lightning, 
 and Thunderbolts. And to the Name of 'Viracocha, they added the Title of Inca, 
 as properly belonging to them on fcore of the Relation they had to the Sun their 
 Father, from whom they defcended •, the which Title they gave to all the Con- 
 querours of Peru, from the firft, who entred with Francifco Picarro, to thofe who 
 came in with Almagro, and afterwards with Don Pedro de Alvarado, all whom they 
 adored for Gods •, the which Efteem and Veneration for them continued untill 
 the Covetoufnefs, Luxury, Cruelty and Severity, with which in a barbarous 
 manner many of them treated the poor Indians, discovered the falfity of this vain 
 Opinion, 'and opened their Eyes-, giving them to underftand, that fuch as were Jo 
 different in their Morals, and in all their Actions to their ancient Incas, could not 
 be defcended from the Sun, and confequently could not merit the Title of Inca ; 
 howfoever they continued the Name of Viracocha, for the fimilitude they had in 
 their Habit , and Beard to the Phantafme, or Apparition. Thus did the Indians 
 judge of thofe Spaniards who were cruel , and ill natured to them , calling them 
 Cupay, which is the Name they give to the DeviH but on the contrary, fuch as 
 were gentle , kind and companionate towards them , they not onely confirmed 
 their former Titles which they had given them, but added thereunto fuch other 
 compellations as they attributed to their Kings, as Tntipchurin, Child of the Sun, 
 Hanc-chacuay, a Lover of the poor-, and when they would higher exalt the Good- 
 nefs and Vertue of thofe Spaniards, who treated them kindly , they called them 
 the Sons of God , which when they would exprefs in Spanijh , for the Name of 
 God, which is Dios, they would pronounce it Tins, becaufe the Letter D. is not 
 in the Indian Language. So Tiufpachnrin is with them the Son of God, though in 
 thefe times, by learning the Spanijh Tongue, they are come to a better pronuncia- 
 tion. Such Honour and Veneration did thefe poor Indians (hew at the beginning 
 to thofe Spaniards who were compaffionate, and good natured towards them, and 
 the like refpedt do they ftill bear towards the Clergy , as well as to the Seculars, 
 in whom they obferve the brightnefs of Vertue to mine with Humility and Gen- 
 tlenefs, without Avarice or Luxury ; for the Indians are naturally of a good difpofi- 
 tion, very meek and humble, cordial to their Benefa&ours, and gratefull for the 
 leaft favour or good they receive. The which natural pronenefs to make acknow- 
 ledgments for good Offices done, they derived from the ancient Cuftoms of their 
 Kings, whofe Studies were for the publick wellfare of their People , by which 
 they merited all thofe Names and Surnames of Renown, which were attributed by 
 their People to them. 
 
 ■■Ik 
 tofli 
 
 e h a p. 
 
Book I. Royal Commentaries. 487 
 
 CHAP. XLI. 
 
 Of the Faitbfulnefs which the Indians of Peru /hewed untt 
 the Spaniards when taken by them in the War. 
 
 TH E Indians of Peru held this Maxime or Principle. That if any yielded 
 himfelf , or having been taken by a Spaniard in the War , he was thereby 
 become his abfolute Slave, and efteemed him by whom he was taken to be his 
 Idol, and his God, and that he ought to honour and revere him for fuch -, and 
 :o obey, ferve, and be faithfull to nim unto the death, and not to deny him ei- 
 :her for the fake of his Countrey, Parents, Wife or Children. Upon this Prin- 
 iple they preferred the Wellfare of a Spaniard, who was their Mailer, before all 
 xlier considerations whatfoever, and would fell or betray their own Family, if 
 heir Matter required it , and that it were neceflary or conducing to his Service 5 
 >y which means the Spaniards never wanted Spies, nor Intelligence of whatfoever 
 lafTed amongft the Indians, which was of great ufe to them in the Subjection and 
 2onqueft of that Countrey 5 for they believed it to be a real duty in them to be 
 obedient unto thofeto whom they had yielded themfelves Captives-, and therefore 
 rould engage in fight on their Matters fide, againft their own Countreymen and 
 delations, as if they were their mortal Enemies : When fome Spanijh Troops in 
 heir March had taken fome Indian Captives, and that the Commanders would 
 hare them amongft the Souldiers according as every Man wanted a Servant, the 
 Indian would refufe to acknowledge any other for his Matter, than him onely to 
 tfhom he had yielded himfelf-, and when they were told, that it was the Rule of 
 War to divide equal (hares to every Souldier , and that he who was already pro- 
 vided, was to permit his Companion to be equally accommodated: The Indian 
 'infwered, that he would obey on condition, that when theChriftian to whom he 
 ivas allotted had taken another Captive, that he might have the liberty to return to 
 his Matter to whom he had firft fubmitted , the like Fidelity the Women alfo pro- 
 filed. Three Indians taken in this manner I left in the Houfe of my Father, and 
 Lord GarpUjfo de la Vega, one of which was called AM, which is as much as to 
 fay Good -, he was taken in a Battel, of which there were many in Co/lao, after the 
 Indians had made their general Infurreclion, in one of which this AM fought like 
 a very ftout Souldier, and having engaged far with fome few Perfons, ne took 
 no care to fave himfelf, untill he faw all his Companions put to flight , and hard- 
 ly purfued by the Spaniards, and having then little hopes of fafety or refuge, he 
 laid himfelf amonglt the dead, to which pofture he had opportunity to compofe 
 himfelf by the darknefs of the night, and catting away his Shirt, he wallowed in 
 the bloud of the flam, that fo he might feem to be one of them. 
 
 The Spaniards returning from the purfuit unto their Camp in feveral Compa- 
 nies, three or four of them happened to pafs that way, where this Indian lay coun- 
 terfeiting the dead Man ; and whilft they were viewing the dead, my Lord and 
 Matter Garplaffo de la Vega obferved one of them to pant, and draw his Breath, 
 Whereupon he went near him, and touched him with the point of his Spear, 
 to try if he had fenfe , and were living -, fo foon as the Indian felt the prick he 
 immediately ftarted up, and cried for quarter, fearing t hat there was nothing lefs 
 than Death for him. After which he remained in the Service of my Father , 
 with that Fidelity and Subjection which we have already exprefled, being defi- 
 rous to evidence the fame on all occafions. He was afterwards baptized, calling 
 himfelf fob*, and his Wife lfabel. 
 
 BOOK 
 

 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
Royal Commentaries. 489 
 
 — ■ - ■ ' " '■« ■ - - 1 - ,, „■ 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 BOOK 11. 
 
 , __ i m. 
 
 CHAP I. 
 
 1 I 
 
 I 
 - I -t 
 
 Don Pedro de Alvarado goes to the Conqueft c/Peru. 
 
 THE Fame of the great Atchievements in Peru, and the Riches 
 thereof was now fpread in all parts with fuch Renown, that as 
 Lopez de Gomara in the z6th Chapter of his Book reports, the 
 Spaniards crowded in fuch numbers to take a fhare of the Gold, 
 that Panama, Nicaragua, Quahutemattan, Cartagena, and Other Plan- 
 tations, and Iflands were almoft difpeopled , and left defolate. 
 ' Amongft the reft Admiral Bon Pedro de Alvarado, one of the moft famous and re- 
 nowned Captains of that age, being not contented with the Glory and Riches he 
 had acquired by the Conqueft of the Empire of Mexico, Vtlatlan, and Quahutemallan, 
 refolved to augment his Greatnefs by his attempts upon Peru. To which end he ob- 
 tained a Commiffion from the Emperour Charles the fifth, to conquer, plant and 
 govern all that Countrey which he mould gain, at fuch a number of Leagues di- 
 ftant from the Jurifdi&ion and Conquefts of Pratcifco de picam. For this Enter- 
 prise he made Levies of many flout Fellows, and moreover many Gentlemen of 
 Quality from all parts of Spain offered their Services, 'efpecially thofe of Efiremen- 
 nos, becaufe Bon Pedro himfelf was a Native ofBadajoz: 
 
 This noble Perfon, amongft his many other Excellencies of Nature > was en- 
 dued with fuch nimblenefs and activity of Body, that thereby he faved his own 
 Life, when the Marquifs del Valk was forced to make a retreat from Mexico : for 
 the Indians having broken the Bridge over which the Spaniards were to pafs: This 
 Bon Pedro, with the help of a Lance which he carried in his hand, the point of 
 which having fixed in the Bodies of the dead, he took a running leap of twenty 
 five Foot clear over the Bridge-, at which the Indians were fo much aftonifhed, 
 and wondred, that they called him a Son of God. This Paflage Lopez ds Gomara 
 touches in the 107th Chapter of his Book, where treating of the Conqueft of 
 Mexico, and of Hernando de Cortes, he hath thefe Words, which we have delive- 
 red verbatim : " When he returned to them , though fome fought very ftoutly, 
 : ' yet he found many killed. He loft his Gold, his Baggage, and Piifoner;. In 
 " fine, his Men were routed, and his Camp difperfed, and nothing remained ir 
 : ' that pofture in which he had left it ; howfoever he rallied as many as he could, 
 " put them in the front, and he himfelf brought up the rere. And Pedro dc Al- 
 " varado was ordered to rally what Forces he could, and to make head againft the 
 " Enemy, but they charged him fo home , that he was not able to withftani 
 * them-, when feeing his Men flain round about him, and that if he ftaid, there 
 
 R r r was 
 
49 o Royal Commentaries. Book If. 
 
 " was no poffibility to efcape-, he followed Cortes with the Lance in his hand, and 
 ' patting over the dead bodies, and fuch as were wounded and groaning, he came 
 " to the Bridge Cabrera, and leaped over it with bis Lance , at which not oneiy 
 " the Indians, but the Spaniards were aftonifhed , for that no other was able to 
 " doe tfie like •, feme indeed there were who attempted it, but failing (hott, they 
 " were slrowned. Thus far are the- Wordil of Gomara. 
 
 I remember, when I vvjrf a Boy,- mat I have heard the'Spamret difcourfe much 
 of the great activity of this Gentleman ; and that the fecond time after Mexico 
 was fubdued, how he had fet two Marble Pillars at each end of the Arch of the 
 Bridge, for marks of the leap which he had taken 5 to which, for the truth of what 
 I have faid, I refer my felf, in cafe they be (till remaining, though it is a wonder 
 if envy and emulation of this Age hath not deftroyed them. 
 
 The firft time that this Don Pedro de Aharado was at Seville, with defign to em- 
 bark for the Indies , he, with fome other young Sparks, his Companions, afcended 
 to the top of the Steeple of the Great Church toen#>y the Air, and take a view 
 of that mod pleafant prolpect ; where feeing a Beam thruft out from the Tower 
 of about ten or twelve Foot long T and had been there placed fome few days be- 
 fore for a Scaffold, to mend fome part of the Steeple. One of thofe Gentlemen 
 that was with him , I do not well remember his Name , but he was a Native of 
 Cordova ; knowing how much Don Pedro did boaft, and avail himfelf of his acti- 
 vity, he on a fudden laidafide his Sword and Cloak, and without (peaking a 
 word, went out of the Tower upon the Beam, meafuring of it foot by foot, un- 
 till he came to the end of it •, and then turning about, walked back again with 
 the fame even fteadinefs as before. 
 
 Don ZV^o-obferving this bold action, and believing that it was onely to dare 
 him , '(corned to be out done ; and therefore keeping on both his Sword and 
 Cloak, threw one end of his Cloak over his left fhoulder, and the other part 
 holding clofe under his right arme, and his Sword with his left 5 he in that pofture 
 marched forth upon the Timber, and coming to the end thereof, gave a fudden 
 turn round, measuring it with the fame footing back until] he came to the Tower. 
 Certainly it was a very bold and daring action both of one and the other. Ano- 
 ther time it happened, that this Don Pedro, with fome other of his youthfull Com- 
 panions, going to Hunt, met fome Countrey fellows, who to out-vye each other, 
 were jumping over a certaip Well, that was- very broad, fome of which leaped 
 over it, but fome would not adventure. At length came Don Pedro, and he pla- 
 cing his feet, together, juft at the brink of the Well ■■, Now, faid he, this were a good 
 ftandingjmrip, if I durfi adventure it : With that he gave a leap, and reached thd 
 other nde onely with the fore-part of his feet, and gave again on a fudden a jerk 
 back to the very place where he had taken his leap forwards- Thefe and fuch- 
 like feats of activity are recounted of this Gentleman, and ethers who were em- 
 ployed in the Conqueft of this new World, as if God, who had that great Work 
 for them to doe, had endued them with abilities of body and .mind proportioned 
 to fo great an enterprize; for if the very Journey it felf through thofe unknown 
 parts with peace and quietnefs, were a matter -of labour and hardship 5 how much 
 more difficult muft it be to pafs thofe Straits and craggy Mountains by force of 
 Arms ? But in reality, it was the Divine Afflffence which co-operated with the 
 Prowefs of thefe Heroes ; for without fiich a miraculous concurrence, humane 
 power could never have attained to fuch mighty Atchievements. Thus we have 
 mentioned fomething of the Activity of Aharado ^ but his Acts and Monuments 
 of his Valour are recorded in the Hiftories which write of Mexico, Nicaragua 
 and Peru, though not fo fully as his great Worthinefs deferved. 
 
 Moreover, he was fo comely a Perfon both Walking, and on Horfe-back, 
 that returning one time from Mexico into Spain, to clear himfelf of fome Afberfi* 
 ons which his envious Adverfaries had charged upon him ; and coming, as his do- 
 ty was, to kifs the Emperour's hands, and render him an account of his Services: 
 His Majefty being then at Aranjuez., in one of the Walks of that Garden, and fee- 
 ing Don Pedro with a manly gate, and handfome Air coming towards him, asked 
 who he was ? and being told that it was Alvarado 5 This Man, faid the Emperour, 
 
 hath not the fafhion and meen of a perfon that can be guilty of fuch aclions as are charged 
 
 upon him ; And fo acquitting him of all the calumnies with which he was (launder- 
 ed, he gave him his hand to kifs, and received him to favour. 
 
 It 
 

 Book II. Royal Commentaries 49 
 
 I It was upon this Voyage when he returned a Married Man into New Spain, and 
 carried with him feveral young Ladies for Wives, to thofe who had conquered 
 that Countrey, and were fetled there in good Houfes with riches and profperity. 
 Alvardo being arrived at Huahutimallan, was there received with great joy of the 
 people, and in his own Houfe, with Balls and Dances, which continued for ma- 
 ny Days and Nights. It happened that one day, when all the Conquerours were 
 fate in the great Hall, to behold the Dancing •, and that the Ladies were alfo look- 
 ing out of die Jealoufies, orLatices, where, after the modeft fafhion of Spain, they 
 
 remained Unfeen : One of them faid to the Others , What, are thefe the Conquerours 
 with whom we are to Marry ? U'hat, (aid another, with thefe Old rotten fellows ? Let 
 thofe Marry with them that will, for my part, I will have none of them ; the Devil take 
 them, for they look^as if they had been come from Hell--, forfome of them are Cripples, others 
 Lame and Maimed $ fome without Ears, vthers with one Eye, or half a Face, and the befi 
 of them hath been jlajhed and hacked over and over again. No, replied the Other, we 
 are not to Marry them for their good Looks, btit to inherit the Efiates they have gained ; for 
 they being old, and worn out, are to dye quickly, t ^ at we ma y Marry again, and chufc what 
 ymiz brisk, fellow we pleafe, as if we were to change an old Kettle for a new Pot. One of 
 
 thefe Old Gentlemen ftanding near thefe Ladies, and not (een by them, over- 
 heard all this difcourfe ■■, and not enduring the fcorn with which they treated thefe 
 Old fellows, he replied upon them with affrontive terms, and high indignation , 
 and told all that he had heard unto the company •■> faying, Many with them who will 
 for me - y and til warrant you they will well reward your kindnefs to them. Having faid 
 thus much, he returned home, and prefently fent for the Parfon, and Married his 
 Indian Woman, who was of Noble Birth, and on whom he had already begot 
 two or three Children •-, which he made legitimate, that they might inherit his 
 Plantations and Eftate, rather than that Gallant, whom the Lady mould chufe 
 to enjoy the fruits of his labours, and make fervants and flaves of his Children. 
 There have been fome few in Peru, who have followed his example, and Married 
 Indian Women =, but the moft part have yielded to the plealure and counlel of 
 the Lady. The Children of thefe Conquerours can by experience tell us the 
 truth of this matter, and in the Alms-houies, where they now remain, may la- 
 ment the lofs of their Inheritances , acquired by their Fathers Toils and Valour, 
 and enjoyed by Strangers and Aliens, not related^ either to Father or Mother. In 
 the beginning of thofe times, when an Indian Woman had brought a Child to a 
 Spaniard •, all the whole family of that Woman were devoted, and fwore them- 
 felves flaves and fervants to that Spaniard, worfhipping and adoring him as their 
 Idol, becaufe he had entered into an affinity with diem ■-, and hereby they became 
 very ufefull to the Spaniards in their Conqueft of the Indies. It was one of the 
 Laws made by the Conquerours of the new World , That every one ihould en- 
 joy the Lands which were divided to him for two Lives, that is, for his own and 
 his Son's life =, and in cafe he had no Child, then the Spanifb Wife was to come 
 into the Inheritance, and barred all the natural Children, as if the Lady had con- 
 tributed more towards the Conqueft, than the Indian Mothers : by which means 
 it came often to pafs, that the fine Ladies changed their old Husbands for young 
 ' Gallants. 
 
 R r f 2 CHAP. 
 
 
492 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 CHAR II. 
 
 Of the difficulties and dangers which Don Pedro de Alva- 
 rado and his Companions gained in their Voyage. 
 
 
 THis brave General Don Pedro de Aharado was accompanied with many other 
 worthy Gentlemen of Quality , in which number was Garplajfo de u Vega, 
 my Lord and Father, whom Cieca de Leon calls Captain Garplajfo •, and in the 
 4id Chapter of his Book ufes thefe words : " General Don Pedro de Aharado was 
 " accompanied with Diego, Gomez, and Alonfo de Aharado, which latter is now Ma- 
 " refchal in Pern, as alfo with Captain Garplajfo de la Vega, fobn de Saavedra, Go- 
 " mez de Aharado, and other Perfons of Quality, and arrived at a place near to 
 " the Quarters of Diego de Almagro j upon which fuch contefts and quarrels arofe 
 " between the two Parties, that it was feared, that matters would have broken 
 " out into an open defiance, &c Thus far are the Words of Cieca 5 where it 
 is obfervable, that he onely calls Garplajfo de la Vega Captain, and the others 
 Gentlemen •, with all whom I had a perfonal acquaintance, unlefs it were with 
 Pedro, and Diego de Aharado. In their paffage by Sea from Nicaragua to PuerU 
 Viejo, they fuftered much for want of Water, and other Provisions 5 for upon a 
 belief or fuppofition, that the Voyage would not be long, and being in greai 
 hafte to depart, they omitted to take Aboard all thofe things which were necefla- 
 ry for their Voyage. The like want both of Vi&uals and Water, they fuffered 
 after they were Landed, as will appear by the Relations of the Accountant Augu- 
 ftin de Carate, and the Prieft Lopez de Gomara , both which agree in the fame Nar- 
 rative, onely with this difference about the value or price of the Horfes which 
 they were forced to kill in the Journey, wherewith to give food to their Men. 
 Wherefore I have thought fit to fet down the Words of Gomara. in the 1 17th 
 Chapter of his Book •, wherein he briefly touches on all the particular Labours and 
 Difficulties which Don Pedro and his Companions endured in this Expedition •, 
 part of which are as followeth : 
 " The Riches of Peru, being publifhed in all parts, Pedro de Aharado obtained a 
 Commiffion from the Emperour to difcover and plant Colonies in thofe Coun- 
 tries, which were not as yet inhabited by any Spaniards ■. And in the firft place 
 he difpatched Gam Holguin with two Veflels to difcover the Countrey, and 
 bring intelligence of what had lately pafled in thofe parts. Holguin foon after 
 returned with great commendations of the Countrey, and with mighty admi- 
 ration of the vaft Riches which were taken and feized by the Imprifonment of 
 Atabaliba, reporting alfo that Cozco and £uitu, a Countrey not far from PortoVi- 
 ejo, were extremely rich. Upon this advice they refolved to fail thither •, and 
 accordingly in the year 1535, they armed out five Ships, and embarked there- 
 upon four hundred Spaniards, and manv Horfes. With thefe Aharado Landed 
 in Puerto Viejo, and marched towards Sluitu, enquiring always for the way, un- 
 till they came to certain great Plains, encompalted with very lofty Mountains ; 
 where they had all perifhed for want of Water, had they not by chance lighted 
 upon a fort of Canes, which were filled with Water 3 and to fatisfie their hun- 
 ger, they ate the Flefh of their Horfes, which they were forced to kill, though 
 they were worth above a thoufand Ducats a Horfe ; though Carate faith, that 
 every Horfe was worth about four or five thoufand pieces of Eight Spanijh Mo- 
 ney 5 and truly I think, that this was the moft probable value, becaufe I heard 
 fo much in Peru. The Volcano of £*tiittt (which is a burning Mountain) threw 
 up fuch quantities of Aihes by a terrible irruption which continued for many 
 days, that all the Earth was covered with them for above eighty Leagues round ; 
 and when it burns with its fiercenels, fuch flames afcend from it, that they may 
 be feen at a hundred Leagues diftant, and make fuch a noife, that they afronifh 
 more than Thunder and Lightning : They were forced alfo to Fell the Woods 
 
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 Book II. Royal Commentaries. 493 
 
 " to make a pafftge : They palled alfo feveral fnowy Mountains and Defarts, (a 
 " thing very itrange fo near the Equino&ial) in that cold Countrey fixty of their 
 " people were frozen to death ■-, fo that when they were efcaped from the Snows, 
 
 * they returned hearty thanks to God* who had delivered them from that dan- 
 " ger -, and curled all the Gold and Silver to the pit of Hell, which had enticed 
 " and tempted them to a condition of ftarving both with cold and hunger. 
 Thus far are the Words ofGomara •, and then Curate proceeds, and fays, " Thus 
 " did they travel without hope, or comfort, or power to fuccour one the other -, 
 
 * for it happened, that a Spaniard, who carried njs Wife and two little Children 
 " with him, finding them ib tireC* md weary, that they could travel no farther, 
 " nor himfelf able to carry them 3 he fate down with them to take fome repofe, 
 " during which time they were all frozen to death ; and though the Man could 
 " have efcaped , yet uVh was his companion to his Wife and Children, that he 
 " would rather periih with them, than forfake them in that condition. With 
 " fuch labour and difficulty as this they pafled the fhowy Mountain, rejoycing 
 K much when they had got over to the other fide. Thus far are the Words of 
 Carate, in the 9th Chapter of his (econd Book. And here we may condole this 
 unhappy fate, that the firft Spanijh Woman which came to Peru, lhould thus mod 
 miferably periih. 
 
 As to the five hundred Men which thefe Authours account to have been with 
 Alvarado, I have been informed from feveral that were with him, that they were 
 no lefs than eight hundred Spaniards 5 perhaps they might be no more than five 
 hundred that came from Nicaragua, and that when they were landed in Peru, other 
 ' recruits might join with them •, ib that in the Plains of Rivecpampa, where Atvarado, 
 and Diego de Almagro entered into Articles of Confederacy together, they might 
 arife to the number of eight hundred : But another Hiftorian makes a difference 
 of three years time between thefe matters, but that is not much to our purpofe. 
 
 As to the Canes in which they found the Water, called Tpa, they are common- 
 ly as big as a Man's leg or thigh, though the end of them is not thicker than the 
 finger of a Man's hand : they grow in no other than in hot Countries, where they 
 make ufe of them to Thatch their Houfes : The information they had of the Wa- 
 ter was from the people of the Countrey, who guided them to the Canes, fbme of 
 which contained fix Gallons of Water, and fome more, according to the bignefs 
 of them, which is proportionable to their height. Augufline Carate in the 1 oth 
 Chapter of his fecond Book, writing the Journal of this Bon Pedro de Alvarado , 
 gives this defcription of the Canes : " In this Journey, faith he, they endured 
 " much hunger, and greater thirlt •-, for fuch was their want of Water, that had 
 ' they not met with Groves or Thickets of Canes, which yielded good and whol- 
 2 fome Water, they had all perifhed. Thefe Canes are commonly about the big- 
 " nefs of a Man's leg, every knot of which contained about a quart of Water, 
 f having a natural propriety to imbibe or fuck in the nightly Dews which fall 
 " from the Heavens •, befides which there was no Water nor Springs in that dry 
 ;< Countrey , and herewith Don Pedro refrefhed both his Men and Horfes. Thus 
 far Augufline Carate gives us an account of General Don Pedro de Alvarado, where 
 we fhall leave him for a while, and return to the Spaniards and Indians which we 
 left in Cajfamarca. 
 
 CHAR 
 
494 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 How the Body of Atahualpa was carried to Quitu 5 and of 
 the Treajon c/Rumminavi. 
 
 SO foon as Don Francifco Picarro, and Don Diego de Almagro had buried Atahu- 
 alpa, they travelled to Cozco , vifiung in their way thither, that very rich 
 Temple, which, was fituated in the Valley of Pachacamac ; from whence they 
 carried away all the Gold and Silver which Hernando Picarro had left behind, not 
 having been able to take it with him. From thence they proceeded to Cozco, 
 in which Journey, though they had many fteep and craggy Mountains, many 
 fwift Torrents and deep Rivers to pafs , yet they met no very great difficulty, but 
 that onely which we (hall hereafter relate. 
 
 And thus leaving them on their way, let us return to the General Cbalkuchima, 
 and other Captains of Atabualpa, who joyned themfelves with the Nobles of the 
 Court, and other principal perfons, who remained in Cajfamarca. So fcon as 
 the Spaniards were departed from that Province on their Journey to Cozco, the In- 
 dians took up the Body of their King , and according to his Command tranfpor- 
 ted it to JZaittt, where they interred it with fuch decency as became the Burial of 
 a Prince, and yet with fuch little pomp, as was agreeable to a conquered people, 
 that had yielded to the fubje&ion of a foreign and ftranger Nation. 
 
 Rttmminavi feemed the moft forward of any both to receive die Body of the 
 King, and to Embalm it, though already corrupted, and tending to putrefaction* 
 and in the mean time he fecretly made Levies, and prepared a way to iet up 
 himfelf in the Government, diiTembling all refpecl: and obedience to SZgjUifta- 
 cha, the Brorher of Atabualpa ; and that he might try in what manner his mind 
 flood affe&ed to Rule and Dominion , he perfuaded him to bind his head with 
 a coloured Wreath, if he were defirous to revenge the Death of his Brother. 
 All which Rumwinavi uttered with delign to blind die undemanding of ®seiliif- 
 cacha, and cover his plots and^ evil intentions, untill he could bring his affairs to 
 manrityj but to this perfiuftaa QuiUifcacba refuted to hearken, faying, That 
 the Spaniards would not eahly quit their Empire -, and in cafe they would, yet 
 tbt\e wetc fo many Sons of Huayna Capac furviving, who were ready to lay their 
 claim to the Government, and had a better right and title to it than himfelf 5 
 thai fernfi or other of them would adventure to aflume the Government •, and 
 thai: the people would appear in vindication of the juft tide and caufe of the un- 
 doubted Heir, for whole fufjerings by the late unhappy Wars and Miferies they 
 had a true ienfe and ccmpafiion. 
 
 This prudent and cautious Anfwer of £uillifcacha did not alter the finifter de- 
 fies and intentions of Rmtarinavi , for being both a Tyrant and Barbarous, he 
 refblved to proceed, and fat up his own intereft , telling his familiar friends in 
 their private difcourjes with him, that according to the Practices and Examples 
 which he had feeri, : : to Rule and Govern belonged to the ftrongeft -, for 
 
 that he who could wreft the Power into his own hands, and kill his Matter, as 
 Atahtudpa had Murthered his Brother, and as the Spaniards had Atabualpa', the 
 fame had title fufficient to conftitute himfelf Chief and Supreme Lord, fimam- 
 »avi remaining firm in this principle, and relblute in this delign, made great pre- 
 parations to receive Atabualpa, aflembling the people together under pretence of 
 f eraJ Obfequies of their late Inca •, the which Solemnity, though 
 formerly -cor. t the courfe of a year, was now concluded within the fpace 
 
 of fifteen days. At the end of which, Rummnavi judging not fit to let pais Co 
 
 fair 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 495 
 
 fair an opportunity whereby to compafs his defigns •, for that fortune having put 
 into his hands all thofe whom he intended to kill , as namely the Sons and Bro- 
 ther of Atahc.alpa, the chief Captain Chalkuchima, with many other Captains and 
 Lords then prefent , he refolved to execute his bloudy purpofe. To which end 
 he invited all the great Perlbns there prefent to a Dinner, that being together 
 they might treat of affairs, and confider of the way and means how to fecure 
 and defend themfelves from the Spaniards ; he alfo nominated Quiliifcacha for 
 Vice-king, or Regent, in the Kingdom of j&ftw', during the Minority of the 
 1 eldeft Son of Atahualpa, who was as yet but an Infant. 
 
 The Captains and Curacy accordingly afiembled in the Palace of the Ima , 
 where many things were propofed, but nothing determined : At length Din- 
 ner was brought in, which was very fumptuous, having been provided at the 
 coft and charge of Rumm'mavi. Dinner being ended, and the Meat taken a- 
 way, the Drink was brought in, which they call Sera, and in other Tongues 
 Vinnapu, which, as we have faid, is a fort of Liquour forbidden by the Indian 
 Kings upon pain of Death •, for that on a fudden it feizes the fpirits, and in- 
 toxicates in inch manner, that fuch as drink it remain ( as it were ) dead for 
 
 fbme time, and without fenfe. Acofta faith, that it inebriates much fooner than 
 
 wine. For though of their common liquour they make great quantities, yet this 
 immediately intoxicates. So foon as Rumminavi perceived thele Captains and 
 Caracas befotted, and ftupified with this Liquour, he fell to his work, and cut 
 all their throats •, amongit. which was Chalkuchima, ^uillifiacha, and all the Sons 
 and Daughters of Atahualpai not leaving one alive that was capable to oppofe his 
 defign. And to create a greater terrour of himfelf in the minds of the people , 
 for he pretended not to be obeyed for love, but for dread and fear, he flea'd 
 off the Skin of J&illifcacha, and therewith covered a Drum, the Skin of the 
 head hanging to it , that fo like a good Scholar and Officer of his Mafter Ata- 
 hualpa, he might appear with all the Enfigns, and marks of tyranny and cruelty. 
 ' Car ate mentions onely, in fhort, this barbarous Cruelty. Peter de Cieca faith, 
 that Francifco Pi^arro burnt Chalkuchima in Sacfahuanna, but this was not the 
 
 Chalkuchima whom we mean, but a Kinfman of his of that Name, but of 
 lefs fame and renown. He alfo adds, that the General Chalkuchima was pre- 
 sent at the Death of Atahualpa, and that he carried his Body to Sjntu, as be- 
 fore related, and that he was afterwards Murthered there by the hands of his 
 own people. 
 
 _ 
 
 CHAP. 
 
496 
 
 ■ ■ ■ ■■ — ■ — ■ ■ ■ 
 
 Royal Commentaries. Book 11 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Rumminavi takes all the Seleft Virgins of a Convent am 
 Buries them alive. 
 
 TW O Sfaniflj Hiftorians treating of the Cruelties of Rumminavi, fpecifie a 
 mongft the reft, one of the mod barbarous pieces of inhumanity that eve 
 was committed : They fay, that when Rumminavi came to Quitu, where entertain 
 n ing Come difcourfe with the Women, he faid to them , Cheer up, and be men) 
 " for the Chriflians are now coming with whom you may folace your fe Ives \ at which fbm< 
 " of the Women happening innocently to laugh, thinking no hurt, he fpoilec 
 " their jeft, and cut their throats, and burnt down the Clofet or With-drawing 
 " room of Atahualfa : Thefe are the words of one of the Writers, and the othe 
 agrees with him in the fame fenfe. But the truth of the ftory is this : The Ty 
 rant one day went to vifit the Convent of thofe who are called the Select Vir 
 gins, with intention to chufe out from thofe Women who were there placed, anc 
 Separated for the ufe of Atahualfa, fome of the moft beautifull and pleafing to hi 
 fancy 5 in regard that he being declared King, all the Women, Eftate, and Riche 
 of His Predeceffbur devolved to him with the poffeflion of the Kingdom. Dj 
 courfing one day with thefe Ladies concerning the prefent ftate, and fucceffes t 
 affairs, Tie defcribed the behaviour and habit of the Spaniards, whofe Bravery anc 
 Valour he extolled to a high degree , laying, That it was no ihame to fly fron 
 their irrefiftible fury ■■, that they were a ftrange fort of people with Beards in thei. 
 faces, and were mounted upon creatures called Horfes, which were fo (hong am 
 fierce, that a thoufand Indians were not able to withftand the violence of one 
 them, and with the fwiftnefs of his carriere was fo terrible as to rout, and put their 
 all to flight. He added farther, That the Spaniards carried Thunder and Light- 
 ning with them, by which they could kill the Indians at two or three hundred Pac 
 diftant from them , and that they were armed with Iron from head to foot, 
 fine, after he had defcribed them with high admiration, he faid, that they wore ; 
 certain kind of Codpiece, like a Box wherein to indofe their Genitals ■■, it is to 
 be fuppofed, he meant the Codpiece to the Breeches, ( ufed in the days of Ou 
 Henry the Eighth ) which was a faihion neither modeft nor ufefull. The Wo 
 men hearing the latter part of the Story, burft out heartily into a laughter, fiippo 
 fing that they had rather pleafed than angred Rumminavi therewith : but he on the 
 contrary interpreting their laughter to be an effect of unchaft and dithonelt de- 
 fires , and that they would joyn and concur with the Spaniards when occaiion of- 
 fered, he was transported with fuch rage, that it broke forth into this furious lan- 
 guage : Ah -wicked whores and Traytorejfes, if onely with talk, of the Spaniards you , 
 fo pleafed, what would you doe and all with them, if they were prefent ? But I fhall take 
 care to fpoil your fport and pafiime with them. So loon 3S the words were OUt of his 
 
 mouth, he immediately commanded his Officers to take and carry all the Wo- 
 men, as well the young as the old, to a ftream of water which runs by the City, 
 and to execute upon them the fame punifament which their Law inflicts, which 
 is to bury them alive - 7 according to the Sentence they were carried thither, and 
 there interred alive under great heaps of ftones, which were thrown upon them 
 from certain Mountains and Rocks, which lye on both fides the River. Thus 
 did this barbarous Tyrant difcover more unhumane cruelty, and relendefs bowel; 
 by this Murther committed on poor filly Women, who knew nothing but how 
 to Knit and Weave, than by his bloudy treachery pra&ifed on flout Souldiers, 
 and_ Martial Men 5 and what farther aggravates his crime, was, that he was there 
 prefent to fee the execution of his deteftable Sentence, being more pleafed with 
 the objects of his cruelty, and his eyes more delighted with the fad and difmal 
 fight of fo. many perilbing Virgins , than with any other profpect or colours 
 which could have been prefented before his view. Thus ended thefe poor Vir- 
 gins, 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 497 
 
 gins, dying onely for a little feigned laughter, which tranfported this Tyrant be- 
 yond his fenfes : But this villany pafled not unpunifhed ■-, for after many other 
 Outrages he had committed, during die time of his Rebellion, againft the Spa- 
 nurds, and after fome Skirmifties with Sebaftian Belalcacar, who was fent to fup- 
 prefs him , as we (hall hereafter relate 3 and after he had found by experience, 
 that he was neither able to refill the Spaniards, nor yet by reafon of his detefta- 
 ble cruelties to live amongft the Indians 3 he was forced to retire with his Family 
 into the Mountains of Amis, where he fuffered the fate of other Tyrannical U- 
 fnrpers, and there molt miferably perifhed. 
 
 
 - 
 — — 
 
 : 
 
 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 
 Of two Skirmifhes between the Indians and tfe Spani- 
 ards. 
 
 TH E Governour Don Pedro de Picarre, and his fellow Souldiers, which with 
 the recruits that Almagro brought with him, made up the number of about 
 
 ' three hundred and fifty Spaniards, marched carelefly towards Cotxo, and with fuch 
 fecuricy, as if they had no Enemy to encounter, and as if the whole Kingdom 
 
 ' had been their own, travelling from one Town to another, as in their own Coun- 
 trey, without fear or apprehenfion of any thing. Car ate in the 8th Chapter of 
 
 1 his lecond Book, touches on this particular, and relates a brave Exploit perfor- 
 med by the Indian Captains, as we (hall fee hereafter, though he varies fomething 
 from others in their Names. The Inca Titu Atauchi, Brother of Atahualpa, feeing 
 the King a Prifoner, and his Ranfome agreed, travelled into divers parts of the 
 Kingdom to coiled; all the Gold and Silver he was able, that therewith he might 
 
 ■ purcnafe the freedom of his Brother •, and being returned as far as Cajfamarca with 
 vaft riches in Gold and Silver, he received news of the Death of his Brother , 
 and that the Spaniards were departed for Cozco , and fecurely travelling on their 
 
 , way thither in no order or pofture to receive an Enemy : the which when Titu 
 
 ' Atauchi had heard and confidered, he disburdened himfelf of his Riches , and ha- 
 ving gathered and joyned what forces he could in a Body, he purfued the Spani- 
 ards as far as to the Province Huajllas, and amongft the people called Totlo, where 
 with fix thoufand Men he made an aflault upon the Spaniards, and took eight of 
 them Prifoners, who were as yet in their Quarters, amongft which was Sambo de 
 CuelUr, who was the Clerk that drew up the Indictment and Sentence of Death 
 againft Atahualpa. Carate touches upon this paflage, and fays it was J^uUquiz. 
 that did this Exploit, but he miftakes one for the other, and makes no men- 
 tion of any taken. Whilft matters pafled thus in Huayllas, the Spaniards had 
 another Skirmifli with the Indians, who were Commanded by Major-General 
 £>uiz,quiz,, one of the moft famous Captains belonging to Atahualpa, of whom we 
 have already made mention : For he having at Cozco received advice that his King 
 was taken and made a Prifoner, marched with his Squadron, confifting of eleven or 
 twelve thoufand Men towards Cajfamarca, to endeavour either by fair or foul 
 means the releafement of his Inca •, but meeting with the Spaniards on his march 
 thither, he engaged with them, and fought a ftout Battel, which Hiftorians re- 
 late in (hort and confufedly, but much in favour of the Spaniards. The truth of 
 what pafled is this : ^uizquiz having underftood by his Scouts, that the Spani- 
 ardshere approaching, and that they marched carelefly, and without order, he laid 
 an Ambufcade within the Woods and Rocks ; and having ranged his Men in a 
 half circle, he attacqued them in the Rere with fiich bravery, that four Spaniards 
 were wounded, and ten or twelve Indians, their Servants, were killed. The Go- 
 vernour, who marched in the Van-guard, being Allarum'd at the furprize of his 
 
 Sff Rere, 
 
 I 
 
498 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 Rere, detached two Captains of Horfe for the fuccour and relief of them, fup- 
 pofing that the Indians upon fight of the Horfe would immediately run, and be 
 put to flight, as formerly they had done in Cajfamarca, where they abandoned 
 and forfook their King. So foon as the Horfe came up to the Station cf J2*iz- 
 quiz, he made a feigned retreat to certain Rocks and Mountains, where the 
 Horfe could not pafs, nor doe any fervice, continuing frill a defenfive Fight, a; 
 they retired , entertaining the Spaniards with a Skirmilh for the fpace of three 
 hours , by which time their Horfes became faint and tired •, of which the Indians 
 taking advantage, (allied forthwith that whole Body, which by the Command 
 and Conduct of guizquiz were lodged within the Rocks and Mountains ; and 
 . aflailed the Spaniards with fuch fury, that they killed feventeen of them •, though 
 a certain Hiftorian mentions onely five or fix, befides fome that were wounded, 
 and others taken Prifoners, and the reft efcaped by the fwiftnefs of their Horfes : 
 Of the Indians feventy were flain •, thofe that were taken, were Francifio de Cha- 
 ves, who was one of the Chief Commanders •, Pedro Gone-ales, who was after- 
 wards an Inhabitant of Truxillo , Alonfo de Alarcon , Hernando de Haro , Alonfo de 
 Hojeda, who fome years afterwards fell into fo deep a melancholy, that he loft 
 his fenfes and underftanding , and died in Truxillo ; alfo chriftopher de Horozco, a 
 Native of Se ville - 7 ?ohn Diaz, a Gentleman of Portugal, befides feveral others of 
 lets account, whofe Names time hath abolifhed. Alonfo de Alarcon was taken 
 by the fall of his Horfe, with which his Leg was broke fhort off at the Knee ; 
 and though the bone was afterwards fet by the Indians, who took great care of 
 him, and of the others who were wounded , yet he remained lame for ever 
 after. 
 
 Jguizqmz having gained this advantage, like an experienced Captain, wou!3 
 not ftay untill the remainder of the Spanish Forces were come up, but retreated 
 with his people towards Caffamana, to meet with Titu Atauchi, Brother of the" 
 late King, who ( as he had heard) was on his march: And to cut his way as 
 fhort as he could, he pafled a great River, and then burnt the Bridge, becaufe it 
 was made of Ofiers, that fo the Spaniards might not be able to follow in the 
 purfuit of them. 
 
 Having met with the lnca. Atauchi, they both agreed to return to Cajfamarca, 
 there to confider of Affairs, and to treat of thofe things which might conduce 
 to the common good, and welfare of the people •, and fo accordingly they pro- 
 ceeded. 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 C H A P- 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 501 
 
 the Articles , for that Pride would not ftoop, nor confent to a reftitution of the 
 Kingdom to his proper and lawfull Mailer. Afterwards Anger prevailed, and 
 raited War between the two Companions Picarro and Almagro; which being 
 maintained by Envy and Emulation, one not fupporting the greater power of the 
 other, continued untill both of them perifhed in a competition for Authority, for 
 Aim w<> was killed by the Brother of Picarro, and fo was Picarro flain by the Son 
 pf Almagro. • Thefe Wars were followed by others between that good Governour 
 Vaca de Cajtro, (with whom I was acquainted at Madrid in the year i j52,) and 
 Don Diego de Abnagro Junior ; for Pride, which is the Mother of Diffention, was 
 fo prevalent in the mind of this Youth, that having neither a Spirit to fubmit to 
 his Lord and Sovereign, nor Power to maintain his Dominion, he perifhed in his 
 folly. Soon after Covetoufnefs and Tyranny raifed a War between the Vice-king 
 Blafco Numez. Vela, and Gonqak P'^arro ; the which in a few years after was fol- 
 lowed by Stirs and Combuftions between Bon Sebafiian de Cafii/la, and Francifco 
 
 Hernandez Giron, occafioned by Gluttony and Luxury. All which Wars fuccee- 
 ding one after the other, for the fpace of twenty five years, were raifed by the 
 malice and contrivance of the Devil, as we (hall demonftrate in their due place, 
 and were great obftru&ions to the propagation of the Gofpel ; for by reafon of 
 continual disturbances, neither the Priefts could freely Preach , nor had the Infi- 
 dels leifure nor convenience to receive the Doctrine of Faith , being under the 
 continual amazements of Fire and Sword, and other miferies 5 in which the In- 
 dians had a greater (hare than the Spaniards, being oppreffed by both fides, and 
 compelled to fupply both Camps with Provifions, and carry the burthens for 
 them on their moulders with wonderfull patience and labour ■> of which I my felf 
 have in part been an Eye-witnefs. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Entrance of the Spaniards into Cozco , and of the 
 great Treafure which they found there. 
 
 Q O foon as the Inca Titu Atauchi had difpeeded Francifco de Chaves and his 
 O Companions with the aforefaid Capitulations , he fent an Exprefs Meffenger 
 to Inca Manco Capac, who was his Brother by the Father's fide, with advice of 
 the Articles agreed, and of all particulars which had pafled •, that fo being well 
 informed of all matters, he might be provided to ad and treat with the Spaniards, 
 The General J&izquiz. fent in like manner to advife him, that he fhould by no 
 means disband his Army, but rather increafe it, untill fuch time as he had wholly 
 concluded and fetled matters with the Spaniards, left being fecure, and over confi- 
 dent of their kindnefs, he fhould fall into the fame fnare, and run into the fame 
 fate which his Brother Atahualpa had already fuffered. 
 
 With thefe Informations and Advices the Indians fent their humble Submiffi- 
 ons to Manco Inca, acknowledging him for their Supreme Lord and King 5 for 
 though they had been Enemies to him whilft he flood in competition .with his 
 Brother Atahualpa, yet that difference being now ended by his Death, all was re- 
 conciled ■-, it being agreed at a Council of War, that the Empire fhould be re- 
 ftored to that perfon unto whom the Succeffion did by lawfull Inheritance apper- 
 tain : And on this foundation they refolved to unite their forces for Expulfion of 
 the Spaniards, in cafe they could not live in amity with them, believing themfelves 
 much more formidable by this concord and union, than when they were divided' 
 into feveral Factions and Parties. 
 
 The 
 
502 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 The Prince Manco Inca received the Advices of his Brother, and the Addrefles 
 of guiz.quiz, with much joy, being much pleafed to find that thofe who were his 
 late Enemies, were now reconciled and joyned with him in his juft claim and title 
 to the Empire. And herein he was the more fatisfied to underftand, that the 
 Spaniards concurred in the like intentions, having on all occafions openly declared 
 their inclinations to right and juftice. Upon which preemption the Inca adven- 
 tured to apply himfelf to the Spaniards to demand Peace and Friendfhip, and in a 
 fimple and fincere manner to require the Government and Dominion over his 
 Kingdom, according to the Capitulations which his Brother Tnu AtauM had fent 
 to him. And here we mail leave him for a while in his preparations for fuch an 
 Addrefs, untill its due time and place, and return to our Francifio Picarro, who be- 
 ing better advifed by the late damage which his people had fuftained from Titu 
 AtauM, did now march with more caution, and lefs fecurity than before 5 fo that 
 they met no confiderable Encounters, unlefs a few flying Skirmimes near the City 
 of Cozco, from whence the Inhabitants fallied out to defend a Pafs •, but making 
 a feeble and poor refiftence, they haftily fled to their Houfes, from whence carry- 
 ing away their Wives and Children, and what Stock and Goods they could col- 
 left, they retired into the Mountains, being greatly affrighted with the reports of 
 what had fucceeded in Cajfamarca , for that Countrey having been fubjett to the 
 power of Atahmlpa, made fbme refiftence, being defirous, if poflible, to revenge 
 the Death of their Prince. Gomara treating of this particular paflage, hath thefe 
 words : " The next day the Spaniards entred into Cozco without any oppofition, 
 " and prefently they fell at work, fome to unrip the Gold and Silver from the 
 " Walls of the Temple, others to dig up the Jewels and Veflels of Plate, which 
 " were buried with the Dead, others pillaged and rifled the Idols, and facked the 
 " Houfes, and the Fortrefs, where ftill great quantities of Gold and Silver were 
 " conferved, which had been there amaffed and laid up by Guayna Capac. In 
 " (hort, there was more Gold and Silver found in this City, and in the parts a- 
 " bout it, than what was produced at Caxamalca, by the ranfome of Atabaliba .- 
 ct Howfoever, the particular fhare belonging to every individual perfon did not 
 " amount unto fo much as the former Dividend, by reafon that the number was 
 " greater which was to partake thereof 5 nor was the fecond fame fo loud as the 
 " firft, which publiftied the Triumph of Riches with the Imprifonment of a 
 " King. A certain Spaniard entering into a Vault, found there an entire Sepul- 
 " chre of Silver, fo thick and mafly, that it was worth fifty thoufand pieces of 
 " Eight ; others had the fortune to find fuch as were of lefs value, for it was the 
 " cuftome of rich Men of thofe Countries to be buried in this manner up and 
 " down the Fields , and there to be laid in State [ike fome Idol : Nor were the 
 " Spaniards contented with this prize, but ftill thirfting after greater Riches, were 
 " hot in the purfuit of the Treafures of Huayna Capac, and of others hidden by 
 " the ancient Kings of Cozco, but neither then, nor afterwards, were any of thofe 
 " Treafuries known -, howfoever they tortured and vexed the poor Indians with fe- 
 " vere ufage and, cruelties, to ftiew and difcover to them the rich Sepulchres. 
 Thus far are the Words of Gomara, extracted verbatim from the 1 24th Chapter 
 of his Book. Carafe in the 8th Chapter of his fecond Book, fpeaking of fome 
 Spaniards, who went in purfuit of an Indian Captain , faith as follows : " And 
 " not being able to meet with him, they returned to Cozto, where they found a 
 " greater, prize both of Gold and Silver, than that. in Caxamalca; all which the 
 " Governour 'divided amongft his people. Thus far are the Words of Carate. 
 And now I fiippofe by thefe Authorities, it hath been fuificiently proved, that 
 the Riches which the Spaniards found in Cozco, were greater than thofe taken in 
 Cajfamarca jj and to acquit my felf in the truth of what I relate, I am pleafed to 
 cite, or quote, the Spanijh Hiftorians, and to fpecifie their Names, left I mould 
 feem like the Magpye, to deck my felf with borrowed feathers. 
 
 .But to return now to thofe Treafures, which, as Gomara mentions, weredif- 
 covered by the Spaniards under-ground both in Cozco, and in the parts adjacent : 
 It is certain, that for the fpace of feven or eight years after the Spaniards had re- 
 mained in quiet pofleflion of that Empire , feveral Treafures were difcovered 
 both within and without the City % and particularly within the Precin&s of thai 
 Palace called Amurucancha, ( which upon the divifion made, fell to the lot of An- 
 tonio Altamirano) and where it happened that a Horfe galloping round a Court- 
 yard 
 
Book II. Koyal Commentaries. 499 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 The Indians put Cuellar to Deaths and enter into Articles 
 with the other Prifoners. 
 
 SO foon as the Inca Tim Atauchi, and Jguizqutz , were entred into Cajfamarca 
 with the Spaniards their Prifoners, they examined the Indians concerning the 
 Death of their King Atahualpa -, and being informed that Cuellar had been Clerk, 
 and drawn up the Indictment, and made all the Procefs againft Atahualpa, and 
 had been prefent to fee their King executed : And being likewife informed that 
 Francis de Chaves, and Hernando de Haro, and others then Prifoners, had appeared 
 
 i in favour of Inca Atahualpa , and that they interceded for his Life and Liberty 
 with fuch heat and earneftnefs, that they adventured their own lives in his caufe : 
 Upon which full hearing and information of the matter, Tim Atauch!, and J&P&- 
 
 ', quiz,, and the other Captains, refblved that the Clerk Cuellar for his bold attempt 
 on the Life of their King, and for having notified the Sentence, mould be put 
 to death in the fame form and manner as their King was executed. But as to 
 
 the Other Spaniards, OUt of refpect tO Francis de Chaves, and Hernando de Haro, who 
 
 had appeared in favour of their Inca, order was given for their Cure, and that they 
 ' mould be well treated, and civilly ufed ; and that being recovered of their wounds, 
 they mould be difmifled with freedom and prefents. According to this deter- 
 mination the Counfels were executed % for Cuellar being taken out from the very 
 Prifon where Atahualpa had been lodged, and being carrie4 to the very fame place 
 of Execution , with a Oyer before him , Proclamation was made as followeth : 
 The Pachacamac commands that this Auca , which Jigmfies as much as Tyrant, Tray- 
 tor, &C. and all thofe who have had a hand in the Murther of our late Inca, floould be put 
 
 to death. Not that this form of a Cryer was according to the ufe of their Coun- 
 trey, but onely in imitation and revenge of what had been done to their Inca, and 
 accordingly Cuellar was tied and ftrangled at the very fame Poft at which Atahu- 
 alpa had been Executed ; with which a fhout was made, Thus may all thy Compa- 
 nions perijh. Cuellar being dead, they left his body expofed the whole day to com- 
 ', mon view, and towards the Evening buried it , imitating in all particulars the 
 
 forms ufed by the Spaniards in Execution of Atahualpa. But as to Francis de Cha- 
 ves, and his other Companions, fo foon as they were cured of their wounds, and 
 were in a condition to travel, they beftowed on them Prefents of Gold, and Sil- 
 ver, and Emeralds, and difoatched them away with feveral Indians to carry them 
 on their moulders : But firft they capitulated with them, as Reprefentatives for 
 the other Spaniards, and agreed on feveral Articles of Peace and Friendmip : the 
 principal of which were thefe : " That all the A&s of War, and Hoftility, and 
 Injuries hitherto committed on either fide, (hall ceafe, and be pardoned, and 
 " forgotten. That for the future a Peace fhall be eftablifhed between the Spani- 
 7 ards and the Indians, and that they (hall offer no hurt or damage to each other. 
 K That the Spaniards (hall not deprive Manco Inca of his Empire, becaufe it is his 
 
 * right to Govern, being lawfull Heir. That the Indians and Spaniards in all their 
 " Commerce and Negotiations (hall treat amicably together, and afford help and 
 a fuccour each to the other. That the Spaniards (hall fet thofe Indians at liberty, 
 " whom diey hold in Chains, and that for the future they (hall put none of them 
 [< into Irons, but freely to ufe them in their fervice. That the Laws made by the 
 " paft Incas, in favour, and for the benefit of their people, and which are not re- 
 pugnant to the Chriftian Law, (hall be conferved inviolably in their force and 
 
 * virtue. That the Governour Don Francifco de Pi^arro fhall in a convenient time 
 fend thefe Capitulations into Spain to be there ratified and confirmed by his Im- 
 perial Majefty. All which the Indians, as well as they were able, gave to underftand 
 Unto Francis de Chaves, partly by figns, and partly by words, which were interpreted 
 
 S f f x by 
 
«coo Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 by the Indians, who were Servants to the Spaniards, and had been taken with them, 
 and whom Tittt Atauchi taught and intruded word by word , that fo having the 
 matter well inculcated to them, they might be better able to utter and expreS his 
 meaning. The Spaniards obferving the great generality with which they were 
 treated by Tim Atauchi, and his people , and that when they were Prifoners to 
 them, and lay at their mercy, and that they might have proceeded againft them 
 as guilty of the Murther of their King, and Difturbers of the common peace and 
 
 Siiet of their Nation 5 yet then on the contrary they frankly reftored them unto 
 eir liberty with Prefents of Gold, Silver, and pretious Stones, difpeeding them 
 away with attendance to carry them , and with other Accommodation for their 
 Journey: In fine, when they considered all this, and the reafonable Articles 
 and Terms which the Indians propofed , they could not but admire, and remain 
 confufed at the peaceable and quiet difpofition of the Indians .• Moreover, when 
 they were under cuftody, and in hourly expectation of Death, and had time, as 
 Men, to reflect on their prefent condition, they much lamented their remiinefs, 
 and want of care to indraft the Indians in the Doctrine of the Gofpel •, howfo- 
 ever, refolving for the future to make amends for that default, and being embold- 
 ned by the gentle temper of the Indians, they adventured to ask leave, that they 
 might demand onely two things from them : To which the Indians replied, That 
 whatsoever they mould require, mould readily be granted. Hereupon Francis de 
 Chaves faid, that he did in the Name of the Governour, and all the Spaniards, 
 require that the heat, and all their Captains and Lords, fhould receive the Law 
 of the Chriftians , and confent, that it mould be freely preached in all parts of 
 their Empire. Secondly, That whereas the Spaniards being Strangers and Aliens 
 in that Countrey, had neither Servants nor Lands to ferve and maintain them* i 
 that a fubfiftance mould be granted to them, as to the Natives of the Kingdom; 
 that Indian Men and Women may be allowed .to ferve them, not as Slaves, bur, 
 as hired Servants. To which anfwer was made, that as to what concerned the 
 Law of the Chriftians, they did not onely not reject it, but did earneftly intreat 
 them immediately to fend to the place where the Governour refided, defiring him 
 with all convenient fpeed to furnifh them with fuch Preachers and Priefts, as 
 might inftruct them in thofe Precepts and Principles which were neceflary for 
 them to know, promifing for their parts to treat and ufe them kindly, and with 
 fuch honour and reverence, as if they were Gods •, for they were well ailured 
 from the teftimony of their late Inca Huayna Capac, that the Law of the Spaniards 
 was much better than their own ; and though they had no other reafon to enter- 
 tain fuch a belief, than the bare recommendation of their Inca, yet that was fo 
 prevalent, as to engage them to all obedience, ufefulnefs and fervice towards the 
 Spaniards ; the truth of which had been evidenced by their Inca Atahmlpa, had he 
 been fuffered to live, yet he had fealed this fincere obedience with his bloud -, and 
 therefore they might be confident they could ask nothing but what would be 
 granted to their fatisfaction. The Covenants which were thus agreed, were by 
 their Hiftoriographers recorded on their Knots •, and licence being given to the 
 Spaniards to depart, they took their farewell , and being laden with Prefents, and 
 accompanied with a numerous Attendance, they proceeded on their Journey irt 
 fearch of their Governour. And as they were on their way, Francifio de Chaves, 
 and his Companions, being considering Men, fell into difcourfe concerning the 
 late paflages •■, and reflecting thereupon, they were of opinion, that the words and 
 actions of that people were fo well agreeing to reafon, as did not favour of the 
 Gentilifm and Barbarity in which they were nurtured , but were Miracles of the 
 divine infpiration infufed into the Souls of that people, difpofing their minds to 
 receive the Doctrine of the Gofpel with eafe and readinefs-, on which encourage- 
 ment they refolved to perfuade the Governour, and the other Spaniards, to fend 
 Miflionaries to that intent and purpofe into thofe parts : And though they were 
 all generally of the fame mind in this particular, yet the Devil, who is the com- 
 mon enemy of Mankind , endeavoured by all his wiles and artifices to obflrud 
 the conversion of thofe Indians -, the which in a great meafure he effected by 
 the aid and afliftence of his diligent Minifters the feven mortal Sins , which being 
 in thofe times of liberty let loofe, greatly prevailed , committing all thofe outra- 
 geous Villanies which might bring a difrepute on the profeffion of the Gofpel. 
 Hence arofe thofe Wars, which in a Short time after were waged between the 
 Indians and the Spaniards, occafioned by perfidioufnefs and non-performance of 
 
 the 
 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 503 
 
 yard of that Palace, ft rook one of his feet into a hole, which they fuppofed at 
 n'rlt to be foine old Sink, or drain for Water from the Houfe -, but looking more 
 narrowly, they found the hole opening to a Jar of Gold, weighing above two 
 hundred pounds weight, for the Indians make greater, or lefs, of thefe, as their 
 occafions require, ufing them to boil their Drink and Liquours in. With this 
 great Jar, they found others of Gold and Silver } and though they were not fo 
 large, yet they were valued at above eighty thoufand Ducats. Moreover, in the 
 Convents of the Select Virgins , and particularly in that part which fell to the 
 fhare of Pedro del Bano, and afterwards came to the pofleffion of Hernando de Sego. 
 via, who was an Apothecary, and with whom I had an acquaintance -, this Her- 
 nando altering his Houfe, and removing fome part of the foundation, found a Trea- 
 fure of feventy two thoufand Ducats, with which, and with above twenty thoufand 
 •Ducats more, which he had gained by his Practice, he returned into Spain, where 
 I faw him at Seville, where, in a few days after his Arrival, he died for mere grief 
 and ibrrow that he had left Cozco, as feveral others have done, whom I knew in 
 the fame condition. Hereby it is manifeft, that the Treafures which the Spani- 
 ards found in that City, when they made their entrance firft into it, were very 
 confiderable, as were thofe alfo which were afterwards difcovered. And it is 
 probable, that the Riches had been much greater, had not the Indians, as we have 
 faid in the firft Part, hid them away, to conceal them from the fight of the 
 
 Spaniards. 
 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the Convex [ion of an Indian , who de fired to be informed 
 of that which was the true Law of Mankind. 
 
 TH E firft day that the Chriftians entred into the Imperial City of Cozco, 
 an extraordinary matter pafled between a Spaniard and an Indian, which was 
 this : A certain Gentleman, who was a Native of Truxillo, called Aknfo Ruyz, 
 roving about, and facking the City as the others did, chanced to enter into a 
 Houfe, from whence the Mafter came forth courteoufly to receive him *, and at 
 firft fpeaking to him with a fmiling countenance in his own Language, bid him 
 welcome, telling him, that for many days he had expected Iris coming, for than 
 the Pachacamac had by Dreams and Virions aflured him, that he fhould not dye 
 untill a ftranger Nation fhould come, which fhould inftrucl- him in the true Law 
 
 which he was to follow. And fince, faid he, / have languijhed all my life with this 
 defirc in my heart, I am confident that yon mufl be that perfon which is designed to inftruEl 
 
 me. The Spaniard not underftanding at firft the words which the Indian faid to 
 him , yet he apprehended, that what he uttered was very kind, for he had learned 
 thofe two words in the Indian Language, Ton are very welcome, which the Spaniards 
 exprefs in four ; and alfo gueffing by the chearfulnefs of the Indians countenance, 
 ; that he was defirous of his converfation, fo often as his leifure would admit , nor 
 : fo much out of a placency in his company, as for fome fober and religious end , 
 he refolved to ftay, and take up his Lodging with the Indian, who, during the time 
 of his aboad, entertained and treated him with as much kindnefs and accommo- 
 dation, as his Cottage could afford. At length three or four days being paft, and 
 things a little fettled and quieted after the Spaniards had facked the City, Ahnfa 
 Rujii. went out to find Philip the Interpreter , and having found him, he returned 
 with him to his Lodging to be better informed of what he as yet imperfectly un- 
 derftood ; and at firft he propofed feveral Queries concerning his Cuftoms, and 
 manner of living , in anfwer unto which, he gave them to underftand, that he 
 had been a Man of an humble and peaceable Spirit, contented with his ownr 
 
 fortune, 
 
<co4 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 fortune, and never offered injury or violence to his Neighbour 5 That he was de- 
 firous to be informed of that which was the true Law of Mankind , for that his 
 own Law did not anfwer or fatisfie the many notions he had conceived in his 
 mind of a better and a more fublime Religion. Hereupon the Spaniard endea- 
 voured in the beft manner he could to inftrud him in the Principles of the Ca- 
 tholick Faith, which true Faith was. That he mould worlhip God in the Trinity, 
 and the Trinity in Unity : And becaule (as we have intimated before) that 
 there wanted words in the Indian Language to exprefs that Myftery, he advifed 
 him to keep the word Trinity, and the word Credo in his memory , for that thofe 
 words would let him in unto that Faith, which the Roman Church, which is the 
 Mother of all good Chriftians, doth believe and embrace. And having repea- 
 ted thefe words often, and having to feveral queftions made to him, anfwered, Yes 
 in the Affirmative -, a Prielt was called, who being fatisfied in what had parted, 
 and that the Indian defired to be a Chriftian, he was baptized to the great fatis- 
 fadion of all three, that is, of the Prieft, the Perfon baptized, and of AlonfoRuyz, 
 who was his Godfather •, in a fhort time after which, the Indian ended his days 
 with much joy and comfort, that he died a Chriftian. Afterwards Aknfi Ruyz re- 
 turned into Spain with fifty thoufand pieces of Eight in his Pur(e, the which he 
 had gained in Cajfamana, Cozco, and other parts ■-, but being troubled with fcru- 
 ples of Confcience for having gained his Wealth unjuftly, he applied himfelf to 
 the Emperour with words to this purpofe : 
 
 Aloft Sacred Afajefly, I am one of thofe Conquerours of Peru , to whom afhare or pro- 
 portion of the fpoils thereof have been divided to the Import of fifty thoufand pieces of Eight, 
 which 1 have brought with me into Spain ; but being troubled in Confcience for thefe ill-got- 
 ten goods, 1 come here to make refiitution thereof unto your Afajefty, who is Supreme Sove- 
 reign of that Empire. If your A/ajefty will be fo bounttfu/l as to grant me any /hare thereof 
 lfkalt receive it as from the true Lord and Mafter, who hath powtr to make me a jufi and 
 lawfull title thereunto ; and if not, I fhall remain contented, and helieve my fe If unworthy 
 of your Aiajeftys Grace and Bounty. 
 
 The Emperour accepted theReftitution as an effect of an honeft and a confcien- 
 tious mind ; and in lieu thereof, beftowed upon him a Revenue in fee of four 
 hundred thoufand Maravedis of yearly Rent, together with the Command or 
 Lordmip of a fmall Village called Marta, fituate near the City ofTruxillo •, which 
 now a Nephew of this Alonfo Ruyz doth poflefs and inherit •-, and befides the qui- 
 etnefs of confcience which this Ruyz, reaped by this reftitution , he alfo increafed 
 and improved his Eftate thereby, having obtained a greater parcel of Land than 
 his money could have purchafed, given in fee to himfelf and his Heirs for ever,- 
 and which at prefent is defcended and pofiefled by his own kindred •, whereas the 
 Divifions made in the Indies were not to continue longer than for two Lives, which 
 are almoft all extinct at this time. And it is very remarkable, that what Eftate 
 hath been brought from the Indies, (though not arifing by the Divifion of Lands, 
 but by other ways) hath not continued to the third Heir ; whereas this Eftate of 
 Ruiz, wears like Iron, and defcends intailed to the right pofleflourj and his Heirs 
 for ever. And fo let us return to the thread of our Illftory. 
 
 Hi 
 
 I* 
 fc 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 ID 
 
 k 
 
 i. 
 
 '-: 
 
 ,: 
 
 ;: 
 V 
 
 Be 
 
 
 
V 
 
 Book II. Royal Commentaries. 505 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Don Diego de Almagro joins \w Forces with Don Pedro 
 de Alvarado, and Belalcasar to fupprefs Rumminavi. 
 
 DOn Francifco de Picarro, and D. Diego de Almagro, were bufily employed in ga- 
 thering, heaping and difpofing of the Treafure which they had found in 
 Cozxo, and the parts thereabouts, when the News came that Don Pedro de Alvarado 
 was arrived in Peru with Commiflion to Govern and Command all thofe parts 
 which he mould conquer ; that he was inforced with five hundred Men, moft of 
 which were Gentlemen of Noble Birth, and of the flower of Spain, well moun- 
 ted on Horfe-back, well Armed, and well Accoutred with all matters fit for 
 War. This news poflefled the minds of the Spaniards with an apprehenfion of 
 jealoufie, that thefe people came to difpoffefs them of the Riches and Wealth 
 which they had gained 5 for fuch is the condition of humane nature, which can 
 never be entirely happy, or profperous without fome mixtures of allay. Where- 
 fore the Governour fent his companion Almagro with a hundred Spaniards to pre- 
 vent the mifchief which might happen 5 and fo to defend the Sea-coaft, as to ob- 
 ftruft their Landing , or otherwise to corrupt the Army by certain insinuations 
 and promifes, alluring them to abandon the defign of their own Leader, and join 
 ' with them in an enterprize which was already profperous, and brought to matu- 
 rity. Almagro a&ed according to thefe Inftruciions, but the fuccefs thereof we 
 mall declare afterwards, being obliged firft to recount other important matters 
 which were tranfaded at that time -, for we mufl know, that foon after the de- 
 : parture of Almagro, Francifio de Chaves, and his Companions, arrived at Cozco, gi- 
 ! ving an account unto the Governour, and the other Spaniards of the civil and ge- 
 \ nerous treatment which he had received from Tim Atauchi, and his Captains, fpe- 
 : cifying the Care, the Entertainments, and the Prefents beftowed on them, as alfo 
 1 the Attendance and Accommodation which had been afforded them for their 
 Journey •, and alfo the Articles which they had entred into, in behalf of the Spa- 
 
 ■ niards with the Indians •-, and, in fine, they related the methods of Juftice which 
 had been executed on Cuellar with the formalities of the Cryer and Executioner. 
 
 Great was the joy which the Governour, and the others conceived to fee Fran- 
 
 ■ cifio de Chaves and his Companions, ( whom they had given over for loft ) to re- 
 [ turn in (afety -, and more was their wonder, to underftand and hear the civility 
 '■ and kind treatment which the Indians had ufed towards them •-, as alfo the Parti- 
 : culars of the Death of de Cuellar, being a paffage very obfervable, that they fhould 
 ' onely vent their anger and revenge on his fingle Perfon, and not onely fufler the 
 
 others to efcape, but to contribute to their departure with freedom and honour : 
 But that at which the Spaniards moft admired, were the Capitulations and Con- 
 ditions propofed by the Indians, which evidenced a Sincere defire of Peace and 
 Friendlhip with the Spaniards, and a Zeal to imbrace the Dodrine of the Holy 
 Gofpel •, in all which the Spaniards were defirous to agree, and comply with them ; 
 but the troubles which arofe upon the coming of Don Pedro de Alvarado gave a ftop 
 to thofe intentions, fo that there was no farther difcourfe of peace and quiet, or 
 propagation of the Gofpel , onely alarums and incitements to War and Cruelty 
 were heard, which involved the Indians and Spaniards in a mutual calamity, as will 
 appear by the fequel of thisHiftory. 
 
 At the fame time almoft intelligence was brought to the Governour of the 
 great (laughters and tyranny which Rumminavi had committed in Sluitu, that he 
 was there railing Men againft the Spaniards. To fupprefs which Infurredion, 
 and punilh this Tyrant, and obviate all thofe mifchiefs which thefe beginnings 
 might produce , the Governour immediately difpeeded away Captain Sebaftian de 
 Belalcacar with Horfe and Foot, well provided of all things, to re-inforce Alma- 
 gro ; who marching with all diligence, and with more care and watchfulnefs than 
 
 T t t formerly, 
 
<o6 Royal Commentaries. Book II. • 
 
 formerly, to prevent furprize , met fome Encounters on the way, with certair 
 Captains of Atahualpa of fmall note, who hearing of the Imprifonment of theii 
 King, had raifed fome people in a confufed manner •, and being but few in num- 
 ber, were fled to the Mountains, to guard fome Paffes on the Rocks and Precipi 
 ces, which were difficult to take. And though they had been informed of the 
 Death of Atahualpa, yet they Disbanded not their people in expectation of Sum- 
 mons from fome of the next of Bloud , who might require their affiftence to re- 
 venge the Murther of their King : For which reafon feveral fmall Companies were 
 Scattered over the Countrey without Chief or Commander to Marfhal or Con- 
 duct them , which had they been united together to guard and defend tnofe diffi- 
 cult Partes, might have done the Spaniards great mifchief. With this fort of Soul- 
 diers Sebaflian de Belalcacar had feveral flight Skirmifbes, but they quickly deferted 
 the Fight, and gave over before much hurt was done; onely CupayTupanqui, which 
 is as much as to fay, Tupanqiti the Devil fought very ftoutly, having killed five 
 Spaniards, and wounded fourteen , and might have cut them all to pieces, had he 
 been fupplied with force fufficient. Lopez de Gomara, who was one of his Catho- 
 lick Majefty's Chaplains, writing of thefe Skirmiihes in the iz 8th Chapter of his 
 Book, calls him Captain Zopo Copagui ; and Auguflin Carate, who was the Empe- 
 rour's Accountant, in the i oth Chapter of his fecond Book, names him Capa Co- 
 pagtti, which comes neareft to the true word ■■, but to give him his true Name, we : 
 muft call him Cumac Tupanqui, which fignifies the handfome Tupanqui, becaufe that 
 when this Indian was young, he' was of comely features, and of a well lhaped and 
 proportioned body 5 for the word Cumac, as we have mentioned in the Poetry 
 ufed by the Incas, fignifies handfome or beautiful!. 
 
 He was a natural Son of one of the Royal Bloud, his Mother was of the King- 
 dom of Quitu •, he was bred up with Atahualpa •, and for his skilfulnefs in Martial 
 affairs, merited the honour to be one of his Captains. After that Atahmlpa had 
 taken his Brother Huafcar Prifoner, and committed many cruelties 5 this Man was 
 a chief inftrument in the execution of all his bloudy practices, and invented many 
 exquifite torments to be inflicted on the Enemies of his Mailer, which could ne- 
 ver enter into the head of the King , or any others to perform 5 following herein 
 the cuftome of wicked Servants , who having neither the fear of God, nor the 
 fhame of the World before their eyes , perpetrate all Villanies to gain the good 
 will and favour of their Matters •, for which reafon the Captains and Servants of 
 Atahmlpa obferving his cruel and diabolical nature, changed his Sir-name of Cumac 
 into that of Cupay, which fignifies the Devil. This Indian after he had made fome 
 little oppofition againft Sebaflian de Belalcacar, and done him what hurt he was able, 
 retired into fome obfcure places unknown both to Indians and Spaniards. How- 
 foever it is believed , that being abhorred by the Indians for his wicked practices, 
 and living in fear of the Spaniards, not daring to cohabit with his own people, nor 
 truft himfelf with Strangers, he fled to the craggy and wild Mountains of the An- 
 tis, there to live and affociate with Tygers and Serpents, in fuch manner as other 
 Captains his Companions had done. 
 
 From this Enterprise Belalcacar proceeded, and came to J£uitu, there to give a 
 flop to the Cruelties of Rummimvi, and to punifh him •, Rumminavi ( as we have 
 faid ) (allied forth to meet and skirmifh with him ; but in all Encounters, the In- 
 dians, who were few in number, and^ll difciplined, were worfted without almoft 
 any damage to the Spaniards. For this Captain, by reafon of the many cruelties 
 he had executed on his own people, having Murthered his fellow Souldiers, 
 with the Brother and Sons of his own King, and buried the Seled Virgins alive 
 without any reafon or juftice, he became fo hated and detefted by the Indians, 
 that none would appear on his fide againft the Spaniards, though he pretended to 
 • revenge the Death of their King Atahualpa. Thus not being able to make head 
 againft Atahmlpa, he retired with melancholy and defpair into the Mountains ; 
 the which place, according to thefe Examples, became alfo a refuge to fome Spa- 
 niards, as we (hall hereafter declare. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 507 
 
 C H A P. X. 
 
 The hopes and fears o/~ Almagro ; he is forfaken by his In- 
 terpreter ; and an Agreement is made with Alvarado. 
 
 Hus honeft Bon Diego de Almagro marching in Qgeft of D. Pedro de Alvarado, 
 
 encountred fome Skirmifhes by the way with the, Captains of Atahualpai, 
 but Co inconfiderable they were, that they were fcarce worthy to be mentioned : 
 And in regard he had certain intelligence that Alvarado was Landed , and was 
 marched up into the Countrey, he proceeded flowly, that he might not mifs his 
 way, or wander into parts diftant from him, of whom he went in fearch. 
 
 Sebaftian dt Belaica$ar, who was fent with recruits to re : inforce Almagro, having 
 chafed Rumminavi and his Captains from £lmtn, proceeded with all diligence in 
 Queft of Almagro , and having joined his Forces with him, they defeated fome 
 i Squadrons of Indites,, which were fcattered over thofe Provinces. In which En- 
 I terpriie they chofe rather to employ themfelves, than to attempt Alvarado , for 
 knowing that he was a Man of courage, and his people flout and good Souldiers, 
 they would willingly have declined all engagements with him, could they have 
 come off handfomely, without (hame or dilhonour. In thefe doubtfull terms they 
 mained, untill Alvarado approached near their Quarters, and had taken feven of 
 their Horfe which Almagro had fent for Forrage into the Countrey 5 but Alvarado 
 immediately releafed them, fo foon as he underftood unto whom they belonged, 
 and had been informed of all other matters and circumftances of thefe affairs, for 
 the defign of Alvarado was not to trouble or difturb the flrft Adventurers in their 
 Conquefts of Peru, but onely to afTift and join with them in their Enterprise. 
 This generous Aftion of Alvarado eafed Almagro in a great meafure of his fears, 
 efteeming it for an evidence of Peace and Friendship : But in regard he had fent 
 no Meffage by the, Horfe-men which he had freed, he remained doubtfull be- 
 tween hope and fear, not knowing what his intentions and meaning might be. 
 
 Whilft Almagro remained in this thoughtfull condition, an unhappy accident 
 increafed his fears, which was the flight of his Interpreter Philip the Indian, who 
 hearing that Alvarado was nearly approached, he took occafion one night to run 
 to him, carrying away with him a principal Cacique. When he was come to Al- 
 varado, he informed him of the fmall number 1 that was with Almagro, and that the 
 Cttracai which were with hii\ were defirous to revolt, and take his part,' and to 
 ferve him 5 the like Example he aiTured him, that the people of that Kingdom 
 were inclinable to follow, undertaking to bring them all under his Dominion and 
 Obedience, and in the mean time to guide him to the Camp of Almagro, where 
 he might eafily furprize, and cake him without much opposition. Though Alva- 
 rado was well pleated with the report and propofais of Philip, yet he thought not 
 fit to follow- his cou nfel, # having a more advantageous profpeft of fucceeding bet- 
 ter by another method •, Tor he was jealous of this Indian, who having been falfe, 
 and perjured in the evidence he had given againft Atahualpa, he could not believe 
 'that he would ever prove faithfull to him •■, for this Traytor had falfly fworn, that 
 Atahualpa deigned to Maflacre the Spaniards ; upon which teftimony Sentence of 
 Death was palled upon him : But to be fiiorc in this ftory •, an interview was 
 agreed upon between Don Pedro de Alvarado, and Don Diego de Almagro, and accor- 
 dingly they met in the Plains of Rivecpampa , which the Spaniards call Riobamba, 
 
 where both Squadrons were drawn up, and remained in a pofture to engage in 
 Battel : but when they came near to make the on-fet, both (ides were touched 
 with a natural fenie of Bloud, and proximity of Alliance, being almoft all of the 
 Countrey of Eflremenos, fo that the common Souldiers, without permiffion or Or- 
 ders of their Generals, mixed together in common difcourfe, offering to each other 
 Conditions and Articles of Peace and Amity, as it hath at other times happened 
 between the Souldiers of Julius C*far and Pompej, and of Petreim and Afranlm s 
 
 T t t a for 
 
 
<?o8 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 for though Almagro, who was much inferiour in number, not having the fourth 
 part of the people which Alvarado had with him, was well pleafed with the Trea- 
 ty ; yet rather than condefcend to bale and difhonourable terms, both he and his 
 people were ready to dye bravely with Swords, in their hands : But the Souldiers 
 on both fides ( as we have faid ) being inclinable to an Accommodation, a Truce 
 was made for twenty four hours •, during which time the Generals met, and with 
 the affiftence of the Lawyer Caldera, a Native of Seville -, they agreed on feveral 
 Articles and Conditions , as followeth : That both fides fhould equally fhare 
 in the prize already gained, and in what ihould be gained for the future. That 
 Alvarado mould march with his Forces along the Coaft to the Southward, to make 
 difcovery of the Kingdoms and Provinces which lay on that fide. That Pkarro 
 and Almagro mould remain in poffeffion of the Countries they had fubdued/ and 
 labour to fecure their Conquefts. And that the Souldiers both of one part, and 
 the other, might freely pafs, and travel from one Jurif$&ion to another, either 
 into the new Difcoveries, or into the Countries already conquered. Thefe are the 
 Articles which were then publifhed to pleafe and gratifie the Souldiers of Alvar 
 rado, who, as OVp?, Gomkra and Carate report, were compofed of many Gentle- 
 men, that were apt to refent the leaft matter which might be ungratefull to them* 
 
 But the fecret Accord not fit to be publifhed was this : Almagro engaged, to pay 
 unto Alvarado a hundred thoufand Pelbs of good Gold, ( accounting four hundred 
 and fifty Maravedu to each Pefo ) a Pefb in Englifh money makes about a Ni> r 
 ble. In confideration of the Souldiers Horfes, and other Accoutrements of War sffj 
 which he had brought with him, that having received this Money, he fhould. re-i (ci* 
 turn to his Government of Hmhutimallan 5 and that he fhould fwear, as. after w ardfc w 
 he did, never more to return unto Peru, during the Life of the two Companions, irt 
 Pigarro and Almagro : upon which agreement both parties remained with mutual 
 fatisfadtion. m 
 
 The Articles being in this manner concluded and figned, Almagro burnt the C* im 
 raca alive, for having treacheroufly forfaken his Colours, and had in the fame 
 manner dealt with Philip the Interpreter, had not Alvarado interceded in his behalf. - 
 Upon which paffage Gomara in the 1 29th Chapter of his Book, difcourfeth as fol- ; 
 lows : " Almagro (faith he) did not find wherewith to pay thefe hundred thou- 
 " fand Pefos of Gold in compliance of his obligation to Alvarado, out of the be- 
 " nefit and gains of the late Acquifitions, although in Caramba there was a Terfr 
 " pie plated in the in-fide with Silver, which perhaps he would not take away, 
 " untill fucfi time, as either he had firft procured the confent of Pkarro thereunto, 
 " or elfe had found fome ways to difpofe thereof. And fo both of them proceeded 
 " together unto St. Miguel de Tangarata -, but Alvarado difmifled feveral of his 
 ' Company, fuffering them to plant and fettle themfelveswith Belalca$ar in isjjtf- 
 " tu, conferving to himfelf the braveft and ffouteft of his Companions. Thus 
 far are the Words of Gamara, which I repeat and alledge his Authority for what 
 I have declared. Of all which matters and occurrences Almagro gave intelligence 
 
 to Don Francifco de Pi^arro. 
 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 b 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 500 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 T 
 
 Almagro and Alvarado march together unto Cozco. The 
 Prince Manco Inca comes to treat with the Governour, 
 who gives him a magnificent Reception. 
 
 ■ 
 
 HE Spaniards having with mutual joy folemnized the Peaceand Amity which 
 was concluded and agreed between both Parties, the two Governours, AU 
 magrc and Alvarado, (for to the laft I attribute the Title of Governour, as well as 
 to the others, becaufe that he was entred into the fame Confederacy and League 
 with them,) gave orders to Captain Sebaflian de Belalcacar, to'return unto Jjw'ra, 
 for lecuring the Peace and Quiet of that Kingdom; for that fome petty Comman- 
 ders of the Indians roved up and down the Countrey, to caufe Difturbances and 
 Iniurre&ions. This being difoatdred, other matters were to be provided for, and 
 particularly it was thought fit to raife a Fortrefs, and furnifh it with a Gar- 
 rifon to defend themfelves from the Spaniards, who upon the fame of the vaft 
 Riches of Peru, crouded in great numbers from Panama, and Nicaragua, to take 
 a mare thereof with the prefent poffeffours; tooppofe which the Garrifon was 
 provided with Men, and Arms, and Provifion {ufhcient to defend it. As to Bon 
 Pedro de Alvarado, who, according to the Articles agreed and published, was to 
 return unto his Ships, and fail along the Coaft towards the Southward, there to 
 conquer and poflefs new Dominions of Kingdoms and Provinces, declared, thac 
 he had a mind to travail by Land, and make a vifit to the Governour Bon Fran- 
 tifio Pkarro, and to divert himfelfa while in the fight and furvey of thofe parts; 
 the which was but a bare* pretence, that he might the better colour and conceal 
 the fecret agreement $ and upon this occafion it was refolved, that Almagro mould 
 fend one of his Officers, who was called Biego de Mora, (with whom I was after- 
 wards acquainted,) to command the Fleet in his place and ftead-, and according- 
 ly Alvarado difpatched his Orders to Garciholguin, to deliver up the charge of the 
 Fleet into the Hands of Biego de Mora, the Perfon commiflionated and entrufted 
 by boch Parties, in regard, that according to the late Agreement, the Ships and 
 Men, and all that belonged unto them, were to be employed in the publick Ser- 
 vice, and defrayed at the common expence. Neceffary Orders being taken here- 
 ;in, the two Governours proceeded on their way towards Cozco, where we (hall 
 Wave them in their Journey for a while, and return to the Succeffes of Pi cam, 
 who being left at Cozco , as we have faid , many particulars were tranfa&ed by 
 him, which we ("hall mention in order, that fo we may keep the due Method of 
 our Hiftory, both as to time and place. 
 
 Manco Inca , moved by the Advices which his Brother Tim Atauchi , and his 
 Major General ^uizquiz had fent to him, (as we have before fpecified) prepared 
 himfelf to make a vifit to the Governour, and to demand of him the reftitution 
 of his Empire , and performance of thofe Capitulations which his Brother, and 
 the principal Nobles of his Kingdom had made, and concluded with the Spani- 
 ards 5 upon which point entring into divers Confultations with his Confidents, 
 whether it were better to go in a peaceable and friendly manner, or attended with 
 a ftrong and powerfull Army •■, in which matter the Counfels were much divided, 
 fbmetimes being of one Opinion, and fometimes of another-, though the gene- 
 rality followed the Advice of jguizquiz., who was of opinion, that the Inca ought 
 to be well guarded , left his Fate mould be like to that of his Brother Atahualpa, 
 who trufting to the good Nature and generous Difpofition of Strangers, fell into 
 thofe fna: wherein he periihed. But whilft they were thus in Difpute, and con- 
 troverting the matter, the Inca fpake to them in this manner : 
 
 Sons 
 
r IO Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 teem 
 
 Sons and Brethren of mine, We are now going to demand fufiice of thofe whom we eft, 
 for Perfons who are descended from our God ViraCOcha, and who at their firft entrance into 
 thefe our Countries, declared, that it was their file and proper Deftgn to adminifter fufiice 
 to all the World; fo that 1 cannot imagine that they jhould refufe the concejfion and grant of 
 that which is fo jufi and reafonable as our Claim and Title to the Kingdom : for if thefe peo~ 
 pie are of the true Race and Off-fpring of the Sun, at' our Forefathers were, who taught us 
 Truth for a Principle, and that our Ablions are to fauare and correfpond with our Words 
 and Promifes, then certainly they cannot deny what they have fo folemnly Engaged to { perform^ 
 for if they do , why jhould we longer efteem them Godlike, or to have any thing of Divinity 
 in them, who fo palpably difiwn it by their Tyranny and falfenefs? For my part, I would 
 rather confide in the Reafin and fufiice of our Caufe, than in our Power and Arms ; for if 
 they be, as they pretend, Mejfengers from the God Pachacamac , they will fear to offend 
 him, knowing that there is nothing mtre inconftftent with the Divine Nature than Injuftice, 
 and efpecially in thofe who being made his Aiinifters for the execution thereof, do ufurp that 
 to themfelves, which u the Right and Property of another. Let us therefore go to them, ar- 
 med with the fufiice of our Caufe, for if they, are Gods , {at we believe them to be) they 
 will abl like the true and legitimate Ojf-fpring of the Sun, and like our Incas , will readily 
 yield our Empire to us. For out Anceftours did never deprive the Curacas of their Heredi- 
 tary Rights, nor take a Forfeiture of them in the Cafe vf Rebellion 5 much lefs ought thefe 
 Spaniards to deveft us of our Inheritance, and of our Empire, who did never oppofe them, 
 but rather yield and rejign up all upon their firft Summons. Let usHherefore go to them in 
 a peaceable manner -, for if we go armed, they will imagine we intend to make War »j 
 them, and with that pretence deny the moft reafonable thing we can demand; for coveti 
 A'fen, armed with Power, are glad of the leaft excufe, or pretence to deny that which is n 
 quired of them. Inftead of our Arms let us carry fuch Prefents with us, as may ferve to 
 appeafe the Anger of enraged Men, andpacifie the Difpleafure of offended Gods. Let us gather 
 what Gold, And Silver,, and pretious Stones we can gather ; let us take what Birds and Beafis 
 we can get, as alfo the be ft and moft delitious Fruits thai our Countrey yields ; and with thefe 
 let us in the be ft manner we are able prefeni our felves before them, for though the Ancient 
 Power, and force of our Kings is low, and failing, yet let us ftill keep up the Honour of c 
 truly Noble and Royal Spirit of the Incas. And if all this will not prevail with them to re- 
 ftore unto us our Empire, we may then abfolutely conclude, that the Prophecy left unto us by 
 our Father Hliayna Capac is accomplifhed; that our Alonawchy is to be tranftated to a fo- 
 reign and ft ranger Nation, our political Government deftroyed, and our Religion abolifhed, 
 part of which Prophecy we our felves have feen fulfilled ; and if the Pachacamac hath ft or- 
 dained thefe things, what can we doe but fubmit and obey ? Let them doe what they pleafe, 
 but let not us be wanting either to the Rules of Reafon, or fufiice. 
 
 When the Inca had uttered thefe Words with a Majefty becoming his Quality 
 and Condition, the Captains and Curacas burft out into Tears, lamenting to con- 
 rider, that the time was now coming, which would be the ultimate Term and Pe- 
 riod of their Empire. Having wept a while, and dried their Eyes, the Curacas 
 and Officers made provilion of fuch things as the Inca had appointed, and prepared 
 fuch an Equipage as might become the Majefty of their King, though inferiour 
 to the Train and Magnificence of liis Anceftours. In this manner he travelled to 
 Cozco, attended with many Curacas and Lords, together with their Relations and 
 Dependents •■, for of his own Kindred there remained but few, who had elca- 
 ped from the Cruelty and Tyranny of Atahualpa. At the News of their near ap- 
 proach, all the Spaniards, both Horfe and Foot, came forth to meet and receive them 
 at a far diftance from the City. So foon as the Governour was come near tO the Im, 
 he alighted from his Horfe , as alfo the Inca did from his Chair, which was not, as 
 formerly, made of Gold, but of Wood-, for though theCounfellours of the Inca 2A- 
 vifed him to take his Chair of Gold, and march in that State which became the Dig- 
 nity, and wear the coloured Wreath about his Head ■, yet he refufed both one and 
 the other, efteeming it very improper for him, who was a Petitioner, and came to 
 ask the Reftitution of his Kingdom, to appear before them with the Enfigns of his 
 Regality, as if he intended in defoight of me Spaniards, by appearing with the Badge 
 of his Regal Power, to aflume and vindicate the Poflefiion and Dominion of his Em- 
 pire ; wherefore he judged it more proper for him to wear the Wreath of a pale yel- 
 low Colour, for that, as he laid, the Viracocbas, meaning the Spaniards, would under- 
 stand him thereby to be the true Heir apparent of the Kingdom. In fhort, being come 
 near one to the other, the Governour made his Reverence to the Inca after the Ca- 
 
 ftilian] 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 511 
 
 ftilian manner, and bid him welcome ^ and the Inca replied, that he was come to 
 ferve and adore thofe whom they efteemed for Gods, and as Meflengers fent from 
 the fupreme Pachacamac. Their Words were few, and their Difcourfe fhort, for 
 want of good Interpreters •, after which the Governour prefently retired to give 
 place to the other Spaniards, and to his two Brothers, john and Goncalo Picarro. 
 The Inca being advertifed that thefe two were Brothers of the Apu, which is, Cap- 
 tain General, he embraced and ihewed them great refpeCt ; for it is obfervable, 
 that the Inca, before he came to this Interview with the Spaniards, had provided 
 himfelf with a certain Indian, who was well acquainted with the Spaniards, and 
 
 §ave him notice of the feveral Captains, and Commanders, and Officers, and of 
 ]eir Degrees and Qualities : This Indian was Servant to a Spaniard, and informed 
 a Curaca which ftood near to the King of every Man's condition, which he accor- 
 dingly whifpered him , fo that being advertifed thereof, he treated every Man 
 with fome kind of difference, teftifying to all in general his Love and Affection 
 ', for them, which he exprefled by the cnearfulnefs of his Countenance, his Words 
 ', and Geftures. And at laft, turning to his own People, he faid to the fame pur- 
 
 ■ pole as Atahttalpa had done, when he - firll law Hernando Picarro, and Hernando de 
 . Soto. Thefe Men (faid he) are the true Sons of our God Viracocha, for fo they refemble 
 him in their Behaviour, in their Beards and Habits, and therefore dojuftly challenge all Duty 
 . and Service from us, according to the Commands enjoined us by our Father Huayna Capac, 
 ; as appears by his laft Will and Teftament, 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 The Inca demands Reftitution of his Empire ; and what An- 
 swer was returned to him thereupon. 
 
 r T*Hefe Difcourfes being ended, the Spaniards mounted on Horfeback, and the 
 A Inca into his Chair 5 then the Governour took the Left hand of the Inca 
 ,and his Brothers, and the other Captains and Souldiers marched in the front, each 
 Company by it felf •, one Company was commanded to bring up the Rere, and 
 a Guard of twenty four foot-Souldiers were ordered to attend and march by the 
 Chair of the Inca. Thus when the Indians found themfelves to join in one Body with 
 the Spaniards, they were highly pleafed to be fo honoured, and efteemed worthy to 
 'aflbciate and to join company with thofe whom they adored for Gods. In this order 
 ,they entred into the City with great Joy and Triumph, the Inhabitants going 
 forth to meet them, with Dances and Songs compofed in Praife of the Viracochat; 
 for the poor people were overjoyed to fee their Inca, and to underftand that the 
 .:rueand law full Heir, which had efcaped from the Tyranny cfcAtahuaba, was 
 io\v to fucceed into the Throne of his Anceftours. The Street through which 
 !Jie Inca was to pais , was covered with a fort of their Rufhes and Canes, and 
 bme triumphal Arches ere&ed at a certain diftance each from the other, decked 
 ,vith Flowers after the Fafhion which they ufed at the Triumphs of their Kings, 
 ^he Spaniards conducted the King to one of the Royal Palaces, called Cafiana, fi- 
 j-uace in the Market-place, fronting to the Colojfeo, belonging to the Jefuites, where 
 hey left him highly pleafed, and big with expectation to be reftored to his Em- 
 pire ; for meafuring the good Intentions of the Spaniards by the kind reception 
 yhich they gave him, the Inca and his Attendants were fully perfuaded that the 
 lays were now returned, in which they mould enjoy the ancient Peace, Quiet 
 nd Freedom, which flourifhed in the time of their Imat. So foon as the King 
 vas fettled in his Lodgings , the Officers delivered the Prefents which they had 
 nought to the Governour and his Viracochas, who received them with fo many 
 Thanks and kind Words, that the Indians were infinitely pleafed and overjoyed 
 
 at 
 
 
n 
 
 I J 
 
 «ji2 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 at the gratefull acceptance of them. This was the onely happy day, crowned with 
 Honour and Contentment, that this poor Inca had ever known in all the courie 
 of his former Life; for in the time of his Brother Atahualpa, he remained under 
 great perfecutions, flying from place to place in perpetual dread and fear ■■> and the 
 remainder of his Days, untill the time of his Death, admitted of little more Con- 
 iblation than the former, as we (hall fee hereafter in the Sequel of this Story. 
 When the Inca had a little repofed himfelf in his Lodgings , he fent to Franrifio 
 Chaves, and his Companions, letting them know, that he was defirous to fee, and" 
 to be acquainted with them on die good report and character he had received from 
 his People concerning them •, fo foon as they were come he embraced them with 
 all demonftration of kindnefs, and haying drank with them, according to the cu- 
 ftome of the lmm-, he told them, befides many other kind exprefllons, that their '■ 
 Actions (hewed them to be the true Off-fpring of the God VWacocha, and Brethren, 
 ofthe/rfcw, becaufe they endeavoured to deliver Atahualpa from Death, which 
 worthy A<5t he would ever acknowledge and recompence, defiring them to efteem 
 him for their Brother, confidering that they were all defcended from the fame 
 Race and Lineage of the Sun-, and then he prefented them with Veflels of Gold, 
 and Silver, and pretious Stones, which he had brought apart for this Gentleman, 
 and his Companions, which were taken fo kindly, that Chaves, in the name of 
 the reft, returned his Complement, and faid, that they were all Servants of his 
 Highnefs, and would evidence fo much when occafion (hould offer, and that what 
 they had endeavoured for his Brother, was onely in compliance with their Duty, 
 and Obligation, and that if he doubted of their Reality, they defired him to make; 
 a trial of their good-will and fervices for him. Then the Inca embracing thera, 
 again, difmifled them , highly fatisfied with the Prefents he had made them o 
 Jewels, and of Gold, and Silver, Turquoifes, and Emeralds. 
 
 Two days after his Arrival, the Prince Mamo Inca propofed to the Governourj 
 that he might be reflored to his Empire, according to the Articles agreed betweeni 
 the Indians and the Spaniards, and that a firm Peace and an Alliance might be made 
 between them: That Priefts (hould be fent to preach and propagate the Law of 
 the Chriftians unto the Indians , as the Spaniards had themfelves propofed •, and 
 that for what concerned the Inea to perform , he was ready to give his orders, 
 that they (hould be well received, and treated with high Veneration and Efteen 
 in all the principal Provinces of the Empire-, where they would find the Peopl 
 very docible, and willing to be inftrudted in their Faith, upon the afiurance the; 
 had received from their Father Huayna Capac, who at the time of his death did at 
 teft, that the Law of the Chriftians was better than our own : And whereas thj 
 their Father had by his laft Will and Teftament ordained , that his People (houl< 
 obey and ferve the Spaniards,they were ready to comply with his Injun&ions there 
 in, and to refign fo much, and what part of the Kingdom they thould defiie, inti 
 their Hands. 
 
 To which the Governour returned this Anfwer,That his Highnefs was welcomi 
 to his own Imperial City, and that he (hould reft, and take his Repofe with qui- 
 etnefs and fecurity : That he was very well pleafed to know his Will and Plea- 
 fure, that fo he might give him a proof of his readinefs to comply with his De- 
 fires: And that as to the Capitulations which were agreed , they were fo juft 
 and reafonable, that nothing could be obje&ed againft the performance of them. 
 After which fome Difcourfe paft, but very (hort, for want of an Interpreter. 
 
 The next day the Governour holding a Confultation with his Brothers, and 
 the reft of the Captains, touching the demand which was made by the Inca, feve- 
 ral opinions arofe upon the Debate, but it being confidered, that the -pofleffion ;t ^ 
 of the Kingdom had no other meaning than the binding of the Inca's Head with : J 
 the coloured Wreath -, the Governour , with his Attendants, went to the Houft 
 of the Inca, and without farther Preface, or long Oration, defired him to take im 
 mediate pofleffion of his Empire -, for had he been acquainted with the cuftomt 
 of his Countrey, he (hould not have remained one moment without the Enfigii 
 of his Royal Dignity upon his Head -, and that as to the Divifion of the Kingdom 
 tliey would treat more fully hereafter, when matters were a little better fettled in 
 quietnefs, for that at prefent the Indians had made Infurre&ions in divers places 
 which were not yet appeafed; but as to the Services which the Indians were tc 
 perform towards the Spaniards, and the modification of the Peace,- which waste 
 be maintained, he remitted all to the Difpofition of the Inca, to order and defigi 
 
 tha 
 
 >-■ 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. el* 
 
 that which fhonld be moft agreeable to his own Good- will and Pleafure, which the 
 Spaniards would embrace with a chearfull readinefs-, but as to the Preachers which 
 were intended to inftruct his People in the Divine Law, they had Co few Priefts 
 amongft them, that as yet they could not fpare any, but that when a new fupply 
 came, which they did fhortly expedt, they mould be immediately difpeeded upon 
 this Errant-, for that the chief Defign of the Chriftians was to retracl: the Indians 
 from the Errours of their ways, and to mew unto them the folly of their Super- 
 iition and Idolatry. With theTe Aflurances the Indians were greatly fatisfied, and 
 :he Inca delayed not immediately to bind his Head with the coloured Wreath-, 
 ►vhich Ceremony was attended with great Joy and Triumph, though for want of 
 ;hofe of the Bloud Royal, and of many Curdcat or Barons, who were cut off by 
 :he Cruelty of Atahualpa, the folemnity was nothing fo fplendid and magnificent 
 S in the times of the ancient %cds, when the great numbers of Nobility added 
 Glory to the Court-, yet the young Gallants rejoiced to fee that FefUyal,' how 
 nean foever, at which the old Men grieved, who remembred the times of the 
 3reat Huayna Otpac, and had feen the fplendour of his Court. 
 
 i : 1 
 
 Co A P; X.I1I. 
 
 • -■ ; 
 
 How the two Govemours marched in purfuit of Major Ge- 
 neral Quizquiz. 
 
 N our former Difcourfe, we left Don Pedro de Alvarado, and Don Diego de Al- 
 L magro, with their brisk Souldiery on their march towards Coz,co, where the 
 jovernour Dm Francifco de Pigarro kept his Court '■, and as they, were on 
 'heir way, News was brought them, that the Major General ^uizquiz, had 
 athered great Forces, and was encamped in the Province of Cannam, having 
 vith him much Gold, and Silver, and other pretious Commodities, with great 
 : locksand Herds of Cattel. The Fame hereof increafed in the telling, as is ufual, 
 therefore the Governours refolved to march that way to defeat that Army, and 
 eftroy the I yrant, having underflood from the Indians, that there was no other, 
 ^rmy befides that in all the Empire. Though Jguizquiz was ftrong in his num- 
 crs, yet he was not willing, or very ready to engage with the Spaniards $ for int 
 egard that both he, and the Inca Titu Atauchi, had lent the Articles and Capitu- 
 itions to the Governour, which they had concluded and agreed with Frandfio de 
 ■haves and his Companions, (as we have before mentioned,) they remained in ex- 
 ecration to hear of a general Peace between the Indians and the Spaniards, and 
 ttle dreamed of any Forces which were marching to deftroy them. This fecurity 
 nd confidence was much increafed by the perfuafion of the Inca Titu Atauchi, on 
 mofe Words uttered at the hour of his Death they much relied-, for we muft 
 now, that this poor Inca died a few days after he had difmifled Chaves and his 
 Companions-, his end being haftned by the melancholy, he conceived for the fad 
 ite of his Brother At ahualpa, and by the news of the bloudy Tragedy, a&ed by 
 lat Traytor Rumminavi in M»itH on his Kindred, Brothers, Captains, and on the 
 ..inocent fele<5t Virgins. All which Maffacres and Villanies committed by a Vaf- 
 il on the Bloud Royal, and on the Life of his own Inca, he efteemed to be fore- 
 anners of the entire fubveriion of the Empire, and of the Majefty of his Family, 
 nd being overwhelmed with the fenfe thereof, he called for SluizquU, and his 
 ther Captains, and told them plainly, that they mould endeavour to make a Peace 1 
 vith the Viracochas, and fbould ferve and adore them, according as the Inca Buay 
 a Capac had by his laft Will and Teftament ordered and commanded them? who 
 ,ieing the Oracle of that time, his Ordinances and Rules were efteemed iridifpenfi- 
 •le, therefore they ihould endeavour to pleafe the Viracochas, who were the Off- 
 ering defcended from their Father the Sun, and of the fame Lineage with the /«- 
 
 UUU tar. 
 
 n 
 
 I, 
 
 
ru Royal Commentaries. Book II 
 
 cas-? all which he farther enforced and confirmed by virtue of the Command and 
 Charge committed unto him by his Father Huayna Capac. 
 
 With fuch Arguments as thefe, and in hopes and expectations that the Capitula- 
 tions would be maintained, j^H u h. remained very fecure in the matters of W,^ 
 and though he received intelligence that the Governpurs were marching towards 
 him, yet he apprehended no hurt, nor received an Allann, onejy he detached a- 
 bout an hundred Souldiers, under a Centurion or Captain, (which is the fmalleft 
 number that the Indians have in a Company,)^ this Centurion the Hiftorians Go- 
 mam and Carate c<l\\ Sotaurco, which fjgnifies (ix Mountains, for C,oEt* fignifies 
 fix, and Oreo a Mountain, for he was born in a Valley between fix lofty Mountains, 
 (fuch as are common in. thatCountrey,) and they fay, that his Father and Mother 
 were in his company, which muft be upon fome extraordinary occafion , for Wo- 
 men never go to the War with their Husbands; perhaps it mjght be to keep up 
 the ftory of his Birth, and of his Life, for the Indians by fuch like Names, and by 
 fuch Sayings, or by Cyphers, or Hieroglyphicks, and by their Verfes and Poetry 
 have conferved the Traditions of their Hiftory •, : and have therein comprehended 
 the fuccefs of all their Matters in a compendious manner, as for example •, the Em- 
 baffies fent to their Incas, and their Anfwer thereunto; the Speeches made in 
 Peace and War-, what fiich a Kingur Governour commanded, with the puniAV 
 ments inflicted •, and in ihort, whatfoever was tranfa&ed in the publick Affairs. 
 All which the Hiftorians, or Notaries, taught unto their Children by Tradition, 
 inftrufting them in Cyphers, and fhortiVerficles, and in fuch fhort Words as the () 
 Name of this Captain, and in fuch other Brief Sayings as we have already decla- 
 red; by help of which, and of their Knots, an Indian would read or recount the 
 paffages of his Time, as well, or fafter than a Spaniard could reade Books writ with 
 Letters, asAcofta teftifies in the 8th Chapter of his 6th Book; not that thefe 
 Knots furnimed him with Words, but onely called things to his Memory, which 
 having ftudied day and night, he became verfed in every particular, fo as to be 
 able to render an account of his Office. All which though we have formerly de- 
 clared at large, yet having fo pertinent an Inftance as this Name of Captain 
 COElaorco, we have thought it not impertinent to repeat the fame, that we may 
 verifie what we have formerly reported, and to help the Memory of the Reader. 
 This Captain, as we have faid, was fent by gmzquiz for a fcout to difebver the 
 March and Force of the Spaniards, and to know their Intentions towards him-, 
 but the filly Wretch was not fo cautious as he ought to have been, but fuffered 
 himfelf to be furprifed, and taken by the Spaniards, who carried him to Aharado, 
 and by him the Spaniards were informed of the place where guizquiz was quarte- 
 red, and of the numbers and force he had with him, fo they marched with al! 
 expedition towards him, and being near, they watched all night to beat up his 
 Quarters early in the morning. This Exploit was committed to a party of Horfe, 
 which travelling over rocky Hills and Ways, for the fpace of a Day's Journey, 
 moft of the Horfe caft their Shoes, fo that they were forced to fhoe them by can- 
 dle-light, as the Writers pf this matter do generally agree. All the next day 
 they continued their Journey with great hafte and expedition, left JQuizquiz 
 fhould receive intelligence of their March, by return of fome of thofe they met, 
 and fo they proceeded untill the next day in the Evening, by which time they 
 were come within fight of the Camp of guizquiz , who upon their appearance 
 immediately fled, with all his Women and Attendants. This is affirmed by Ca- 
 rate, and Gmara reports almoft the fame thing; the which is a fufficient proof, 
 that guizquiz never intended to make War on the Spaniards, or was provided 
 for it; for if he had, certainly he would have been better guarded, than by a com- 
 pany of Women, and domeftick Attendants; nor were his Souldiers fo inexpert, 
 or unskilfull in War, as not to have appeared with Arms at the Camp, or Ren- 
 dezvous upon the Summons of their Captain, which might have been fpeedily 
 effe&ed by paffing the Word from one to the other. But this amufement and ftu- 
 pid fecurhy of gmzquiz may well be attributed to the Providence of Heaven, 
 which had defigned the Spaniards to be Preachers of the Gofpel. Moreover ^«<V 
 quiz depended on the Capitulations which the Indians had made with Francifco 
 Chaves, of which thofe Spaniards who marched againft him were not informed, 
 for Don Diego de Almagro was departed from Cozco with his Forces, in fearch of Al- 
 varado, before Francifco de Chaves had brought the News thereof. So the Spaniards 
 
 being ignorant of the Goodwill and Intentions of guizqwz, went with Delign 
 
 to 
 
 m 
 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 515 
 
 to deftroy him, which had been avoided, had there been a true and right under- 
 standing of matters between them ; but the Devil, who always delights in Di£ 
 cord and Mifchiefs, had by his Artifice contrived to prevent the true Information, 
 that ib matters proceeding to Bloud and Tyranny, the Indians might be poflefled 
 with a finifter and prejudicial efteem of the Spaniards, and of the Chriftian Doc- 
 trine they profefled to propagate. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 1 
 
 ■Three Battels between the Indians and the Spaniards ; and 
 of the Number of the Slain. 
 
 aVi^mt, obferving the hafte which the Spaniards made towards him, did ima- 
 gine that their Defign was to engage him to fight, and therefore repenting 
 too late of his Security and Negledl, and being mad, and afhamed for his Folly 
 and ftupidity, he retreated as well as he could, unto the top of a craggy and rug- 
 ged Mountain, which was unpaflable, and inacceflible for Horfes, where he fe- 
 cured his Women and ufelefs People; and in the mean time, to amufe and em- 
 : ploy the Spaniards, he fent a Certain Captain, whom the Spaniards call Guaypakon, 
 . though his proper Name was Huaypalka, the fignification of which I do not well 
 ' underftand, becaufeit is a word of the Language of £uitu; but this Perfon, as 
 we faid, was fent with Commiffion to raife what Forces he was able to oppofe 
 : the Spaniards, and having gathered fome numbers together, he durft not anault 
 ,Aharado, fearing the great Body of his Horfe, which drew themfelves up 
 ;on fuch Ground, where they might be moft ferviceable, and not fight up- 
 on a difadvantage, Howfoever he found an opportunity to "engage Almagro , 
 who , to encompafs jguifqui*. between him and Alvarado , was mounted with 
 his Horfe to fuch a craggy and afperous part' of a mountain, that he was in 
 danger of being entirely loft and defeated , as Car ate confirms by thefe Words : 
 E Huajpakon, fays he, with his Souldiers, went to engage Almagro, who, with his 
 " Horfe, was got up to the ridge of a Mountain, the afcent unto which was fo 
 " fteep, that they mounted by turnings and windings, and had wearied and tired 
 1 all their Horfes-, and befides, the Indians threw down from the top mighty 
 I great Stones, called Galgas, which tumbling five or fix furlongs down, carried 
 I thirty or forty more before them, and thefe drove innumerable others, before 
 ! they came to the bottome. Thus far are the Words of Carat e, the which are 
 confirmed in like manner by Gcmara, as we fhall fee hereafter. 
 
 Almagro was greatly incommoded by the fall of thefe Rocks which killed both 
 ' his Men and Horfe, and he himfelf alfo was in great danger of his Life, to avoid 
 which, he was forced to. take another way lefs rugged, that fo he might be ena- 
 1 bled the better to come at Huaypalka, who fearing to fall between the two Com- 
 manders, retreated to the fafeguard of a fteep and craggy Mountain , by help of 
 which he valiantly defended himfelf untill night , for in fuch inacceffible places as 
 ' thofe, neither the Horfe nor Foot could be of Service , and the Indians had a great 
 ' advantage of the Vir.amhas, or Spaniards, who were laden with Armour and of- 
 fenfive Weapons. The night being come, Huaypalka, by help of the darknefs re- 
 treated with his Souldiers into more faft and fecure places. The Day following 
 the Spaniards fell in with the Rere-guard of Jguizquiz, who not dreaming of War 
 : or fighting, marched with their Army divided into two Bands , at leaft fifteen 
 Leagues diffant one from the other-, as is reported by Car ate in the 1 2 th Chapter 
 of his ^d Book, and in the fame Chapter he hath thefe Words following. " Don 
 " Diego, and D. Pedro rallied all their Forces together, and the Indians, by the ob- 
 fcurity of the night, efcaped, and went to join themfelves with J£t<i<.quiz, and 
 5 the 3000 Indians, who taking their way by the Left-hand, cut off the Heads of 
 
 U u u z fourteen 
 
tf i6 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 " fourteen Spaniards, whom they had encountred at a diftance from the Main Bo- 
 " dy, and fo marching forward they overtook the Rere-guard of ^afegafc,', then 
 " the Indians fortified themfelves at the Pafs of a River, where they faced the Spa- 
 " niards for a whole day, and differed none of them to pafs, whilft others of 
 lC them paffed over above ; then the Spaniards intended to make an Attempt up- 
 " on the Indians, who had taken the fide of a very high mountain ; but it had like 
 " to have proved fatal to them, by reafon that the Spaniards in that craggy and 
 " rugged ground, could not make a Retreatwhen they pleafed; fo that many of 
 " them were wounded , as namely , Captain Alonfi de Alvarado , who was run 
 " through the thigh, as was likewife a Lieutenant, and all that night the Indians 
 " kept Ariel: Watch. But fo foon as it was day, they quitted the pafs on the 
 " River, and fortified themfelves in the Mountains, where the Spaniards left them 
 " in quiet, becaufe Almagro did not judge it convenient to continue his Quarters in 
 " that place. Thus far are the Words of Carate, with whom Gomara agrees, and 
 in trie 130th Chapter of his Book hath thefe Words: " Jgttizqmz flying, and 
 " running away, had not gone many Leagues before the Spaniards fell upon his 
 " rere^ which when the Indians perceived, they defended the Banks of a River to 
 " keep the Spaniards from pairing. Their numbers were fo great, that whilft fome 
 " maintained the paffage of the River, others above got over, and put themfelves 
 " into a pofture of fight, intending to encompafs the Spaniards on all fides, and to 
 " kill and take them as they pleafed 3 then they poffefled themfelves of a little 
 " Hill, which was very rocky, to fecure themfelves from the Spanijh Horfe , from 
 " which with fome advantage and frefh courage they renewed the Fight, and kit- 
 " led fome of the Horfe, which could not eafily turn or move in that rugged 
 
 " place, and WOUnded feveral Spaniards, of which Alonfo de Alvarado de Burga was 
 
 " run through the thigh, and Don Diego de Almagro himfelf narrowly efcaped. Thus 
 far are the Words of Gomara. The Spaniards which were killed in this Fight, and 
 died afterwards of their, wounds, received in the three late Skirmifhes, were fifty 
 three in all, reckoning the fourteen which Car ate mentions, and eighteen were cu- 
 red of their wounds : The Horfes killed were thirty four, one of which was that 
 of Almagro, which was overthrown by the rowling down of a Galga or Rock, 
 which if ruck him a-thwart his hinder leg, and broke it, with which Man and 
 Horfe came to the ground •, and had the ftone taken them full, both of them had 
 been beaten to pieces. Of the Indians not above fixty were killed, for the Rocks 
 were their protection , on which the Spaniards and their Horfe fought with great 
 disadvantage ; for which reafon Almagro withdrew his Forces, and would not far- 
 ther engage in thofe places, being troubled at the lofs he had received in thofe two 
 days Engagements-, which Gomara in the 1 30th Chapter of his Book mentions in 
 fhort, and defcribes the unhappy Encounter which our Men had with the Rere- 
 guard of Mttkgmti &c Bias Valera reckoning up the moft Memorable Battels, 
 and which had been the moft fatal to the Spaniards of any in Peru, he mentions 
 eight, befides feveral other Skirmifhes of leffer moment -, and numbers this in the 
 firft place, calling it the Battel of j£«>tu, becaufe it was fought on the frontiers of 
 that Countrey •, and fays, that the Spaniards had then been moft certainly defea- 
 ted and deftroyed, had not the Divine Providence, which defigned by their means 
 to propagate the Gofpel in thofe parts, appeared for them: And alfo the Spaniards, 
 who were then prefent in thofe Engagements confirm the fame •, and I have heard 
 many of them declare, that they often gave themfelves over for loft in their Fights 
 with the Indians •? and that when things feemed to be defperate, and according to 
 humane reafon, without all hopes, and poffibility of efcape, then prefently, and on 
 a fudden, their fortune would turn, and by fome unexpected accident from Hea- 
 ven they became victorious. And difcourfing on thefe matters, and of the great 
 dangers and hazards they had fuftained, they would often fay, that if the Indians, 
 who came with no intention to fight, and without any order being divided into 
 four Squadrons, were able to doe them fo much hurt, and put them into fo much 
 diforder -, what would they have done, had they been aware, and had come with 
 delign to engage under the Command and Difcipline of their Commander j£«~- 
 quU, who was accounted a famous, and a renowned Captain, as Gomara reports, 
 when he relates the Story of him , and of the manner whereby he was put to 
 Death- by his own Souldiers. 
 
 After all which Don Diego de Almagro fent to gather the fpoils, which the Hi- 
 ftorians mention to have been a thoufand head of Cartel, and about a thoufand 
 
 Indian 
 
Book 11. R oyal Commentaries. 517 
 
 Indian Men and Women for fervice, which were forced or prefled to attend the 
 Camp •, and which rinding themfelves free, and at liberty, ran away, and fled 
 to the Spaniards. As to the fine Linen and Cloth , little appeared, for the Indi- 
 ans, rather than be troubled with too great baggage, burnt it ; and likewife made 
 away with the Gold and Silver, and concealed it in fuch manner, as it never after 
 came to light •-, of all which Almagro gave intelligence to the Governour, and 
 of the fuccels of the two Battels, and difpatched his Advices by Indians whom he 
 lent with his Letters : And alfo that Don Pedro de Alvarado was on his Journey 
 towards Cozjco to make him a vifit, that fo he might accordingly provide for his 
 reception. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 The Governour departs from Cozco to meet Alvarado ; he 
 fees him and pays him the Money according to agree- 
 ment. 
 
 TH E Governour Picano having received intelligence of the lofs of the Men 
 and Horfe, which were killed by the Souldiers of J>uiz,quiz , was very 
 much troubled, efteeming it of ill confequence for the Spaniards to be baffled, or 
 the reputation which they had gained, to fuffer and be impaired in the opinion of 
 the Indians ; but there being no remedy for what was paft, but onely patience, he 
 encouraged his Souldiers, and advifed them to proceed more warily for the future. 
 And in regard he was advifed that Alvarado was marching towards Cozto, he was 
 defirous to prevent him, and fave him the trouble of a long Journey ; and there- 
 fore to cut matters (hort, he provided to make him the payment for which Alma- 
 iro had agreed, and with that to perfuade him to return •■, for though he denied 
 to fee him, yet it might be inconvenient, and caufe. fome diforders to have three 
 Govemours, as in reality there would be within that Jurifdi&ion. Jror thefe Go- 
 rernours, when they were poor, might poffibly agree in co-ordinate rule each 
 with other ; but being rich and powerfull, and in a condition of Sovereignty, 
 which admits of no equal , and perhaps of no Second , they could not long con- 
 tinue Peace, and a Brotherly Alliance ; the which difcord caufed by Ambition, 
 was the Original of all the misfortunes and fatal calamities which befell them , as 
 will appear in the fequel of this Hiftory. On this consideration the Governour, 
 that he might haften the difpatch and return of Alvarado, refolved to go and meet 
 lim as far as the Valley of Pachacamac \ fo that he might neither travel at too far 
 .1 diftance from the Sea-coaft, and might excufe him from a Journey of two hun- 
 Ired and forty Leagues, as the going would be from Pachacamac to Cozco, and the 
 ■eturn back again to that place - 7 and befides, he was not willing that he mould fee 
 .he Imperial City, and the Grandeur and Riches thereof, left the temptations of 
 hat Wealth mould caufe alteration , and a breach of the Articles agreed 5 and 
 herefore he was impatient untill he faw them again ratified and confirmed. As 
 the Equipage for his Journey, he took the opinion and fenfe of his Brothers, 
 md other Officers of his Army ; recommending in the mean time the Perfon of 
 he Inca unto their care, and all other matters which were neceffary to conferve 
 heir Peace and League with the Indians. And in order thereunto he difcourfed 
 yith the Inca, and told him, that it was convenient for him to abfent himfelf for 
 ome days, whilft he could make a Journey to the Valley of Pachacamac, for per- 
 brmance of fome agreements made with the Spaniards, who were lately come 
 nto thofe Countries ; on confirmation of which, the Articles made between the 
 'ndians and Spaniards did much depend, which mould be faithfully complied with 
 
 at 
 
518 Royal Commentaries, Book II. 
 
 at his return 5 and therefore lie defired his licence to make that Journey for a k\v 
 days, leaving in the mean time his Brothers, and other Spaniards, in the Service of 
 his Highnefs, who, he fuppoled, would be acceptable to him, in regard he eftee- 
 med them for his Kindred, and to be of the (lime Lineage and Off fpring from the 
 Sun. To which the Inca made anfvver, that he wifhed him a profperous Jour- 
 ney 5 and as to his two Brothers, and the other Viracochas, he would take them 
 into his care, and treat them with fuch refpedl and kind ufage, as that he mould 
 have caufe to render him thanks for the fame at his return. And having {aid 
 this, he immediately difpatched a Meflage to the Commanders of the feveral Pla- 
 ces and Countries through which the Governour was to pafs, that they fhould ap- 
 point their Subjects and ValTals to attend his coming, and wait on him in the fame 
 manner, as on his own Perfon •, and moreover, that they (bould provide a Guard 
 of two hundred Men to attend and condudl the Governour, and to change them 
 every three days, fo that they might be more frefli and a&ive in his Service. 
 
 The Governour having underftood what the Inca had appointed in reference 
 unto him, took his leave and farewell of him , making choice of thirty Horfe to 
 attend him on this Journey •■, and being come to Saujla, he received intelligence 
 
 that Don Diego, and D. Pedro de Alvarado were to pafs by the way of Pachacamac, to 
 
 vifit that great Temple in thofe parts : Wherefore he haftened his Journey, that 
 he might meet them in that pleafant Valley, and there receive and treat Alvarado, 
 and demonftrate that honour to him which was due to a famous Captain of his 
 Quality and Renown , and accordingly preparations were made for his reception 
 and treatment. Twenty days after the Governour had been at Pachacamac, Don \ 
 Pedro de Alvarado arrived there, being received by him with all the carefles and de-v: 
 monftrations of refpeft and kindnefs that could be exprefled •, for he gave pofi-a 
 tive command to his People and Officers, to own and acknowledge Alvarado fori \ 
 their Chief and Governour, and to.give him that title folely 5 and as to himfelf 
 and Almagro, to diftinguifh them by no other titles of Honour, than their own pro- 
 per Names ■■, and accordingly, during all the time that Alvarado remained at Pacha- 
 camac, Pkarro refufed to take cognifance of any caufe, matter, or thing, whatso- 
 ever, but referred all to the judgment of Alvarado, whom he commanded his peo- 
 ple to obferve and obey 5 feeming extremely rejoyced with the fight and prefence 
 of fo many Illuftrious Cavaliers, who were come in the train and company oi Al- 
 varado, and whom he honoured and complemented with all the demonftrations of 
 refpecl and civility that could be exprefled. After fome days had pafled with 
 ceremony and complement, and with the fatisfaction of mutual contentment, P\- 
 Every Pefo carro paid to Alvarado the hundred thoufand Pefos of Gold, as was agreed, with 
 towfixteen* ^ n additional Aid of twenty thoufand more to pay the charges of his Journey thi- 
 .Ryais Plate, Aer, befides many Emeralds and Torquoifes of conflderable value, and feveral 
 which is nine Veftels of Gold for his ufe and fervice. And indeed the fuccour and reputation 
 (hillings En- which Alvarado brought to this enterprife might well deferve fuch a reward for the 
 8 Horfe, Men and Arms which he brought with him, fo terrified and affrighted the 
 
 Souldiers oiAtahualpa, that they entirely yielded and refigned their whole Empin 
 into the hands of the Spaniards .- In confederation of which, the Governour honeft 
 ]y and juftly, without farther difpute or fcruple, paid the Money, as was agreed 
 with the other advantages as aforefaid 5 though others were of opinion (as GV 
 mara and Carate report ) that Pkarro had done better if he had not paid the Mo 
 ney, but rather had taken Alvarado and fent him Prifoner to Spain, for having by 
 force of Arms invaded his Territory, in regard that fuch a compact which was 
 made with Almagro by force of Arms, was not obligatory •-, or at leaft if the Mo- 
 ney was to have been paid, yet that he mould pay him no more than fifty thou- 
 fand Pefos of Gold, ( which made one hundred thoufand pieces of Eight ) becaufe, 
 that the Ships and Arms were not more worth , two of the Ships belonging to Pi- 
 qarro himfelf •, and as to the Men, Horfesand Arms, they belonged not to-Ah*- 
 rado, but were the Goods arid Eftates of other Men. Howfoever, Picarro being 
 a Man of honour, and one who more regarded his word and reputation, than the 
 evafions which fome would fuggeft to him, whereby to caufe him to violate and 
 break his Faith and Word : He paid Alvarado in that noble and generous manner 
 as we have exprefled, with regard to that honour and refped which one Gentle- 
 man ought in all dealings to perform towards another. And though the agree- 
 ment was made by his Partner, yet he efteemed it obligatory to himfelf, prefe:- 
 ring his Paroll of Honour before any intereft whatfoever. And though fome did 
 
 objeel 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 519 
 
 objetft, that JIm<igro made a blind bargain, and did not well confider of the value 
 of the Ships , or perhaps was inforced to that Engagement 5 yet Picarro returned 
 a full anfwer thereunto, That a Gentleman ought well to confider of his promife 
 before he gave ir, and not to pretend afterwards that he was liurprized , being by 
 the rules of a Souldier, and of a Gentleman, engaged to a performance of his 
 words. And on the contrary Alvarado might have alledged, that in cafe they- e- 
 fteemed thernfelves agrieved, they needed onely to reftore things to their former 
 date, in which they were before the agreement, and leave him then to make his 
 belt advantage. And as to the price of the Ships, which they fuppofed might 
 be over- charged, were the advantage duly confidered, which they brought by the 
 fuccours and recruits of Men, Horfe, Arms, and Guns 5 the reputation of. which 
 brought a terrour on all that Empire, and reduced it to fubje&ion, nothing could 
 have been efteemed too great to have procured that afliftence, much lefs when it 
 was obtained at lb -fmall a rate, as the bare fraight did amount unto. Ih fine, 
 Picarro, who was noble' and fincere in his dealings, replied to thofe who gave him 
 ■ contrary advice, that no consideration of benefit or profit could. balance or ftand 
 1 in competition widi his Faith and Honour , and fo with this conftancy and refo- 
 lution herejeSed the low and degenerate counfels of mean-fpirited Men, and ap- 
 plied himlelf to receive and treat Alvarado with all the efteem, kindnefs and mag- 
 nificence that he was able. 
 
 i 
 
 
 • 
 
 fA P. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 ! r ; oini qu . 3f< . . 
 
 Of the unfortunate Death o/Don Pedro tie Alvar&do. 
 
 ADmiral Bon Pedro de Alvarado being greatly'fatisfied with the kind and obli- 
 ging treatment which Don Francifio de* Pimp had made him, they took their 
 : leave and farewell each of other 'with all'the kind expreffions and complements 
 imaginable , offering mutual fuccours and afliftences as the affairs and emergen- 
 I cies in which they were now engaged, lhould refpe&ivelylrequire. So Alvarado 
 returned to his Government of Huahutimallan, where he repofed not long, or en- 
 joyed the riches and profperity which he had acquired j but being exalted with 
 his triumphs and his good fortune, to hich had ever attended him from his Youth, 
 he proceeded to higher Actions and Achievements , being reftlels, and defirous 
 ' of vain-glory, untill he periihed therein, as we ihall find hereafter. And though 
 the fuccefs hereof doth not properly appertain' to this Hiftory -, yet confidering 
 j the unhappy and lamentable end of this famous Captain, who had performed fo 
 many brave Exploits in divers Countries, which the Renowned fohn de Grijalva 
 had difcovered, and in the Conqueft of the Empire of Mexico in company with 
 1 Hernando Cortes ; and laftly, in the Province of Guatimala, or Huahutimallan, which 
 he conquered by his own Arms, and in other parts of New Spain .- Befides all 
 which, we may add the Conquefts which he made in Pent, for without his aid 
 : and afliftence that Empire could never have been fecured. Howfoever, he died, 
 as Gomara in the 210th Chapter of his Hiftory of the Indies reports, befides many 
 other particulars worthy to be mentioned , which I have extracted verbatim, as 
 followeth : 
 
 " Pedro de Alvarado remaining quiet, and peaceably fettled in his Government 
 " of Huahutimallan and Chiafa , the latter of which he exchanged with Francifio 
 '■ Montep for his Dominion of the Hcndm-as, obtained licence of the Emperour to 
 " difcover and plant a Colony in £l»itu, which was one of the Provinces of Peru, 
 " k and a Countrey which was rich, and not as.yet poflefled by the Spaniards. On 
 " this Adventure, in the year *.$3,y, he armed and fet forth five Ships, upon 
 c which and upon two others which he fraighted in Nicaragua, he embarked five 
 hundred Spaniards, and many Horfes ; the which being landed at Puerto Vieio, 
 
^zo Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 " he marched to S^itr., having in that Journey endured much cold and hunger \ 
 " thenews whereof affected the minds of Picarro and Almagro with jealoufie. and 
 " fear. At length he fold the Ships, Guns, &c for two hundred thoufand pieces 
 " of Eight 5 which having received, he returned rich and triumphant unto Hk.-i- 
 u timalUn. After which he built ten or twelve Ships, one Gaily, and other Pin* 
 - naces which were light, and rowed well with the Ore, with defign to make 
 " a Voyage to the Efpeetria, and a farther difcovery towards the Cape of Vafctm 
 " called by fome California. In the year 1538, Friar Marcos de Nica, and other 
 " Froi-.cifcan Friars travelled by Land through the Countrey of Culmacan, at leaf! 
 " three hundred Leagues to the Weftward, and much farther than the Spaniards 
 " of Xallxco had as yet difcovered , and returned with high commendations of 
 " the Countries, and of the Riches and good Air of Sibola, and other Cities. 
 " Upon the relation of thefe Friars, they refolved once to fend an Army by Sea 
 " to thofe parts Under the Command of Don Antonio de Mendoca, Vice-king of New 
 " Spain, and Don Fernando Cortes Marquis de Valle, who was Captain-General of 
 
 * New Spain, and firft Difcoverer of the Coaft along the South-Sea ■-, but not a- 
 " greeing upon Articles, they quarrelled , and fo Cortes returned into Spain, and 
 " Alvarado was fent in his place with the Ships before mentioned ; for which the 
 
 ' Money, as aforefaid, was paid him. Alvarado failed, as I conceive, with hi* 
 " Fleet to the Port of Navidad, and thence travelled by Land to Mexico, where 
 "he agreed with the Vice- king upon an adventure to Sibola, without any regard 
 " to the gratitude he owed to Cortes, who was the Authour of all his fortune. 
 " In his return from Mexico, he palled through Xalixco, to fubdue and reduce the 
 " people ol that Kingdom, who had made an Infurrediion, and were in defiance 
 
 " againft the Spaniards. At length he came to Ecatlan, where Diego de Lopez, was 
 
 " making War againft the Rebels, and joyning his Forces with him, they ftormed 
 
 " the Indians, who had fortified, themfelves on the corner of a Rock with luch 
 
 " refolution, that having killed thirty of them, they put the reft unto flight -, and 
 
 " having climbed up into a high and narrow Rock, many of their Horfes came 
 
 " tumbling down the Precipice : And whereas one of them came Hiding down 
 
 " juft upon the Horfe of Alvarado, he, to avoid him, alighted, intending to give 
 
 * him way, and fave himfelf •, but the Horfe in his fall ftriking on the edge of a 
 " Rock, turned his fall juft on Alvarado, and carried him headlong with him 
 " down to the bottom 5 the which misfortune happened on Midfummer-day, in 
 " the year 1 J41, and in a few days after died of the bruifeshe had received at 
 x Ecatlatti which is a place about three hundred Leagues diftant from HuatimaiUn ^ 
 K heconierved his Senfes, and the judgment of a Chriftian, untill the laft •, for 
 
 ' being asked where his chief pain was , he anfwered, in his Soul : As to other 
 " matters, he was a Man of a free and chearfull temper. Thus far are the Words 
 of G mar a ; and at the end of the fame Chapter he adds, " That he left noEftate, 
 " nor did there remain any Memory or Rehcks of him, unlefs what is before re^ 
 " cited, and a Daughter which he had by an Indian Woman, which was after-- 
 " wards Married to Don Frandfio de la Cueva 3 and fo he concludes that Chapter. 
 This Relation is the very fame which is commonly current in Peru, with all the 
 circumftahces thereof; onely they differ in this, that one fays it was a Horfe that 
 tumbled upon him 5 and the other, that it was a Rock, which was thrown down 
 by the fall of a Horfe •, 'tis probable that it might be the one as well as the o- 
 ther , and that the Horfe and Stones might come all rowling down together. 
 Befides, I was acquainted with his Daughter, and with one of his Sons, who 
 was a Mongrel or Meftiz*> ( as we call them ) born of an Indian Woman, named 
 Don Diego de Alvarado, a Son worthy, and not degenerating from a Father of fuch 
 great renown , for he refembled his Father in all his Vermes •, was a true pattern 
 of him in all circumftances, nor did he differ from him in the very misfortune of 
 his Death , for having with other Spaniards made his efcape from the Battel of 
 Chelqui inca, he was afterwards killed by the Indians in the purfuit, as we fhall here- 
 after relate in its due place. 
 
 Thus ended the Life of this worthy Cavalier Don Pedro de Atvarado , he was 
 Knight of the Habit of St. fago, and one of the moft dexterous with his Lance of 
 any that palled into the New World. His unhappy Death was greatly lamented 
 at Cow by all thofe who had been his followers in that Empire ■■, many Mafles 
 were faid for his Soul at that time, and for feveral years afterwards-, I my felf have 
 been prefent at fome, which were faid for him, when I was there. Whenfoever 
 
 any 
 
 
„BookIL Royal Commentaries. c 2 i 
 
 . ___,_ ._ . _ . . . -J 
 
 any occafion was offered to make mention of him , I have heard feveral Gentle- 
 men remember him with great praife of his Goodnefs and Vertue \ and fome of 
 them fpecified and recounted the kindnefles and good offices he had ihewn to them 
 in particular : And whereas he was very familiarly acquainted, and converfant in 
 my Father's houfe ■-, I have been an Ear-witnefs of divers paflages relating to his 
 good Nature, and to the generofity of his great Soul : One of which was this 5 
 That in their Voyage to Peru his people fuffered much for want of frefh Water 3 
 fo that when they came to Tumpiz, they became very fickly, and many of them 
 were fo weakned by the Calenture Fever, by reafon of the Thirft they had endu- 
 red, that they were not able to leave the Ship and Land on the more. Where- 
 fore Alvar ado himfelf landed from the Ship, and provided them with Water; 
 and though he had fuffered as much by Thirft as any of them, yet he would not 
 tafte a drop of Water untill he was allured that the Sick had drank, and all the 
 Ships-company had been provided. Many other generous Acls of this nature 
 were related of this worthy Gentleman 5 though Gomara in his Writings gives a 
 different chara&er of him, which he muft have received from fome of thofe (as 
 there were many) who were envious and emulous of his Vermes and Fortune: 
 And though it was impoffible to fupprefs the fame of his Exploits and Adven- 
 tures, which were notorious to all the World , yet at leaft they endeavoured to 
 eclipfe and difparage the glory of them. Of which this Authour being fenfible, 
 did in part excufe and clear himfelf of the falfity of thofe reports which were gi- 
 ven ; and fo concludes the ipzd Chapter of his Book with tnefe words : He that 
 
 doth well, and is not praifed, lives amongfi bad Neighbours, &C. And this he laid be- 
 
 caufe he knew that in all eftates of Men, there are fome who are envious and'flan- 
 derers, and unworthy the fociety of good Men, being inclined to fpeak a lye, ra- 
 ther than to utter truth in commendations of another. And now we (ball return 
 to the Affairs of Peru, and to the Tranfa&ions therein fince the departure of Don 
 Pedro de Alvar ado from thence. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Of the Foundation of the City de los Reyes, and of the City 
 of Truxillo. 
 
 SO foon as the Governour had difmifled Bon Pedro de Alvar ado, he immediately 
 gave notice thereof to his Partner Bon Biego de Almagro, then at Cozco , and 
 therewith fent a great number of thofe Gentlemen which came with Alvar -ado, 
 to be entertained in the Service of the Prince Manco Ma, and his Brothers, John 
 and Gonpalo Picarro, defiring them to be ferviceable to the Inca, and kind to the 
 Indians ; for in regard the Inca furrendred himfelf voluntarily, and of his own ac- 
 cord, he would not have him lofe that confidence and affe&ion which he had con- 
 ceived of the Spaniards ^ in the mean time the Governour remained in the Valley 
 oliPachacamac, with defign tobuild a City near the Sea-coaft for the better advan- 
 tage of Trade and Commerce : And having confidered upon this matter with his 
 friends, he difpatched feveral perfons experienced in Maritime affairs, to difcover 
 on both fides where was the moft convenient place for a Port or Harbour. At 
 length being informed, that four Leagues to the North of Pachacamac, there was 
 1 very fafe Port right againft the Valley of Rimac j which when the Governour 
 bad viewed and furveyed, he tranfplanted the people which had begun to fettle a 
 Colony in the Valley of Saufit , which is thirty Leagues from Rimac within the 
 Land, unto that convenient place where he founded the City of Us Reyes in the 
 year 1 j 34. 
 
 5C x x But 
 
c-22 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 But as to the precife year, Authours differ very much ; for fome make it fooner 
 and others later •, and fome will have it in the year i no, leaving out the 4. Bui 
 not to infift on tbefe feveral opinions, let us compare the times with the great anc 
 notable Actions which fucceeded -, for it is moft certain, and therein all Authoun 
 agree, that it was in the year i*zy, : vrben Picarro, Almagro, and the School-maftei 
 Hemando de Lttca, did firft enter into Articles of their Triumvirate. Three yean 
 afterwards were fpent in the difcovery, before they arrived the firft time at Turn 
 fiz. Two years farther paffed before they could finiih their Voyage into Spain tc 
 procure their Commiffion to make a Conqueft, and before their return back tc 
 Panama with Ammunition and Provifions for fuch an undertaking. In the yeai 
 1531, they invaded the Ifland Puna, and alfo Txmpiz-? and in December of tht 
 fame year they took Atahn*lpa Prilbner \ and in March following, being the yeai 
 1 s 31, he was put to Death , in OBober following they entred into Cczco, where 
 the Governour refided untili April 1 5^33, when news came of the Arrival of Aha- 
 rado 3 and in September he deoarted from Cozco to meet him, and pay him the Mo- 
 ney according to agreement. And about the beginning of the year 1534, beta? 
 Twelfth-day, or the Day of the Kings, he laid the Foundation of that City, anc 
 fo called it la ciudad de los Reyes, or the City of the Kings : In remembrance 
 which he made the Arms of the City to be Three Crowns, with a Star mining 
 over them 3 the Form or Model of it was very beautiful! , for the Market place 
 was very wide and large, oalefs perhaps ir was too wide for the City, the Stress 
 alfo were wide and ftrnrhc-, to chat from every corner of them croft-ways;^ " 
 Fields may be feen on ail fides. On the North-fide there is a River, from wh 
 feveral Chanels are cut, to • taa the Lands round about, and ro fijpply etf 
 Houfe in the City with water. I his Town, at adiftance, makes no good fhe 
 nor appears well, becaufe the ioufes are not covered with Tile, but thatch 
 with a fort of Straw which that Countrey yields ^ for in regard it never Rains 1 
 that Climate, nor for many Leagues diftant on either fide along the Coaft, the 
 coverings of the Houfes are all made of a fort of Straw, or Rufhes, which grow 
 in that Countrey •, on which laying a kind of Mortar, or Earth, mixed with 
 Straw, two or three fingers thick, it makes a good defence againft, the Heats of 
 the Sun : But as to the Buildings themfelves, both within and without, they are 
 good and commodious, and they daily improve their Art in Architecture. This 
 Town is about two fmall Leagues diftant from the Sea •-, but as the report is, the 
 parts neareft to the Sea are beft inhabited. The Climate is hot and moift, and 
 much of the fame temperament with that of Andalusia -, the difference of which 
 is onely, that the Days there are not fo long, nor the Nights fo fhort in fnly and 
 Anguft, as they are here 5 fo that the Sun arifing there more late, and fetting more 
 early, hath not time to heat and warm the Earth, as in thofe Regions where the 
 Days are longer ■-, fo that though the fituation be nearer the Sun, yet the Nights 
 being long , the Earth hath more time to become cool, and to be refreftied : But 
 in regard the Heats are conftant, and admit of fmall remiffions, the Inhabitants 
 being habituated or accuftomed thereunto, do invent and contrive preventions and 
 remedies againft the Heats, both in the coolnefs of their Houfes, Garments and 
 Bedding, which they fo cover and fence, that the Flies and Gnats ( with which 
 that Countrey is much infefted ) can have no paflage to hinder or difturb their 
 repofe, either by day or night •■, for in thefe low Grounds and Marines, the GiWts 
 are extremely bufie and troublefome, as well by day as by night ; thofe which 
 are bufie at night, make a buzzing, and are of the fame colour with fuch as we 
 have here, onely that they are much greater, and fting fo terribly, that the Spani- 
 ards fay, that they will bite through a pair of Cordovan Boots 3 perhaps indeed 
 they may pais a knit Stockin, with a Lirwn one under it , but not if it were of 
 Cloth or Kerfy •-, and indeed in fome Countries they are much more keen and 
 hungry than they are in others : The Gnats which are troublefome by day, are 
 little, and not much unlike thofe which are here bred in Shops, and generated from 
 Wine -, onely they are of a yellowilh colour, and fo thirfty of bloud, ( that as I 
 have heard credibly reported ) many of them have been feen to burft at the fame 
 time that they have been fucking : To try this experiment, I have fuffered fome 
 of them to fuck of my bloud, as much as they would - 7 and when they were full, 
 they would drop off, and rowl, but were not able to go or fly : The flings of 
 theie Gnats are in fome degree poifonous, efpecially to fome forts of flefti, in 
 which they will make little wounds, though not dangerous, or of great moment. 
 
 By 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. <p 3 
 
 By reafon that the City of los Reyes is of a hot and moift Air, FJefh will immedi- 
 ately corrupt in it •-, and therefore when it is newly killed and bought, it muft be 
 eaten the fame day, which are all qualities different to the Climate of Cozxo, that 
 being hot, and this cold, or temperate. The Cities and other Colonies of Spa- 
 niards, which are fituate along the Coaft of Pern, are all of the fame tempera- 
 ment with the Town of los Rejes, being under the fame degree. All the other 
 Cities within the Land from Jj«*>», as far as Chuquifaca, which runs for the fpace 
 rf fevcn hundred Leagues North and South, are of a pleafant Climate, not being 
 :old as Cozco, nor hot like Rimac, but of an equal and moderate temperature 5 
 excepting onely the fituation of Potofi , where the Mines of Silver are, is extreme- 
 ly cold, and the Air penetrating. The Indians call it Puna, which is to fay, a Cli- 
 nate, not habitable by reafon of coldnefs 5 howfoever the love and thirft of Sil- 
 /er hath invited fuch numbers of Spaniards and Indians to that place, that at pre- 
 ent it is the moft populous, and thebeft ferved with Provifions of any Countrey 
 ji all Peru. Acofia in the 6th Chapter of his 4th Book, mentioning the Greatnefs 
 pf that Colony, fays, that the Town, that is, the place inhabited is two Leagues, 
 \ which are fix miles ) in compafs. 
 
 Thus much (hall be fufficient to have fpoken in general. of all the Cities and 
 Plantations of Peru, fo as that we need not treat farther of any one in particular: 
 8ut to return to the City of los Reyes •, we fay, that the Governour Frandfio Picarro 
 1 paving founded this City, and divided the Lands, Fields, and Inheritances toge- 
 jher with the Indians amongft his Spaniards, he defcended to the Valley of Cbimo, 
 ibout eighty Leagues Norm ward from los Reyes, along the Sea-coaft, and there 
 xiilt another City, which to this day is called Truxillo, and was fo named in re- 
 membrance of his own Countrey : At which place alfo he made a divifion of 
 ..ands to the firft Conquerours, to whom he marked out the feveral Provinces, 
 Lands and Poffeffions, which belonged to every perfbn in reward of the labours 
 ind hazards which every perfon had fuftained. The like he performed in the 
 3ity and Countrey of los Reyes, where he with" great applaufe and fatisfa&ion af- 
 igned to every Man his fhare and due proportion ; fo that it appeared as if the 
 Land began to be at peace, and all things to difpofe themfelves towards quietnefs 
 iod enjoyment : And having thus juftly fhared to the firft Conquerours their dues, 
 it was not to be doubted, but that he would deal with others, who were to fol- 
 low with the like equality. And being thus well employed, as this famous Ca- 
 valier ever was in all the courfe of his life, we mall now leave him for a while 
 to treat of other matters, which at the fame time pafled amongft the Indians. • 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 X x x 2 CHAP, 
 
cj,a Royal Commentaries. Book II i 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 How the General Quizquiz was /lain by bis own Soul 
 diers. 
 
 
 
 
 P'i 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 I TO 
 
 ipiri 
 
 THat we may omit nothing material of all thofe matters which occurred at 
 that time in Peru, it is neceflary for us to give an account of what fuccefs 
 befell the General Quizquiz, the Captain Huaypallca, and their Forces •-, who be- 
 ing animated and encouraged by the advantages they had gained over Don Pedro dt 
 Aharado and Almagro in three feveral Skirmifhes , began to prefume themfelves 
 able to drive the Spaniards out of their Empire •, and efpecially Huaypallca was the 
 more confident, becaufe in the abfence of Jgui^qniz he had been the Chief Com-* ^ 
 mander in thofe late Battels, which fo vainly puffed him up in his own imaging W 
 tion, that he became prefumptuous, and fecure in his fhength and fortune. Hefe-i tore, 
 upon thefe two Commanders marched towards Qmtu, with delign to make new m il' 
 Levies of Men, and Provifions for a War againft the Spaniards ; but they had not 
 made many days march before they were difappointed of their hopes and expec- 
 tations --, for the Curacas, as well as. the common Indians, being affrighted and fore-j 
 warned by the late treachery of Rumminavi, and jealous left they mould acl: over 
 the like practices that the others had done, refufed either to follow them to the 
 War, or obey theip Commands,. 1 .which were for bringing in of Provifions •, for 
 amongft all the Captains of their Army, there was none of the Bloud-Royal that 
 appeared nor any perfon with a Title to the Kingdom of Sluitu, either derived 
 from Atahualpa, or Manco Jma, who being the onely Lawfull and Univerfal Heir 
 of all that Empire, might countenance the defign. With thefe difficulties, and 
 in ftraits of Provifions, guizquiz was labouring when his Purveyors fell into 
 the hands of Sebaftian de ffelalcacar, by the Advices which his friends the Indians 
 
 had given 5 for they being generally jdefirous of a Peace, were troubled at all a<9s 
 and motions which tended to a Wars and in regard that there was no Army 5. 
 foot againft the Spaniards, but this onely, they were defirous to fee it defeated? 
 fo that upon this advice Belalcacar furprized the Foragers, and eafily deftroyed 
 them, and took many of them Prifbners •, fuch as efcaped, carried the news of 
 their defeat, and that the Viracochas were very numerous and ftrong ; for having 
 but the day before found fo many of them in a body together, they were unde- 
 ceived in the reports they had, that the Spaniards, or greateft part of them, were 
 departed out of the Countrey with Aharado and Almagro. Upon this advice 
 guizqui*. aflembled all his Captains to confider what would be moft expedient in 
 this cafe , propofing it neceflary to make a retreat for the prefent, in order to ga- 
 ther Provifions, which were greatly wanting, and then on a fudden to aflault the 
 Viracochas , and profecute them untill they had entirely deftroyed and extirpated 
 them out of their Countrey ; but the Captains amongft whom Huaypallca, ( who 
 ever fince the late fuccefles, was acknowledged the Chief) were of a different 
 opinion , efteeming it their beft courfe to render and fubmit themfelves unto the 
 Spaniards, to defire Peace and Friendfhip with them , whom to fubdue, it was 
 a madnefs to imagine, fince experience had ihewn them to be Invincible; 
 and that it was impoftible to get Provifions from the Indians , who had with- 
 drawn themfelves from their obedience ; and in that ftarving condition, how diffi- 
 cult would it be for them to make War upon a victorious Army , and which it 
 were more eafie to overcome with fair- words, and kind treatment, than to refift 
 a people come from Heaven , which upon fubmiffion would readily entertain 
 Friendship and Peace with them. And in regard the Prophecy foretold by the 
 ' Inca Huayna Capac ( namely, that a ftranger Nation fhould be Lords of that "Na- 
 tion ) was now fulfilled, it was in vain to tempt the fortune of War longer. But 
 Stgizquiz being a ftout Man, and a Souldier, declared againft this manner of fub- 
 miffion, upbraiding his Souldiers with cowardife and pufillanimity of fpirit , and 
 
 ' with 
 
Book II. Koyal Commentaries. <zc 
 
 with haughty and proud Language told them plainly, that he had no need of their 
 Counfel in this cafe, nor in any other vvhatfoever ; and therefore he required them 
 as their General to obey, and follow him, if they hoped for Succefs and Victory 
 in this Enterprife. But' the Captains , who from the time that they had been 
 vvorited in feveral Skirmifhes , which they had had with Afoarado , and A/magro, 
 began to lofe much of the Refpect and Honour which once they conceived for 
 £f<izqniz,, becaufe they believed he had not behaved himfelf with that Courage 
 ' which he profefled in divers Engagements againft the Spaniards 5 fo that now , 
 quitting all Refpeft towards him , they told him plainly , That fince he was fo 
 averfe to all Peace and Friendship with the Viracochas, and fo refolute to maintain 
 the War, and confident of Victory, that he ihould make no Delays, but imme- 
 diately engage in Fight with the Spaniards , which would be much better than 
 cowardly to retire, and rather honourably to dye like brave Souldiers , than to 
 ! perilh in the Mountains and Defarts with hunger, like miferable People : And 
 • this they declared to be their ultimate Refolution in the Cafe. 
 
 jjtuizqKiz, was not a little nettled to find his Captains replying fo briskly upon 
 him, the which confirmed him in the belief of what he had for fome days fuf- 
 pe&ed, that there was fome Mutiny contriving againft him in the Army ; and 
 : therefore he told them, That he plainly perceived that they palled or transferred 
 ithe refpeit they had for him unto Captain Hnaypalka, the which he could not en- 
 sure, and thereof admoniihed them to amend fpeedily, before he proceeded to 
 .punifh this their Offence. And in the mean time he gave them to underftand, 
 That he took notice of the liberty they ufed in their infolent Difcourfe, which ia- 
 ■voured of Rebellion and Dilbbedience towards their Commander $ into which 
 ; he would make a ftrict Enquiry, and Examination , and puniih both the Muti- 
 .niers, and the chief Leader of them. Huajpalka thinking himfelf reflected upon 
 !by this Difcourfe, began to huff, and be very angry, and being elated, and his 
 Spirits raifed by his late Succefies, and being fentible of the great Efteem which 
 ithe Captains had for him , he made an Attempt, which none believed he had 
 Courage to doe, and wrefted the Javelin which Jguizqmz held in his Hand, and 
 forced it from him-, the which Weapon Was the Enfign of his Command , like 
 ,thole Truncheons which our Generals carry in their Hands, and is called by the 
 Indians Cbuqxiapu •, with this Lance , or Javelin , Huaypallca ran him through the 
 Breaft, and being in like manner feconded by the other Commanders, every one 
 of which had a blow at him with his Weapon, he was foon difpatched. Thus 
 Sluizquiz, ended his Days, being the laft and the moft famous Souldier of all the 
 Captains and Servants of Atahnalpa-., his Fate was like that of his other Compani- 
 ons, for the Juftice of Heaven all ways provides punifhments agreeable to Mens 
 Offences, and raifes up one Tyrant to punifh and afflict another. -Hereupon Uu- 
 Wpa/lca, and the other Captains disbanded their Army, and every one in a dif- 
 iguife drifted for himfelf, retiring into places where they thought they might live 
 moft hidden and obfcure-, howfoever they lived in perpetual fear and apprehen- 
 fion of being betrayed by their own People. y. 
 
 CHAP- 
 
* z 6 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Don Diego de Almagro makes himfelf Governour with- 
 out the Kings Commiffion ; and what Agreement was 
 made between him and Marquifs Pic,arro. 
 
 DIfcord having now produced one of its effects amongft the Indians, which 
 was the Death of guizquiz, did endeavour to avail in like manner a- 
 mongft the Spaniards, had not Peace and Friendship, which are an oppofite par- 
 ty thereunto, countermined its Works: For it is to be noted, that fome Months 
 after the News came to Peru of the Arrival of Hernando Pkarro in Spain, and of 
 the kind reception which the Treafure he carried- had made for him, and of the 
 Honour and Refpecl: which was (hewed him in his Negotiations with His Ma- 
 jefty, who was pleafed to beftow the Title of Marquifs on his Brother, of 
 which Auguflin Carate gives an Account in the <rth Chapter of his 3d Book, 
 in this manner: 
 
 " Amongft other things for which the Governour Bon Frantifco Pkarro peti-' 
 " tioned His Hajefty, one was, That in reward of his great Services, performed 
 " in the Conqueft of Peru, he would be pleafed to grant to him and his 
 " Heirs, the perpetual Vaffalage of twenty thoufand Indians in the Province of 
 " Atabillios, together with the Rents, Tribute and Jurifdi&ion belonging there- 
 " unto, and with the Title of Marquifs. In Anfwer hereunto His Majefty 
 ' readily bellowed on htm the Title of Marquifs of that Province; but as to 
 " the Command over the Indians, he would firft inform himfelf of the nature 
 " and quality of the Countrey, and of what Damage or Prejudice fuch a Con- 
 " ceffion might prove* and that then he would (hew him all the Grace and Fa- 
 " vour which was convenient: From which time the Patent of hisMarqui- 
 " face taking date, we thall for the future ftyle him with the Honour of that 
 " Tick. Thus far are the Words of Carate, who alfo affirms ■-, that befides this 
 Honour, his Government was enlarged for many Leagues, but yet doth not tell 
 us how far. 
 - 
 
 Hemando Pi^arro obtained for himfelf a Knighthood, with the Habit of St. Jag?-, 
 with other favours-, and for Almagro he acquired the Title of Marefchal of Pe- 
 ru , with the extent of Government , reaching an hundred Leagues North and 
 South, diftinct from the Jurifdi&ion of Marquis Pkarro ; the which fecond Go- 
 vernment was called New Toledo, as the other was New Caflile. The Advices 
 hereof being wrote from Spain, Almagro received them at Cozco , where he refi- 
 ded with Prince Manco Inca, and with John and Goncalo Pkarro , Brothers of the 
 Marquifs, and being , as is the nature of all ambitious Men, imparient for Go- 
 vernment and Command , he never ftaid for Commiffion from His"Majefty, nor 
 Confirmation of the News, but immediately from that time took on him the Ti- 
 tle of Governour. And whereas (it was reported) that the Jurifdi&ion of the Mar- 
 quifs Pkarro was to extend 200 Leagues in length from the Equinoctial Southward, 
 whether the fame be meafured along the Coaft, or within Land, or by the degrees 
 of latitude, it would fall out, that the City of Cezco would not be comprehended 
 within his Lot, but would belong to Almagro -, on confidence of which, without 
 other Confiderations, he laid afide the Deputation he had received from Alma- 
 gro , and in virtue of his own Right affumed to himfelf the Government of that 
 City , and (hared the Vaffalage of the Indians amongft his own Creatures by 
 Authority from himfelfl All which he acted by the Advice and Counfel of 
 
 feveral 
 
ookIL Royal Commentaries 52,7 
 
 ieveral Spaniards , who being defirous of Novelty , and Difiention , moved and 
 incited him thereunto. On the other fide John and Gondola Picarro, and other 
 Gentlemen, which came in with Alvarado, made head, and oppofed him; of 
 
 which were Graviel Ae Roj/ii, Gartilajfo de U Vega, Antonio Altimirano, Alonfi Ae Al- 
 varado, and the greater! part of that Regiment, and the Diflentions arofe io high 
 amobgft them, and to that Rage, that many of them were often killed and 
 wounded in the Scuffles. Of Which intelligence being brought to theMarquifs 
 then at Truxiilo, he immediately departed thence, being carried from one ftage 
 to another on the Shoulders of hJOyns, iox die fpace of two hundred Leagues, 
 which is the diftance of that place from Cozco. In this Journey the Marquils tra- 
 velled alone, and trufted himfelf to die F^ithfulnefs of the Indian, on Confi- 
 dence and Security of Mvxo Inca, who remained as; a Pawn in the Hands of 
 his Brothers, whom we call Prince, and not KL.j, becaufehe was never per- 
 mitted to Reign, though the Indians did ftrive, an vndeavour by all means pof- 
 fible, to oblige the Spaniards , in hopes that bj jJi Compliances , they might 
 be induced to reftore the Empire unto their hca. N larquifs being arrived, 
 
 I the Difcontents quickly vaniftied ; for dieie tvw Mien having fworn 
 
 Friendfhip, and ancient Brotherhood together, were.. j in .-■$. diately reconciled* 
 and brought to a better understanding, by removal of e\ » • iqfellours, and of 
 fuch as defigned to make a Benefit by their Differences. 
 
 And now Almagro was become fenfible of hjs too hafty Declaration, and that 
 
 he had been too forward in carving out a Jurifdittion to himfelf, upon a bare 
 
 Information, before he had been authorized to claim, his Right thereunto by 
 
 HisMajefty'sCommiffion; on which -:knowledgmenft the Marquifs pardoned 
 
 him, and both of them became as perfect Friends as if there had never palled any 
 
 Difference between them: And for beuer Security and Confervation of this 
 
 Confederacy, they renewed their Vows at, the Holy ^Sacrament? never more to 
 
 violate their Faith each to the other, and by mutual confent agreed between 
 
 ; rhemfeives and their parties, respectively } That Almagro fhould ' undertake the 
 
 • Conqueft of the Kingdom oiChili, which abounded with Gold, and appertained 
 
 to the Incase upon "which conditions they agreed to join together in their Petition 
 
 , to His Majefty, to grant unto him that Dominion-, and in cafe that could not 
 
 . be obtained, that then they would make an equal Divifion of Pern between 
 
 themfelves. 
 
 On thefe Terms both Parties remained well fatisfied, though fome ma- 
 litious perfons fuggefted , that Almagro , who had been fo good a Companion, 
 1 and fo neceflary an Inftrument in this Conqueft , had been unjuftly treated , and 
 . thrown out of all Right in the Divifion of Peru , and that the Picarros, under 
 the pretence of an hundred Leagues, had engrofled and appropriated the whole 
 Dominion thereof unto themfelves. And whereas upon the Fame and Noife 
 which the Riches of that Empire had made in the World, great numbers of 
 j Spaniards had flocked from all places, and that the parts already conquered did 
 fcarce yield a TracT: of Land, fufficient to fatisfie the Merits and Expectations of 
 the firft Conquerours 5 it was therefore judged neceflary to enlarge the extent of 
 !the Pofteffions by new Conquefts; and that as Almagro was to fubdue the 
 Kingdom of Chili, fo alfo Captain Aknfo de Alvarado was defigned for the Pro- 
 j vince of the Chachapuyas 5 which, though under the Command of the Inca, yet 
 , trufting to the Security of the Mountains, where Horfe can doe little Service, 
 , and to their own Skilfulnefs , and Valour in War , refufed to yield any Obe- 
 dience to the Spaniards. Captain Garcilajfo de la Vega was defigned for the Pro- 
 vince which the Spaniards, by Irony, or contraries , call the Province of Good 
 Fortune. Captain John Parcel was fent into the Countrey called by the Spani- 
 ards Bracamoros , and by the Indians Pacamum. And farther , it was ordered, 
 That Recruits fhould be fent to Sebaftian de Belalcacar , for his Affiftance in 
 the Conqueft of guittt; by which means Provifions would not onely be 
 made to fatisfie the Defires and Expectations of all Perfons , but the Minds 
 of the Adventurers employed, and amufed in new Acquifitions and Enter- 
 prifes, which remaining in Idlenefs and Sloth, would be inclinable to Mutinies 
 and Sedition. 
 
 Thefe 
 
 I 
 
^2,8 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 Thefe Articles being concluded and agreed between Almagro and the Mar- 
 quifs Picarro-, the foregoing Defigns were publifhed , fo that the Captains pre- 
 pared tnemfelves for their refpettive Enterprifes, and accordingly raifed and 
 enrolled their Men. Alonfo de Alvarado lifted three hundred Men for his Con- 
 queft, Garcilajjo de la Vega two hundred and fifty for his-, and he that was in- 
 tended for the Pacamurus, was provided with a like number 5 and all three 
 entred into their refpeftive Divifions, where they Curtained great Labours, 
 and Hardmips, by reafon of the high Mountains and Interruption of Rivers, 
 as we (hall hereafter (hew in their due places. The Recruits fent to Sebaftian 
 de Belalcacar confifted of one hundred and fifty Men. But Almagro made up a 
 Force five hundred and fifty, amongft which feveral of them had already 
 Lands fet out to them , and commands over Indians , yet in hopes of better 
 Fortune in Chili , of whofe Riches there was great talk , they left their Pof- 
 feflions and Mates about Cozco. For in thofe beginnings every poor Spaniard 
 in the condition of a common Souldier , thought all Peru but a mean Share 
 and Reward of his Labours. Almagro lent thirty Thoufand Pefos of Gold to 
 his Souldiers, to buy Horfes, and Arms , and other neceffaries •, fo that they 
 were all very well provided. 
 
 John de Saavedra, a Native of Seville, (with whom I was well acquainted) 
 was fent in the Van , or Forlorn Hope , with one hundred and fifty Men, to 
 difcover the Countrey ,• which they found to be very quiet, and in a peace- 
 able pofture, by reafon that their Inca, Prince Manco, remained in the Hands 
 of the Spaniards, and that the Indians were in very great hopes of hisReftau 
 ration to the Empire. 
 
 Almagro left Captain B*o Diaz, and John de HerratU, his intimate Friend, t$ JS 
 refide as Agents for him in the City of Couo, to raife Men, and to fend him 
 Recruits, and fupply him with what was neceflary for the War againft the 
 Kingdom of chili , it being reported to be a Countrey mountainous, and the 
 People Warlike. 
 
 COD 
 
 toff 
 
 
 
 :■;. 
 
 m 
 
 CHAR 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 520 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Almagro e?iters Chili with the great detriment of his Army; 
 but is well received by the People of the Inca. 
 
 y yiAtters being defigned, as before related, Almagro departed from Cauo about 
 
 V 1 the beginning of the Year i 5 3 s , carrying in his company with him Paullu 
 
 •he Brother of Manco Inca, of whom we have formerly made mention-, as alfo 
 
 le High Prieft, which was as yet maintained in Honour, called VtUac Omu by 
 
 f - le Indians, but by the Spaniards Villa Oma. He was alio accompanied with ma- 
 y Indian Nobles, and many of the common fort, who carried Arms and Baggage 
 
 the number ofijoooMen^ all which were fent by the Command of Manco 
 nca, who imagined, that fuch Services as thefe would oblige the Spaniards, and 
 li common Gratitude engage them to Surrender his Kingdom to him. On this 
 xpe&ation he enjoined his Brother, and the High Prieft to attend the Viracochas, 
 vhereby the Indians were much more ready to honour and doe them Service. But in 
 he Relation of this paflage, Hiftorians miftake in not rightly timing matters, fay- 
 ag, That the Inca gave Inftru&ions to his Brother to kill Almagro in me Charcot, or 
 
 1 fome other convenient place. But this was afterwards certified, when the Inca 
 erceived that the Spaniards never intended to reftore him to his Kingdom, as we 
 mall relate in its due place. But as to the prefent Affair, Saavedra, who led the 
 fan before, came to the Charcot, which is about two hundred Leagues diftanc 
 om Cozxo, without the leaft misfortune, or unhappy accident by the way, wor- 
 hy the notice ; for the Indians received them with all amicable and kind Treat- 
 ment in every place where they came. It was his fortune to meet in the Choreas 
 vith Gabriel de Roj.u , fent thither by Marquifs Pkarro, with a Force of about 
 ; eventyMen, the which Saavedra would have taken without juft reafon, for 
 ince the Vice of Difcord could not find entrance into the peaceable Minds of 
 
 Was Indians, it would make its way into the Humour of the Spaniards, to put all 
 nto Flame and Combuftion ; but Gabriel de Rojos having information hereof, 
 00k another way to the City of los Reyes , and Co wifely avoided the Plot in- 
 ended againft him •, but the moft part of his Souldieis joined with Almagro in his 
 interprife againft Chili. In like manner Almagro came to the Choreas , without 
 
 |:ny Accident which befell him on the way worthy the notice: And now to 
 iroceed in his March, he caufed every thing that was neceflary to be provided , 
 nd becaufe the Journey was a much nearer cut over Mountains, than by the Sea- 
 3oaft, he refolved to take that way , and though Paullu , and Tlilac Vmu infor- 
 ned him , that the way over the famous Mountain of the Cordillera was not 
 'affable , by reafon of the Snows , but at a certain feafon of the Year , yet he 
 vould give no credence to their Words, but told them, that the Countrey of 
 '«•« was to yield, and be obedient to the Difcoverers and Conquerours of 
 t, and that the very Elements , the Region , and Climates , and Heaven it felf 
 vas to become propitious , and favourable to their Defigns , as it had hitherto 
 >een. 
 With this Refolution Almagro departed from die Choreas, and proceeded on his 
 ourney by way of the Mountains -, for being jealous, that Paullu did not faith- 
 iully advife him, he flighted the Couniel which he had given him-, but they 
 'iad not palled many days Journey through the Mountains , before they began 
 repent of the Way they had taken, by reafon of the many Difficulties . 
 jftained therein. The firft that lead the Way, being not_ able to pais by rea- 
 on of the Depths of Snow , were forced to throw it alide with their Hands 
 nd Arms, which was the caufe that they made fliort Days Journies. At length 
 heir Provifions began to fail, by reafon that they were in the Way three times 
 
 Y y y longer 
 
 \i 
 
 
oo Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 longer than they expedted-, but their greateft inconvenience was the Extremity of 
 Cold •, for, according to the Defcription of Cofmographers , the Top of that 
 fnowy Mountain reaches as high as the middle Region of the Air •, the which 
 being extremely cold, and the ground covered with Snow, and the Sealbn of the 
 Year being about the time of our Midfummer, when the Days are at the fhorteft 
 it froze fo exceffively, that Spaniards, Negroes, and Indians, and many Horfes were 
 frozen to Death. The poor Indians fuftered mod, being ill provided with warm 
 Garments, fo that ten thoufand of the fifteen thoufand Indians dyed with 
 the Cold ; nor did the Spaniards efcape, who were better clothed , for of them 
 alfo one hundred and fifty dyed; and fo cruel and fevere was the Froft, that 
 their Fingers and Toes were fo benumbed , that they were infenfible of the 
 freezing thereof, untill they rotted off from their Hands and Feet. I was ac- 
 quainted with one of thefe perfons , called feronimo Cafii/la , born at Camora , of 
 as good a Family as any is in that City. Many of them loft their baggage, not 
 by violence of an Enemy , becaufe there was none in thofe parts to oppofe 
 them , but were forced to relinquifh and leave them , the Indians being dead 
 who carried their Burthens. 
 
 In fine , after a tedious Journey the Spaniards pafled the Mountain , harafled 
 and tired with their Travels and Labour, and being come to the other fide, 
 inftead of Enemies they fell into the Hands of the Indians, who were their 
 Friends, and who received them as kindly, and treated them as well as if they 
 had been their Countrey-Men , and of their own Bloud •■, for they being In- 
 habitants of CopayapH , and Subjects of the Inca , did, in refped to Paulk Inca, 
 and the High Prieff , Feaft and entertain the Spaniards with all the plenty and va- 
 riety of Curiofities which their Countrey could afford. And moft happy was 
 it for the Spaniards , for had the Indians proved Enemies, and not Friends, and 
 taken them unprovided, and at that advantage they might all have perifhed, and 
 not one efcaped. 
 
 During the time that the Viracochat refremed themfelves , after their late Suf- 
 ferings and Labours, which were greater than can be exprefled. Paullu Inca, and 
 his Kinfman VillacVnm, entertained Difconrfe with the Captains and Curacas 
 of the Empire , and gave them to underftand all that pafled in Peru, relating to 
 
 the Story of Huafcar Inca, and Atahualpa; and how the Spaniards put him tO 
 
 Death in Revenge of the Murther he had committed on his King , and all his 
 Family , that at prefent the Prince Manco Inca , the lawfull Heir , was in their 
 Hands and Cuftody, and treated by them with all imaginable Refpecl: and Ho- 
 nour, and with Promifes of being reftored unto his Empire , and to the Height 
 and Grandeur of Majefl y •-, in expectation of which, all Indians were obliged to 
 affift and ferve them , the better to engage them unto a performance of their 
 Promife to the Inca : And farther , they informed them, that thefe were Men 
 defcended from their Father the Sun, and for that Reafon they called them 
 Incai, and owned them for Kindred and Relations, with the Name of their 
 God Viracocha. And in regard their General was Brother and Aflociate with 
 him, that refided at Cozco , the Services and Kindnefles which were fhewed to 
 one, would be accepted by the other ; and that the greateft Prefents, and beft 
 Treatment, that could be given them, would be much Gold, and Silver, and 
 pretious Stones, for they loved thofe things very much ■-, and fince their Coun- 
 trey yielded nothing befides Gold, they would doe well to gather as much of 
 it, as they could, and prefent it to the Spaniards , who would not onely kindly 
 accept it , but the Prince Manco Inca would likewife efleem himfelf very well 
 ferved by thofe Gifts. 
 
 Upon this Information the Indians of Copayapu were infinitely rejoiced with 
 the Hopes to fee their Inca reftored to his Empire , fo that the fame day they 
 amafled together above the value of two hundred thoufand Ducats, in Veflels 
 of Gold, the which having been defigned for the accuftomary Prefents which 
 were due to their Incas, were referved untill that time -, for fo foon as News 
 came to Chili of the Wars between Huafcar and Atahualpa ■> the Incas , who 
 were the Captains , and ruled that Kingdom , defifted from their Services , and 
 from making Prefents to the Ma, untill fuch time as the Controverfie about the 
 Government was decided, 
 
 Paulk 
 
Book II. Royal Commeutaner. 52 
 
 Paullu having amafled the Gold, carried it to Almagro, and prefented it to him 
 in the Name of his Brother Manco Ima, and of all the Kingdom of Chili - 7 which 
 much rejoiced and encouraged Almagro , and hisSouldiers to fee, that a fmall 
 People, in fo (hort a time was able to provide fuch a quantity of Gold, which 
 was a clear evidence of the Riches of that Countrey. When Almagro few the 
 Gold, he fmiled, and heartily thanked Paullu, telling him, that fuch Gifts as 
 thefe were fo acceptable to him, as would oblige him for the future, as they 
 did at prefent , to make him fuch gratefull returns as would be much to his 
 advantage. 
 
 Paullu perceiving that thefe Prefents extorted kind Words and Promifes from 
 Almagro, all which he believed, endeavoured more and more to oblige him with 
 Prefents of that nature, and accordingly fent to the Villages , and inhabited Val- 
 lies, which were thereunto adjoining, to bring in all the Gold they had con- 
 ferved for the /wvw,.for that he had occalion thereof, to make Prefents unto 
 the Viracochas, who were Brothers to the I»ca. Uponjthe Orders the Indians, in 
 a few days, brought in three hundred thoufand Ducats of Gold over and above 
 the former quantity, and laid them before Almagro -, which when he faw, he 
 hugged himfelf with the thoughts of that rich Countrey, which was fain to his 
 Lot, the which efteeming now for his own, in gratitude to his happy Fortune, 
 he became munificent in a high degree, both to acquire Honour and Fame, of 
 which he was very ambitious , and to gain the Good-will and Affection of his 
 Souldiers and Companions ; which that he might procure, he, in prefence of 
 them all, took out the Obligations and Bonds whichevery one of them, both 
 before and on occafion of this Enterprife, had given him, which amounted un- 
 to above an hundred thoufand Ducats, the which he tore and cancelled one 
 after the other ; telling thofe who were bound to him in thofe Papers, That he 
 1 remitted, and made Prefents to them of their Debts , wiuhing that the Summs 
 had been greater , that he might have had occafion to have obliged them far- 
 ther-, and to thofe who were not indebted to him, he gave Money to de- 
 'fray their Charges, and make fuch Provifions as were then neceflary --, with which 
 [ Liberality all the Souldiers were greatly fatisfied and pleafed. 
 
 Lopez de Gomara, in the i4*d Chapter of his Book, fays/ That this aft of Li- 
 ' berality was a piece of Magnificence, rather of a Prince than of a Souldier, yet 
 ' when he dyed, there was not any who would cover him with a rag of Cloth 
 at the place where he was beheaded, &c 
 
 1 . 
 
 ; 
 
 Yyy 3 CHAP. 
 
tax Royal Commentaries. Book II 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 New Pretenfions obftruft the Conquefl of Chili. Almagrc 
 defigns to return unto Peru ; and the Reafons why. 
 
 ALmagro having repofeda while, and refrefhed himfelf, his Men, and hi 
 Horfes, after the Hardlhip fuftained in the late Conquefts, he then con 
 fulted of the Way and Method how to fubdue the other Vallies and Province 
 of the Kingdom of Chili, which were not fubjedt to the Dominion of the Inca - 
 for thofe that were, upon appearance of fW&, Brother of their King, needed nc " 
 other force to render them obedient •, wherefore Almagro communicated unt( 
 Paulltt his Intentions, who confidering that fuch Conquefts would be Enlargement 
 of his Brother's Empire, readily aflented, and in order to that Defign drew ou 
 from the Garrifons, and places of Defence, all the Force that were in them, anc : - 
 iflued out his Commands for making Provifions, end bringing them to thci Jn: 
 Camp-, which having done, he accompanied Almagro to the Conqueft of the Pro! fox 
 v'mces o( Purumauca , Antulli , Pincu, Cauaxi, and the Parts adjacent, as far as tqttn: 
 the Province of Aramu. In this Enterprife they had many Skirmimes witl 
 the Natives, who behaved themfelves valiantly , and likeSouldiers, being in i jkt 
 fignal manner dexterous in their Bows and Arrows, with which they would ftioo; " '■"■■ 
 with admirable aim-, but the particulars thereof we (hall not relate, nor yet th< : 
 Battels, onely in general, that they were very bloudy, and ftoutly fought, becauft t 
 we muft haften to our Hiftory of Peru. In fhort therefore, though the Enemie : : 
 made good refiftence, yet the Spaniards gained upon them with happy Succefs, b) b 
 the Amftence and Good- will of Paullu, and bis Indians. But tnefe happy and :• . 
 profperous proceedings were foon obftru&ed byDifcord, which always bloweci it: 
 the Flames of Feuds and DiiTention between thefe two famous Brothers, which 
 were never quenched, untill both of them were coniumed, as will appear in the : 
 fequel of this Hiftory. 
 
 Thus Almagro proceeding in a profperous courfe of Victory, though at the ex 
 pence ofspanijb and Indian Bloudy at the end of five Months, from the time thai 
 he entred Chili, Recruits of an hundred Men were brought to him, under tJ 
 Command and Conduct of RuU Bias, and John de Herrada, who (as we have laid 
 were appointed to remain in Cozco, to make Levies of Men, and fend him Suc- 
 cours. Their paflage was over the fame Mountains, and by the fame way that Al- 
 magro had traverfed before -, and though it happened at a better feafon of thi 
 Year, that is, in the month of November, which is Summer in that Climate, when 
 the Snows were not fo deep, nor the Colds fo intenfe, yet many Indians, an' 
 fome Spaniards were frozen to Death ; and thofe that efcaped had perifhed wii 
 Hunger, had they not been fuftained by the Flefh of thofe Horfes which were 
 found dead in the way, where having been frozen ever fince the time that Alma- 
 gro palled that way, the flelh thereof was as freLh and good, after five Months, as 
 if they had been killed that very day. 
 
 The Difficulties of this Journey being overcome, (which were greater than 
 we are able to exprefs , ) they were received by their General with all imaginable 
 Joy and Contentment; and better was their wellcome, when it was known that 
 Herrada brought with him His Majefty's CommiiTion, which inverted Almagro in 
 the Government and Jurifdiction of an hundred Leagues of Land, exempt and 
 diftind from the Territories of Marquifs Picarro. This CommiiTion was brought 
 by Hernando. Pi carro, when he laft returned' from Spain unto Peru, the which he 
 fent from los Reyes to Herrada by the Poft, knowing that he was then upon his 
 departure for Chili. This particular is related by Gemara in the 1 3 5 th Chapter of 
 his Book, the which Words we have extracted verbatim in this manner. 
 
 Almagro 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. *2 2 
 
 " Almagro being employed in his Wars in Chili, John de Herrada came to him 
 " with a Commiflion for his Government , which was brought from Spain by 
 " Hernando Pi^rro, which, though it coft him his Life, yet he more rejoiced and 
 " triumphed than with all the Gold and Silver he had gained, for he was more 
 " ambitious of Honour than covetous of Riches. Hereupon he entred into con- 
 " fultation of the courfe he was to fteer, whether to remain in Chili, or return to 
 " Cozco -, after fome debate thereupon, the latter was refolved, namely, to return 
 " unto Cozco, to take poffeflion thereof, fince the Government of that place fell 
 " to his Fortune. It had been better for him if he had followed die Advice and 
 tf Requeft of thofe who perfuaded him to remain in Chili, or in the Chan as, 
 a which is a very rich ana fruitfull Countrey, and from thence to have fent and 
 " known the Will and Pleafure ofFrancifco Pkarro, and his Afliftants at Cozco, be- 
 " fore he attempted a matter, which proved a breach of their Aflbciation. The 
 " Perfons who perfuaded him to return, were chiefly Gomez, and Diego de Alvarado, • 
 " and Rodrigo Orgonnos, his familiar and intimate Friend. In fine, Almagro refolved to 
 " return to Cozco, and affiime the Government thereof by force, in cafe the PJ- 
 " carros fhould not eafily render and reiign the fame. Thus far are the Words of 
 Gomara. 
 
 The Motives which incited Almagro and his Captains to return unto Peru, were 
 not the bare Command and Jurifdidion over a hundred Leagues of Land , for 
 they poffefled that, and much more, already in Chili, where the People received 
 and treated them with exceffes of Kindnefs and Service, and where their Domi- 
 nions increafed , and were daily enlarged with new Conquefts over Countries 
 that abounded with Gold, and other Riches-, but the ambition of being Prince 
 over the Imperial City of Cozco, over-balanced all other considerations ■■, and was 
 that Bone of Diffention thrown in by the Devil between thofe two Governours, 
 from whence arofe the Civil Wars which interrupted the propagation of the Gof- 
 pel, and occafioned the Death of many Chriftians, and was the Caufe that an innu- 
 i merable company of others dyed without the Sacrament of Baptifm ■-, but the paf 
 : fion which Ahmgro and his Companions had for the Imperial City, transported 
 * them with a defire to return into Peru, not by the way they came, for the Diffi- 
 culty thereof, and their Sufferings were ftill frelh in their memory , but taking 
 their paffage over a Sandy Defart, in which they endured extremity of Heat, 
 with want of Water , the Sufferings were as great as when they fuftained the 
 i contraries of Snow, Froft, and craggy Mountains; as we fliall hereafter more par- 
 ticularly relate •, and in the mean time we cannot but take notice of the different 
 manner that thefe Hiftorians, Carate and Gomara relate this Expedition of Almagro 
 j into Chili, for they fay that he returned by the fame way, and that he made feve- 
 
 ral Lether Bottels, or Jacks, to. carry Water, which was much wanting in thofe 
 . dry Defarts, in which there is a plain miftake ; for where there is abundance of 
 i Snow, there can be no want of Water : But thefe Authours confound the going 
 
 with the return of Almagro, which were two different ways , fubjeft to contrary 
 • inconveniencies. And farther they fay, that the Gold which Paulfo prefented to 
 : Almagro in Chili, was forced from the Indians of Charcot by Saavedra, as they were 
 ; carrying it for a Prefent to their King ; for that ever fince the beginning of the 
 : War between the two Brothers, Huafcar and Atahnalpa, they had conferved their 
 
 Gold , and had flopped all intercourfe and correfpondences by that way. Upon 
 ; all which matter, that ancient Conquerour, ( of whom we have made mention in 
 
 the former part ) taking notice in his Marginal Notes on the Hiftory of Gomara of 
 
 the confufed Relation of thefe paffages 5 in a kind of anger makes the Exceptions 
 
 following to the Chapter 13s". 
 
 ' In the Relation which this Authour gives of Cozco and Chile, there are many 
 
 '' things that might be added, and many things omitted •-, for in writing his Hi- 
 
 " ftory, he feems to have taken his information from fuch as were as ignorant of 
 
 matters as himfelf-, the which appears in this particular paffage-, the truth of 
 
 which is this .* Almagro, as is evident, did not return from Chile, by the way that 
 
 ' he went thither, which was by a paffage over that Mountain , on which they 
 
 * endured extremity of hunger and cold , and by that entrance into Copayatm, 
 whicli is the firft Valley of Chile on that fide, where fell fo much Snow, that 
 many Indians, Spaniards and Horfes were frozen to death 5 and many of thofe 
 
 " who efcaped, loft their Toes and Fingers, benumbed by the Froft, but by ano- 
 
 * ther way, as we fliall hereafter declare. Five Months after which, Rvydias, and 
 
 * fob* 
 
c^a Royal Commentaries. Book II 
 
 " John de Herrada, who were left in Pern for Agents to Almagro, palled that way 
 " with their people, and in like manner endured much extremity both by hunge: 
 lt and cold •, for the paflage is long, and of at lead: five or fix days continuance, 
 " with hard travel-, during which time they wanted Provifions very much, be- 
 " caufe the Indians, which carried them, were frozen to death : And yet they 
 " palled at a better feafon than did Almagro, the Snows not being fo deep, nor 
 " the cold fo intenfe -, howfoever they luifered much, and many died : Their 
 " chief relief and remedy againft Hunger they received from the Flefli of thofe 
 " Horfes , which being frozen , were conferved from corruption. But Almagro 
 " ( as is faid ) returned not by this way of the Mountain by which he came, but 
 a by the Plains , which run along by the Sea-coaft , where the Countrey is de- 
 " fart, and uninhabited from Atacama, which is the moft remote people of Peru, 
 " untill you come to Copayapu, which is eighty Leagues diftant from thence, and 
 " in the way there are certain Pools of ftagnated, or ftanding Waters, which do 
 " not run : For which reafon, and becaufe they are not drawn, they ftink, and 
 " are corrupted , and are about fix or feven Leagues diftant one from the other 5 
 " wherefore for better Accommodation of the whole Army, Almagro ordered, 
 " that the Horfe fhould lead the Van, and be the firft to pafs the Defart in fmall 
 " Parties of five and fix in a Company 3 fq that the Wells being drawn by the 
 " firft, the Waters became fweet and whollbme for the ufe of thofe that follow- 
 
 ' ed , and were again filled with a new fupply of Water fufficient for a {mall 
 " Company, by which means the whole Army palled without much inconveni- 
 " ence -, but Almagro himfelf, to avoid the Defart embarked on. a fmall Vefiel, 
 " which was brought for him by Ncguerol deVlloa, one of his Captains, who was 
 " Son of the Alcayde, or chief Conftable of Simamas, whom the Bifhop of Camora 
 " put to death. Geronimo de Alderete, who many years after was Governour of 
 " Chile, observing when he was at Copayapn, that the paflage over the Mountains 
 tc was clear of Snow, refolved to pafs that way ; and having many others in his 
 " company, they made fearch for the Remains and Relicks of that great Morta- 
 " lity which happened to thole who palled with Almagro -, and there they found a 
 " Negro ftanding againft a Rock on his feet bolt upright, as alfo a Horfe on his 
 
 ' feet, as if it had been a Figure fet up of Straw, and the Negro holding the Reins 
 " in his hands, which were rotten, the skin and flelh being fallen from the bones ; 
 C! and this was .five or fix years after that Valdhia had been Governour there, 
 " whom Alderete fucceeded. And thus far are the Words of that ancient Con- 
 querour, who made Marginal Notes on the Hiftory of Gomara, and farther ex- 
 prelles himfelf in the following Chapter. 
 
 hi 
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 la 
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 Kb 
 
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 C H A 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 517 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Almagro leaves Chili , and returns to Cozco. Prince 
 Manco Inca demands a fecond time to be reflored to 
 bis Empire 5 and what Afifwer was made thereunto. 
 Hernando Pisarro travels into Peru ; and the Inca is 
 
 imprisoned. 
 
 ALmagro refolving to return unto Peru, ( which in the end proved fatal to him) 
 acquainted Paullu Inca with his intention, becaufe he had found him faith- 
 full and ufefull to him, asking his opinion, by which way it might be moft con- 
 venient to return, that he might avoid the like danger as before , for having consi- 
 dered the late difafture, for want of credence or belief to the words of the Inca. , 
 and that he and all his company had certainly perifhed therein, had not God, who 
 defigned to make them Preachers of the Gofpel, and inftruments to propagate the 
 Catholick Faith, refcued them by his infinite mercy from fuch deftruction , he 
 therefore confulted Paullu and his Indians , who for anfwer gave him a defcription 
 ; of the way by the Sea-coaft, and told him, that fince the Wars between Huafcar, 
 and his Brother Atabualpa , that way was rendred impaffable for want of Water , 
 for that the Wells and Fountains of which Travellers were ufed to drink, were 
 filled up and covered with Sand , and for want of drawing were become dry, or 
 yielded little Water, which alio was corrupted and ftinking. Howfoever, he 
 would fend fome Indians before, who fhould open and cleanfe the Wells, and 
 drain the filthy Water thence , fo that fweet and wholfome Water might fpring 
 in the place thereof-, and that according to the Advices he fhould receive from 
 thefe Indians, concerning the quantity of Water which thefe Pools yielded, he 
 might proportion the number of his feveral Squadrons •, for that Wells, the more 
 they are drained, the more and the better Water they yield , and that he needed 
 not fear to divide his people, for that there was no Enemy in all that Countrey to 
 oppofe them. And in regard tliat thefe Pools, or Wells, are fome fix, fome fe- 
 ven Leagues diflant one from the other 5 he would caufe Leather Bottles to be 
 made for carrying Water to fupply their neceflities by the way 5 in which manner 
 the Incas his Anceftours did ufe to travel over thofe defarts. This difcourfe and 
 propofal of Paullu inca, Almagro and his Captains judgedvery rational, and there- 
 fore they defired him to order matters in the fame courfe and method herein for 
 the common good and benefit of all , as was agreeable to the cuftome of the 
 Incas his Forefathers, from whom he was defcended. Paullu being very proud of 
 the Commands of the Governour and his Spaniards, and that they were pleafed 
 to repofe fuch a confidence in him, in a matter where their lives and fafeties were 
 concerned, he inftantly fet to work, and with all diligence difpatched away 
 his Indians to open and cleanfe the Wells and Springs , with Orders to return him 
 Advices according as they fucceeded therein. And farther, he gave order to flea 
 fome Sheep, that with their Skins they might make Veffels for carrying Water, 
 and that Provifions of food mould be made fufficient to fupply their neceflities 
 during their Journey, and travel over thofe eighty Leagues of defart Countrey. 
 Whilft thefe matters were preparing, the Indians which were lent before to open 
 and cleanfe the Wells and Springs , fent Advices of their proceedings , and that 
 the Spaniards might, when they were pleafed, begin their Journey. 
 
 But Almagro did not think fit fo abfolutely to confide in a matter of fuch im- 
 portance, wherein the life and fafety of his whole Army did confiff, unto the bare 
 report of the Indians ; but for more fecurity, and better caution, he difpatched 
 four Horfe-men before with Orders to advife him from the end of every days 
 
 lournev 
 
 
<^6 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 Journey of the Waters , and of the way, not trufting to Advices by word of 
 mouth, but to avoid miftakes to fend all by writing. Upon the certainty of 
 thefe Informations the Spaniards adventured to begin their Journey in greater and 
 lefler Parties, untill they were all departed out of Chili. In this manner they tra- 
 velled untill they came to Tackma, where Almagro received intelligence, that N6- 
 gmrol de Vl/oa was not far diftant, who was that perfon whom the Marquis of Pi- 
 carro had employed in a Ship to make difcovery of the Ports which were on that 
 Coaft, and to proceed as far as Chili, that he might from thence bring him intelli- 
 gence of the proceedings and fuccefles of Almagro, and accordingly fend him re- 
 cruits and provifions as his occafions required. Almagro (as we have faid ) hearing 
 that Nognerol de Vlha was near, wrote him a Letter, defiring to fee him, that he 
 might inform himfelf of all the Tranfadions in Peru fince his departure. In an- 
 fwer u hereunto, Noguerol gave Almagro a meeting, at which they had opportunity 
 of difcourle together at large 5 but that they might have more time mutually to 
 relate the fuccefles of both Kingdoms, and not retard the March of the Army; 
 and that he might alio oblige Noguerol, who was very much his friend; he told 
 him, that he would go aboard his Ship, where he would be his Souldier and Sea- 
 man for three or four Days •, and in the mean tiir.e his Army might proceed in 
 their March to that place, where he defigned to crofs upon them by Sea, and again 
 joyn with them. With this intention Almagro embarked on the Ship to the great 
 contentment of Noguerol, and having a good paflage by Sea, he fpeedily over- 
 took his Army, where we (hall leave him for a while, untill we have given an 
 account of the general infurredion of the Indians, who, after the departure of Al- 
 magro out of Chili, revolted from the fubjedion of the Spaniards. 
 
 In order unto which, we muft call to mind , that fo foon as Almagro was de- 
 parted from Cozco on his way to Chili, and the other Captains on their refpedive 
 Enterprises ; that Prince Manco Inca finding the Governour Picarro at leifure and 
 eafe, moved him a fecond time to comply with thofe Capitulations which were 
 agreed between the Indians and the Spaniards, and which he himfelf had promifed 
 to fee executed and performed , that is, to fee him reftored unto the pofleflion 
 and enjoyment of his Empire •-, the which he now more earneftly urged, that (0 
 his people might live in peace and quietnefs, and be encouraged by fuch obliga- 
 tions to affift and ferve the Spaniards. The Governour and his Brothers were 
 much out of countenance at this motion, not knowing what fubftantial reply to 
 make to this demand , nor how to entertain the Inca longer with vain hopes and 
 expectations : Howfoever, not to make him defperate, they told him, that 
 though they were not unmindfull of the Capitulations, to a performance of 
 which they had obliged themfelves ; yet feveral accidents having lately happened, 
 which had difappointed as yet the performance of the agreement, they could not 
 put the fame in execution, untill they had received an anfwer from the Emperour 
 their Lord and Matter 5 to whom having given intelligence of thefe Capitulati- 
 ons, and that one point of them was his Reftauration to the Empire, they could 
 not in good manners, and in duty, but attend his Majefly's pleafure therein, which 
 they did not doubt but would fpeedily be brought by Hernando Picarro, and prove 
 to the fatisfadion of the Inca, in regard that a Prince fo juft and religious as their 
 Emperour, could not doe lefs than confirm and ratifie that agreement ; and there- 
 fore defired him to have patience untill the Arrival of Hernando, who would clear 
 and remove all the obftrudions which at prefent retarded the execution of this 
 agreement. In the mean time intelligence coming of the Arrival of Hernando Pi- 
 carro at Tampiz,,^ and the Marquis finding hereby a good excufe to leave Cotxo, as 
 he had long defired, that he might avoid the importunity of the Inca, and viflt his 
 new Plantation of los Reyes, which he had lately begun , and defired to fee flni- 
 lhed 5 lie told him, that to expedite the Commands of his Imperial Majefty in 
 order to his Reftauration, it was neceflary for him to meet and receive his Bro- 
 ther Hernando Picarro ■-, and therefore he defired his leave for a fhort. time to make 
 that Journey, afturing him, that his ftay fhould not be long, before he returned a- 
 gain to perform and comply with the Capitulations agreed •, and in the mean 
 time, that his Highnefs would be pleafed to retire into his Fortrefs for his own 
 better quiet, and fiitisfadion, and fecurity of the Spaniards , and to remain in that 
 place untill his 'return, where his Brothers and Companions would attend and 
 ferve him according to their duty and obligation. 
 
 In 
 
 

 Book II. Royal Commentaries. *jj 
 
 In this manner the Marquis and the others, thought fit to amufe the mind df 
 the Inc* Mmvo, and flitter his humour with gentle hopes , left being a Perion of 
 a great Spirit and courage, though he had long diflembled the abufes and affronts, 
 which by vain delufions had been impofed upon him, he mould at length grow 
 impatient of longer delays , and plot and attempt fomething towards his Reftau- 
 ration, and to the execution of the agreement eftablifbed. Though the Inca did 
 not like this manner of proceedings, not efteem them for good figns or fymptoms 
 of real intentions towards his Reftauration , yet not to anger the Marquis, or pro- 
 voke him to fome worfe injuries and wrongs, he with prudence diflembled the 
 whole matter, confenting to whatfoever the Marquis required of him ; and fo put- 
 ting a good countenance on it, he chearfully went to the tortrefs -, and to (hew his 
 humility and plain dealing, he walked a-foot up the Hill unto the Caftle : So foon 
 as the Spaniards faw him there, they made him a Prifoner, as Gomara alledges in 
 Chapter 1 34, according to thefe words following : 
 
 " Mango, the Son of Gn.ij,tM Capac, to whom Francifio Pkarro gave the coloured 
 * Wreath at Vilcat, (hewing himfelf to Be a Man of Valour, and of a Spirit to 
 " refent affronts, was clapt into Irons, and imprifoned in the Caftle of Cozco. 
 
 Thus far Gomara. 
 
 So fbon as the Indians perceived that their Inca was in Prifon, and that their 
 hopes were vain, and all the promifes vanifhed, they made fad complaints and la- 
 mentations •, but Prince Mamo Inca comforted them, faying, that he was refolved 
 to obey the Spaniards in every thing with a ready, and with a willing mind, and 
 exhorted them to doe the like, in regard that fuch was the Command of Hxayax 
 Capac y Specified in his laft Will and Teftament •, and therefore that they Should 
 not be inftant, or precipitate matters, untitt they had Seen the ultimate iflue of this 
 resolution j, hoping that the Spaniards had put him under this reftraint, that their 
 munificence and generofity might be more evident to the World, when at the 
 fame time they (hould reftore him to his liberty, and to his Empire ;: and in the 
 mean timei that they fhould entertain no thoughts of the VWacochas, bur fuch as 
 were juuVand good, considering that they were a people defcended from Heaven. 
 Thus the Marquis fairly took his leave of the Inca, but privately enjoyned his Bro- 
 thers, foU and Gmcalo Pi$arto, and the Guards to take care of his Perfoa, and Secure 
 him : And;fo he proceeded on his Journey to the City of los Reyes, where he re- 
 ceived his Brother Hernando, who brought him his new Commiffion, Honours and 
 
 ' Titles, and welcomed him with Magnificence and Triumph ; which Gomara in 
 
 ! ix 1 3 3d Chapter relates in thefe words : 
 
 ' - 
 
 a Soon after that ^/«gwwas departed from Chili, Fernanda Pkarro arrived at 
 
 Lima, a City of los /t«j*ij bringing to Francifco Pkarro the Title of Marquis de los 
 
 { AtaviUoty ana to D. Diego de Almagro CommiSfidn for the Government of the 
 
 * New Kingdom of Toledo^ which was bounded by the Territories of the New 
 
 * GaftiU, then under the^Command and Jurisdiction of Pkarro, and did extend a 
 
 * hundred Leagues South-Eaft from thence. Moreover, HetnarM required from 
 " the Conquerours, in behalf of the Emperour, the whote fum received for rart- 
 ' fome o&Atabaliba, for that the ranfome of one King is the fole right of another : 
 " To which demand anfwer was made, that the Emperoor had already received 
 " his Fifth, which was as much as his Right came to, and that nothing more was 
 :c due to him. And herein they grew fo warm, that matters proceeded almoft 
 u to a Mutiny, faying, that in the Court of Spain their Services were defpifed and 
 u vilified, and that they were efteemed rather for Slaves, than for Souldiers and 
 lc Adventurers , who deferved the Countrey and Riches^ they had Atchieved'by 
 a their Industry and Valour : But to appeafe them, Fyaneifi Pkarro told them , 
 - that what they hadgainedrby their Bravery and Virtue* -they deferved to enjoys 
 " and that they merited the'farne FranchiS^'and Digits as thote who affifted 
 "the KingZ^» PeUyo, and his Succeflburs, to recover Spam out of the- hands of 
 
 the Moors ; and therefore he told his Brother, that he was to feek and contrive 
 
 * fome other expedient to fatisfie the promife he had made to the Emperour 5 
 ' for that none of them would willingly refund, nor would' he force any perfon 
 
 ■| to relinquish his right. Then Hfnw^jden&anded fo much pet cent t out -of the 
 ,- Gold which was melted "down. ,, by which he incurred $he great diSpleafure and 
 
 Z z z hatred 
 
«8 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 " hatred of the people-, but that not being granted, he' went to Cozco, and en- 
 " deavoured to gain the good will of Mango Inca, that by his favour he might 
 u procure a considerable quantity of Gold for theEmperour, whofe Coffers were 
 " greatly exhaufted by the expence of his Coronation, and by his Wars againft 
 " the Turk before Vienna, and by his Expedition againft Tunis. Thus far are the 
 Words of Gomara , with which he concludes that Chapter. But we fay that the 
 Marquis fent his Brother to Cozco, with Commiflion to be Governour there in 
 his ftead , and with Inftruftions to be carefull to fecure the Inca, whilft he him- 
 felf remained at los Reyes to people and increafe that Plantation. 
 
 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 The Means which Prince Manco Inca pratlifed in order 
 to his Reftauration unto)he Empire. 
 
 THE Prince Manco Inca being now a Prifbner in that Fortrefs which his 
 Anceftours had built, (for oftentation of their Glory, and as a Trophy of 
 their Greatnefs, little imagining that it fhould ever become a Prifon for any of 
 thofe defcended from them) did by his prudence arid patience of bind endea- 
 vour to fweeten the bittefnefs of his Prifon, by careffing and treating the Spani- 
 ards, both Commanders arid Inferiours, with gifts arid prefents not onely of Fruit, 
 Birds, Flefh, and other Provisions ; but likewife with Gold arid Silver, Eme- 
 ralds and Torquoifes : And moreover,. his communication with them was fo affa- 
 ble and obliging, and with figns of lb little regret and difcontent for his Imprifon- 
 ment, that the Officers being well aflured that he would not endeavour an efcape, 
 gave him the liberty to walk freely within the Precintts of the Fortrefs, During 
 which tim? the Inca received intelligence, that Hernando Picarro was upon his 
 Journey to Cozco to be Commander in Chief in that City $' upon which advice 
 he made more urgent inftances, that he might have the liberty to live in one of 
 his Houfes within the City •, the which he eafily obtained , for he was fo much 
 in favour with the Spaniards, that they refuted him tfOthing of what he defired : 
 And this requeft the Inca more earneftly prefledat that time, ^iit Hernando at 
 his coming might not find him a, Prifbner, and under v that notion fufpeft him > 
 and caufe him to pay his ranfome, and not give him credit or belief in any thing 
 that he fhould promife. In which particular we fhaU qupte the teftimony of Go- 
 mara and Carate, who relate the matter almbft in the fatae words. Carate in the 
 third Chapter, of his third Book, faith as follows \ '• '-<" 
 
 " Hernando Picarro being arrived 'ctt'Cozxo, made great Courtfhip to the Inca 5 
 "• and though he treated him very kindly, yet he always had an eye upon him : 
 " We may believe that this extraordinary kindnefs was to introduce afnd ufher in 
 " the Requeft he had to make him' for Some Gold, both for the Erriperour and 
 - himfelf. Two Months after that Hernando arrived at Cozco, the Inca defired 
 " leave of him, that He might go' into the Countrey ofjucaya, where a certain 
 ' FefUval "was celebrated •, whence he promifed to bring him a Statue of Maffy 
 " Gold, which was made in representation of his Father Guaynacava ; and be- 
 " ing on his Journey thtther, he then completed that which he had meditated, 
 " ever fince the departure of Almairo from Chili. Thus far are the Words 
 di Carate. 
 
 It is certain that the Inca did ask and obtain leave to go unto Tucaja, which,as 
 we have formerly mentioned, was the Garden of thofe Kings, and about a League 
 from thence, near the River fide, was the place of theft- Sepulchres, called Tampa, 
 
 '-' N where 
 
Book II. Koyal Commentaries. 500 
 
 where their Bowels were buried, when taken out, in order to embalm their Bo- 
 dies ; and it is probable, that the Statue of Gold which was to reprefent his Fa- 
 ther, might be placed there. The Inca being at Tucaja on pretence of celebrating 
 this Feaft, he fummoned together fome old Captains, which remained of thofe 
 belonging to his Father, and others of principal note ; and at a full Aflembly com- 
 plained of the treachery and perfidioufnefs of the Spaniards, for not complying 
 with the Articles and Capitulations which they had agreed and contracted with 
 his Brother Tittt Atauchi, likewife of his Imprifonment under Irons, and of the 
 abfence of the Captain- General, who had twice when he was upon his departure, 
 promifed to reftore him to his Empire, and had failed, entertaining him onely 
 with vain hopes and delufions. Moreover, he affirmed, that though he was from 
 the beginning fenfible of the falfe and perfidious intentions of the Spaniards, yet 
 he was willing to temporize and diflemble with them , that fo he might juftifie 
 himfelf before God and his people, that he had been in no manner acceflbry to 
 the breach of that peace which had been agreed between the" Incas and the Spani- 
 ard* ; that he well obferved how the Spaniards divided the Lands of the Coun- 
 trey amongft themfelves both in Cozco, Rimac and Tumpiz. ; whereby it plainly ap- 
 peared, that they had no intention to reftore unto him the Empire , and that if 
 lie had diflembled compliance and contentment in all things towards the Spaniards, 
 it was, with delign to fecure his own Perfon , which without any occafion, or of- 
 fence, they had imprifoned, and caft into Irons. Wherefore as loyal Subjects and 
 faith full Vaflals, he conjured them to give counfel to him their Prince in an enter- 
 prile of fuch grand importance •, for that his defign was to vindicate his Right to 
 the Empire by force of Arms, hoping that neither the Pachacamac, nor his Father 
 the Sun, would defert him in defence of his righteous caufe : For anfwer where- 
 unto, the Captains and CuracM made choice of one of the moft Ancient amongft 
 them to be Speaker, and deliver the common Sentiments of them all there- 
 upon ; who having firfb made his due Obeifance unto the Inca, difcourfed in 
 this manner : 
 
 ?: It never was, Sir, the Advice of your Council, nor efteemed by them either 
 ] fecure or decent, that your Majefty mould commit your Perfon into the hands 
 l ! of Strangers, or truft unto them for reftitution of your Empire : Howfoever, 
 :< they were willing to comply, and concur with your Majefty's humour, which 
 " they found inclining to the maintenance of that peace and concord which was 
 :< concerted with them by your Brother Tttu Atauchi ; from. which we can now 
 [ expect little benefit, if we take our meafures from the Treatment of your Bro- 
 '' ther Atahualpa , who having contracted for, and paid his ranfome, was after- 
 " wards put to' death. And we muft attribute it to the Mercy and Provi- 
 ' dence of the Pachacamac, that they treated not your own Royal Perfon, when 
 [ in their power , and under cuftody , in the fame manner as they had done 
 f your Brother. As to your Reftauration to the Empire, there is little to 
 ' be. expected from a Nation fo entirely given over to Avarice ; for it is not to 
 [ be imagined that thofe who are greedy of the fruit, mould reftore the tree unto 
 I* the true Proprietor ; but it is more probable'they fliould deftroy, and put him 
 and his out of the way, left they fhould afpire to that Empire, which they re- 
 folve to enjoy. Wherefore fince the Spaniards themfelves have given juft caufe 
 to fufpect, and doubt the performance of their promifes, your Majefty ought 
 immediately, without delay, to raife as many Souldiers as is poflible, and make 
 fuch other provilions as are neceftary for War, wherein no time is to be loft 5 
 for that they being now divided into feveral parties, may be more eafily Mafla- 
 cred, and cut to pieces, than when united in one body : In management of 
 which defign, we muft agree to attack them all at the fame time in feveral 
 places, fo that they may not be able to aftift or fuccour each other. We muft 
 alfo fecure the ways, an<J ftop and hinder all intercourfe and correfpondence 
 between them : And in regard your Souldiers are fo numerous, that their 
 Multitudes may eafily overwhelm fuch a handfull as are the Spaniards, and 
 are able to throw the very Mountains upon them, if your Majefty fo com- 
 mands 5 nay if they refufe to grant them Succours onely, and Provifions, they 
 muft neceflarily perilh with famine, being as it were befieged by your Sub- 
 jects, who encompafs them on all fides : But this refolution is to be fpeedily 
 executed, for the fuccefs of the whole defign depends thereupon-, of which 
 we need not doubt, if we confider the juftice of our caufe. 
 
 ZlZ z Which 
 
 
^o Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 Which having faid , the Captain ended his Difcourfe , whereupon a general 
 Infurre&ion was concluded and refolved. In purfuance whereof, Meflengers 
 were difpatched with great fecrecy to the Captains and Officers in all parts of 
 the Kingdom , enjoyning them to raife what Souldiers they were able, and upon 
 one and the fame day to furprize and maflkre all their New-come Guefts, and 
 to furnifh and fupply the publick Granaries, or Magazines, with all the Provifi- 
 ons they could amafs and gather. And in regard thofe Repositories were much 
 emptied by the late Wars of Atahualpa, they ought to be again furnifhed and 
 fupplied from private Stores •, for which fatisfaclion and reparation was promifed 
 to be made to every particular perfon, after thefe Enemies and Tyrants were de- 
 ftroyed and confounded. That in the performance of this Exploit , the life, 
 fafety and liberty of them all did confift from the leaft to the greateft of them, 
 even to the very Inca. Upon which Command of Prince Manco lnca, all the 
 Souldiers which inhabit the Countrey from the City of los Reyes to the Chicha*, 
 which is three hundred Leagues and more in length, made a general Infurretfion, 
 and put themfelves into a pofture of War s But on the other fide of the King- 
 dom, which is from los Reyes to Sjtittt, all was quiet, for that the people were 
 deftroyed by the Wars of Atahnalpa, and by the flaughter the Spaniards had made 
 of them on occafion of the Imprisonment and Death of that King. In like man- 
 ner Advices were fent by difguifed Meflengers to the Kingdom of Chili, who 
 were publickly to pretend, that they were fent to enquire of the Health ofPaulfa, 
 and the High Prieft VULc Vmu, but were fecretly to inform them of the truth and 
 depth of the defign , whofe part therein was to fall upon Almagro and his people, 
 and utterly to deftroy them •, without which there was no hopes for the Inca of 
 Reftauration to his Empire. The people being in Arms, the lnca gave unto the 
 people their refpedive tasks and parts of the work ', thofe who were the In-land 
 Inhabitants, as far as from Atahuayiu, and thofe along the Coaft from Nanafiaj 
 which were on the fide of Chinchafuyu, were to attempt Rimac, and kill the Go- 
 vernour and his Company. The people of Cuntifuytt, and Collafuyn, and Antifnyu, 
 were to undertake Cozco,, and there to kill Hernando Picarro, and his Brothers, and 
 all the Spaniards with them, which were not above two hundred in all 5 and 
 Captains were named with inferiour Officers both for one and the other Army. 
 The fuccefs of which, as to what relates to the City, we fhaU declare in the 
 Chapter following, wherein the Mercifull hand of God did manifeftly appear in 
 favour of the Spaniards, that the Gofpel might be propagated amongft the Gen- 
 tiles, and their Idolatry confounded. 
 
 CHAP 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 541 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 The Infurreclion of Prince Manco Inca ; and of the Two 
 Miracles which were wrought in favour of the Chri- 
 ftians. 
 
 TH E Plot being thus laid, the Inca gave Command that the Souldiers now 
 leavied, and in a pofture of War mould march towards Cauo, and to the 
 Gty of los Rnes, to kill, flay and deflroy the Spaniards therein ; and alfo as many 
 of them as they found fcattered and difperfed over the Kingdoms for by the 
 great kindnefs and peaceable difpofition which the Indians had fhewn to them 
 hitherto, the Spaniards became fecure, and without fear or jealoufie of any Mif- 
 chief, employed themfelves in digging Gold out of the Mines, with as much, con- 
 fidence as if they had been in their own Countrey. The War having taken its 
 beginning from the flaughter of many Spaniards, that were labouring in divers 
 
 § laces, they marched to Cozco, with all the privacy they were able, and came thi- 
 ier on the day appointed •-, and that very night following they fuddenly fell on 
 the Spaniards with loud Noife and Shouts, being two hundred thoufand in num- 
 ber, many of which were armed with Bows and Arrows, which they (hot with 
 Fire-balls into all the Houfes of the City, not fparing the very Palaces of their 
 Kings* nor any other, excepting onely the Temple of the Sun* and the Chambers 
 belonging to it, and alfo the Convent of the Select Virgins, and the Shops of. 
 the four Streets, where this Houfe was fituate? and though thefe Houfes were de- 
 fpoiled of their Riches, and without Inhabitants, yet their Reverence and Devo- 
 tion towards thofe facred places, caufed them to abftain from all fort of Sacri- 
 lege or violence thereunto. They alfo thought fit to conferve from Fire the 
 three great Halls in the Market-place, where they ufually celebrated their Fefti- 
 vals in rainy Weather, intending to maintain them for the like ufe again, after 
 they had freed themfelves from the Tyranny of the Spaniards. One of thefe Halls 
 was fituate in the higheft part of the City, adjoining to the Houfes of the firfl In- 
 ca, MancoCapav, as we have defcribed in the Model of the City: The other Hall 
 appertained to the Houfes of Inca Pachacutec, called Caff-ana: The third Hall 
 was belonging to the Edifice of Huayna Capac, which they called Amarncancha t 
 where now the Jefuites have their College. And moreover they preferved a 
 handfome round C»poh, which was built on the Front of thefe Houfes •, all the 
 other Buildings were burnt* and not fo much as one left ftanding. To burn the 
 Houfe of the Inca Viracocha, where the Spaniards were quartered, the ftouteft and 
 moft valiant Indians were chofen, who ftormed it with great Fury, and (hooting 
 their Arrows at far diftance, fet it on fire, and entirely confumed it. The great 
 Hall thereof, which is now the Cathedral, and then a Chapel, where the Chri- 
 ftians (aid Mafs, was by the Providence of God defended from the Fire^ and 
 though innumerable Arrows* carrying Fire, were fhot into it, and began to burn 
 it, in feveral parts, yet in a miraculous manner it quenched of it felf, as if Water 
 in flouds had been thrown upon it : And this was one of the Miracles which 
 God wrought for us, to make* way for the Propagation of the Gofpel, in that 
 City , where certainly is now fettled the moft devout and religious fociety of 
 Men that is in all the New World, both for Spaniards ahd Indians. 
 
 .Hernando Picarro, and his two Brothers, with their Souldiers, which in all did 
 not make above two hundred, which was an inconsiderable number againft fo 
 mighty a Force, kept clofe in a Body •, and like good Souldiers were always upon 
 the Guard , placing their Centinels at every Avenue , and Watchmen upon the 
 Tower. As oft as the Noife of the Indians allarm'd them, they flood to their Arms, 
 and bridled their Horfes, of which every night thirty flood ready fadled, to make 
 Sallies on the Enemy, and furvey their Force, Wheri they had difcovered their 
 
 great 
 
541 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 great multitude, but not as yet the Weapons they carried, wherewith to offend 
 the Horfe, ( which were the Creatures they rr.oft dreaded, ) they refolved to re- 
 treat into the Market-place , which being wide and fpacious , was much more 
 advantageous for receiving the Enemy, than in the narrow Streets : And be- 
 ing there drawn up in Battalia', the Body of Infantry , confifting of one hun- 
 dred and twenty Men , was placed in the middle , flanked on each fide with 
 the Horfe, not being above Eighty in all-, of which two Troops, of twenty in 
 
 . a Troop, were placed in the Van, and two Troops, of the like number, were 
 drawn up in the Rere, fo that they might charge the Enemy on whatfoever fide 
 they mould be attacked by them. 
 
 The Indians feeing the Spaniards in a Body, aflaulted them on every part with 
 great fury, intending to over-run them in an inftant ; but the Horfe {allying out 
 upon them, made flout refiftance, and fought with them untill Break of Day, 
 when the Indians again reinforced the Battel, and rained fhowers of Arrows ur> 
 
 . on them, with Vollies of Stones difcharged from their Slings, howfoever the 
 Horfe, (which is wonderfull to confider) revenged themfelves upon them with 
 their Lances , killing in every onfet , an hundred and fifty , or two hundred In- 
 dians -, by reafon that they neither carried defenfive Arms, nor ufed Pikes to keep 
 off the Horfe, though they were armed with them; for not being ufed to fight 
 againft Cavalry, but onely Foot to Foot, and naked Men againft naked Men-, 
 the Spaniards by their Horfe and Armour prevailed over the Indians with great 
 Slaughter , who hoped notwithftanding by their numbers to become Conque- 
 rours in the end. 
 
 In this pofture of War the Indians continued for the fpace of feventeen Days 
 to ftraiten and befiege the Spaniards in the Market-place of Cokxo , not permit- 
 ting them to {ally forth; during which time, as well by night as by Day, the 
 Spaniards continued in their Ranks and Squadrons , to be in a readinefs againfl; 
 the Enemy, and as often as they went to drink, they were forced to go id 
 Companies to the Stream, which runs through the Streets of the City ; and to 
 fearch into the Ruines of the Houfes, which were burnt, for Mayz, which was 
 the onely Food they had to fuftain them -, but Provender for their Horfes was 
 more wanting than Victuals for themfelves, howfoever they found fome Pro- 
 vifion for fupport both of one and the other , though much damaged by the 
 Fire, which Hunger and Neceflity made paffable. On which particular Carate 
 reports as followeth. 
 
 " In this manner the I sea attempted Cozxo with all his Force , and befieged it 
 ;' for eight Months , and at every Full of the Moon he ftormed the Spaniards 
 :< on all fides , but Hernando Pifarro , and his Brothers , with many Gentlemen 
 " and Captains, that were within the City, made flout refiftance, and repulfed 
 * the Indians with great Valour , in which Actions thofe which were moft fig- 
 
 :t nalized, were Gabriel de Rojas, Hernan Ponce de Leon , Don Alonfo Enriquez , and 
 
 " theTreafurer Riquelme, with many others-, all which, with their Souldiers, 
 
 " behaved themfelves with Courage and Bravery , and none of them unbracing 
 
 ' their Armour, either by day or night, fighting like defperate Men, who had 
 
 : ' given all over for loft -, for having received intelligence , that the Governour, 
 
 "' and all the Spaniards, were cut off, and flain by the Indians, who had made a 
 
 ' general Infurre&ion in all parts, they expe&ed no Relief or Succour, but 
 
 ;' from God, nor Safety, but in their own Arms, though they killed and woun- 
 
 :i ded the Indians very much, and daily diminifhed their numbers. 
 
 Thus far are the Words of Carate, who briefly relates the great Danger and 
 the many Straits to which thefe Conquerours were reduced in this Siege, 
 wherein, though they ufed all the diligence imaginable to provide themfelves 
 with Food, yet all had not fufficed to free them from Famine, had not their 
 lndian Servants, who lived with them in their Houfes, like good and faithfull 
 Friends, fupplied their wants ; for by day they palled over to the Enemy, in 
 whom to beget a Confidence of them, they feemed to fight againft the Spania- 
 ards , and by night they returned to them laden with Provifions 5 all which is 
 confirmed by the Teftimony of Gomara and Carate, though that and the other 
 Enterprifes of the Ima are touched onely in fliort by them, who are filent alfo 
 in the account of thofe Miracles which our Lord Jefus Chrift worked at Cozco 
 
 in 
 
r 
 
 Book II. Royal Commentaries* 543 
 
 m favour of the Spaniards, where was moft danger, and where the Indians fpent 
 •he fiercenefs of their Fury. And indeed the Danger was fo great, that in the 
 firft eleven or twelve Days of the Siege, the Spaniards were (b harafled and tired 
 out, as well Horfe as Foot, by the continual Skirmifhes in which they were en- 
 gaged, and fdr want of Provifions, that they were reduced to the laft extremi- 
 ty, for by this time thirty Chriftians were killed, and almoft all wounded* 
 without Remedies or Salves for their Cure; fo that in a few days not being able 
 longer to hold out, they all expected to perilh , having no hopes of Relief or 
 Succour from other places, or means, thanonely from Heaven, to which they 
 ifted up their Cries, and offered their daily Prayers, begging the Mercy and 
 Defence of God, and the Interceflion and Protection of the ever blefled Virgin 
 
 Mary. 
 
 The Indians having obferved , that the Night when they burned all the Town, 
 jet the Gallery in which the Spaniards were quartered ftill remained untouched by 
 :he Flames, wherefore they attempted to burn that alfo, (and might eafily per- 
 form it, in regard there was none to make Head, or Qppofition to prevent them,) 
 md for feveral Days and Nights, at all hours, they continually put fire to it, but 
 t would not burn ; which the Indians much admiring , faid , That the Fire had 
 oft its Force and Virtue, and could not confume that Houfe in which the Vira- 
 ■ochas had lived and quartered. At length the Spaniards found themfelves fo hard 
 jut to it, and fo aflailed on all fides, that they refolved to put it to the iftiie of a 
 3attel , and rather dye fighting, with their Arms in their Hands, than linger out 
 i miferable Death, and at length perifh with Famine or faintnefs, permitting the 
 Enemy tamely to cut their Throats, after they had no farther Force or Spirit to 
 efift: them. - 
 
 Having thus refolved, they confefled their fins to three Priefts, that were with 
 hem, and for want of time, fuch as could not, confefled one to the other, and 
 ill called upon the Name of God, and upon thofe Saints to which they had de- 
 moted themfelves; and being thus prepared to dye like Chriftians, fb fbon as ic 
 was day, the Indians, who were a tnoufand to one, being afhamed to be To long 
 Dppcled by fuch a handful! of Men, aflailed the Spaniards with their ufual Fury, 
 refolving not to quit or remit the Battel, untill they had totally deflroyed them ; 
 md the Spaniards , on the contrary, with loud Cries calling upon the Name of 
 the Virgin, and the Apoftle St, ?*>»«,• their Champion, maintained the Fight with 
 fuch Refolution, that the Slaughter was great on both fides, and 'many Spaniards 
 wounded. At laft, after five hours Fight, the Chriftians became fo weary, and 
 their Horfes fo fpent with the Engagement of that Day, that they expe&ed no- 
 thing lefs than Death. The Faintnefs and Relaxation of the Spaniards give new 
 Courage to the Indians to reinforce and renew the Fight, for Prince Manco Inca, 
 obferving the Paflages of the Battel from an :righ places animated his People, 
 ailing upon them by the Names of their feveraV Provinces, and inciting them to 
 renew the Fight,' being, as it were, certain widi the Succefs of that Day to re- 
 cover his Empire, When on£ fudden, and in this Extremity, it pleafed God to 
 own the Caufe of his faithfull People, by fending to their Afliftence the blefled 
 Apoftle St. fames, the Champion and Proteclour of Spaiii, ■■wbo-vidbly appeared 
 both to the Spaniards, and the Indians, mounted on a White Horfe, carrying a 
 Target, with trie fign of his Military Order thereon infcribed , and in his Right 
 Hand a Sword, which, by the gliftering of it, feemed like Lightning. The In- 
 dians, greatly affrighted to fee this new Cavalier enter the Lifts, asked one the 
 other,' what Vfracocha that was, which carried the Illapa, in his Hand-, which 
 Word fignifies Thunder, and Lightning, and the Thunderbolt. WherefOever this 
 new Cavalier aflailed the Indians^ they ran like Men amazed, trampling one upon 
 the other, and on what part foever the Indians aflaulted the Chriftians, the Saint 
 immediately appeared in the Front, to fuccour and defend them from the Indians^ 
 whoy affrighted with the Apparition, fled and forfook the Battel; and the%- 
 niards herewith taking courage, renewed the Fight, and killed an innumerable 
 number of the Enemies, who 'being poflefled with a fear, ran away, and for- 
 fook the Battel. 
 
 Thus were the Chriftians delivered this day by this blefled Apoftle, and the 
 Victory wrefted out of the Hands of the Infidels; the fame was the Stfccefs of 
 the day following, and as often as the Indians adventured to fight ; for fo foon 
 as they began to engage, they became amazed with confulion, and not knowing 
 
 where 
 
 
*44 Royal Commentaries. Book II, 
 
 where to go, or what to doe , they returned to their Quarters, asking one Ctk 
 other, what the meaning of thefe matters was, and how it came to pafc that thej 
 were thus Vtk, Campa , Llacll* , which is as much as to fey, foolith, cowardly 
 pufillanimous. Howfoever all this did not deter them from their purpofe? foi 
 they continued the Siege for the fpace of eight Months after all thefe A&ons, 
 as will appear in the Sequel of this Hiftory. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 The Miracle which was wrought by our Lady in favour oj 
 the Chriftians ; and of a fignal Combate between two 
 Indians. 
 
 n 
 
 THE hdU»s being retreated into their Camp, the Inc* called the Captains 
 before him, and publickly reprehended them for the Cowardife and Pufil- 
 lanimity which they had (hewn in that days Battel, telling them what a ftiame it 
 was that fuch a multitude of Indians ihould fly from before the Face of a fmall 
 number of VWacochas , who were already tired out , and harafted and weakned 
 with Famine and Hunger? wherefore they (bould now look to it, and endeavour 
 to repair the Honour which they had loft in thie late Battel, and acquit themfelves 
 like Men >, for otherwise he would fend them to fpin with the Women, and chufe 
 other Captains in their places, of better Courage and Bravery. The Indians, in 
 excufe of what was paft, alledged, that there appeared a new Virawha, carrying 
 Thunder and Lightning in his Hand, who fo terrified and amazed them, that they 
 knew not what they did, whether they fought, or were put to flight, but promt, 
 fed to behave themfelves belter in the next Engagement •, on which aflurance the 
 lnca ordered them to put their Souldiers into a readinefs againft die third fiighr, 
 when he re'folved to make auother attempt on the Viracochas y hoping that by toe 
 Darknefs they mould not fee or diftinguilh the Viramha who fo lately affrighted 
 them. The Chriftians on the otfeer fide with humble Thankfulness acknowledged 
 the Mercy of Divine Providence^ in their Delivery, and became fo encouraged 
 and heartned by their Succefs,, that having well; fixed their AiJms, and refremed 
 their Horfes, they believed, and were aflured that Heaven had beftowed that 
 Kingdom on them, in teftimony and in earneft whereof he had given them the 
 late unexpected Vi&ory. ' i 
 
 The night being come, which the lnca had appointed for another Exploit, the 
 Indians {allied forth with furious Rage, threatning< to revenge and make amends 
 for the lace Difgrace, and not to fpare, or give quarter to one of the Viracochas: 
 of all which the Spaniards having intelligence- from the Indians, who had; been 
 their Menial Servants, (and novv ierved them for Spies,) put themfelves into a 
 pofture to receive them at the time appointed,, calling with great Devotion upon 
 the Name of Chrift our Lord, the btefled Virgin, and the Apoftle St. fames to 
 iuccour and defend them in that time of Extremity., The L^iam being : drawn 1 j 
 up in Battel, and ready to aflail the Chriftians, behold, theie appeared in the Air 
 our Lady, with the Child Jefus in her Amies, with fo much luftre and bright" 
 nefs, that the Infidels beholding the Apparition, . were ftruckea with amazement, 
 and looking up ftedfaftly upon it, fuch a Duft, or Sand, fell likeajDcw.-frotn; 
 above into their Eyes, that they knew not the place in which they were, and 
 fo returned again to their quarters, from whence for many days they durft not ad- 
 venture to (ally forth. 
 
 This was novv the feventcenth night that the Indians had fo itraitned the Spa- 
 niards within the compais of the Market-place,, that neither by Day or Night 
 
 they 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 54s 
 
 they could adventure out, unlefs in ftrong Parties-, but after this Apparition the 
 Idiots became fo amazed, that the Spaniards afterwards had the liberty of a grea- 
 ter compafs, and their Quarters were much enlarged. But as Infidelity is always 
 blind, fo hi a few days the Impreffion made by the late Wonder beginning to 
 wear away , the Inca oerfuaded his Souldiers to make another attempt upon the 
 Chriftians, to which they were zealoufly moved, out of an earneft Defire to fee 
 their Ima reftored to his Empire: Howfoever fuch was the fenfe they concei- 
 ved from the late Apparitions, that their Hearts failed them , fo foon as they put 
 themfelves into a pofture of Fight, fo that all their Refolutions and Defigns pro- 
 duced nothing more than Noife and AUarms, which ferved to keep the Spaniards 
 in a continual Watchfulnefs, who feeing that the Indians durft not engage them, 
 they retired again to the Gallery, which was their head Quarter s and fo often as 
 they returned thither, they bleffed God, who had conferved that narrow place 
 for them, wherein to cure their wounded, and to (belter thofe who were as yet 
 found and well •, and for that reafon they made a Vow to dedicate that place for 
 a Chapel to the Service of God, fo foon as he lhould have freed and delivered 
 them from the Hands of his Enemies. 
 
 In all which neceflities the Indian Servants were very ufefull, bringing Herbs to 
 
 1 cure the fick and wounded, and Food to relieve the healthfully for (as we have 
 
 (aid in the firft part of this Hiftory) there are many skilfull Herbaliffs amongft 
 
 the Indians, fo that the Spaniards themfelves confefs, that unlefs the Indians had 
 
 fuccoured them in their Diftrefs, relieving their Hunger with Mayz, and Herbs, 
 
 and other Provisions, and had ferved them for Spies, and as it were Centinels to 
 
 , give them fignals, when the Enemy moved either by day or night •, it had fared 
 
 j worfe with them, and perhaps it had been impoffible for them to have fubfilted 5 
 
 all which Service and Fidelity of the Indians to Strangers in their Countrey, and 
 
 to Enemies of their Kings and Religion , is to be attributed to the wonderfull 
 
 , Providence of God, who was pleafed to infufe fuch Fidelity and ardent Affection 
 
 , into the Hearts of thefe poor Wretches towards the Spaniards their Matters, that 
 
 .they would dye an hundred times, and fuffer all imaginable tortures, rather than 
 
 .betray them. 
 
 After the Infurre&ion of the Indians was fupprefled, both the Natives ofCozco, 
 and all the other Nations, who were prefent at that Siege, confeffed themfelves 
 , to have been overcome by the appearance of the Virgin Mary, the Luftre of 
 whofe beautifull Countenance, which darted Rays from her fparkling Eyes, char- 
 j med them with fuch Love and Affection towards them, as not onely caufed them 
 to lay down their Weapons, but likewife to accept and embrace the Catholick 
 Faith, and willingly to learn her Names and Titles both in the Latin and Cafiilian 
 Tongues •-, which to underftand the better , they have tranflated into their own 
 Language all the Names and Titles given to our Lady, which they repeat as often 
 .as they have occafion to pray and asK bleffings from her. 
 
 But to return again to Prince Manco lnca, his Captains and Souldiers, it is cer- 
 tain, that they were fo terribly affrighted with the Virions they had feen, that 
 they durft not fo much as mention them, for the very thought and remembrance 
 of them was full of Amazement. Howfoever they continued the Siege in hopes 
 of better fortune, though they durft not adventure to engage, having been often 
 worfted by St. fames, who always appeared in the Front of the Spaniards, which 
 the /»<&«»/ obferving, and that the new-come Cavalier affrighted and terrified 
 them more than all the others, they called out with loud voices, and faid, Keep 
 
 S-M up and retrain that Viracocha which rides upon the White Horfe, that he fall not up- 
 m us, and you /hail quickly fee how we will difpatch and deal with all the others. After 
 
 the Siege had continued for the fpace of five Months , a certain Indian Captain, 
 who was poflefled with a great opinion of his own Valour, was defirous to fig- 
 nalize himfelf, and try whether Fortune would be more favourable in a fingle 
 Combate, than in a common Fight •, and upon this preemption he asked leave 
 of his Superiour Officers to challenge any Viracocha whatfoever to a fingle Duel •, 
 and in regard he obferved that the Spaniards fought on Horfeback with Lances, 
 be armed himfelf with the like Weapon, and with a little Hatchet, or Pole- Axe, 
 oy his fide, called Champi, which were all the Arms that he would u(e. And in 
 'his manner he prefented himfelf before the Guards, which were always fet for 
 Sentinels, at every Avenue of the Market-place , which was the head Quarters 
 
 A a a a of 
 
// 
 
 546 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 t ■• r • ' •- ■ — — ■ ■ ■ 
 
 of the Spaniards, and there with a loud Voice cried out, That if any Firacocha had 
 Courage to engage with him in a -(ingle Duel, that he mould come forth and 
 fight with him, lor he there attended him with his Arms: But the Spaniards 
 efteeming it a condefcenfion too mean, and no Honour to kill a filly Indian, fcor- 
 ned to accept the Challenge. 
 
 But at length a Noble Indian , of the Nation of Cannari, who from his Infan- 
 cy had been bred up a Page in the Court of the great Hnayna Capac, and then 
 profefled himfelf a Servant to the Marquifs Don Francifco Picarro; for ha- 
 ving yielded himfelf to him in one of the late Skirmilhes, he ever after acknow- 
 ledged him for his Matter; with this Perfon I had an Acquaintance, and left 
 nim alive in Cozco , when I came thence for Spain. This Cannarian, I fay, 
 asked leave of Hernando, and fohn, and Gomah Pi^arro, Brothers of his Lord, to 
 anfwer the Challenge, faying, That fince that Fellow had the boldnefs to de- 
 fie the Viracochat , that he , who was a Servant of theirs , would undertake the 
 Duel, not doubting but, by virtue of their propitious Fortune, to return victo- 
 rious. Bemando Picarro, and his Brother, applauding his Courage and Refola- 
 tion, granted him licence; upon which he took the like Arms which the other 
 carried, and went forth to meet him : And having fought together a long while, 
 they clofed three or four times, and wreftled, but being not able to throw one 
 the other, they loofed, and again returned to the management of their Arms; 
 with which the Cannarian being moft dextrous, thruft his Enemy into the Breaft 
 with his Lance, and then cutting off his Head, he carried it by the Hairs thereof 
 unto the Spaniards, with which teftimony of Conqueft he was received with that 
 Triumph which his Victory deferved. 
 
 The Inca, and his People, were much afhamed of the Viftory which the Can- . 
 Marian had gained •, for had it been a Spaniard, the Dimonour had been much 
 lefs, but to be overcome by one of their own Indian Vaflals, was an Affront and 
 Difgrace which could portend nothing but ill fortune; and being a People natu- 
 rally fuperftitious, and terrified with the apprehenfion of fuch Omens, they never 
 afterwards attempted any thing of Moment, during the remainder of the Siege; 
 nor did any thing remarkable fucceed, unlefs the unfortunate Death of that wor- 
 thy John Pi^arro, as we (hall hereafter relate. 
 
 So often as I call to mind thefe Miracles, and feveral others, which God was 
 pleafed to work in favour of the Chriftians, both at the Siege of Cozco, and of 
 tos Reyes, as we (hall fee hereafter, I cannot but wonder that the Hiftorians fhould 
 be fo filent therein, efpecially fince they were fo clear and evident to all the 
 World, having in my youth heard them reported both by Indians and Spaniards, 
 with great admiration; in memory of which, after the Siege, they dedicated 
 unto our Lady that Gallery wherein the Spaniards were quartered , and where 
 now the Cathedral Church is built, called by the Name of St. Mary of the Af- 
 fumption and Advocation; and the City it felf they dedicated to St. James o{ 
 Spain ; to both which Saints Anniverfary Days of Feafts are appointed, in thank- 
 full remembrance for the gratious Benefits received ; the which Feftivals begin 
 in the morning with a folemn Proceffion , and Sermon , and then High Mafs is 
 celebrated ; and laftly, the Day is concluded with the Sport of Bulls, and other 
 Recreations. 
 
 In the Porch of this Church, which leads to the Market-place, the Picture of 
 St. James is painted, mounted on a White Horfe, with his Buckler on his Arme, 
 and a Serpentine Sword in his Hand, with many Indians dead and wounded under 
 his Feet ; which Picture when the Indians beheld, they faid that a Viracocha like 
 this, was he that deftroyed us in the Market-place. In the Year 1560. when I 
 departed from Cozco, to go into Spain, the Pi&ure was then fre(h ; the Infurredion 
 of the Ima began in the Year 1 5-3 j. and ended in 1536. and I was born in 
 the Year 1539. fo that I might well be acquainted both with Indians and Spani- 
 ards, who had been actually in thofe Wars, and Witnefles of thole Apparitions, 
 which we have declared ; and I my felf, for five Years together , have always 
 been prefent at the Sports and Paftimes of thofe Feftivals; for which Reafons 
 from plain demonftration, I cannot but wonder why Hiftorians have been filent 
 in thefe particulars, unlefs it be, that they would attribute unto the valour of the 
 Spaniards all the Honour of thofe Days, without making due return of thankfull 
 acknowledgment unto God for the Victories fo miraculoufly obtained. 
 
 Many 
 
 it* 
 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 547 
 
 Many days after I had wrote this Chapter , turning over the Leaves of the 
 Book of Acofta, I met with fome thing to thispurpole, in confirmation of the 
 Miracles which our Lord Jefus Chrift, and his Mother the Virgin Mary, Queen 
 of the Angels , had wrought in the New World, in favour of our holy Faith 
 and Religion-, which when I had read, and found my own Reports confirmed by 
 his Authority, I cannot exprefs the Joy I conceived by this happy concurrence, 
 For fince the Delivery of truth is my chief Aim and Defign, I cannot but be great- 
 ly delighted when I find my Relations confirmed either in part, or in whole, by 
 the Authority of other Hiftorians -, for I hate the Character of being either a 
 Flatterer, or a fabulous Writer •■, which to avoid , I have thought fit to produce 
 the Words of Acofta in the 27th Chapter of his 7th Book, which are as followeth. ' 
 
 ' When the Spaniards were befieged in the City of Cozco, and fo clofely pref- 
 " fed and ftraitned, that without the Affiftence of Heaven it was impoflible for 
 " them to efcape, I have heard from very credible Perfons, that the Indians 
 " threw Fire on the Roof of that Houfe where the Spaniards were lodged, and 
 \ where now the Cathedral Church is built , and though the Covering of the 
 " Houfe was a fort of Thatch, (which they call Chicho, or rather Tchu,) and that 
 f, the Fire was made with a rafimy kind of burning Wood, yet it took no hold 
 " on that combuftible matter •-, for our Lady appearing from above, kept a con- 
 " ftant Guard over that place, and immediately extinguiflied the Fire-, all which 
 ' the Indians vifibly law, and remained with aftonifhment. All the Relations 
 " and Hiitories, which are wrote on this Subjed, report for a certain truth, that 
 " in divers Battels , which the Spaniards fought in New Spain , and in Peru, the 
 " Indians plainly.difcovered in the Air, a Cavalier, mounted on a white Horfe, 
 v with a Sword in his Hand, fighting for the Spaniards ; whence it is, that in all 
 " parts of the weft-Indies great Devotion and Honour is paid to that glorious 
 " Apoftle St. fames', and at other times in feveral difficult Encounters, the Image 
 " of our Lady hath prefented it felf, from which Chriftians have received inex- 
 " preffible Benefits-, and were all thefe Apparitions and Wonders of Heaven par- 
 " ricularly defcribed, they would fwell a Volume too large for this Hiftory, &c. 
 
 Thus far are the Words of Acofta, who reports, that almoft fourty years after 
 thefe matters were tranfadted he made a Voyage into Peru, where he received In- 
 formation of all thefe particulars. And having faid thus much , we will return 
 again to our Spaniards, who remaining under fuch propitious circumftances of the 
 Divine Providence, were enabled to become the Mafters of an hundred New . 
 Worlds. 
 
 
 , _ r 
 
 
 A a aaa C H A P. 
 
548 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 The Spaniards gain the Fortrefs with the Death of the wor- 
 thy John Pi$arro. 
 
 IN the yth Chapter of the 8 th Book of the firft part, we there mentioned the 
 Loyalty which the Natives of the CannarU bore towards their Kings the In. 
 cos, and we then promifed to declare, how that on occafion of the great Love, 
 and Friendmip which one of that Nation profeffed towards the Spaniards, all the 
 others withdrew their Obedience , and renounced their Allegiance to the heat. 
 In the 37th Chapter of the 9th Book of the firft part , we defcribed the great 
 Loyalty of that People towards their Princes •, we are now to give an account of 
 the reafon, for which the fame was afterwards denied. The Caufe was this : 
 
 When the Indians, after the Victory obferved the many Favours and Honours 
 which the Spaniards beftowed on the Perfon of the Cannarian, who fought the 
 duel, they became fo entirely affe&ionated and devoted to the Spaniards, that they 
 denied all farther Service and Duty to their own Inca, and from that time became 
 Spies, Informers and Betrayers of the other Indians , and in the very civil Wars 
 
 which the Spaniards had One with the Other, even tO the time ofFrancifco Hernandes 
 
 Giron ; the Cannarians which lived in Cozco, under the Command of this Don Fran- 
 cifco the Cannarian, and were then very numerous, feryed for Spies, and Informers 
 againft the Indians $ and in all the civil Wars which the Spaniards waged one 
 
 againft the Other, to that very War of Hernandez, Giron; me Cannarians (who 
 
 were very numerous at Cozco , and lived there under the Command of Don Fran, 
 cifco Cannari,) did all that time ferve for Spies 5 and dividing themfelves into two 
 Parties, fome took the Kings party, and others lided with the Tyrant; fo that at 
 the end of the War, they fo muffled their matters together, that they all preten- 
 ded to have been of the ftrongeft and the conquering lide •, and whereas they are 
 naturally a fort of diffembling People, they all rejoiced, and congratulated the 
 Succefs of the Victorious •-, which piece of Fraud and Diflimulation the Spaniards 
 could hardly difcover amongft them, becaufe they always treated with their Com- 
 manders, and not with the Commonalty, fo that they could not know their Faces, 
 or diftinguilh their Perfons-, and yet thefe fawning Rafcals, who were all of a 
 Bloud and Kindred, conferred together, and communicated intelligence of all that 
 paffed in one or the other Army. And thus much 1 was given to underftand from 
 one of the Natives of Cannaris , who after the War of Hernandez difcovered all 
 thefe fecret Cabals, and Intrigues to another, who asked him, how it fared with 
 thofe who had taken part with the Tyrant-, but as to Don Francifio Cannari him- 
 felfj he became fo proud, and infolent, by that favour and countenance which 
 the Spaniards had (hewn to him, that fome Years afterwards he adventured (as is 
 commonly reported) to poifon Philip Inca, the Son of Huayna Capac, of whom we 
 have formerly made mention •, and this matter is the more fufplcious, becaufe 
 he afterwards married the Wife of this Philip Inca , who was a very beautiful! 
 Woman, and took her rather by force, than by Courtfliip, caufing his Creatures 
 and Confidents to threaten her into the Match, to which (he was forced to yield 
 againft the Confent and Approbation of the lncas ; but now there was nothing 
 but Patience, for their Empire and Command was taken from them. We {hall 
 hereafter tell of another Atchievement of this infolent Indian, to the great fcandal 
 of all the other Indian Inhabitants of that City. 
 
 The Spaniards finding themfelves daily favoured by the miraculous Hand of 
 Divine Providence, and the Indians fo cowed and terrified , that they durft not 
 make any Attempt upon them, but onely to keep them, as it were, blocked up, 
 they refolved at length to fally forth, and (hew, that though their numbers could 
 bear no comparifon with the multitudes of the Indians, yet that they entertained 
 no dread or apprehenfions of them* to evidence which, they made frequent 
 
 Sallie> 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. e^o 
 
 Sallies, forcing them to retreat to what place, and as far as they pleafed ; with 
 -which at length they became fo amazed and affrighted, that they would make no 
 Defence, fo that twenty five or thirty Spaniards were able to deal with great Squa- 
 drons of the Indians, and kill and pat them to flight, as if they had been fo many 
 ■iiifents or Children. For if God be for «/, who can be againfi us ? In this manner 
 the Indians left the Siege of the City, being driven from the Fields, and all the 
 Quarters thereabouts 5 and not one appearing, unlefs in the Rocks and Mountains, 
 where the Horfe could doe but little fervice : And yet the Rocks were not a fbrfi- 
 cient (afe-guard and prote&ion for them , becaufe the Horfe trotted over them 
 like fo many Goats : This, I fay, is a comparifon of my own, but I have heard 
 another, much more apt to this purpofe, from one of the Conquerours of thole 
 times, called Rodriguez, dt Villa-fume, who was one of thofe thirteen who remain- 
 ed with Francifio Picarro, when all his other companions deferted and abandoned 
 tiim , as we have formerly related. 
 
 This Cavalier, with divers others, going one day to bring feveral Gentlemen 
 on their way, that were travelling into Spain , I alfo remember to have been with 
 them, though but a Youth, it being then towards the end of the year 1 j ?2 •, and 
 being on the Road which leads to Arequepa, Rodriguez de Filla-fuerte, during all the 
 i time that he was travelling from Cozco to guefpecancha, which are three Leagues, 
 related the many fuccefles which occurred in the late Siege ■, pointing with his finger 
 at the places where fuch and fuch Actions had pafled , telling that there fuch a 
 perfon performed fuch an Exploit , at fuch a place another aded fuch a piece of 
 bravery ■-, and, amongft others, which were very ftrange and wonderfull, he re- 
 counted one of Goncalo Picarro on the very ground where it was performed •, the 
 which we mail mention in its due place. And having made us a Narrative of 
 many ftrange Atchievements, he added, that we ought not to disbelieve thefe 
 matters as incredible, for that God was pleafed vifibly to affift, and favour us with 
 his Miracles 5 amongft which it was none of the leaft, that our Horfes were nim- 
 ble, and tripped over the Rocks and Precipices of thofe Mountains with fuch eafe 
 and activity, as if they had been Doves or Pigeons ; and yet thofe Mountains , 
 which are to the Eaft-fide of the way, are very fteep and craggy. I wifli I had 
 not forgot many particulars which he related to us that day, for they would have 
 ftmifhed me with fuflficient matter to have filled many leaves of Paper touching 
 the many Exploits performed by the Spaniards in that Siege : Howfoever, in gene- 
 ral, it is worthy our admiration that a hundred and feventy Men onely mould be 
 able to oppofe two hundred thoufand righting Men , and contend with them un- 
 der the many fufterings of Hunger, Watchings by continual Allarums, tired out 
 with Labours, wounded without the help and cure of Chirurgeons, and many o- 
 tfaer inconveniences which attend ftraitned and diftrefled Sieges : And more 
 man all this, the Reader may fanfie in his imagination, confidering that it is im- 
 pbflible to defcribe all the particular difficulties which the Spaniards endured, and 
 overcame by the invincible Valour of their Spirits, which were fupported by the 
 Ible Power of God , who was pleafed to make choice of this people, for thofe 
 who were to preach and plant the Gofpel in that Empire. 
 
 The Indians having now quitted the Siege, the Spaniards judged it no complete 
 Victory, unlefs they made themfelves in like manner Mafters of the Fortrefs : 
 Wherefore having left a fufficient Guard in the City, they mounted the Hill to- 
 wards the Fort, which was valiantly defended by the Indians for five or fix Days 
 together : At laft one night after they had fought ftoutly the whole day, fo that 
 the Spaniards were retired to their Quarters, and that Don John Picarro, who fome 
 days before had been wounded, had for his better eafe taken off his Helmet 5 it 
 happened, that a Stone thrown at random from a Sling ftrook him on the head , 
 of which unhappy wound he died in three days afterwards. 
 
 K This was a lofs (Augufline Car ate reports) which fenfibly touched all thofe 
 " Sp.mards , who were Adventurers in that Countrey, for that this Picarro had 
 " the reputation of a Valiant Perfon , and art experienced Souldier in the Wars 
 ' againft the Indians, and was generally beloved and efteemed by all. Thus fai 
 are the Words of Garate. 
 
 And 
 
 ■ 
 
tftfo Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 And thus did this Worthy Gentleman end his days, to the great grief and for- 
 row of all that knew him ; for he had the fame and reputation of a generous 
 Perfon, valiant and courteous, being adorned with all thofe Vermes which become 
 a Gentleman, and a Perfon of Honour. His Body was buried in the great Cha- 
 pel of die Cathedral of that City, and over it was laid a great Marble Stone of 
 an Azure blew, without any Inscription =, though his Merits deferved a fair Epi- 
 taph, which perhaps might have been omitted, for want of Engravers in Stone ; 
 for at that time, and many years after, they knew not the Art to Engrave •-, nor 
 to ufe any other (harp tool, unlefs the Sword and Lance. At this great lofs and 
 expence the Spaniards gained the Fortrefs of Cozco, and drove the Indians from 
 thence. The Hiftorians in the relations they make of this Siege, declare the ta- 
 king of this Fortrefs in the firft place 5 but the Indians report it to have been after- 
 wards 5 which is the truth of the Hiftory, but in other matters they agree with 
 
 the Spaniards. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 Of the feveral Exploits performed both by Indians a?id Spa- 
 niards during the Siege of Cozco. 
 
 TH E Death of John Picarro, who was Brother to the Governour, and a Per- 
 fon of principal note', gave fpirit and encouragement to the Indians, who 
 from fuch fucceffes as thefe, were apt to conceive new hopes and expectations ; 
 fo that they refolved to adventure again another Battel •, for though they had be«!n 
 worfted and foiled in every one , yet ftill the deiire they had to be revenged on 
 the Spaniards, and reftore the Empire again to their Inca, prevailed above the ap- 
 prehenfion of their ill fucceffes, and caufed them ftill to perfevere in their obfti- 
 nate refiftence. Howfoeyer, the Chnftians were not now fo narrowly befieged I 
 by the Indians , but that they had liberty to (ally forth, and range for a League 1 
 round 5 and yet they ftill troubled and molefted them , not fuftering the Indian I 
 Servants to carry them Victuals, or other refrelhments : To fupply which, the 1 
 Spaniards were forced to make frequent Excurfions into the Countrey for Provifi- 
 ons and Forage-, of which they were always in want during the Siege •, for though I 
 the Indian Servants ftole fomething for them, which they privately conveyed into 
 the Town ; yet it was fo little , as could not fatisfie their necellities. Anguftint 
 Carat e relates one of thefe Sallies in this manner following : 
 
 " During this War and Siege, Goncalo Picarro made a (ally with twenty Horfe, 
 " and an in- road as far as to the Lake of Chincbero, which is about five Leagues 
 '* from Cozco, where he was affiled and overwhelmed with fuch mukitudes of 
 
 people, ( having engaged farther with them, than prudence and due regard to 
 ' his fmall company did require) that he had certainly been taken, had not Her- 
 " >hv,:do Picarro, and Alonfo de Toro, with fome few Horfe, feafonably come in to 
 " his refcue. Thus far are the Words of Carate. 
 
 This Lake of ChinchWn (fo called by the Indians') is about two Leagues diftanr 
 from the City Northward, it is a Water extremely delightfull , and which anci- 
 ently, by the Munificence of the Inca*, was furniihed with feveral Pipes and A- 
 quedu&s to convey the Water into divers parts of thofe Plains, which refrelhed 
 the Grounds which were fowed, and made all that Valley of Cozco to become 
 fruitfull, untill Wars and Troubles amongft the Spaniards themfelves caufed them 
 to be neglected, and for want of care became wholly ufelefs. Afterwards in the 
 
 years 1 
 
 

 F-ff° 
 
Book II. Koyal Commentaries 551 
 
 years ijjj, and y<5, they were repaired by my Lord and Father Garplajfo de la 
 Vega, being then Mayor of that City -, and in that good condition I left them, 
 when I departed thence, and fo I hope they will be conferved, becaufe that Wa- 
 ter is greatly beneficial to all that Valley. But to return again to what Carate 
 {peaks of the danger in which Goncalo Picarro was engaged , when he was refcued 
 by his Brother •-, it is to be noted' (as we have mentioned in our Hiftory of Flo- 
 rida) that he was the moft dextrous Man with his Lance of any of thofe who 
 had pafled into the New World ■-, in confidence of which, both he and his people 
 fought ftoutly that day, and adventured fo far, that they had been overwhelmed 
 by the multitude of Indians, had they not been fuccoured beyond all expectation 3 
 and indeed 'twas a mercy wholly to be attributed to Divine Providence •-, for nei- 
 ther did Goncalo require it, nor Hernando Picarro know that his Brother was enga- 
 ged fo far to' all extremity. 
 
 Another day when the Spaniards and Indians engaged in the Field of Salinas, 
 which is about a fmall League diftant from Cozco to the Southward, many brave 
 Actions were performed by both parties •-, and though the Indians were many, and 
 made flout refiftence, yet they were at length overcome, and put to flight: How- 
 foever, fome refolute Captains amongft them , who chofe rather to dye, than 
 cowardly to run away in fight of their Inca, who from a high Tower beheld and 
 obferved the Actions of the day, continued in the Field, and fought with un- 
 daunted courage : One of which porting himfelf in the middle of the road which 
 leads to Collao, attended the coming of a certain Cavalier ( whom I knew ) as he 
 was making up to him on Horfe-back with his Lance in his hand $ the Indian with 
 a fierce countenance, like an undaunted Souldier, flood ready with his Bow drawn 
 to receive him •, and at the fame time that the Spaniard made a thruft at him with 
 his Lance, he ftrook the point of it down to the ground, and catching hold of it, 
 forced it from his hands. Another Gentleman of my acquaintance ftanding by, 
 and obferving a fingle Combat between a Spaniard and an Indian, did not concern 
 himfelf, becaufe they were one to one, untill he faw that the Indian had wrefted 
 the Lance out of the hand of the Spaniard $ and then he thought it time to take 
 part with his companion, and fo made at him with his Lance ■, but the Indian 
 bearing off the blow with what he had in his hands, wrefted alfo the Spear from 
 the Spaniard, and defended himfelf from both of them at the fame time •, their 
 Names I (hall conceal out of refpect to their pofterity 5 one of which was a Schol- 
 ar with me at the Grammar School. Goncalo Picarro, who was engaged in ano- 
 ther place, and had put his Enemies to flight, happened to come in at the fame 
 time, and be a Spectator of this Action ■-, and feeing how matters pafled, he cried 
 OUt with a loud voice, Out for fbame, what two to one ! The Spaniards knowing the 
 voice of Goncalo Picarro, made a flop, untill he himfelf came up to make trial , 
 whether he could deal better with him than they had done : The Indian feeing 
 another Horfe-man come upon him, fet his footing on the firft Lance he had gai- 
 ned, and with the other he encountred the third Cavalier ; who before he could 
 come to wound him, he gave fuch a ftroke with his Lance at the head of the 
 Horfe, as raifed him bolt upright , and almoft threw him back upon his hanches. 
 The Indian finding himfelf thus hardly befet, quitted his Lance, and catched hold 
 of that in the hand of Picarro, intending to wreft it from him, as he had done the 
 others •-, but Picarro keeping fart hold thereof with his left hand, drew his Sword 
 with his right to cut off the hands of the Indian •-, but he being aware thereof, 
 feeing the Sword over his head, loofed the Lance, and catched up the other, which 
 was under his feet. And now the two Cavaliers, which were Spectators, thought 
 it time to dally no longer, but to come in, and without other complement to kill 
 the Indian : but Goncalo Picarro cried OUt againft it, laying, That it was pityfo brave 
 a Man fhould dye ^ and that he deferved rather Honour a:id Reward, than Death. The 
 
 Indian obferving that the two other Cavaliers were reftrained by the words of 
 Picarro, and that he had faved his life •-, he immediately threw away his Lance, 
 arid in token of fubmiflion went to him, and kifled his right leg , faying , Hence- 
 forth thou {halt be my Inca, and I will be thy Servant : And for ever afterwards he fer- 
 ved him with great fidelity -, and Goncalo Picarro loved him as his own Son, untill 
 fuch time as he was killed in the Battel of Canela, as we fhall hereafter underftand. 
 This Story I heard from the Mouth of Rodriguez de Villa-fuerte, who was prefent 
 
 in 
 
 
tfci Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 in that Battel •, and the lame was confirmed by the report of many others. And 
 Gonqak Pi$arro confeffed himfelf, that in all the Wars in which he had been enga- 
 ged, he had never been fo hard put to it, nor never fo endangered as he had been 
 
 by that Indian. 
 
 Not far from this place to the Southward, another Adion happened as ftrange 
 as the former, which Rodriguez de Villa-fume related that day unto us : which wa$ 
 this : A certain Cavalier riding fofdy on his Horfe upon the way, for the Indians 
 were all fled, and not one of them appeared 5 on a fudden the Horfe fell under 
 him ■■> and though the Rider nimbly leaped from his back, yet the Horfe with 
 fome difficulty recovered himfelf, and ftood upon three legs, an Arrow having 
 wounded him in the finews of one of his foremoft legs 5 the Spaniard looking a- 
 bout him to fee from whence this Arrow was (hot, could not for a great while 
 difcover any perfon, untill at length on the Eaft-fide of the way, they found art 
 Indian leaning againft the fide of a bank within a great Water- gall -, (of which 
 there are many in that Countrey ) but howfoever the diftance was fo great, that 
 it was judged almoft impoflible, that an Arrow could be (hot fo far, as to the 
 place where the Horfe fell : But looking more narrowly into the matter, and con- 
 fidering that the Arrow muft neceflarily come from that part, they went that way, 
 and found an Indian dead (landing right upon his legs, leaning againft the fide of 
 the bank, grafping his Bow in one hand, and his Arrow in the other : This Indian, 
 it feems, had received a thruft with a Lance, which palled from his fhoulder to 
 the bottom of his wafte •, and to avoid the Horfe, had thrown himfelf into that 
 Water-channel 5 and finding himfelf in a languifhing condition, was refolved to 
 make one bolt or (hot more before he died. This Indian had certainly made a 
 good (hot of it, had not the diftance been far, and his fpirits fainting $ for had 
 the Arrow been drawn with full force, he had either wounded the Spaniard in the 
 face, or in the body * but being weak, it flew low, and (hot the Horfe in the 
 fore-leg. Thefe two notable Exploits were performed by Indians on that day, 
 which was the laft of the Siege. And fo leaving the Affairs of Cozco, we (hall 
 proceed on to the Tranfactions of Rimac, where the Governour Bon Frantifco Pi- 
 $arro was then refiding. At firft he was ignorant, and not informed of the many 
 dangers with which his Brothers were encompafled •-, but fo foon as he was adver- 
 tifed thereof, he performed the office and part of a carefull and able Commander, 
 as we (hall make appear by that which follows. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. «o 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 What Number of Spaniards the Indians might kill in the 
 ways ; and what [ucceeded at the Siege of the City of 
 los Reyes. 
 
 
 SO foon as Marquis Picarro perceived that the ufual correfpondence and inter- 
 courfe of Letters between him and his Brothers ceafed, he immediately fuf- 
 pe&ed fome mifchief in the way -, and to prove and try the truth thereof, he em- 
 ployed feveral Indians, who were Domeftick Servants to Spaniards, to enquire of 
 their Kindred and Relations, and inform themfelves of the News of Cozco, and 
 ,of all the Tranfa&ions of that Kingdom 5 for it was not without juft fufpicion of 
 mifchief that the Ways and Avenues were all (topped. The Yanacuna* ( for fo 
 they call the Indian Servants ) enquiring into the matter, underftood that the Inca 
 had made an Infurre&ion, and with a ftrong Army was Matter of Cozce •, but as to 
 the Particulars thereof, they gave no other account to the Marquis, but onely in 
 a confufed manner, without head or tail ; howfoever, he thought fit with all dili- 
 gence to write unto Panama, Nicaragua, Mexico, and Santo Domingo, defiring that 
 
 puccours mould be fent with -all fpeed. Upon which paflage Carate hath thefe 
 Words : 
 
 u The Marquis feeing the Number of Indians to increafe, and Multitudes of 
 ;' them ready to Aflault the City of ios Reyes, he gave it for granted that Hernando 
 [ Picarro, and all thofe of Cozco, were periihed 5 and that this Infurredion had 
 [ been fo general over all Chili, that Almagro and all his Souldiers were defeated 
 ' and deftroyed : Howfoever, to undeceive the Indians in their belief, that the 
 ' Ships were detained on purpofe to make an efcape , and that the Spaniards alfo 
 ' might defpair.of other fafety than in their Arms, he difpatched away the Ships 
 ' for Panama with Letters to the Vice- king of New Spain^ and to all the Gover- 
 ' nours of the Indies, acquainting them with the dangers and difficulties in which 
 ' they were engaged, and defired Succours and Relief from them in that diftrefs. 
 Thus far Carate. 
 
 But befides thefe Difpatches, he wrote alfo by conveyance of the faithfull Tana- 
 Hnas, to Alonfo de Alvarado, who was then employed in the Conqueft of the Cha- 
 ■hapuyas, and to Sebaflian de Bela/cacar, who was then in Peru, the Affairs of both 
 yhich fucceeded profperoufly. He wrote alfo to Garci/ajfo de la Vega, whofe Af- 
 *airs on the other fide were not fo happy in the Conqueft of that Countrey, or 
 Province, which by contraries they called the Buena Ventura, or the Countrey of 
 3ood Fortune, where the five Rivers called guiximies empty themfelves into the 
 Sea, and are plentifull and rapid ftreams. In thefe parts matters did not fucceed 
 ill with him, by reafon that he found little refiftence from the Inhabitants, for 
 :here were few or none in all that Countrey •, onely the Mountains were fo high, 
 barren and cragged, that it was fcarce inhabitable : of which, and of the difficul- 
 ies he fuftained in this Expedition, we (hall difcourfe more at large hereafter. He 
 wrote alfo to John Porcel, who was employed in the Conqueft of the Pacamurus, 
 inftantly conjuring them with all fpeed to come unto the City of los Reyes, that 
 3eing united together they might make the better refiftence againft the Indians. 
 'In the mean time, not knowing to what diftrefs his Brothers might be reduced, he 
 with all diligence difpatched away feventy Horfe under the Command of hisKinf- 
 man Captain Diego Picarro, which was all the force that he was able to (pare, with 
 m Addition of thirtyFoot-Souldiers, as Carate reports. 
 
 The Indians, whole defign was to deftroy the Marquis, and all his people, un- 
 ierftanding by their Spies , that he was fending Succours to relieve his Brother?, 
 
 B b b b changed 
 
 
s?eA Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 changed their refolution of aflaulting los Reyes, and determined to flop and inter- 
 rupt them in their paiTage , and to that end to take pofleffion of all the narrow 
 Pafles and Avenues •, for in the Road from Cozco to guitu, there are many ftrait 
 ways, which are not paflfoble without much difficulty. The Plot being thus laid, 
 they fuffered Diego Picarro, and his Company, to travel feventy Leagues without 
 giving them the lead interruption or difturbance •, for though there were many 
 difficult PaiTes before they had proceeded fo far, yet they thought tit to trole them 
 on to fome confiderable diitance from the Governour, that hearing no news of 
 them, he might believe that they were arrived in fafety at Co^co .• So at length 
 taking them on the fide of a ftony Mountain called the Panos, they threw from 
 the top mighty Stones, and pieces of Rocks upon them, called Ga/gas, againft 
 which no Armour being proof fufficient, they overwhelmed them, all without 
 ufe of Lance or Sword, not one of them efcaping. In the fame manner they fer- 
 ved Captain Aforgovejo de guinnones with fixty Horfe and feventy Foot •-, and after 
 that they over-threw Captain Goncalo de Tafia, as he was marching with fixty 
 Foot-Souldiers, and eighty Horfe ; and foon after that they defeated Captain Alonfi 
 de Gahete with forty Horfe, and fixty Foot under his Command. So that on fe- 
 veral pailages of the way, four hundred and feventy Spaniards were loir, ofwhjeji 
 two hundred and fifty were Horfe. Carate- reckons them to have been three 
 hundred, and two hundred and twenty Foot : But Peter de Cieca making up the 
 account of the number of Spaniards which the Indians killed in this general Iniur- 
 re&ion , declares in the 8 id Chapter of his Book, as follows : 
 
 " It is faid that the Indians of this Province of Cunchutu were a ftout, and a I 
 " warlike people •, for which reafon the tocos finding fome difficulty to fubdue 
 " them, did labour to win and allure them by fair words, and obliging actions. 
 " Thefe Indians killed many Spaniards in divers parts -, to revenge which, Mar- 
 " quis Picarro fent Francis de Chaves to make War on the Indians in a moft cruel 
 '" and terrible manner ; in purfuance of which, as fome Writers report, he burned 
 " and empaled great numbers of them. The truth is, about that rime, or a little 
 " before, a general Infurre&ion was made in all the Provinces •-, and on the way 
 '' or road between Cozco and Quitu, they killed above feven hundred Spaniards ; 
 " and fuch of them as they took alive, they put to death with cruel Tortures. 
 l ' God deliver us from the rage of the Indians, for certainly they are a furious 
 " and bloudy people, where they can get the Maftery, and effect their defires •, 
 " though, to excufe themfelves, they alledged, that they fought for their Liberty, 
 " and to free themfelves from the Slavery and Tyranny of the Spaniards, &c. 
 
 Thus far are the Words of de Cieca ; which are confirmed by Bias Valera, who 
 reports, that above feven hundred Spaniards were killed in the late Infurreclion ; 
 of which above three hundred were Aflafinated in the Mines, and in their Po£ 
 fefiions and Lands, wherein they were fcattered in purfuit of their gains and bene- 
 fits •■> and that four hundred and feventy which were fent for Succours, were killed 
 in the Mountains : but thefe were not all difpeeded together, but in feveral De- 
 tachments, that fo the-firft might arrive with better fpeed and diligence ; for it 
 was never imagined that fo much danger was in the way ; nr that the Indians, who 
 were able to contend with, and overcome ten Horfe-men, ihould be capable to 
 overthrow fixty, feventy or eighty Horfe in a body, befides the Infantry. And 
 though he prefumed much on this opinion, and on the confidence he had of his 
 own people -, yet not having received intelligence of the firft, nor yet of the fe- 
 cond that were fent, he was greatly troubled ; wherefore to fatisfie himielf there- 
 in, and to underftand fome news from his Brothers, he difpatched away another 
 Captain called Francis de Godoy, a Native of Carceres, with a Party of forty five 
 light Horfe without baggage or other incumbrance ; not that they ihould proceed 
 fo far as Cozc'o, but onely to enquire on the ways, and get the beft intelligence 
 they could concerning their Companions. Of which pailage Gomara fpeakirg in 
 the 1 3<5th Chapter, hath thefe Words : 
 
 Picarro being much troubled that he received no Letters from his Brothers, 
 
 c nor from his other Captains 5 and being jealous of the misfortune which then 
 
 had happened, he difpatched away forty Horfe under Command of Frauds de 
 
 " Godoy to make enquiries of what had fucceeded, and to bring him intelligence 
 
 " thereof 
 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. «c 
 
 '■■- ■' ' — - , . i iii ~ 
 
 " thereof. Gadoy returned ( as they fay) with his tail between his legs, and with 
 " two Spaniards in company with him, who had belonged to Gahete, and by help 
 " of their Horfes had made an efcape 5 the ill news hereof, which greatly troubled 
 " Pi$arro, was fpeedily feconded by Diego d Jguero, who fled for fafety to los Reyes , 
 a and gave a relation, that all the Indians were in Arms, and had burned all his 
 <c Plantations, and were very near with a moft powerfull Army. The news 
 " hereof greatly terrified the whole City, in regard the Number of the Spaniards 
 
 a was much diminifhed -, howfoever, Pifarro difpeeded Peter de Lerma de Burgos 
 
 " with feventy Horfe , and many Indians who were Friends , and were become 
 " Chriftians to intercept them in their paflage, and hinder them from making too 
 " near an approach towards the City, and Tie himfelf marched in the Rere with 
 a all the Spaniards that remained 5 but Lerma fighting with good fuccefs, drove 
 * the Enemy into the Rocks, where he might have totally deftroyed them, had 
 x not Pifarro founded a retreat. 
 
 ■ That day one Spanijh Horfe-man was killed in the Fight, but many were 
 c wounded ; and Pedro de Lerma had his Teeth beaten out : Howfoever, the In- 
 x dians returned many thanks to their God the Sun , who had delivered them 
 \ from thofe dangers -, and in teftimony thereof, offered many Sacrifices unto 
 him. Then they removed their Camp to a certain Mountain near unto los 
 Reyes, through the middle of which runs a River, where they continued for the 
 ' fpace of ten Days, fighting and skirmifhing with the Spaniards •, but with the 
 ' Indians, who were their Enemies, they avoided all Engagements. 
 
 
 Thus far are the Words of Gomara •, the which is confirmed by Carate almoft 
 in the fame words, and which ( if we well obferve) is more in favour to the In- 
 
 > dians, than to the Spaniards. The truth of all which is this •■, The Infidels having 
 killed and deftroyed many Spaniards on the Ways and Roads, became fo encou- 
 raged by their fuccefs, that they refolved to attempt los Reyes, and deftroy the 
 Marquis and all his people •■, and being on their March thither with this intention, 
 
 \ about eight or ten Leagues from the City, they encountred Pedro de Lerma and his 
 Forces, and engaged valiantly with them ; And in regard the Fight began in a 
 Plain, the Spanish Horfe had a great advantage on the Indians, and killed many 
 of them ; but they afterwards making a retreat into the Mountains, with loud 
 (houts, and with the found of Trumpets and Drums allarum'd all the Indians 
 
 , round, 10 that they encreafed to the number of forty thoufand : And in regard 
 the Mountains were iharp and craggy, and that the Horfes began to be tired and 
 weary, the Indians adventured to fally out upon them, and to renew the Fight. 
 Pedro de Lerma had the misfortune to have his Teeth beaten out with a Stone hur- 
 led from a Sling , befides which many Spaniards were wounded, of which thirty 
 two died, to the great grief and forrow of all •, likewife eight Horfes died of their 
 wounds, though actually in the Battel there was but one Man, and one Horfe 
 that was flain. The Governour who came in the Rere, obferving how his Soul- 
 diers were diftrefled, founded a retreat, which ferved for a Signal to the Enemy, 
 that he was marching to the Succour of his Friends - 7 at which the Indians being 
 affrighted, made a retreat, and fo ended the Battel of that day, which was very 
 bloudy. The Spaniards hereupon returned to the City, and the Indians to their 
 Quarter and Rendezvous, where the Countrey flocking in, they quickly made a 
 Body of fixty thoufand Indians under Command of their General Tim "inpanam^ 
 called by Carate Tifo Yupangui, and by Gomara Tizoyo ■, and with this force they 
 pitched their Camp near the City, having the River between to keep and defend 
 them from the Spanijh Horfe. 
 
 There they offered Sacrifices, and returned thanks to the Sun for having, as 
 they imagined, given them an advantage over the Spaniards, and caufed them to 
 retreat into their City, and to give over the Fight. The Hiftorians who write of 
 thefe matters fay, that the Indians offered their Sacrifices in thanks for deliverance 
 from their dangers 5 and farther they add, that they continually skirmifhed with 
 the Spaniards, and not with the Indians, who took part with the Spaniards, fcorning, 
 as it were, to engage and fight againft their own Vaflals, after they had had the Ho- 
 nour to fight with the Viracochas ; and though daily Encounters pafted between 
 them of little or no damage to the Spaniards, becaufe on the Plains the Horfe had 
 great advantage, and could hem in and encompafs the Indians on all fides ; yet the 
 
 I continual Allarums which were given the Spaniards both by Night and Day, kept 
 Bbbb j them 
 
<^6 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 them ftill watchfull, and tired them out with conftant labour. Moreover, they 
 fuffered much for want of Provifions •, though they received fome fupplies from 
 the Indians, who were their Menial Savants , and would every Night ( as they 
 had pradtifed at the Siege of Cow) go forth into the Enemy's Camp, where pre- 
 tending, that they had revolted from their Matters, would return back with Pro- 
 vifions, and with intelligence of all the defigns and intentions of the Enemy's 
 which was of great ufe to them, for that when the Indians made any Attack upon 
 them, they were always in a readinefs to receive them •, and it was by advice from 
 them that Diego de Aguero, and many others who had Plantations near los Reyes 
 were not furprized, before they had time, by help of their Horfes, to fecure their 
 retreat within the Walls of the City. But befides thefe humane Afliftences, God 
 was pleafed to work Miracles at that Siege in favour of the Chriftians, as he had 
 formerly done in that of Cozco $ for that the River to which they trufted much 
 for their fafety, and was their beft defence, was the occafion of mine, and tamed 
 to their entire deftru&ion \ for during the time of the Siege, the Waters fwelled 
 above the banks, fo that whenfoever they pafled over to the Spaniards, or were 
 forced to return, they received a loft; for that being often put to flight, many 
 with fear caft themfelves into the Waters, and were drowned •-, and yet this River 
 was not fo deep as many others are in that Countrey, being commonly (hallow, 
 unlefs in the Winter, when the falls of the Land- waters make great Houds ; how- 
 foever, the Spaniards made nothing to pals and re-pafs it at their pleafure 5 which 
 when the Indians obferved, they concluded that the very Elements fought againft 
 them, and were reconciled to the party of the Viracochai ; and that the Packaca- 
 mac, who is the God which Mains the Univerfe, had forfaken their Caufe, and 
 favoured the Enemy. Farther they confidered, that fo foon as they faw the Vim- 
 cxhai drawn up in the Field, their hearts failed them -, and that though they were 
 a thoufand to one, yet they durft not engage with them ; all which were clear 
 evidences, that the great Creatour of the World did kitereft himfelf in favour of 
 the caufe and quarrel of the Spaniards. 
 
 The Indians being arTecl-ed with thefe Apprehensions, and with a clear mani- 
 feftation of the Miracles of God, they every day abated in their Courage, and 
 became fo- cowed and difheartned, that from that time afterwards they attempted 
 nothing of any moment -, and though they continued their Camp on the fide of 
 the River, it was rather in obedience to their Gornmanders, than in hopes of per- 
 forming any thing to the ruine of their Enemies, and the good of themfelves. 
 In the mean time the indianDometikk Servants gave intelligence to their Mafters' 
 of all that was difcouffed and defigned^n the Camp of the Indians ; and the ih*- 
 mards being fenfible of the great Miracles which God wrought for them, "and that 
 their Enemies obferved the fame, they returned thanks for all thofe Wonders, 
 comparing their deliverance by means of this River, to that which the Children 
 oUfrael received from the Egyptians at the Red Sea. And in regard their greateft 
 Battels and Victories fucceeded on the banks of this River, they conceiveda mdft : 
 efpecial devotion for the Blefled St. Chrifiopher, ailing unto remembrance all the 
 Wonders which are recorded of that Saint, and which are painted commonly in 
 Churches, to defcribe and fet forth the Miracles which God performed in the Ri- 
 ver by means of that Saint , and afterwards in all their Battels and Skirmifhes, 
 they' invoked the Name of St. Chrifiopher equally with that of St. fames .• And af- 
 ter this, Siege, they called thofe Hills in which the Indians kept their Head-quarters, 
 the Mountains of St. Chrifiopher, becaufe they were <fo near, that nothing but the 
 River parted them and the City, and were the places where the Spaniards put an 
 
 end to the War, having entirely fubje&ed and conquered the Indians. 
 
 ■ 
 
 C H A P. 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 557 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 The Flight of Villac Umu. Philip the Interpreter pu- 
 nijhed. The Prince Manco Inca leaves his Empire^ 
 and remains an Exile in foreign parts. 
 
 WE have in the foregoing Chapters declared, how that Prince Manco Inca 
 fent Meflengers into Chili, to advife his Brother Paullu, and the High 
 Prieft, VUkc Vmu, of his Defign, to kill and deftroy all the Spaniards that were 
 in Peru, as being the onely means thereby to recover his Empire, defiring 
 them to take the fame courfe with Almagro, and his People, who were in thofe 
 'parts. 
 
 Now we muft know, that this Intimation^ was brought to Chili, before Aim*. 
 $■» was departed thence, howfoever Paullu having conluked with his Friends, 
 did conclude and agree, that they were not then in a condition to fight the Spa- 
 niards, in regard that having loft above ten thoufand Indians, by Colds, and 
 snow, in paffing the Mountains, ( as we have formerly mentioned , ) their Force 
 was much decreased, and not capable to oppofe the Spaniards in open Field ; and 
 chat fuch was the Vigilancy of the Enemy, '^as well by night as by day, being 
 u\vays on the Guard, that there was little hopes to take an advantage -on them 
 w furprifej wherefore it was thought moft convenient to diflemble their Dif- 
 rontents widh a colour of Service and Fidelity to the Spaniards , untill a more 
 it opportunity did happen for execution of their Defign ■■> in order whereunto, 
 ?§ullu and Villac Vmn being then together in Tacama , ( which is a Countrey of 
 ?<m, diftind from the Defarts of Chili, as we have mentioned in the 2 2d 
 Chapter of this Book , ) they agreed, that the High Prieft mould leave the Spa- 
 tUrds, and be gone, but that Paullu fhould continue with them for a Spie, to 
 £ve Intelligence to the Inca, his Brother, of all the Defigns, which were contri- 
 ved againft him. 
 
 Gomara reports, that both of them fled away together, but Carate faith other- 
 vife.5 for in the firft Chapter of his third Book , he mentions none but the 
 -lish Prieft , and in the fourth Chapter of the fame Book, fpeaking of Paullu, 
 lehath theie Words. 
 
 " Almagro made Paullu Inca, and beftowed on him the Imperial Wreath ; be- 
 caufe that Manco Inca, being confcious of his evil Intentions , was fled with 
 manySouldiers into the high Mountains of Andes. 
 
 \ Thus far are the Words of Carate, whofe Teftimony (as we have faid) we 
 lall always follow, where Authours difagree, becaufe he was refident in Peru, 
 ad the other was not. In like manner Philip the Interpreter, who was with Al- 
 wre, made his Efcape •, for that ever fince the Death of Atahualpa, he was fear- 
 w of the Spaniards, and defired to get as far from them as he was able, not that 
 e kept a Correfpondence with the Indians, for they were always jealous of him, 
 ft he fliould betray them ; but he was defirous to imitate the other Indians, 
 ad caft off the Spaniards, whom he abhorred in bis very Soul. But this Flight 
 vas fatal to him •, for not being acquainted with the Countrey, he fell into the 
 lands of Almagro, and his Souldiers, who calling to mind how he once deferted 
 Uwado, and having a fufpicion that he was privy to the Efcape of the High 
 rieft, and would not reveal it, he was fentenced to be hanged and quartered. 
 Upon this .pafftge , though not according to the order of time, Gomara, in 
 
 the 
 
558 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 the isjth Chapter of his Book, hath thefe Words, which we have extracted 
 
 verbatim. 
 
 " This unhappy Wretch confefled at the time of his death, that he had given 
 " falfe Evidence againft the good King Atabaliba, that he might enjoy one of 
 " his Wives with fecurity. This Phi/ipUUo de Pohechos was an ill Man, treache- 
 " rous, inconftant, falfe, defirous of Mutinies, bloudy, and had little of a Chri- 
 " ftian, though he had been baptized. 
 
 Thus far are the Words of Gomara, whence we may confider, how lamen- 
 table a thing it is, that the firft Interpreter that was chofen to preach the Gof- 
 pel in thofe parts, mould prove fuch a Villain. But Almagro little regarding the 
 Flight of Villac Vmu , fo long, as Paullu remained with him , proceeded in his 
 March towards Cow, when he received intelligence of the Infurre&ion which 
 the Indians had made, of which though formerly he entertained fome fufpicions, 
 yet he was not fo inquifitive as was fit, becaufe he depended for thefe Advices', 
 on that Fidelity and Service which Paullu and his People profefled towards them. 
 The way which he took in his March was by Collao, where the Countrey being 
 open, and plain, was not fo dangerous for Ambufhes, as the way between Cozco 
 and los Reyes. When he arrived near Cozxo , he found that the Prince Mam 
 Inca had quitted the Siege ; for not knowing the Defign againft the Pkarros, he 
 imagined, that the Intention of Almagro was to relieve and Succour his Friends. 
 Almagro took this occafion to fee 'and treat with the Inca-, for having had former 
 acquaintance with him , he believed that he might be able to draw him to his 
 Party. The/*™, who hoped to take 'this opportunity to kill Almagro, 2nd all 
 his Followers, confented to an Interview $ but fuch was the Prudence/ and Caution 
 of Almagro, that he was always To well guarded with his Souldiers,.both Horfe 
 and Foot, that the Indians durft not attempt any thing upon them. Nor would 
 the hca hearken to the Propofition that was made, to take part with Almagro, 
 but told him plainly, That his Intention was to recover the Empire for himfelf, 
 and therefore was refolved.not to be concerned, either for one fide, or the other.- 
 Howfoever when he and Almagro we're parted, the Indians would have perfua- 
 ded him to accept the Propofal, and to foment the Civil War between the 
 Spaniards, faying, That when they had killed and weakned each other, he 
 might then be better able to fubdue and mafter the prevailing Party. To which 
 the Prince made this Reply , That it became not the Honour of an hca to 
 diflemble, or fail in his Word, unto thofe to whom it was given, and 
 that he would rather lofe his Empire, than maintain it withFalfity, or Trea- 
 chery, to thofe whom he had received into his Favour, and under his Pro- 
 tection. 
 
 Whilft Almagro was thus in treaty with the hcd, Hernando Pi^arro fent private- 
 ly to try the Pulfe of'Saavedra, who was then with Almagro, promifing, that 
 if he would revolt unto his Party , he mould neither want Honours nor Bene- 
 fits. But this fohn de Saavedra, who was of as Noble Bloud , as any that owns 
 that Name in Seville, rejected the Propofals that were made him of Advantage, 
 rather than ftain his Honour with the leaft blemifh. And thus thefe three Par- 
 ties ftood at a Gaze, without any Attempt made by one or other. At length 
 the hca confidering that Almagro was returned from Chili, and had brought with 
 him four hundred and fifty Spaniards, though he had loft two hundred, or there- 
 about, in his Paffage over the Snowy Mountains, in the Wars, and by other 
 Accidents-, and that if in many Months he was not able to fubdue the Spaniards. 
 when they were not more than one hundred and feventy , how much more 
 would they prove an unequal match to them, at this time, when they were 
 encreafed to fix hundred : And though they were divided by private Quar- 
 rels, and Civil Diflentions, yet they would quickly unite, and be cementec 
 again, fo foon as the Indians, who are their common Enemy, mould appeal 
 in a formidable manner againft them. And as to the matter of carrying or 
 the War, Experience had taught them already, that it would prove fatal, anc 
 of moft ruinous Confequence^ for that in the fpace of one Year, fincethi 
 Infurredion firft began , they had loft above fourty thoufand Men, which hac 
 perifhed by the Swords of the Enemy, by Famine, and other Calamities 
 
 whic 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. <^o 
 
 which attend the fuccefs of War 5 and therefore in Companion to his Peo- 
 ple, he would rather chufe to give over his Pretentions, as defperate, than 
 engolf himfelf in fuch a Defign which was every day attended with new Diffi- 
 culties. 
 
 And having duly confidered thefe things , and confulted on them with fome 
 few of his Relations, he refolved to give over the War 5 and that he might in- 
 timate fo much to the Officers of his Army, he aflembled the principal of them 
 together, and publickly difcourfed with them to this effed: 
 
 " Brethren, and Sons of mine, I have well obferved , and proved the great 
 " Affection and Zeal ye have demonftrated towards my Service , having with 
 " much Alacrity, and Readinefs, offered your Lives and Fortunes, Wives and 
 " Children , that ye might again effablifh me in the Throne of my Empire -, 
 " but fince it is apparent, that the Pachacamac vifibly fights againft us, and hath 
 " decreed that I mould not be King, there is no reafon for us to withftand and 
 " oppofe his Divine Will. 
 
 " I am well allured, and I believe ye are all fenfible, that my Defires to 
 
 v reign and govern , are not grounded on Principles of Ambition ■-, but that 
 
 ; ' my Kingdoms may recover that Peace and Liberty which they enjoyed 
 
 " under the gentle and eafie Government of my Anceftours ; it being the Du- 
 
 :< ty of every good King to ftudy the Profperity and Welfare of his People - 7 
 
 " and according to the practice of the Incas , to prefer that before any other 
 
 " Confideration whatfoever. But I have good reafon to fufpeft and fear, 
 
 " that the Defigns of thefe Men , whom we call Gods , and fay they were 
 
 " lent from Heaven, are very much different from thefe Principles. How- 
 
 " foever, for my part, I cannot, but with much Regret and Tendernefs to- 
 
 :* wards you, feek to gain my point at the coft of your Lives, and would 
 
 1 rather live in a private manner , defpoiled of my Empire, which is my In- 
 
 ff heritance, than to recover it at the expence of their Bloud, whom I love 
 
 I" as dearly as my own Children. And now therefore, that the Viracockis may 
 
 •" not treat you ill for my fake, I am refolved to retire my felf, and to 
 
 '" live an Exile from my Countrey, that fo all Caufeof Jealoulie and Suf- 
 
 " picion being removed by my Abfence, ye may be received into their good 
 
 u Grace and Favour. 
 
 : * And now I find the Prophecy of my Father Hmjm Capac fully accom- 
 " plifhed, which was, That a Stranger Nation (hould deprive us of our 
 " Empire, and deftroy our Laws, and Religion. Had we well confidered 
 " this, before we began the War, we mould have acquiefced, and fubmit- 
 :t ted , becaufe my Father , the King , enjoined us to obey and ferve the VI- 
 r racochas, whofeLaws, as he faid, were better than ours, and their Arms 
 " more powerfull than our force. Both which things have proved true, for lb 
 " foon as they entred into this Empire, Our Oracles became filent , which is a 
 ' fign that they yielded unto theirs: And as to their Arms they have had 
 f an advantage over ours •-, for though at the beginning we had the fortune. 
 ' to kill fome few of them , yet at length one hundred and feventy onely 
 K which furvived, were able to deal with us -, nay as we may fay, did conquer us, 
 u feeing that in the end we are forced to retreat. 
 
 1 " The truth is, it cannot well be faid that they conquered us, nor can 
 
 ' they boaft much of their Victories-, for fetting afide the Miracles which 
 
 f appeared in their Favour , they of themfelves gained no advantage over 
 
 f us. For what can we fay to the Fire, which burned our own Houfes, 
 
 f and became extind:, fo foon as it touched theirs ? What can we think 
 
 ' of that Cavalier, who, at the Extremity of the Siege, appeared withThun- 
 
 f der and Lightning in his Hand , and routed and deftroyed all before him ? 
 
 f And then in the Night, a moft beautifull Princefs appeared in the Clouds, 
 
 I with an Infant in her Armes-, which, with that aftoniming Brightnefs fhe 
 
 \ darted from her Eyes , difmayed and blinded us in fuch manner , that we 
 
 " knew not what we did, and even feared to return unto our own Quar- 
 
 ' ters •, how much le£s durft we adventure to give Battel to thele Vira- 
 
 cochai ? 
 
 Moreover, 
 
c£ Royal Commentaries. Book IL 
 
 " Moreover , we have feen , and tried , how fach a handful! of Men have 
 u been able to defend themfelves againft fuch multitudes of ours, without Food, 
 
 Sleep, or Reftv that when we imagined, they were wearied , faint, and rea- 
 C; dy to yield, they appeared formidable, and refreshed with new Vigour. All 
 " which being confidered, 'tis apparent that the Hind of God is in it, and that 
 "' the Packac amac, who favours them , doth difcounge and hiufe fear into our 
 '• Minds; wherefore let us yield pu: (elves, rather than b/ing fo many ca!ami- 
 ' : ties upon our own Heads. For my part, I am refolvec to retire within the 
 u Mountains of Amit , and there fecure a r .d defend my felf better , than I am 
 " able to doe with all my power ■■, and there living quietly , and without of- 
 ' fence, I (hall not provoke thofe Strangers to doe Hurt and Mifchief unto you 
 " for any Caufe or Reafon of mine. In this my Solitude and Banifhment it 
 " will be my Comfort to hear that it pafieth well with you , and that ye live 
 " with Liberty and Contentment under this new Government of the Spaniards; 
 11 wherefore inftead of my laft Will and Teftament, and in purfuance of that 
 " Command left us by my Father, I do conjure you to ferve and obey them, to 
 " the utmoft of your power, fo (hall ye be well treated and ufed by them: 
 " And fo farewell , and remain in peace •, and now methinks I am very forry 
 " to leave you in the Hands of Strangers , willing with all my Heart, that I 
 " were able to take you all with me. 
 
 When the fnca had ended his Speech, his People dropped a Floud of Tears, 
 with fuch Groans and Sighs, that the fulnefs of Sorrow flopped the utterance 
 of Words-, nor durft they diffuade him from this refolution, perceiving that he 
 determined fo to doe •, wherefore in the firft place he disbanded all his Souldiers, 
 that were under Command of their refpective Caciques, advihng them to repair 
 unto their feveral. Provinces, and there patiently fubmit unto, and obey, and 
 ferve the Spaniards •, but the lnca collecting as many as he could together of his 
 own Bloud, and Family, both Men and Women, fled with them into the wild 
 Mountains of Amu, and feated himfelf at a certain plac. 1 , called Villcapamfa; 
 where he paffed his time (as we may imagine) in SoJtude, like a Prince 
 depofed and difpofleffed of his Sceptre, and there lived, untiil he was killed by 
 a certain Spaniard, to whom he had given Protection , and con ferved from his 
 Enemies, and who mod inhumanely fought his Life: As we lhall fee in its 
 due place. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. «6i 
 
 CHAP. XXX. 
 
 What a certain Authour reports of the Incan Kings and 
 their Subjetls. 
 
 BLm Viler a difcourfing of the Wifedom, Abilities, Prowefs and Valour of 
 the Indians of Pern, he gives this Character of them, as follows? which I 
 the rather mention, becaufe it conduces much to the matter in hand, and will 
 ferve to confirm what we have already faid, and what we lhall hereafter report. 
 
 " The People of Peru exceed moft Nations of the World in quicknefs of Wit, 
 
 " and ftrength of Judgment , the which appears in that they have been able 
 
 " without the help of Letters , to attain unto the knowledge of many things, 
 
 " which the learning of the Egyptians, Calde.ws and Greeks could never reach ] lb 
 
 " that if in place of their Knots, they had made ule of Letters, they had fur- 
 
 h palled the Romans , and- Galls, and other Nations, in all points of Learning 
 
 [ whatfoever. That rudenefs of Manners which appears in them at prelent, is 
 
 r not for want of Natural Parts, or Endowments of Mind, but for want oi~ prac- 
 
 ' tice in the Falliions and Giftoms of Europe, and of Inftructours in Liberal Sci- 
 
 : ' cnces, being taught nothing but what relates to Interefl and Gain ■■, for fuch of 
 
 H them as have Matters, or Teachers, and leifure time, and liberty to learn •-, nay, 
 
 [ if they do but fee a thing, they will imitate it fo exactly, without being taught, 
 
 ■ that they become better Artifts and Mechanicks than the Sp.mi.vds themielves, 
 
 " and would become better Scholars in reading and Writing, and be more expert 
 
 ' in all forts of mulical Instruments tlian the Spaniards, had they onely the ad- 
 
 ' vantage of being taught 5 nor would they prove ill Scholars in the Latin Tongue : 
 
 * And moreover they are not more ignorant in our Books, than we are in the 
 ' knowledge of theirs ; for though we have now lived amongft them, and have 
 ' had Convention, with them for feventy Years, yet have not attained to the 
 
 * knowledge of their Knots, nor the nature of their Accounts ; when they in a 
 ' fhort time have attained to the knowledge of our Letters and Ciphers 5 which 
 " are evidences of their Ingenuity, and goal capacity : And as to their Memory, 
 
 * they generally exceed the Sp.mi.trds, having by their Knots, and Joints of their 
 ' Fingers, figured feveral Common places , out of which they do extract par- 
 ' ticulars in their due Order for the help and beneht of the Memory. And 
 1 what is more ftrange, the fame Knots ferve for divers Paflages, and Arguments 
 1 of Hiftory ? and giving them onely the Subject, they will run on with a Hifto- 
 ' ry as currently as a Reader can his Book-, which is an Art unto which no ^4- 
 1 niar J as yet hath been able to attain, nor know in what manner, it is perfor- 
 1 med s and are all good Arguments of the acute Judgment and great Memory 
 ' of the Indians. 
 
 1 As to their Art in Military Affairs, take all things in their due Circumftances, 
 
 ' the People o(Peru are moreenperr than thole o(Eurcpe- ? for ihew me the moft 
 
 1 brave and famous Captains of Spain or France, on Foot without Horles, with- 
 
 ' out Amour, without Lance, Sword, Piftol, or other Fire-arms =. let them ap- 
 
 ' pe:.r in their Shirts without Cloths, with a Sling inltead of a Girdle, and their 
 
 " Heads covered with a Op of Feathers, or Garland of Flowers , initead of a 
 
 Head- piece, or Steel Bergandine-, let them march with their bare Feet over 
 
 1 Briers, or Thorns; let their Diet be Herbs, and Roots of the Field, carrying 
 
 1 a piece of a Mat in their Left hands inRead of a Buckler; and in this manner 
 
 ' let them enter the Field to blunt the Edges of Swords, and Halbards, and Tikes 
 
 with three Forks ; and let them ftand the Stone- flings, the poifoned Arrows, 
 
 and the skilfull Archer, which will hit the Eye, or the Heart, or anything; if in 
 
 this naked and fimple condition they become Conquerours, I will then lay, that 
 
 ' they deferve the Fame and Reputation of valiant Captains above the b&mu. 
 
 C c e c bin 
 
^&z Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 but in regard it is impoffible to put the Europeans in this ftate and condition, 
 or to perfuade them to the ufe of luch Arms, Cuftoms, or Habit, fo humanely 
 fpeaking , they will never make trial or effay to gain Victories with fuch tools 
 or inftruments. And, on the contrary, were the Indians armed as are the Eu- 
 ropeans, trained up with the fame Military Difcipline, and inftru&ed in the Art 
 of War, both by Sea and Land, they would be more invincible than the Turks. 
 Of the Truth hereof Experience is the beft proof; for whenfoever the Spaniards 
 and Indians were equal in their Arms, the Spaniards were flain in great numbers, 
 as for Example, in Puno of Mexico, and long before that in other places-, for 
 the truth is , when the Spaniards have been laden and encumbred with their 
 Arms, and the Indians free and light, the Spaniards have been often defeated in 
 
 Open Battel ■-, as in Sluitu, in Chacbapuaya, in Chaquifaca, in Tucma, in Cunti, in 
 
 Saufa, in Parens, in Chili, and other parts. Wherefore in comparing the Va- 
 lour and Prowefs of the Spaniards with that of the Indians, both of Mexico and 
 Pern, there can be no meafure or trial made by the Succefs or Conquefts, by 
 reafon of the great inequality in their Arms, and above all, the Invention of 
 Fire-arms was more terrible to them than all the reft, and feems fomething 
 more than what is humane or natural •■, and in reality the Victories which have 
 been obtained in moft parts of the new World, and efpecially in Peru, were won- 
 derfull Effects of Divine Providence, and rather to be attributed to the Power 
 of God, in favour of the Gofpel, than to the Valour of the Spaniards. But 
 though we may compare the Europeans and the Ajjtiaticks together in the point 
 of Arms, yet we cannot admit of any Companion between the Spaniards and 
 the Indians, as to the Art of War, in which, no doubt but the Spaniards have 
 much the advantage : But to let pafs this point, and compare Indians with Ink 
 dians, there is no doubt but the Incas, and the People of Peru,- were much the 
 better Souldiers-, of which they have given us futficient Testimonies by the 
 many Conquefts they made over the many Countries they reduced to their 
 Obedience, and enjoyed •, nor were they fignalized for their Valour of late 
 Years onely , ( as fome People vainly imagine ) but for above five or fix 
 hundred Years part , amongft which many Kings of them have been very 
 powerfull •-, namely Manco Capac, Inca Roca, Viracocha Inca, Pachacutec, and thofe 
 defcended from that Line to the great Huayna Capac, who was Emperour, be- 
 sides many other Captains of the fame Bloud, of whom we have treated at 
 large in other places. 
 
 Thus far are the Words of Bias VaUra; after which fhort digreflion let us re- 
 turn again to QUI" Spaniards. 
 
 1 — ■ _ j , I 
 
 I lo - 
 
 t 
 10 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 563 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. 
 
 Of the differences which arofe between the Almagro's, and 
 the Pisarro's ; and of the Imprifonment of Hernando 
 Picarro. 
 
 SO foon as Almagro and Picarro faw that the Inca had disbanded his Army, and 
 was fled, and had left unto them free pofleflion of the Empire-, they began 
 then openly to difcover their Paflions, and turn their Arms each againft the other; 
 one afte&ed to rule and govern abfolutely alone, and the other prepared to pre- 
 vent and difappoint him of the Pofleflion of that fupreme Power which neither 
 admits a Superiour nor a Rival. Thus Almagro required Hernando Picarro to fur- 
 render the City to him, and leave him in free pofleflion thereof, pretending, that 
 it was the Part and Divifion which belonged to him, and not to his Brother; as 
 1 not being comprehended within the two hundred Leagues of Land belonging to 
 ; die Marquis, which were to be meafured, and fet out from the Equinoctial South- 
 ward, along the Sea-coaft, according to the Capes, and Points, and Bays, run- 
 ning by the Sea-fhore; but certainly Land was never meafured in that manner, or 
 by other Lines than by the High-ways. Howfoever the party of Almagro inlifted 
 1 on this point , and would underftand no other Meafures than by the Sea-coaft, 
 'which if Picarro had granted and condefcended unto, though His Majefty (hould 
 have enlarged his Jurifdi&ion an hundred Leagues farther, yet his Dominion 
 ' would not have-reached fo far as los Reyes, much lets could it have extended unto 
 Coz£ . Howfoever thefe groundless Reafons and Fancies had fo far poflefled the 
 Mind of Almagro, and his Party, thit they would fufter no Contradiction , or 
 hearken to any Arguments to the contrary, but violently refolved to abandon the 
 Kingdom of Chili, and return to Peru, and Cozco, from whence afterwards fo ma- 
 ny Ruines and Mifchiefs did enfue. 
 
 To this Demand Hernando Picarro made Anfwer, that he did not command that 
 City by virtue of his own Authority, but by a Power derived from the Gover- 
 nour, who was his Captain General, to whom having made Oath never to fur- 
 render up that City into any other hands, than his own •, he could neither perform 
 the part of a Gentleman, nor of a Souldier, in cafe he ftiould betray his Truft by 
 fuch a bafe fmender, which was an abfolute Breach of his Oath ; but in cafe 
 they wouli write to the Marquis, and obtain his Order, he would immediately 
 yield all compliance to his Commands. But waving that particular, he infifted, 
 that the Imperial City belonged to his Brother, and was comprehended within 
 the Limits of his Jurifdidtion ; for that the meafures he propounded by Capes, 
 and Gulfs, and Bays, along the Sea-coaft , were mere fancies, and fallacies, and 
 fuch as never were admitted amongft any rational Geographers; for the tur- 
 nings and windings of the Land will take up above half the extent of Ground, as 
 is manifeft by experience of the doubling of the Lands onely from the Me of 
 Palmes to the Cape of St. Francis. Nor ought the Land to be meafured by the 
 High- ways, which often turn and wind, and are fteep, and oftentimes afcend 
 three or four Leagues , and then again defcend as many more ; which upon a 
 ftreight Line from one Hill to another , will not make half a League. But the 
 Pi.arros did not approve of this kind of Meafure, alledging, that the Leagues were 
 to be reckoned according to the Degrees of the Equino&ial, as Mariners mete out 
 by their Compafles the diftances at Sea , allowing to every Degree feventeen 
 Leagues and an half, in failing plain North and Sourh : Now whereas there were 
 not above eleven Degrees of South- latitude from the Equinoctial to the City of 
 hs Reyes, which make not more than an hundred ninety two Leagues and an half, 
 and that to Cvuo, which ftands in fourteen Degrees, it will not make above two 
 hundred forty five Leagues in all-, fo that both Cities of Us Reyes, and Cozco, were 
 
 C c c c 2 to 
 
^4 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 to be comprehended within the new Enlargement which His Majefty gave to Pi~ 
 farro, though the number of Leagues were not fpecified in that Grant. 
 
 Hereunto the Party of Almagro replied , that in cafe the diftances were to be 
 meted by the Heavens, and not by the Land, they were not to be taken North 
 and South, but Eaft and Weft, which gives Eighty Leagues to a Degree: But 
 in regard that neither fide would agree to that Meafure, the matter, as they faid, 
 ought to be accommodated, and forty nine Leagues allowed to a Degree, and 
 then the Jurifdiftion of Picarro would not reach farther than fix Degrees from 
 the Equinoctial, yielding forty nine Leagues to every Degree 5 now in cafe the Pi- 
 cams yielded to any of thefe three forts of Meafures, neither Cozco, nor los Reyes, 
 would be comprehended within his Jurifdidtion. 
 
 In thefe Debates, pro & con, many Days were fpent, which were oftentimes f© 
 warmly argued, that had it not been for the Moderation and Difcretion of niega 
 de Alvarado, Uncle to the General Don Pedro de Alvarado, and Gomez de Alvarado, 
 a Perfon of great worth , they had proceeded to Arms, and open violences he 
 came in company with Almagro unto Chili, and being fenfible of the evil Confe- 
 quences which a Breach or Mifunderftanding of this nature between the Gover- 
 nors would produce, he fo laboured to beget a good correfponderrce between 
 them, that at length, by confent of the major part, it was agreed that Hernando 
 mould intimate to the Marquis his Brother the Demands and Pretentions o{ Al- 
 magro, and that untill an Anfwer mould be returned thereunto, ali matters mould 
 remain in fufpence, and Acts of Hoftility fhould ceafe, which accordingly was 
 obferved for fome dayss but fome Men of an unquiet humour, who were defi-: 
 rous to difturb that Union and Friendlhip which was eftabiifhed between thole 
 two Companions, fuggefted to Almagro- that he had done ill, and to the prejudice 
 of his own right, by referring the Title and Claim which he juftly had by Grant 
 from the Emperour, to the Will and Pleafure of another. That Hemando'Picano 
 had telblved what to doe before he wrote, and that this pretence of Writing' was- 
 onely to keep himfelf in his ftatioh fo long as he could •, for it could not be ex- 
 pedited that the Marquis mould ever be contented to refign and quit the Imperial 
 City of Cozco, and that the Agreement which was made, being without limitation 
 of time, might bind Almagro for ever, in cafe Picarro fhould not return an Anfwer 
 thereunto. Wherefore in regard his Claim'to the Government of that City was 
 clear, and without difpute, he was advifed without farther Ceremonies, orpaufe, 
 to take Poflellion thereof, it not being probable that ever the contrary party 
 fhould aflent to the Surrender of a Jewel fo rich and important as that City ■■, and 
 therefore, that he mould look to his own Intereft, and not make delays in a mat- 
 ter w hich fo much concerned him. 
 
 Almagro, who had no need of Sparks to enflame the burning heat of Ambition, 
 which was fmothered in his Mind> immediately took Fire at thefe Incentives, and 
 embraced the Advices , which were given him by his evil Companions , for fuch 
 Counfels as thefe are never projected by good Men : Wherefore without far- 
 ther Confutation with his wife and true Friends, he rafhly attempted the lodg- 
 ings of Hernando and Goncalo Picarro, and in a dark night, and with armed Forces, 
 broke in upon them , for the Guards were afleep, and fecure, on confidence of 
 the Truce which was fo lately made-, howfoever the matter was not fo covertly 
 carried, but that Intelligence was brought by one of Almagro s Men of the danger 
 approaching, the which Hernando Picarro would not believe at firft, or conceive ic 
 poffible, that a Gentleman fhould fo manifeftly violate his Word, and the Faith/ 
 he had given-, but whilft Hernando was thus arguing, a noife and combuftion was 
 heard without , and then he that brought the News faid, Sir , fince you give no 
 
 credit to what you hear with your Ears, believe what you fee with your Eyes, for, behold, 
 they are come. 
 
 Hereupon an Allarm was given to the Servants and People belonging to the 
 Picarros, who inftantly armed, and ran to defend the Doors of the Houfe, which 
 had been fortified, and ftrongly barred, as were all the Quarters of the City where 
 the Spaniards lodged, ever fince the time that the Inca departed. The Almagrians 
 not finding a fpeedy Entrance, fet Fire to the Houfe in ieveral places : Hereup- 
 on rhe Defendants giving themfelves for loft, opened the Doors, and fo Hemandt 
 and Goncalo Picarro, with many of their Friends and Relations, who were all of the 
 Countrey of Eflremenno , or Efremadura , were taken , and put together into a 
 ftrait Chamber of the Cajfana, which they made fecure with bars and bolts of Iron : 
 
 Some 
 
 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 565 
 
 Some evil Counfellours which loved to make and foment differences, advifed Al- 
 magro to kill Hernando Pkarro , for that ever fince the firft time that he came 
 from Spain, they had difcbvered in him a ftrange malice towards his Perfon, ha- 
 ving never mentioned him with any kind character •, and that he was a Man of 
 a violent fpirit, revengefull to the utmoft, and of a different temper to his Bro- 
 thers •, and therefore that it was dangerous to fufter fuch a Man to live. 
 Almagro was ready to have executed this counfel, but that Diego, and Gomez de 
 
 Alvarado, John de Saavedra, Bartokmeo dc Terrazas, Vafco de Guevara, and Geronimo 
 
 de Cofiilla, and others, who were all Gentlemen of Noble defcent, and friends to 
 peace and quietnefs, reftrained this violence •, telling him, that there was no rea- 
 fon in that open manner to break with the Marquis, who had been his faithfull 
 friend and confederate in all Enterprifes ■? for perhaps the reputation he had ble- 
 midied by breach of the Truce might be falved again , and the feizure he had 
 made on the Government might be accommodated ■-, but the Aflaffination of Her- 
 : nando Picarro was a thing fo odious to the World, and fo infamous to his Name, 
 that the' (lain thereof could never be blotted out$ and therefore he would doe 
 well to confult with Reafon and Prudence, rather than with his Anger and Re- 
 venge, which would carry him to more dangerous extremities. 
 
 With thefe and the like Reafons thefe Gentlemen perfuaded Almagro to defift 
 from this cruel intention, contenting himfelf with the Government of the City 5 
 which having taken upon him, he caufed all the Officers of the Corporation, and 
 the people a hundred Leagues round , according to the limits prefixed to him by 
 his Majefty, to fwear Fealty and Allegiance to him. Where we will leave him 
 for a while, and pafs forwards to other matters which hapned at the fame time. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. 
 
 Of the Hardjhips and Difficulties which Gar^ilaflb de la 
 Vega , and his Companions , fuftained to Difcover the 
 Count) ey of Buena- Ventura , which fignifies Good For- 
 tune. 
 
 E have formerly related how that Don Francis Picarro finding himfelf be- 
 fieged by the Indians , who had made a general Infurredtion , greatly 
 3, that his Brothers in Cozco, and Almagro in Chili, were deftroyed by them 5 
 and therefore with all diligence difpatched Advices 'to Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, 
 St. Domingo, and the other Iflands of Barlovento, to demand fuccours and relief - 7 he 
 likewife lent Orders to recall his Captains, namely, Alonfi de Alvarado, Sebafimi 
 
 de Belalcacar, Garcilajfo de la Vega, and fohn Porcell, requiring them to defift from 
 
 their Coriquefts, and to return to him with all their force, having need of their 
 Aid againft the power of the Indians. Alonfi de Aharado, who was the neareft 
 of any to his Quarters, was the firft that came in, but not timely enough to yield 
 his affiftence before the Indians began to flag, and withdraw their force from the 
 City of los Reyes, which they totally abandoned, fo foon as he appeared 5 but nei- 
 ther Captain Sebaftian de Belalcacar, nor Captain de los Bracamoros, nor fohn Porcell, 
 
 were prefent at this A&ion, by reafon that the Indians, who carried the Command, 
 were killed by the way, (b that the Order or Summons never came 1 3 their 
 hands : befides, Garcilafo de la Vega arrived not long after the coming of Alonfi de 
 Alvarado from the Bay, which is called St. Mathews Bay, and Buena-vemura ■, the 
 which Countrey ( as we have touched before ) was bad, and almoft uninhabita- 
 ble, 
 
 N 
 
 I 
 
-££ Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 ble fo that the people which were fent thither fuftained much difficulty and 
 hardfhip ■-, for the Mountains were incredibly high, and covered with lofty trees, 
 of fuch a fort of hard Timber, as would not yield to the Hatchet 5 and the Bufhes 
 fo thick and dofe, that they were like a Wall, that neither Man or Beaft could 
 pafs through them 5 and the Rains were fo conftant, and made fuch a perpetual 
 Deluge, that when they intended to have burnt them, the fire was extinguifhed, 
 
 At firft when the Spaniards entred upon that Conqueft, they expected to have 
 found many Indians within the Countrey 5 and fo paiTed, as well as they were 
 able, opening the ways by force of Arms and Labour, rifing and defending by 
 the Chanels which were made by Waters falling from the Mountain. And with 
 thefe Difficulties they proceeded for many days, though they were fufficiently in- 
 formed by the Indians, whom they brought out of Peru to ferve them, that it was 
 all labour loft,that there were no people in many Leagues diftant from thofe parts, 
 that the Region being uninhabitable, was Abandoned by all people, and never 
 planted by the Incan Kings : Howfoever, the Spaniards would not hearken to them, 
 efteeming it a difreputation to their Enterprife to return back to the Countrey of 
 their Companions. Wherefore perfifting in this refolution to proceed, they tra- 
 velled at leaft a hundred Leagues, being reduced to fuch a want of all ProvHions, 
 that they were forced to eat Herbs and Roots, Toads, Serpent^ and other InfecTs, _ 
 which, as they (aid, in that time of Famine, had as good a relliih as Hares or Co- 
 nies ; 'and, as they report, the great Serpents were much better Meat than the 
 fmaller Snakes. At length, after a long and tedious Journey, in which they had 
 no profpeci of a better condition, but that ftill their Famine and Hardships en- 
 creafed , the Officers of the Army, and of the King's Treafure, went to the Cap- 
 tain, and told him, That fince they had learned by experience, that the Hard- 
 fhips of that difcovery were not longer to be fuftained ; for that having now 
 wandred for above five Months within thofe Mountains, they had not feen fo 
 much as one Indian to conquer, nor an Acre of Land to cultivate , but had onely 
 met with Mountains, and Rivers, and Lakes, and Brooks, and a perpetual Deluge 
 of Rain •■, wherefore they conceived it better to confult his own, and the fafety of 
 his peop'le by a return , rather than out of an obftinate humour to throw away 
 the Lives of his people by Famine, and other Hardfhips. To which the Cap- 
 tain made anfwer, That he had many days paft obferved and confidered all thofe 
 Difficulties which they laid before him ■■, and that about the time of two Months 
 after thev had entred within thofe Mountains, he had conceived fome thoughts 
 
 of making a return •-, but confidering that fuch a retreat would have been difho- 
 nourable to them, and to himfelf, he had perfifted in this Enterprife untill this 
 very time ■, and ftill muft continue to intreat, and importune them to take cou- 
 rage and proceed forward , fo that their Companions, who are emulous of their 
 great undertakings, might not have occafion to revile them with fcorn, and bid 
 them to begone to their Riches, and delicious Dwellings of Peru. Wherefore he 
 again requefted and conjured them not now to relinquifh their defign, or turn 
 their backs to a work which they had almoft overcome ^ for the more danger, thr 
 more honour •, and fince Fame and Glqry is the reward of Victory, they mould 
 prefs forward like good Souldiers to obtain it, at leaft perfift fo far in the profecu- 
 tion of it, untill it appeared defperate, and drive it fo far, as that their Adverfa- 
 ries and' evil Tongues might have nothing to object againft them •-, for which they 
 would have fufficient fubjecl and caufe, in cafe they mould fo foon return with 
 their bufinefs unefrefted ; in the mean time he could not but have a fenfe and 
 feeling of their Labours and Hardfhips, more than of his own ; howfoever, fince 
 they law that he did not flinch, nor retreat a ftep backward, he defired them to 
 follow him, who was their Captain, being thereunto obliged as Cavaliers, good 
 Souldiers and Spaniards. With which good words, and preffing inftances, being 
 overcome , they complied with his defires , and proceeded other three Months 
 in their difcovery : As their Journey lengthned, fo Sicknefs increafed 5 for the 
 bodies of Men not being able to fuftain fuch Hardfhips, many, as well Indians as 
 Spaniards, fell fick and died , more of Hunger, than of any other Diftemper. 
 Thus feeing that their Men fell fick, and died every day, fo that they were not 
 able to proceed forward , they refolved by common confent to return, yet not by 
 the fame way ; but taking a compafs to the Eaftward , they came about by the 
 South, that for their better fatisfa&ion they might take a round, and bring all 
 
 within 
 
 m 
 ? 
 
 & 
 
 kcfi 
 
 t 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 within their difcovery : Their way was now over other Mountains, not better 
 than thole already palled, but worfe, if worfe could be : And Hill Famine and 
 Mortality prefled them hard with great difcouragement , lb that they were hired 
 Co kill their worft Horfes, and with ther Flelh to make Broth for their lick peo- 
 ple. But what was moll lamentable to fee, was Men dying and perilliing with 
 mere weaknefs 3 for not having ftrength to walk, they were left to themlelvcs in 
 the Mountains ■-, and not being able to help one the other, every one Ihifted for 
 hitrifelf : One day they left eleven Men alive in this manner, and another day thir- 
 teen : When they were almoft ftarved, and were forced to yield to their weaknefs, 
 the under-jaw fell in that manner, that they could not lliut their mouths 3 lb when 
 they left them, all they {aid was, God refi, and remain with you\ and the poor 
 Wretches would anfwer with an imperfect pronunciation, God go with you-, not ha- 
 1 wig ftrength to move their Tongues. All thefe particulars, belides the common 
 
 ; report, were related to me by a certain Souldier called de Fortalva ; I heard it 
 
 ; repeated more than once.and I could not but weep at the fadnefs of the ftory : And 
 he farther faid , that it did not lb. much trouble him when he left them dead, but 
 to abandon Men in that condition alive, was more grievous than could be expref- 
 fed In this manner above eighty Spaniards perilhed, belides Indians, in a far grea- 
 ter number. Moreover, they had another difficulty to pafs the River Quiximis ; 
 for the Timbers which they cut for that purpofe, were lb heavy, being fappy and 
 green, that they would not float, but link to the bottom •, nor were there any 
 places where it might be waded over, being a very fwift and rapid ftream, and 
 'much infefted with Alligators, which they call Caymanes, which are a fort of Cro- 
 codile of about twenty five or thirty Foot long ; and fo voracious, that they are 
 very dangerous in the Water. At length they made fome Floats with Boughs 
 :faftned together, and therewith pafled with as much difficulty as we can imagine. 
 It happened, that being to pafs one of thefe Rivers, and feeking the molt com- 
 modious place, they efpied two great Trees oppolite to each other, one on one 
 6de, and the other on the other fide of the River, with branches extending fo 
 wide, that they reached each other 5 it was thought fit to cut down one of thefe 
 towards the root, which they did, and fo direded the fall of it ori the tree on the 
 other fide, that it fell and refted on the other 3 both which trees being joyned to- 
 gether, ferved for a Bridge, over which the Spaniards and Indians taking hold on 
 the boughs, pafled by three and four at a time. At length there remained onely 
 fix perfons to go over, which were three Spaniards, and three Indians, of which 
 the Captain himfelf was one who would be the laft to bring up the rere ; the In- 
 Hms were ordered to go foremoft to carry the Arms, and two other Spaniards 
 who were intimate Comerades of the Captains were to bear the Saddles, and paf- 
 .Sng in this order near the top of the ftanding tree , that which was cut gave a 
 iack, and broke off from that part towards the bottom , which remained un- 
 | hewen 3 the two Spaniards, and the three Indians, kept their hold fa ft upon the 
 roughs 3 and the Captain, who obierved the danger more than thole who were 
 sefore him, gave a leap over his Companions, and catched firm hold on a bough 
 of the ftanding tree, which breaking with his weight, he fell therewith into the 
 Water 5 thofe which fate on the other tree were likewife carried down the 
 team with him , and were never feen more : But two or three of the 
 Captain's Comerades ftanding on the other fide, and obferving the danger 
 n which he was, followed him on the bank, and reaching out to him the end of 
 ;heir Lances, he took hold of them, and therewith they drew him to the fhore, 
 tnd faved him, returning thanks to Almighty God for this great deliverance. And 
 low travelling on their way forward , in what place foever that they found any 
 )lenty of wild Fruit or Roots larger than ordinary, they would ftay there to ga- 
 » her and make provilion of them for food in their Journey. And having thus wan- 
 lered above the fpace of one whole year in the Mountains, at length one day 
 vhilft they made a ftay to gather their Fruits, the Captain took a fancy to climb 
 1 tree, which grew on the higheft part of the Mountain, to fee if he could efpy 
 my plain or end of thofe Rocks, or hope to free themfelves from that Maze, or 
 -abyrinth : And being on the top of one of the higheft trees, which are in thofe 
 >arts like lofty Towers, he could not difcover any plain Countrey, being ftill en- 
 vironed on all fides with mighty Mountains 3 but looking round about, he obfer- 
 red a great flock of Parrots near him, which with their uiual chattering noife took 
 heir flight South-Eaft, and at a good diftancc from him, about five 0$ fix Leagues 
 
 as 
 
 567 
 
 
c£8 Royal Commentaries. Book IL 
 
 as he could guefs, heobferved that they (looped from the Wing to fome low 
 Valley : Now whereas Parrots are great lovers of Mayz, which is their chief 
 food, he concluded, that in or about the place where he faw them fall, there muft 
 be fome Plantation, or Dwelling for people ; and upon this preemption, eying 
 well the place, he returned to his Companions, and told them, that they fhould 
 be of good comfort, for that he had difcovered fure and certain tokens and evi- 
 dences, that they mould now very fpeedily arrive at fome inhabited Countrey. 
 The Spaniards and all their company being comforted and encouraged with this 
 good news, took heart, and next morning fell to work, opening a way through 
 the Bofcage with Axe and Hatchet, and in the fpace of thirty Days, penetrated 
 and broke through eight Leagues in length , aud then entred into a fmall Planta- 
 tion of the Indians , confiding of about a hundred Families, with whom Mayz, 
 and other forts of Grane and Pulfe, were in great plenty •, and the Soil was very 
 good,and able to produce food and maintenance for greater numbers,than did there 
 inhabit : Upon fight of which, and entrance thereinto, the Spaniards returned 
 thanks to God, who had brought them forth, and delivered them out; of thole 
 extremes of mifery. The Indians, when they faw a people with Beards, and moft 
 of them cloathed in Skins, (for.their Garments were rotted upon their backs, ha- 
 ving been for the moft part wet,) and thofe who were beft habited amongft 
 them were inftead of their Rags covered with the Bark and Leaves of Trees, they 
 were ftrangely furprized, and much more did they admire to fee the Horfes, for 
 fome of them were ftill conferved from being eaten. At the appearance of this 
 new fight, they called to each other to fly into the Mountains ■-, but fome figns 
 being made to them, not to fear, they were induced to ftay, and call their Ca- 
 cique, who was then in the Fields •■, the Cacique coming, received them with 
 much kindnefs and courtefie, (hewing fome trouble and pity to fee them almoft 
 naked, full of fcratches and wounds received from the Woods and Bufhes, and fa fe, 
 weak and pale, that they feemed half dead : He entertained them like Brothers, ? '»■; 
 and gave them Manto's of Cotten, fuch as were made for his own cloathing 5 and c 
 in a ihort time he took fuch an affeclion to the Spaniards, and particularly to the H 
 Captain, that he defired him never more to leave his Countrey , but if he would 
 not be perfuaded to remain there, yet then that he would take him into his com- 
 pany, and carry him to the place of his aboad and refidence. At this place they 
 remained thirty Days, and had occafion for their better refrelbment, to have con- 
 tinued there longer $ but that out of pity to thofe poor Indians, that they might 
 not eat up their Provifions, which they fo freely beftowed on them, they quitted 
 their Countrey, the name of which they did not enquire, it being their bufinefs 
 rather to pafs through, than to inform themfelves of Names and Places. The 
 Cacique would needs bring them on part of their way, and appointed thirty of his 
 Indians to be their Guides, and carry fuch Provifions for them as were very need- 
 full in that defart Countrey through which they were to pafe : the which Indians 
 were likewife very ferviceable in tranfporting their people over certain Rivers 5 for 
 they were skilfull in the manner how to make Floats, and knew how to conducl: 
 and fteer them over, better than the Spaniards. At length coming to the firft 
 Valley within the jurifdi&ion of Puerto Viejo, the Cacique and his Indians took 
 their leave of them with many tears, being very forrowfull to lofe their company? 
 and efpecially they were devoted to the Captain, who had won their hearts by his 
 affable and obliging deportment. At laft the Spaniards entred Puerto Viejo, with no 
 greater number than of one hundred and fixty Perfons •, for of the two hundred 
 and fifty, who at firft undertook that Conqueft, above eighty of them were ftar- 
 ved with hunger* and periftied with other hardlhips within the Mountains. At 
 Puerto Viejo they received the firft intelligence of the Infurre&ion of the Indians, but 
 knew nothing as yet of the fuccefs - 7 wherefore they haftned with all diligence to 
 the City of /w Reyes ^ and being on their way, they met the Command of the Mar- 
 quis, fummoning them to come in unto his fuccour 5 upon which they quickned 
 their March, and came to Rimac fome few days after the Arrival of Captain Alonfi 
 de Alvarado at that place •, which coming fo feafonably to the fuccour and relief oi 
 the Marquis, they were received by him with much joy and comfort, 
 
 k 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 It's 
 
 in 
 
 Btl 
 
 16c 
 
 CHAP 
 
 
Book It Koyal Commentaries. c£q 
 
 chap. XXXIII. 
 
 Alonfo de Alvarado marches to the Succour of Cozco . 
 and what his [uccefs was in thefe Travels. 
 
 SO foon as Marquis Picarro was recruited with Forces, both from Alonfo de Al- 
 varado, and Garcilaffo de la Vega, he fent Succours to his Brothers, being alto 
 gether as yet ignorant of the fuccefs of affairs at Cozco •, for he was neither infor- 
 ' med that Prince Mann I>wa was retreated , nor that Almagro was returned from 
 Chili, nor his Brothers imprilbned. Of thofe Troops which came to him, and of 
 his own, he drew out a Detachment of three hundred Men, well Accoutred, and 
 Accommodated in all refpe<5ts, one hundred and twenty of which were Horfe, 
 and an hundred and eighty Foot : Alonfo de Alvarado was appointed to Command 
 'in Chief, which Office did formerly appertain to Pedro deLerma, a Native oiBur. 
 \#>s, who, during the Infurrection of the Indians, had acquitted himfelf like a good 
 I Commander, and a valiant Souldier^ and as he always behaved himfelf ftoutly 
 as became him, fo one day particularly in a Battel between the Indians and the Spa- 
 mards, his Teeth were beaten out with an unlucky ftone thrown from a Sling : 
 Nor was he onely deprived of his Command, and the fame given to another, but 
 ie was ordered to ferve under Alonfo de Alvarado in Quality of Captain of Horfe : 
 ie which Aftion, as fome cortftrued it, was unpolitickly done by the Marquis, 
 j!nd without due confutation. \ for fince he was refolved in a manner to degrade 
 ■urn, he had better have kept him in his Own company, than to have caufed him 
 :o ferve under a Perfon againft whom he conceived fome piques of Emulation : 
 And indeed Pedro de Lerma did more refent this circumftanee, than the depriva- 
 ionof his Office ■-, for they were both of the fame Countrey, and both Noble ; 
 tnd it is a piece of pride incident to the Nature of Mankind, rather to fubmit to 
 he command of a Stranger, though of meaner rank and quality, than to his equal 
 if the fame Countrey : And from this errour it was, that Picarro afterwards loft 
 he fortune of the day, as we (hall fee by the ft quel of the Story. 
 
 When the day appointed for the departure of thefe Forces grew near, Garcilafo 
 'e h Vega defned licence of the Marquis, that he might with the other Captains 
 »e employed in this adventure for relief and fuccour of his Brothers 5 to which the 
 4arquis made anfwer, that he mould fuddenly have occafion of more fupplies, 
 nd that rhen he lhould be fent Commander in Chief of them -, but Garcilajfo in- 
 lantly preffed that his defires might not be deferred, for that' he could not be quiet 
 1 his mind, when he considered the diftrefs of his Lordlhips Brothers ■-, for ha- 
 mg an efpecial Friendship for them, and related to them as Countreymen, he 
 ■Duld not pardon himfelf, in cafe he mould be guilty of remifnefs, and be a fe- 
 3nd, and not one of the firft to yield, and. adminifter Aid to them in their di- 
 :refs ; and that for the recruits which were hereafter to be fent, he did not doubt 
 f : ut that he was furnilhed with Commanders, unto whom lu might worthily com- 
 mit that charge. The Marquis yielding at length to his importunity, fuffered 
 im to depart with the others 5 Co taking their March by way of the Plains, as far 
 Tftanafca, to- .'atbid the bad and difficult paffages, they came to the beautifull 
 r aliey of PacMacamac, whereabout four Leagues diftant from Us Reyes, they were 
 ngaged in a bloujy Battel againft the frdLwr, who were ftill in Arms, and in a 
 tody, notwithstanding thar their Prince was retired into the Mountains ■■, and had 
 mill that rime always beaten the Succours which had been fent to Cozco < and 
 ith that encouragement adventured to engage with Akrfo- de Alvarado, fighting 
 long time with much bravery ; hut being now in the open Field, without trie 
 Dvert and defence of Woods and Mountains, where the Horfe could doe fervice, 
 wny of the Indians were flaiti? but in. the craggy and woody Mountains drey did 
 meh mifchief to the Spaniards, killing eleven of them , and feven Horfes. From 
 lence Alonfo dr Alvarado matched forward,' and to make the more hafte, they tra- 
 
 D d d d veiled 
 
t$jo Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 veiled by Day againft the advice and perfuafion of the Indians, who afliired them, 
 that it was a matter moft pernitious to their health to travel over thofe fandy De- 
 farts by Day •, for that whilft the Sun reflected in its full violence on them, the 
 Heats were infupportable ; and that unlefs they carried Water with them, the peo- 
 ple would dye with thirft. But this advice given by the Indians to march by 
 Night, was not regarded by the Spaniards, who imagined that they gave that coun- 
 fel out of good will and favour to their Mm -, and therefore threatned to kill them 
 in cafe they did not haften their Journey. The poor Indians, who were humble 
 and obedient, fubmitted to their pleafure 5 and having travelled a whole day, un- 
 till an hour after Sun- fetting, both they and the Spaniards found themfelves in great 
 diftrefs for want of Water ; and more efpecially the Indians, who having carried 
 Burthens all the day, above five hundred of them perifhed with heat and thirft. 
 The Spanijh Foot had incurred the like fate, but that the Horfe underftanding that 
 a River was not far diftant, ran thither, and brought Water, which refrefhed them 
 in their great extremity : the which report Auguftine Carate confirms in the fixth 
 Chapter of his third Book, as may appear in thefe Words following : 
 
 c Alonfo de Alvarado paffing on his Journey to Cozxo, over a fandy Defart, fii- 
 ' ftained fuch want of Water, that above five hundred of his Indians, who car- 
 " ried Burthens, were choaked with thirft ■-, and had not the Horfe ran in hafte 
 " to a River, and brought thence in certain Vefiels fome Water for refrefhment 
 " of the spanifh Foot, it is believed that they had all perifhed. Thus far are the 
 
 Words of Carate. 
 
 ft! 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 tfe 
 
 1st 
 w 
 if 
 
 M 
 
 h 
 
 iai 
 mil 
 
 For want of thofe Indians who died with thirft, they were forced to ftay fome 
 Days, untill they were fupplied with others to carry their Burthens. And not to 
 incur again the like neceflity, they left the way of the Defart, and took up by the 
 Mountains, where they joyned with other two hundred Men , feventy of which 
 were Horfe, and the reft Foot, which the Marquis had fent under Command of 
 Gomez, de Tordoya de Vargas, Z near Kinfman to Garplajfo de ia Vega, to recruit the 
 Forces under Alonfo de Alvarado, which COnfifted Of five hundred Spaniards : All 
 
 which, as they marched through thofe mountainous and faft Countries, had many 
 Skirmifhes at every pafs with the Indians ; but being well advifed by frequent 
 misfortunes of this nature, they marched warily, and with due care to avoid the 
 like fnares, and unhappy fuccefles. At length they came to the Bridge called 
 Rumkacha, which is as much as to fay the Stone-bridge - 7 which being a difficult 
 pafs, the Indians did all they were able to give a ftop to the Enemy at that place, 
 and many other Avenues they guarded with Souldiers •, to gain which, the Spani- 
 ards made a Detachment of about forty or fifty Mufquetiers, with a great num- 
 ber of thofe Indians, whom they had taken up for Servants, and which were to 
 guide the Spaniards, whilft the Mufquetiers guarded the rere, untill the whole Body 
 had efcaped the danger of thofe dofe and difficult paflages. At the Bridge an in- 
 numerable Company of Indians crouded on the Spaniards, and fought valiantly ; 
 the Battel continued feveral hours, but at laft the Indians were forced to give way 
 with great (laughter, for the Mufquetiers of which there were one hundred, galled 
 them very much, and were thofe onely who gained the Victory, for in thofe in- 
 clofures the Horfe were able to doe no fervice •■, howfoever, the Spaniards loft 
 twenty eight Men, and nine Horfes, befides many of their Indian Servants. As 
 Gomara in the 1 3 8 th\ Chapter relates in thefe Words : 
 
 " Alvarado marched without any interruption with his five hundred Spaniards, 
 " untill he came to Lumkhaca, where is a Stone- bridge; but there he met with 
 : great numbers of Indians, who thought to cut off all the Chriftians, oratJeaft 
 ' dilperfe them : But Alvarado and his Souldiers, though encompafled on all fides 
 " with Enemies, fought with that Valour and Conduct, that they over-threw 
 " them with a great flaughter : but this Victory coft the lives of many Spaniards, 
 " and of many Indians, who were friends, and came to ferve and aflift them, &c. 
 
 From Rxmichaca Alonfo de Alvarado proceeded forwards, skirmifhing with the/»- 
 
 dians at every turn, where the Pafles were narrow and difficult 5 and though they 
 
 conceived little hopes to overcome them, howfoever it was fome fatisfatftion to 
 
 v them to difturb them in their March ; and though the Indians being now beater 
 
 oui 
 
 / 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. *n\ 
 
 out of the Field, durft not engage in a pitched Battel, as they had formerly done, 
 yet they continued their frequent Skirmilhes with lots and damage on one fide and 
 the other. And having marched twenty Leagues farther unto the Bridge of A- 
 mancay, Ahnfo de Alvarado received intelligence from the Indians, that the I.'.ca was 
 fled, and retired into the Mountains, that Hernando de Pi$arro was imprifoned, 
 that John de Picarro was dead, with many others, during the laft Siege, befides le- 
 veral other particulars which had happened •-, to all which Alvarado had been a 
 1 ftranger untill that time : But now upon this advice, it was judged mod fafe not 
 to proceed farther, untill they had received new Orders from the Marquis, to whom 
 they gave a true information of the ftate of all affairs ; and left, in the mean time, 
 \ Almagro fhould make an attempt upon them, they fortified themfelves, and provi- 
 ' ded for a Siege. Almagro hearing that Ahnfo de Alvarado was with his Forces come 
 as far as the Bridge of Jmancay, dif patched a Meflage to him by Diego de Alvarado, 
 1 and eight other Cavaliers of the beft Quality then with him 5 and in a peaceable' 
 ! and civil manner gave him to underftand, that the title and claim he laid to that 
 \ government was very manifeft and plain by the Commilfion he had received from 
 hisMajeily •, and therefore he exhorted him to return in peace, and if not, he pro- 
 tected againft him for all the Bloud, Miferies and Damages which fhould follow. 
 [ This Meliage being delivered, Ahnfo de Alvarado feized on thofe that brought it] 
 and detained them Prifoners, faying, That to the Marquis, and not to him, they 
 'ought to notifie their inftru&ions, not being authorized or empowred to act any 
 
 li thing without his Orders : And though Garcilajfo de la Vega, Peralvarez, Holguin 
 
 'Gomez, de Tordoya, and other principal Officers were of opinion, that they ought to 
 be fet free, and liberty given them to intimate their Meflage to the Marquis him- 
 felf} for that in all parts of the World, even amongft the moft barbarous Nati- 
 ons, the Perfons of AmbaiTadours were always privileged, and freed from Mole- 
 cations and Arrefts whatfoever. That this courfe would ferve to augment and 
 enflamethe heats ofpaffion, which were kindled between the Governours, ra- 
 ther than to allay and appeafe them. That it was a hard cafe that thofe who had 
 gained that Empire, and were in hopes to enjoy the fruits of their labours in peace 
 ,'and quietnefs, fhould now quarrel and kill each other, when they came to fhare 
 2nd divide the prey. That he fhould confider with what infamy the relation of 
 this Story would be received in the World , when it fhould come to be known, 
 that on the (core of particular interefts, a civil and inteftine War was begun a- 
 mongft them : But Ahnfo de Alvarado being far from being moved by thefe reafons, 
 'adhered to his own opinion, incited by a natural obftinacy, to the great difcon- 
 tentment of his people, who were defirous to enjoy the Riches of Peru in peace, 
 and in an amicable correfpondence, which they had acquired at the coft and ex- 
 'pence of much bloud, and of inceflant labours and turmoils full of danger. 
 
 D d d d 2 C H A P. 
 
ej2 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. 
 
 The Battel of the River Amancay 5 and the Tniprifonment of 
 Alonfo de Alvarado and his Souldiers. 
 
 NOT long after the Ambafladours were departed from Cozco, Almagro fol- 
 lowed them out of the City •-, and rinding that they did not return in their 
 due time, he retired again to the City, where he remained with fome trouble and 
 anxiety of mind, fufpedling the evil which had befallen them 5 for he was very 
 fenfible both that Alonfo de Alvarado had much a better Army than his •■, and that 
 he was not well aflured of the fidelity of the people with him , of which many 
 had belonged to Hernando Pkarro, and might probably change the fide and colours 
 at the appearance of the Enemy, for which reafon it was not judged convenient 
 to carry them into the Field with them : And moreover, he believed that there 
 could be no good defigns towards him, in regard that a detention or feizure had 
 been made of his Meflengers. Whilft Almagro was thus divided in his thoughts 
 and fears, he received a Letter from Captain Pedro de Lerma, who (as we have faid 
 before) being much difgufted with the Marquis, and judging this to be a conve- 
 nient opportunity to revenge himfelf •, gave intimation to Almagro of his own juft 
 refentments, on fcore of the unhandfome ufage he had received from Pkarro 5 and 
 hereunto adding the perfidious treatment exercifed towards his Ambafladours, 
 which was a barbarous A<ft, and difowned by the greateft part of his people 5 he 
 invited him to advance againft the Forces under the Command of Alvarado, allu- 
 ring him, that upon his appearance above a hundred of his friends would join with 
 him, and fecure him of nappy fuccefs with much facility and honour, and that he 
 doubted not but to bring over the whole party to his fide and intereft, being en- 
 tirely diflatisfied with the proceedings of Alvarado their Captain. 
 
 Upon thefe Advices Diego de Almagro, in the fpace of fifteen Days, fitted and 
 provided himfelf with all matters necelTary for this Enterprife, and departed from 
 Cozco in fearch of Alonfo de Alvarado 5 and in his way he took Alvarez Holguin, who 
 was fent out upon a party to make difcovery, and learn fomething of the procee- 
 dings of Almagro, but was betrayed by his own Men, who had been fuborned and 
 inftrudeJ by Pedro de Lerma -, as alfo the greateft number of thofe who remained 
 were engaged in the Gonfpiracy. So foon as Alonfo de Alvarado was informed that 
 Alvarez Holguin was taken, he fufpected Pedro de Lerma, and would have feized 
 him •, for, as Gomara faith, he had uttered fome fufpicious words, as that he was of 
 Burgos, and was well acquainted with the humour of Alvarado ; but Pedro de Lerma 
 being advifed of the fecret intentions of Alvarado towards him, efcaped away with 
 feveraj friends, in a kind of open manner •, for fueh was the affe&ion and intereft 
 he had with the Souldiery, that had he had onely four Days time to have worked 
 his defigns, he had carried the whole Army with him : And now to accomplilh 
 his Plot, he counfelled Almagro to make all fpeed and hafte poftible, for that his 
 Victory confifted in expedition •, of which he might be well aflured, for that he 
 had already fecured the Affe&ions of the people towards him : And as to the 
 Rules which were to be obferved in the management of this affair, he directed 
 him the manner how, the time when, and the place where he was to aflault him ; 
 the time was to be at Night, when Darknefs covers the guilt of Traytours •, and 
 he in Perfon was their guide to the Bridge, where many of the Confpiratours 
 were attending in expectation of them •■, and the Horfe were ordered to pafs the 
 River, which was not fo deep, but that they might foard or wade it over with- 
 out danger. 
 
 Pi 
 
 fee 
 
 ■4. 
 
 ki 
 
 h 
 
 Having 
 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 573 
 
 Having thefe Hopes and Expectations of Vi&ory, they marched forward -, on 
 the other fide, the Captains and Officers of Aharado iffued out Orders for the 
 Fight, and for Defence, but were not obeyed-, for it was night, and moft of 
 them engaged in the Confpiracy 5 the Horfemen pretended , that their Lances 
 were ftoln from them, and caft into the River-, the Infantry complained that their 
 Muskets, Croft-bows, and Pikes, were hidden, and laid afiqe ■-> fo that none obey- 
 ed the Command of their Captains, but every one was in confufion, and followed 
 his own Fancy. Thofe that were appointed to defend the River, and fecure the 
 Bridge , inftead of repulfing the Enemy , directed them where they might pafs 
 with moft eafe ajid fecurity $ and in regard it was night, fo that the Almagrians 
 could not difcover the fordable places, the Party on the other fide directed and 
 guided them over, and thofe at the Bridge invited and aflured them, that they 
 might pate without fear. By thefe means Don Diego de A/magro obtained a Victo- 
 ry, and took Alcnfo de Aharado, Garcilajfo de la Vega, Gomez de Tordoya, and Cap- 
 tain Fi/ialva, Prifoners, with other Captains and Officers of the Army, with about 
 an hundred common Souldiers, who refufed to enter into the Confpiracy 5 all 
 which was performed without the lofs of one Man, either killed or wounded on 
 either fide, onely Rodrigo de Orgonnos paid for all, having his Teeth beaten out by 
 an unlucky Stone thrown at randome from a fling , no Man knows how , nor 
 from whence it came. Thus A/magro, and his Souldiers, returned victorious, and 
 triumphant, unto Cozco, giving out Words of Scorn and Contempt againft the 
 \Picarros, as that they would not leave fo much as one Picarra under foot (which is 
 .2 pebble Stone) in all/Vr#, that if they affe&ed Government, and Dominion, they 
 : fhould go feek it amongft the Manglares, and in thofe high Mountains which run 
 along the Sea-coaft, under the Equinoctial. Thofe whom they fufpecled of Ma- 
 ;lignancy towards them , they fecured under fafe Cuftody -, and becaufe they were 
 t many in number , they committed them unto two Prifons , fome they fent to 
 the Fortrefs, and others to the Cafiana, which is the common Prifon of the 
 .Town. 
 
 We have formerly mentioned, how that the Marquis Picarro having dif- 
 patched Alonfi de Aharado, and foon after Gomez, de Tordoya , with Recruits and 
 Succours to his Brothers, he himfelf remained in the City of los Rejes, to order 
 anddifpofe thofe Troops, which came to him from divers parts, according as 
 he had demanded -, of which Gomara , in the 1 37th Chapter of his Book , gives 
 this Account. 
 
 " Alonfo de Fuen Mayor, Prefident and Bifhop of St. Domingo, fent, under the 
 
 J rt Command of his Brother, Diego de Fuen Mayor, Native of Tanguas, many Spa- 
 
 , " nifh Mufquetiers, which were lately come to him with Pedro de Vergara. Fer- 
 
 " nando Cortes fent upon his own Ship, commanded by Rodrigo di Grija/ua, as far as 
 
 * from New Spain, a considerable quantity of Arms, fuch as Lances, Sadies, and 
 " Furniture for Horfes, Garments of Silk, and one Suit of Martin's, Furr. Gaf- 
 " per de Efpinofa brought from Panama , Nombre de Dios , and Other parts of 
 
 , " the Contenent , a great Company of Spaniards *, and Diego de Aya/a returned 
 
 * with good Recruits, which he had gathered at Nicaragua, and Sluahutemallan; 
 " befides many others, from divers other parts: So that now the Army of 
 " Picarro was become far greater than ever , and the number of his Mufque- 
 " tiers much encreafed , of which though he had no great u fe againft the In- 
 " dians, yet they came feafonably to his Aid againft A/magro, as (hall hereafter 
 
 1 " be related, &c 
 
 The Marquis finding himfelf fo well reinforced , for as Curate repents , his 
 Troops confifted of feven hundred Spaniards , Horfe and Foot , he refolved in 
 perfon to march to the Relief of his Brothers-, for his Mind could not be at 
 reft, being in daily apprehenfions and fears for them, and could not be fatisfied 
 whilft he remained at fo far a diftance: Wherefore taking his way by the 
 Plains, and with fhort Days Marches, he met the Intelligence which was fent 
 him by Aharado , how that the Inca was retired , that A/magro was returned to 
 Cozco, that two of his Brothers were imprifoned, and a third dead ■■, all which ill 
 News the Marquis received with a due fenfe of Sorrow and Affliction : But 
 
 that 
 
^74 Royal Commentaries. Book II.. 
 
 that might not be opprefled with all his Griefs at the fame time, the fecond 
 News, of the lofs of his Forces, and Imprilbnmentof^/zwWo, came not to 
 him untill two days after the Receipt of the former, which ferved to augment 
 the fenfe he conceived for his late Misfortunes. Whereupon giving a flop to 
 his March , he refolved to return again to hs Reyes , though he was already 
 advanced twenty five Leagues upon his Way; for that when he departed 
 thence, he had made preparations onely for a War againft the Indians; but now 
 the Defign being changed, and that he was to fight with Spaniards, another 
 fort of Arms, and other accoutrements of War, were to be provided, as necefia- 
 ry againft this Enemy. -» v 
 
 Moreover he thought it advifable firft to make trial of the more moderate 
 Terms of Treaty and Accommodation , not being willing to tempt Fortune 
 a third time , which had been fevere to him in two former Adventures. He 
 farther considered, That his Competitor was ftrong, both in Horfe and Foot 5 
 and that they were wellarmed 5 and that the moft fafe and eafie way to ex- 
 tinguiih that Fire which was now kindled intheBreaft of Almagro, was to re- 
 vive the ancient Conditions of Brother-hood and Friendlhip , which had been 
 fo often confirmed , and ratified under fo many Oaths and Religious Vows 5 
 by Virtue of which, that great and rich Empire having been gained, and con- 
 quered; it would be moft lamentable to fee the Enjoyment of thofe Bleflings 
 difappointed , and at the end of all, to fee nothing intended, but the Ruine 
 and Deftru&ion of each other. 
 
 On thefe Confiderations he difpatched the Lawyer , Do&our Efpimfa , unto . 
 Cozce , with Inftrudtions , if poffible , to conclude fome middle Terms of Ac- : 
 commodation between him and Almagro ; and that be fhould efpecially endea- 
 vour to make him fenfible, that in cafe their Quarrels and Diflentions fhould 
 be made known to His Majefty, and the Differences between his Gover- 
 nours, fuggefted as irreconcileable ; it was more than probable, that His 
 Majefty would, before they could lay the matter open before him, provide 
 himfelf with another Governour to fupplant them both, and who, without 
 Sweat, or Labour, would immediately enter into the Pofleflion, and En- 
 joyment of chat Dominion, which they, at the Expence of fo much Bloud 
 and Induftry, had atchieved. That he fhould confider, that a good Peace: 
 was better than an evil War, and that though thofe Words are commonly in- 
 verted, yet under the prefent Circumftances they were moft certainly true. And 
 laftly, when he fhould fee that Almagro was not to be prevailed with, on 
 any equal Terms, that then he fhould conclude with him on Conditions 
 to releafe his Brothers-, and that as for the matter of the Government of 
 Cozco , he fhould rule and govern there in God's Name , untill fuch time as 
 that the cafe being ftated , and made known to His Majefty , he fhould be 
 pleafed to determine the particular Limits and Precindts of each other's Go- 
 vernment : Provided alfo in the mean time , that Almagro fhould not make 
 any Attempt on the City of hs Reyes, nor on any of the Territories thereunto 
 belonging. 
 
 Do&our Efpinofa being thus difpatched with this Commiffion, and thefe In- 
 ftruclions, he arrived at Cozco, where he propofed all matters accordingly to 
 Almagro, and his Officers; but they were become fo high, and elated, with 
 their former Succefs, that they would neither yield, nor hearken to any Pro- 
 pofals: And though Diego de Aharado, with his ufual Candour and Mode- 
 ration, infifted, That the Articles now offered , were the very fame that they 
 formerly required; for that they never demanded more than Pofleflion, and 
 quiet Enjoyment of the City of Cozco; yet they rejected all his Counfel, 
 and Offers, faying, That he was not toprefcribe them Limits, or confine and 
 reftrain them from marching towards Us Reyes ; for that he was not to be im- 
 pofed upon within his own Jurifdi&ion , but in that profperous and flourifh- 
 ing ftate of Affairs, rather to give them to receive Conditions from others. 
 To which Diego de Alvarafa made Anfwer , that the Conditions were fuch as 
 he himfelf gave, and not received ; but all he could fay was in vain, and infig- 
 nificant, for it was entirely rejected. 
 
 And 
 
 
BookIL Royal Commentaries. 575 
 
 And here it is obfervable , that both Governours challenged the City of fias- 
 co for his own , and both agreed that the Limits of their refpeclive Govern- 
 ments mould be begun and be eftablifhed from the Chanels without , one to 
 the Southward , and the other Northward -, the choice of which being abfo- 
 lutely granted to Almagro y he refufed to accept either;, for feeing himfelf now 
 in pofleffion of the City , and that his Competitour had condefcended to all 
 his Conditions, he believed that fuch Compliance proceeded from a fear of 
 loofing all his Government $ wherefore fince Fortune had with difplayed wings 
 owned his Caufe , he was refolved to pum it forward, and try if he could be- 
 come fole Monarch of all that Empire. 
 
 Thus Almagro being puffed up with Ambition , and moved with Covetouf- 
 nefs, which are two unfatiable Affe&ions of the Mind, he would yield to no 
 i Agreement with the Marquis , and Efpinofa dying amidft the heat of thefe De- 
 bates, nothing was concluded •■, nor the Benefit of that Peace and happy Ac- 
 commodation produced, as might have been expected from the Prudence, 
 Judgment, and moderation of that worthy Perfon, who, before his Death, 
 prefaged the Ruine and Deftruction of both the Governours. And now Al- 
 magro , to teftifie to the World that he had not yielded to the Propofitions of 
 the Marquis, he marched out of Cozco with an Army, leaving Gramel de R<^ 
 jas Governour in his ftead, with Commiffion to have a particular Eye and 
 Regard over the Prifoners, who, with the firft taken with Hernando Pi^arroi 
 and thofe with Alonfi de Alvarado, did amount in all to the number of one hun- 
 dred and fifty which were committed unto two feveral Prifons , as we have 
 already declared. 
 
 But in regard that Almagro durft not truft Hernando Pierre in Prifon, left he 
 
 Ifhould make his Efcape, he took him with himfelf, and matched by way of the 
 
 •Plains-, and having pafled the Territories belonging to Cozco, he entred into the 
 
 JurifdicHon of hs Reyes, and came to the Valley of Chincha, which is not much 
 
 more than twenty Leagues diftant from that City, where, in token of Live- 
 
 :ry and Seifin, he founded a new Colony, giving thereby a clear Evidence of his 
 
 Intentions, to become Mafter of both Governments. And here for a while he 
 
 ritched his Camp, to fee how the Marquis would take this Attempt, giving 
 
 lim thereby to underftand, Thaf in cafe he mould be difpleafed with thefe 
 
 lis Proceedings, that he was there ready to defie him, and there expeded 
 
 lim in the Field, to decide the Controverfie like a Souldier, and a valiant 
 
 Captain. 
 
 I 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
 I 
 
cy5 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. 
 
 The Marquis nominates Captains for the War, Gonzalo 
 PiSarro makes bis Efcape out of Prifon. The Sentence 
 given by the Vmpires concerning the Government. The 
 Interview between the two Governours : And the Liber- 
 ty of Hernando Pisarro. 
 
 SO foon as the Marquis was returned to the City of los Reyes , he began his 
 Preparations for a War againft Almagro, his Drums were beat up for new 
 Leavies and Advices we?e difpatched along, the Coaft of all matters which had 
 palled: Upon which .-&&■ people flocked together in fuch numbers, that ha- 
 ving increaled his Army very confiderably, he gave out his Commiffions to Cap- 
 tains, and other Officers. Pedro de Valdivia, and Antonio tie VUlalva, were ordai-j 
 ned Major-Generals r the Son of Collonel Villaha was made Seargeant Major: : 
 Peranzwes, Diego de Rojm H and Aknfo de Mercadillo, were appointed Captains of 
 Horfe: Diego de Vrblnb Native oiOrdunna, the Kinfman of John de Vrbino was 
 made Captain of Landers: 'Numo deCaftro, z-nd Refer de Vergam, who had been 
 a Souldier fri Flanders, artd brought with him from thence into the Indies, a com- 
 pany of Mufquetiers with Ammunition, and neceffaries agreeable thereunto, 
 ^ere confirmed fey Commiffion for Officers .of that mftfia. Thefe Commanders 
 rfrufteied eight hundred choice Souldiers, w*. fix hundred Foot, and two hundred 
 Horfe, with which Force the Marquis marched out of hs Reyes to fight Almagro. 
 Whilif masters fucceeded,' as we Live related/ benveen the Marquis, and Aim*- 
 gro,' the Prifoners which remained mCozco, Avert Contriving the manner how to 
 obtain their defired Liberty , and in regard that the nature of civil Wars is fuch, 
 as that Mens Minds are eafily corrupted and feduced to the contrary Fafhion •, fo 
 on this occafion thefe wanted not Men, who, upon promife of Reward, were 
 perfuaded to fell the Loyalty and Faith which they had fworn to Almagro, and 
 his Deputy Gravid de Rojas ; the price whereof was not paid in hand, but on the 
 bare Promife of Ganzak Picarro, and Aknfo de Alvarado with about fifty or fixty 
 more, who were then Prifoners in the Cajfana-, the Perfons who were privy to 
 this efcape, were about forty in number, and were the Guards of the Prifon ; 
 who having licence ty go in and out to the Prifoners, as occafion ferved •, they left 
 them instruments to file off their Chains and Arms for their Dejence-, and ha- 
 ving other "Soutdiers" with them in the Plot, they provided them with Horfes, 
 and other necefiaries, for their Flight : The Prifoners, and their Complices, be- 
 ing in readinefs to make their efcape with the filence of the night, it happened, 
 that fome time before the matter was to be put in Execution, that Graviel de Rojas, 
 asAvas his Cuftome, every night came to viiit the Prifoners, where having opened 
 the Doors, he found the Prifoners loofe, and at Liberty, and he himfelf taken 5 
 for being encompafled by them all, they told him plainly, that either he muff 
 refolve to go with them, or dye upon the place. Graviel de Rojas feeing himfelf 
 thus unexpectedly furprifed , and not being in any Capacity to make a Re- 
 iifknce. cqrifented to what they required , and fo in company wirh about an 
 hhtdrjw Men, he was forced with thofe who had taken him Prifoner, toge- 
 ther with thofe who revolted, to the party of Franclfco Picarro , having free 
 paffage by way of the Mountains , for Almagro, with his Forces, was quartered 
 in the Plains by the Sea-coaft. 
 
 Some 
 
Book II. Koyal Commentaries. ^77 
 
 Some have malitioufly reported, that Gravid de Rojas was joined in the fame 
 Confpiracy with the others, bqt that was a falfe Surmife; for had he been real- 
 ly in that Plot, he would not have left near an hundred Prifoners in the For- 
 trefs , many of which were in the number of the firft Conquerours , fuch as 
 
 Francifco de Villafuertc , Alonfo dc Aiacueta , Mancio ferra de Leguicamo , Diego de 
 Maldmado , fnlio de Hojed.i, Tomas Vafqtiez, Diego de Truxiilo, and 'John de Pancorvo, 
 
 with whom I had acquaintance, and were Perfons of great Intereft and Eftates 
 
 amongft the Indians in Cozco : Befides which , Garcilaffo de la Vega, Gomez de Tor- 
 
 dya, and Pera/varez, Holguin, remained Prifoners-, all which to have taken with 
 them, would have been much to the benefit of the Confpiratours : But this was 
 the truth of the Matter : The Marquis , when he faw his Brother, and his 
 other Friends, rejoiced exceedingly, for he greatly feared, that by the Malice and 
 Rage of his Enemies they had been put to death •, and his people were greatly 
 encouraged by thefe additional Forces. Goncalo Pica-no was made General of the 
 Foot, and Alonfo de Alvarado of the Horfe-, and fo well was Goncalo Picarro be- 
 loved even by his Enemies, that many quitted their Hories to ierve on Foot, 
 onely to have the Honour to be one of his Souldiers. 
 
 Almagro having received intelligence of the great Force which was with the 
 Marquis , and that tP.ofe whom he held in Cuftody , had made their Efcapes , 
 and that his Deputy Governour was a Prifoner, he feared that the courfe of his 
 good Fortune was changed 5 and repenting now that he had not accepted the 
 Propofitions which were offered him, he refolved to enter into a Treaty; 
 and to that end he difpatched three Gentlemen to Picarro, namely, Alonfo En- 
 
 riqitez , Diego Nftnnez de Mercadura , Adjutant , and John de Guzman , AuditOUr , 
 
 both which were Officers of His Majerties Revenue , giving them full Power 
 and Authority, to treat and conclude all Matters without Paffion, in fuch 
 manner as mould be juft and reafonable. Picarro received them with all the 
 kindnefs and refpedt imaginable ; but being entred into a treaty fuch differences 
 arofe in the points between them , that nothing was concluded : wherefore to 
 put an end thereunto, the controverfie was referred to the Umpirage, and Award 
 of Frier Francis de Bobadill.i, Provincial in thofe parts of the Order of the Merceds, 
 a Perfon of that Probity, Confcience and good Underftanding , that both Parties 
 by mutual Confent agreed to reft fatisfied with his Determination : but in this 
 particular Authours difagree; for Car ate makes mention of this Friar, and of no 
 other; but Gomara reports that the Perfon nominated by Almagro was Friar Fran- 
 cifco Hufando; but whether the Arbitrators were two, or one, it matters not 
 much •-, for both Historians agree in the material Points, and almoft in the fame 
 Words, which, according to Carate, in the eighth Chapter of his third Book, 
 are thefe. 
 
 « 
 
 (C 
 
 a Friar Francifco being deputed Umpire, by the confent of both Parties, did 
 by virtue of that Authority, determine , That in the firft place Hernando 
 ' Picarro mould be fet at Liberty , and that the Marquis, according to the pri- 
 [ mary Agreement, ihould be inverted in the pofieffion of the City of CWo; 
 ' That both Armies mould be disbanded , and the feveral Detachments there- 
 I of mould be made, and fent for the Difcovery of other Parts; and that in- 
 " formation ihould be given to His Majefty of all thefe particulars, that fo he 
 *, might determine and ordain according to his own gratious Pleafure. And far- 
 " ther, for the better Confirmation of thefe Articles, he determined , That an 
 ' Interview- ihould be had between the Marquis and Almagro , in the Countrey 
 I called Alalia , which was the middle place between the two Armies 5 and 
 " that neither party ihould appear with more than twelve Horfe on a fide. 
 " And in regard that Gonzalo Picarro did not much confide in the Promifes of 
 [t Almagro, nor truft much to the Truce that was made, he fpeedily followed 
 I the Marquis with all his Souldiers, and ported himfelf privately near the peo- 
 ' pie of Malta, and lined a certain Wood , or Thicket, through which Almagro 
 " was to pafs, with about forty Mulquetiers, refolving, that in cafe more Soul- 
 " diers were brought than were agreed, that then they fliould fire upon them, 
 " and upon that iignal he would come in to their aififtence. 
 
 Thus far are the Words o{ Carate, not mentioning farther of Almagro, of whom 
 Gomara reports in the 140th Chapter, as followeth. 
 
 E e e e Almagro 
 
^y8 Royal Commentaries, Book II. 
 
 ' ... ■ ' 
 
 <c Almagro when he favv Pigarro declared, that he was greatly rejoiced to fee 
 " him, though he could not but much complain of the Severity and hardnefs of 
 " die Sentence. When he went in Company of his twelve Friends, to meet Pi- 
 " famr, he recommended unto Rodrigo Orgomos his General to be near at hand 
 " with his Army in a readinefs, in cafe Pigarro fhould attempt any thing contra- 
 " ry to Agreement, and that he fhould be fure to kill Hemando Pigarro, whom he 
 " had left purpofely in his Power, in cafe he mould make any Refiftence. Pi- 
 " qarro came to the place appointed with his twelve Companions, and in the 
 " Arrere was all his Camp , with Gmzah Pigarro -, but whether this was done 
 " by the appointment of the Marquis, is doubtfull : Howfoever it is moft cer- 
 " tain, that Gonzalo polled himfelf near to Malta, and commanded Captain Nun- 
 " nez de Cafiro to place an Ambufcade of forty Mufquetiers in the Woods, by 
 * which Almagro was to pafs. It happened that Pigarro came firft to Malla , 
 " where meeting afterwards with Almagro, they embraced with great Joy, and 
 " began to difcourfe of indifferent matters-, but before they had entred upon 
 " bufinefs, one came haftily, and told Almagro, in hearing of the Company, that 
 " he mould fpeedily be gone, for that he remained there in danger of his Life; 
 " whereupon without delay he mounted on Horfeback , *and without fpeaking 
 " one Word more, or Treaty of Bufinefs , he returned : When he difcovered 
 " the Ambufcade, he could not but believe his Eyes , and made grievous Com- 
 " plaints oiPkarro, and of the Friars, and of all that Party, terming them as fo 
 " many Pilates for the Injuftice of their Sentence. Though Pigarro was perfua- 
 " ded to have feized him, he refufed fo to doe, faying, That he had com- 
 " mitted himfelf to him under his Parole of Honour, and difowned to have 
 " given Order to his Brother to lay that Ambufh , or to have fuborned the 
 " Friars. 
 
 And herewith Gomara concludes this Chapter-, and fo much Car ate confirms of 
 this Interview, which proved to little benefit, and ferved to increafe the Hatred 
 and Indignation of both Parties-, howfoever in fine, a true Undemanding was 
 made of this matter between Almagro and Pigarro, without any Prejudice or Pat 
 lion, and all things were fo well pacified and accommodated by the Endeavours 
 of Diego de Alvarado, that Hernando Pigarro was fet at Liberty : And it was far- 
 ther agreed, That for fending Writings and Informations into Spain about the 
 whole Matter, the Marquis fhould grant unto Almagro the freedom of a Port, 
 and the convenience of a Ship, for carrying his Difpatches, becaufe he had nei- 
 ther one nor other within his Jurifdicnon -, and in the mean time, that neither 
 fide lhould enterprife, or attempt any thing againft the other, untill new Orders 
 and Commands were come from the Emperour. So Almagro, upon Bail, and 
 Security given him by Alvarado, gave Hernando Pigarro his Liberty, though much 
 againft the Will and Advice of Orgomos, who, being well acquainted with the 
 malitious and angry humour of Hemando Pkarro, very much perfuaded the con- 
 trary -, and indeed when Almagro himfelf confidered his Errour, he would have de- 
 tained him, but it was then too late -, for it was commonly difcourfed, that this 
 turbulent Man would caufe new Commotions , and indeed they were much in 
 the right-, for no fooner was he fet at Liberty, but a Breach enfued. Nor was 
 Pigarro himfelf very fair, or clear in the performance of his Agreement; for 
 when a new Patent was come from the Emperour, wherein, by a certain Claufe, 
 it was required, that both Parties fhould remain in pofleflion of what they 
 were already feized , and though one had gotten and intruded himfelf into the 
 Lands of the other -, yet notwithftanding for quietnefs fake, that matters fhould 
 continue in the fame Pofture. Howfoever Pigarro having his Brother about him, 
 and his chief Counfellour, required Almagro, in virtue of this new Patent, to quit 
 the Countrey, which he himfelf had peopled and difcovered. Almagro having 
 read and confidered that Claufe, anfwered, That he was ready to obey the Em- 
 perour's Command, and Royal Signature, according unto which, he was to keep 
 PofTefTion of Cozco, and of other places, whereof he was now the Mafter, and 
 according thereunto he defired that he might receive no farther Difturbance and 
 Moleftation in his Enjoyment. 
 
 Hereunto 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 579 
 
 Hereunto Picarro replied, that the Emperour's meaning was, that every one 
 fhould enjoy that whereof he was peaceably poflefled , and not that which was 
 taken by force of Arms, under which the Government of the new Kingdom of To- 
 ledo would fall •, and therefore he required him immediately to quit and abandon 
 Cozco, and other parts in difpute, or otherwife , that lie would chafe him from 
 thence by force of Arms-, for fince the arrival of the Emperour's late Determina- 
 tion, the Engagements and Securities he had given of Truce, did all ceafe and ex- 
 pire. But Almagro remaining firm and poiitive in his firft Refolutions, Picarro 
 marched with all his Army to Chincha, of which his Commanders were liich, as 
 before related, and his chief Counfellour was Hernando, his pretence at firft being 
 onely to difpoflefs his Enemies of Chincha, to which he had a clear and an un- 
 doubted Title. 
 
 Almagro fearing the force of his Enemies, and not willing to engage with them, 
 retreated towards Cozco; and left they mould purfue him too clofe in the Rere, he 
 cut the Bridges, and obftrufted the ways, and fortified himfelf in Guitar a, a crag- 
 gy and mountainous Countrey. Picarro marched clofe after him, and having a 
 better, and a more numerous Army, Fernando Picarro, by the benefit of the night, 
 climbed the mountain with his Mufquetiers, and gained the Pals. Almagro by 
 thefe means being in a bad condition, marched away with all fpeed poflible, lea- 
 ving Orgormos to bring up the Rere, and to retreat as orderly as he could, without 
 fighting, the which he performed accordingly, though, as Chriftopher de Sotelo, 
 and others, report, he had better have, given Battel to the Picarrifis, who were, 
 as it were, fea-fick, being trouble with a kind of vomiting. For it was very or- 
 dinary for the Spaniards, when at firft they came out of the warm, or rather, hot 
 Plains, and attended to the tops of the fnowy Mountains, to be taken with a kind 
 of dizzinefs in the Head, and ncknefs in their Stomachs, as if they were Sea-fick, 
 fiich change there is, and alteration of Air, in fo ihort a diftance of place. In fine, 
 Almagro having joined all his Force into one Body , marched dire&ly for Cozco, 
 brake all the Bridges behind him, caufed Armour to be made of Silver and Cop- 
 per, with Mufquets, and other Fire-arms 5 provided the City with Victuals, and 
 repaired the outworks, and old Fortifications, &c 
 
 Thus far are the Words of Gomara, which are confirmed by Car ate, though 
 with more brevity. And becaufe thefe Authours to avoid tedioufnefs are fo 
 fhort in the relation of thefe particulars, that they become obfcure, we fhall in 
 the following Chapter ferve the Reader with a Coment, and enlarge thereupon as 
 the matter requires. 
 
 _u= 
 
 
 Eeeez CHAP. 
 
c8o Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. 
 
 A farther Narrative of what bath been formerly mentioned', 
 and how Hernando Picarro marched again/i Don Diego 
 de Almagro. 
 
 hi 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 AS we have formerly faid, Diego de Aharado was very much a Gentleman, and 
 aPerfon of great Senfe and Moderation -, and indeed he {hewed hlm- 
 felf fotobe, in all his Negotiations of things which we have already related, 
 of what we are now treating* and of what remain for our future Difoourfe 5 and 
 had not the Paffions of the Governours exceeded all the Bounds of Reafon, he 
 had by his Wifedom and Difcretion produced a true and a right underftanding 
 between them. For when he obferved , that the Sentence given by the Friars, 
 did rather ferve to enflame than appeafe the Differences , he vigoroufly inter- 
 pofed, and frequently palling from one to the other, he at length produced a 
 good Underftanding and Peace between them; for it was by his Interceffion, 
 that Almam gave Hernando Pkarro his Liberty^ and that the Marquis yielded to 
 afford a Ship, and a free Pafs- port to Almagros Meffenger , which was fent into 
 Spain : And to the end that this Peace might be eftablifhed for ever, he caufed <■ 
 all three of them to fvvear unto the maintenance of the Articles, and to oblige "' 0: 
 them the more firmly thereunto , he himfelf would become Guarranty to both 
 Parties; fuppofing, that out of refpect to him, and in pbfervance of their Oaths, 
 as Chriftians , and of their Paroles, as Gentlemen, they would never violate 
 what they had fo folemnly protefted. Wherefore Gomara faith, that the Peace 
 was made at the Inftance and Interceffion of Diego. de~ Alvatadp; who moreover 
 became Caution and Guarranty for the fame. BuzOrgonnos was be who declared 
 himfelf againft the fetting of Hernando at Liberty; and when he law that Atmagn 
 was refolved to doe it, Sir, faid he; (as if he, had. prefaged his Ruine) you may 
 loofe the Bull if you fleafe, and then, you (hall find, that he will attach and kill you, mthoHt 
 refpcEl to his Word or Oath. 
 
 As to what Gomara relates of the Souldiers of Picarro, that they were like Men, 
 that were Seafick, we muff underftand, that thofe who are frefti Men or late- 
 ly come out of Spain, (in the Language of Barlovento are called Chapetones,) and 
 thofe who are inured to the Countrey are termed Baquianos;) thefe, I fay, 
 after they have refided fome time in the Plain, which are by the Sea-coaft, and 
 come to the Mountains, are prefently feized with a Sicknefs, like thofe at Sea, 
 and according to the different Complexions and Conflitutions of Men, it is much 
 worfe •, for at firft they will remain a day or two.without eating or- drinking, and 
 not able to ftand on their Legs, but continually vomit whatfoever they have in 
 their Stomaches ; and befides, the brightnefs of the Snow fo dazles their Eyes, 
 that for two or three days they become perfectly blind, though afterwards they 
 recover their fight again. The Reafon hereof they attribute to the fudden change 
 of Air from one Extreme to the other, that is, from the hot Plains, to the cold 
 Cordillera, or the fnowy tops of the Mountains, for it is not above fix hours tra- 
 vel from one Region to the other ; and it is farther obfervable, that thofe who 
 defcend from the Mountain into the Plains , are not affected with this Altera. 
 tion. 
 
 Acofla, in his Treatife concerning this Mouipin-ficknefs, defcribes the Caufo 
 and Effeds of it much at large -in the third Book of his Natural Hiftory of the 
 Indies, unto which I refer the Reader. Matters being in this port ure , had the 
 Counfel which Chriflopher de Sotelo , and others, gave to Orgonnos, been followed, 
 which was to have fain upon the Enemy in that condition , when they were 
 weak and fick, they might, without much refiftence, have been defeated •, which 
 Carate confirms in thefe Words. 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 581 
 
 " Rodrigo Orgonnos having no Orders from the Governour to engage, loft his ad- 
 ** vantage 5 which if he had done, it is probable he might have had fuccels-, for 
 " the Army of Pkarro was fo weakned with the Snows, beiides other inconve- 
 
 * niencies of the Mountains, that they were in no condition to make refiftence : 
 
 * Wherefore the Marquis haftned into the Plains, and Almagro unto Cozco, &c, 
 Thus far Carate. 
 
 Almagro in the inftru&ions given to his General, ordered him not to fight, but 
 upon conftraint •, for thefe two Governours had always inclinations to agree, and 
 not drive matters to the extremity of a breach , as may be obferved ever fince 
 their meeting at Cozco, before Almagro departed for Chili, when between them- 
 felves all the flames of difference were extinguiihed : the like palled at Af.ULt> 
 where, as both the Hiftorians agree, they chearfully embraced each other with all 
 the kindnefs and affection imaginable, and difcourfed of indifferent matters with 
 pleafure and delight : And this good correfpondence continued, untill wicked In- 
 cendiaries interpofed , who reprefenting every a&ion with an evil face , incited 
 and precipitated them to fuch deftru&ive refolutions, as were afterwards fatal and 
 ruinous to them both : Nor did thefe pernicious Counfellours reap any benefit 
 thereby unto themfelves, but being involved in the fame calamities, were enfna- 
 
 ; red ( as is ufual) in their own devices. But to proceed, Curate in the nth Chap- 
 
 ! ter of his third Book , hath thefe Words : 
 
 * The Marquis remaining with his whole Army in the Plains, juft upon the 
 
 u turn of the Mountain •, he found that there was a great diverfity of opinions 
 
 1 " amongft his Officers, concerning the manner and way that they were to proceed 3 
 
 " at length it was refolved , That Hernando Picarro, in quality of Lieutenant- 
 
 i " General, lhould march with the Army unto Cozco , and that his Brother Gm- 
 
 1 " falo lhould be Commander in Chiefs and that being arrived there, he fliould 
 
 * declare, that his intention and defign of that Expedition was in compliance with 
 
 * Juftice, to reftore thofe Citizens to their Eftates and Commands over the ln- 
 
 * dians, who had been deprived and baniflied from thence by the force and ufur- 
 " pation of Almagro. In this manner the Army proceeding on their march to- 
 
 I w wards Cozco, and the Marquis returning to the City of hs Reyes 3 Hernando W- 
 , carro came at length near to Cozco, where the Officers advifed, as moft conve- 
 ■ " nient, to pitch their Camp in the Plains for that Night 5 but Hernando was of a 
 f contrary opinion, and would Quarter within the Mountain : So foon as it was 
 " Day, Orgonnos appeared in the Field with the Forces of Almagro drawn up in Bat- 
 talia : His Captains of Horfe were Francis de Chaves, John Te/lo, Vincent de Gue- 
 " vara, ( or rather Vafco de Guevara ) and Francis de Chaves was elder Brother to 
 I another of the fame name, who was an intimate and familiar friend to the 
 \ Marquis. On the fide of the Mountain fome Spaniards were drawn up, with 
 " a great number of Indians, who at that time ferved for Auxiliaries : All the 
 " Friends and Servants of the Marquis, who were Prifoners at Cozco, were crou- 
 r ded into two Angles of the Fortrefs, which being a Prifon fo ftrait, as could' 
 ".not contain the number of the people , fome of them were prefled and crouded 
 " to death in the place. 
 
 " The next Day in the Morning, after Mafs, Goncalo Pkarro, with his Army, 
 : defcended into the Plain, where they dilpoled their Troops into feveral Batta- 
 : " lions, and in that order marched towards the City, intending to draw up his 
 Men upon a Hill, which over- topped the Caftle •, upon fuppofition, that Alma- 
 " gro difcovering his force, would farce adventure to give him Battel ■-, which he 
 " defired to avoid, knowing how much depended on the fuccefs thereof 5 but Ro- 
 drigo Orgonnos having no fuch thoughts, attended his coming in the open way 
 with his Army and Artillery, &c 
 
 Thus far are the Words of Carate, which are confirmed by Lopez de Gomara 1 
 To which we fhall add fome things which thefe Authours have omitted, and are 
 worthy to be remembred, and may ferve for the more clear underftanding of this 
 Hiftory. And as to the firft, which was the place where the Battel was fought, 
 we fey it was an errour of thofe who relate it to have been on the Hill, which 
 over-looks the Fortrefs : For certainly the Engagement was in that Plain which 
 
 the 
 
^8i . Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 the Indians call Cachipampa, which fignifies the Field of Salt, and is fituate about 
 a League diftant to the Southward from the Fortrefs, near to a pleafant Foun- 
 tain of faltilh Water ■-, of which the Inhabitants of the City, and parts adjacent, 
 bringing the ftreams into feveral Salt pans, make great abundance of Salt : And 
 thefe Works of Salt lying between the City, and the place where the Fight was, 
 they called it the Battel of the Salinas. 
 
 Orgonnos drew up his Men into Battalia, with intention to dye with Jlis Sword in 
 his hand : And though the Enemy was much more ftrong than his Army, both 
 in Men and Arms ; yet having been a Souldier in Italy, where he had feen much 
 fervice, and had vanquished in a fingle Combat a Cavalier, who was a famous 
 Commander 5 he did not in the leaft droop in his courage, or (hew any incon- 
 ftancy, or fear of mind : And being a ftout Souldier, he fomething refented, and 
 was heartily piqued at a Meffage which Hernando Picarro had fent him two Days 
 before, becaufe it appeared fomething like a challenge -, being to give him notice, 
 that he, and a certain Companion, would enter the Battel on Horfe-back, armea 
 with Coats of Male, over which they would wear a flamed Coat of Orange-co- 
 loured Velvet •, of which he thought fit to give him notice, that in cafe he, or 
 any other, had an intention to engage with him, he might diftinguiih him by thofe 
 Signals. 
 
 This Meffage Hernando was induced to fend on the fcore of fome Indignities, 
 which he remembred and refented ever fince the time of his Imprifonment. 
 Orgonnos taking this for a challenge, called Captain Pedro de Lerma to him, whom 
 he knew to be an Enemy to the Picarros, and one who ever fince the bufinefe at 
 Amancay, had excluded himfelf from all poflibility of reconciliation with them 5 
 and told him , faying , Our Enemy is fo confident of his Force, that he already triumphs 
 for his ViZlory, giving us the figns by which rve may know his Perfon. 
 
 Now in regard our Army is inferiour to nis in Number, though fuperiour in 
 Courage and Bravery, Co that we have little hopes to fiibdue him •, howfoever, 
 let us at leaft ravi(h the enjoyment of Victory out of his hands, nor fuffer him, 
 whatfoever comes of it, to fee that joyfull day : They are, as they fay, two Com- 
 panions, fo and fo habited : Let you and I Encounter them with fuch refolution^ 
 auku they may be flain by our hands \ fo (hall we wipe off this affront, and not 
 
 ttinrevenged. With this refolution they prepared themfelves for the Battel, 
 ich fhortly enfued with great effufion of bloud and cruelty, as will appear in 
 the Chapters following. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 583 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. 
 
 Of the bloudy Battel of the Salinas. 
 
 ROdrigo Orgonnos, to perform the part of a good Souldier, put his Forces the 
 next Morning, very early, into order of Battel, his Infantry he reduced to 
 one Battalion, fupported on each Wing by his Harquebufiers, which were few in 
 number, and much left than thofe on the contrary fide, which was the caufe that 
 :he loft the day. The Captains of the Foot were Chrifiopher de Sotek, Hernando de 
 Alvarado, John de Mofcofi, and Diego de Salinas. The Horfe were divided into two 
 Squadrons, the one Commanded by John Tello, and Vafio de Guevara, and the o- 
 ther by Francis de Chaves, and R»j Bias. Orgonnos being Commander in Chief, did 
 not oblige himfelf to any particular rank , being to be prefent, and aflifting at 
 every action of the Field, and defigned with his companion Pedro de Lerma tofeek 
 for Hernando de Pkarro, and fight with him. His Artillery he planted on one fide, 
 of the Squadrons, where it might moft annoy the Enemy : before them was a 
 dream of Water, which ran through all thofe Plains, and a Moorifh fort ofplafhy 
 ground, which made the Accefs of the Enemy to them to be fomething difficult. 
 On the other fide Pedro de Valdivla, who was Major-General, and Antonio de Cam* 
 fo Sergeant- Major, difpofed their Forces in the fame order, as might anfwer that 
 of Rodrigo Orgonnos. Their Battalion of Foot was flanked on each Wing with 
 good numbers of Harquebufiers, who were thofe that did the work, and gained 
 the Victory of that day : Their Horfe were drawn up into two Squadrons, of a 
 ;hundred in each, againft thofe of Orgonnos. Hernando Picarro, with his Compa- 
 nion Francifio de Barahona, were in the Front of one of the Squadrons of Horfe, 
 and Aknfo de Alvarado at the Head of the other •, and Gonzalo Picarro as General 
 of the Infantry refolved to fight on Foot. In which order marching againft the 
 Almagrians, they refolutely pafled both the ftream of Water and the Moor, with- 
 out any oppofition of the Enemy ; for they had given them firft fuch a Volly of 
 fmall fhot, as had very much disordered them, and put them into that confufion, 
 that they might eafily be routed •-, for both Horfe and Foot retreated from their 
 ground to avoid the (hot of the Harquebufiers •, which when Orgonnos obferved, 
 he doubted much of the Victory, and gave order for the Artillery to play upon 
 them •, which fucceeded fo well, that one (hot carried off a whole rank of five 
 Men at once •, which fo difmayed the Enemy, that had four or five in the like 
 manner followed, they might have defeated that whole Squadron. But Gonzalo 
 Picarro, and his Major-General Valdivia appearing in the Front, forced the Souldi- 
 ers forwards, and commanded them to charge the Enemy's Pikes with their Cop- 
 per fhot •, for as the Souldiers of Almagro were more numerous in their Pikes, fo 
 thofe of Picarro availed themfelves moft of their Harquebufiers, and aimed much 
 to defeat their Pikes, that their Horfe might afterwards charge them with lefs 
 danger. And fo accordingly it fucceeded , for as Carate and Gomara relate, fifty 
 of their Pikes were broken with two Vollies of fhot. 
 
 The Copper Bullets ( for information of thofe who have never feen them) are 
 caft in a common Mould like others : They take a third or a fourth part of Iron- 
 wire, and at each end of this Wire they make a little hook for a link, and put 
 the end of the two Hooks into the middle, of the Mould : Then to divide the 
 Mould into two parts, they feparate it with leaf of Copper or Iron as thin as Pa- 
 per •, then they pour in the melted Lead, which incorporates it felf with the links 
 of Iron, and divides the Bullet in two parts, faftned with the Iron links. Then 
 when they ram them into the Gun, they joyn them like one Bullet ; and when 
 they are fhot out, they fpread themfelves to the length of the Chain, and cut all 
 before them. By thefe means, as the Hiftorians fay, they did great execution 
 upon the Pikes, for without this invention they conld never have done half this 
 mifchief. Howfoever, they did not aim at the Pikemen themfelves, but at their 
 Pikes, that they might fhew what they were able to do, and what advantage they 
 had over them in their Arms. This 
 
^84 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 This invention of Chain-bullets was brought from Flanders to Peru by Pedro de 
 Vergara, with the Guns which were made for them. I remember to have feen ! 
 fome of them in my own Countrey ■-, and in Spain I have feen them, and made 
 them •, and there I Was acquainted with a Gentleman called Alonfi de Loayfa, a Na- 
 tive of Trnxillo, who was wounded in that Battel, having his lower jaw, with his 
 teeth and gums, carried away with one of thofe Bullets •, he was the Father of 
 Trmcifio Loayfa, who lives this day at Cozco, and is one of thole few Sons of the 
 Conquerours which remain and enjoy the inheritance and portion divided to their 
 Fathers: and according to this form, I have feen others like thefe made for 
 Cannon. 
 
 But to return to our Story of the Battel. Rodrigo de Orgonnos, Tind his Comrade 
 Pedro de Lerma H obferving the great execution which the Harquebuiiers made up- 
 on their people, charged the Squadron of Horfe, commanded by Hernando Picarro, 
 . hoping to find, and kill him, which was the ultimate end of their expectation' 
 for they perceived that the Victory began to incline to the fide of their Enemies 5 
 and fetting themfelves juft in the Front of Hernando, and his Companion, whom 
 they diftinguifhed, and knew by their Coats of Incarnation- Velvet, they charged 
 them with great bravery and resolution. Orgonnos, who carried his Lance in its 
 * in p««,f° r Reft full-butt againft Francifio dt Barahona, happened to direct it right upon * the 
 Mndincsf or Be aver which covered his face 5 which being made of a mixture, between Silver 
 Head-pieces, and Copper, opened with the blow, and gave paflage to the Lance which ran 
 they wore a into his nead •-, with which falling to the ground, Orgonnos proceeded forward, and 
 fort of Ar- ran another with his Lance into the breaft % and then laying his hand to his Sword, 
 their" F ™ he had performed Miracles in his own Perfon •, but that an unlucky Chain, or Par- ' 
 likeacrofs tridge-ihot, from the Harquebufiers, ftrook him in the forehead, with which he 
 
 B »« loft both his fight and force. Pedro de Lerma, and Hernando Picarro, enCOUntied 
 
 each other with their Lances •, but being mounted on Gennets/ they fixed them 
 not in the Refts, but in another manner •, which was this : At that time, and 
 long after, during all the time of the Civil Wars, the Spaniards made certain Ca- 
 fes, or Holders of Leather, which Were faftned to the bow of the Saddle, and 
 reached to the neck of the Horfe * and then putting the end of the Lance into 
 the Holfter, they brought it under the Arme like a Reft. In this manner paf- 1 
 fed many brave Combats between the Spaniards in Peru -, for the Encounters, or 
 Jufts, were with all the force both of Man and Horfe •-, but all this needed not 
 againft the l»dians i whofe Skins were pierced with a more eafie ftroke of the 
 Arme. We have judged fit to give this account of the offenfive and defenfive | 
 Arms of my Countrey, for the better understanding of what is hereafter to be 
 treated. But to return unto the Combat between Hernando Picarro, and Pedro 
 de Lerma, it happened in this manner : The Lances of both the Duellifts being 
 very long, and therefore more pliant, or not fo ftiffas they defired, both of them 
 aimed low at each other •■, fo that Hernando Picarro forely wounded his Enemy in 
 the thigh , piercing the Coat of Male which covered it. Pedro de Lerma woun- 
 ded Pkarro's Horfe in the Forehead, which razed the skin , and with the (harp 
 point of the Lance cut the head-ftall of the Horfe ; and then making a fecond 
 charge, he happened to bear upon the pummel of the Saddle with fuch force, 
 that though it were made for War , yet it broke and gave way to the Lance, 
 which patting forward , pierced the Coat of Male , and wounded Picarro in the 
 belly, though not mortally •, for the Horfe being over-born , fell backwards to 
 the ground 1 by which means yielding to the force of the ftroke, he faved his life, 
 which otherwise had been in great danger $ for had the Lance found full refiftence, 
 it had pafled quite thorow his Entrails. 
 
 On this occafion both.our Hiftorians having juft caufe to applaud the Prowefs 
 and Valour of Orgonnos, do almoft ufe the fame words. Attgufline Car ate in the 
 Encomium which he gives of him, faith as follows : 
 
 " In this Fight Rodrigo Orgonnos was wounded with a Chain- (hot in the fore- 
 " head, which pafled the Beaver of his Head-piece : and yet after this wound he 
 " killed two Men with his Lance 5 and with his Rapier he ran another into the 
 " mouth, who was a Servant to Hernando Picarro, miftaking him for the Mafter, 
 " by reafon of his good Habit. Thus far Came. 
 
 And 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. c8 5 
 
 And here it is to be noted, that he who fent a Narrative of this Battel into 
 Spai», muft have been an Enemy to Pi$arro, becaufe the Relation he gave there- 
 of was to the prejudice of that party •■, for he reports, that Hernando Pkarro had 
 cloathed a Servant of his with the fame Habit which he pretended to wear on the 
 day of Battel,^ that fo thofe who fought for him, might reak their fury on his Ser- 
 vant, and fufter him to efcape 5 which if it had been true, he might have defer- 
 ved the difgrace and character of Coward : But though this Story was abfolurely 
 falfe, yet it fo far prevailed in Spain, and over all Peru, that the Royal Council of 
 the Indies to be truly informed of the matter, fent for a famous Souldier, who 
 was prefent at the Battel on Almagro\ fide, called Silveftre Gonzalez. ; and amongft 
 other things demanded of him, they asked, Whether in Peru Hernando Pkarro was 
 efteemed for a Coward ? In reply unto which, though the Souldier was of the 
 adverfe party, yet he averred all that which was reported of Hernando Pkarro, 
 touching the Combat which he and his Companions fought, and related it in 
 die fame manner as we have done •, adding, that fuch was the common fame and 
 report concerning the particulars of that Battel. This palled at Madrid towards 
 che latter years of the Imprifonment of Hernando Pkarro, which were twenty three 
 in all ; and this Souldier himfelf acquainted me with what he had declared to the 
 King's Council of the Indies .- But that which gave the firft colour to this fcanda- 
 lous report, was ( as he faid ) the term of Servant,^ which we call a Companion ; 
 for it was faid, that, he was richly cloathed 5 and lb it was true, for he was habi- 
 ted exa&ly like Pi'farro, wearing a Coat of Incarnation- coloured Velvet, which 
 was very much flaihed : Thus far was very true, but then that wherein the mi- 
 ftake lay, was, that this Perfon was a Servant, and not a Companion. 
 
 But to proceed : When the Souldiers of Hernando Picarro law their Comman- 
 der on the ground, they believed that he was killed 3 and then prefently the Ar- 
 mies began to engage, and fought with fuch bravery, that a great (laughter enfued 
 00 both fides - 7 for they killed and wounded each other with extreme fury and de- 
 foair, forgetting that they were of the fame Nation and Religion, or Brothers and 
 Companions in Arms •, and that they had entred into Articles of Agreement and 
 Brother-hood for the Conqueft of that Empire. The Vi&ory continued for a 
 much longer time doubtfull than was believed ■-, for though the Almagrians were ' 
 much inferiour in their Numbers , yet the others being equal in their Courage 
 and Art of War, made great refiftence \ but the advantage which the other party 
 had by their Harquebufes was fo great, that with the lots of many lives they at 
 laft yielded 5 and after moft of them were killed and wounded, the reft were put 
 to flight j when in the purfuit the cruelty and {laughter was greater than in the 
 Battel, not pardoning thofe who were already conquered, and had yielded to their 
 force 5 as Curate and Gomara do both avouch, one in the 1 ith Chapter of the 
 third Book, and the other in the Chap. 141. the Words of which are thefe which 
 follow. 
 
 
 Ffff CHAP. 
 
«86 Koyal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. | 
 
 Of the fatal Consequences which enfued after the Battel of 
 Salinas. 
 
 " r T* HE Armies of Almagro, and GoykaIo Plcarro, joyned Battel, and both 
 
 X fides , like Spaniards , fought with much Bravery j but at length the 
 
 * Pi^arrifis prevailed, who made ufe of their Vi&ory with much cruelty and fe- 
 
 ' verity, which, in excufe, they attribute to the revenge they defigned, for the 
 
 ' defection which was made from Alvarado at the bridge of Amancaj. Orgonnos 
 
 having yielded himfelf Prifoner unto two Cavaliers , another came and fell up- 
 
 ' on him, and killed him : When Captain Rtydiaz was taken, and quarter given 
 
 ' him, one came behind and pafled his body thorough with his Lance j in the, 
 
 fame manner many others were killed, after they had thrown away their Arms, 
 
 and Quarter given them. Samaniego (tabbed Pedro de Lerma, by night in his bed. 
 
 ' Many died fighting, with their Swords in their hands, of which the Captains 
 
 » " were Aiofcofo, Saline, and Hernando de Alvarado., befides fuch a number of Spa- 
 
 !' niards, that had the Indians ( as was talked ) fallen upon thofe few that remain- 
 
 " ed, they might eafily have become Matters of them all : But they were fo bu- 
 
 " fie, and taken up in ftripping the dead, whom they left naked 5 and in plun- 
 
 " dering the Tents and Baggage, which were not guarded, for every one was em- 
 
 " ployed in the purfuit, that they had no leifure to think of this advantage. Al- 
 
 ' magro, by reafon of his indifpofition of health, did not engage perfbnally in the 
 
 "' Battel, but flood on the fide of a Hill to behold the fuccefs •? which when he 
 
 IC perceived to have been fatal to himfelf, he fled to the Fortrefs of Cozco ; where 
 
 ' being purfued and taken by Gonz.ah Pifarro, and Alonfo de Alvarado, they caft 
 
 " him into the fame Prifon , wherein they themfelves had been detained, and 
 
 " held by him. Thus far are the Words of Gomara , with which he concludes 
 
 that Chapter. 
 
 Amongft the many remarkable paflages which happened that day, of which 
 fome are omitted by this Authour -, we (hall add others not unworthy to be no- 
 ted. One whereof is this •, A certain Cavalier carrying behind him on his Horfe, 
 Hernando de Sotelo ( who was Kinfma i of Chriftopber Sotelo ) for his Prifoner, to 
 whom he had given Quarter, there came a Souldier, and (hot him with his Car- 
 bine through the back , the Bullet wounding , though not mortally, the perfon 
 which rid before him. This, they fay, was done in revenge, for that counfel 
 which his Kinfman Chriftopber de Sotelo gave to Orgonnos, advifing him ( as we have 
 before mentioned ) to attack the Forces of Hernando Picarro, when they -were fick, 
 and giddy with the Air of the Mountains. Wherefore when one of the Soulcli- 
 ers cried out , Here they bring Sotelo j the Harquebufier thinking it to have been 
 Chriftopber Sotelo, he (hot him in the back, fuppofing thereby to have performed 
 acceptable fervice, by killing a Man fo generally hated. Many other cruelties 
 were committed by the Conquerours after the Battel, unworthy the Dignity of 
 the Spanifh Nation ; for more Men were flain in cold bloud, than in the heat of 
 the Fight. ' 
 
 Another piece of cruelty was the Death of Pedro de Lerma, which being in an 
 extraordinary manner barbarous, is fit to be obferved. Lerma ( as we have faid ) 
 being forced to quit the Field, both by reafon of the wound he had received from 
 Hemando Picarro, and others, which were given him in the late Fight 5 he was car- 
 ried to the Houfe of a certain Gentleman, who was a friend of his, called Pedro 
 de los Rios, with whom I was acquainted when I was very young -, he was of as 
 noble, and as ancient a Family, as any was in Cordova, of which there are many 
 in that Royal City. 
 
 A certain 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 587 
 
 A certain Souldier, named John de Samaniego, who had formerly been affronted 
 by Pedro de Lerma, made enquiry after him, that he might take a revenge for the 
 affront : Two days after the Battel he was informed that he lay wounded in the 
 Houfe of Pedro de los Rios •, and going thither with the infolence of a victorious 
 Souldier, he found free entrance into the Houfe , for in this time of War there 
 was none to oppofe him 5 lb that he went from Chamber to Chamber, untill he 
 came to a poor Bed on which de Lerma was laid 5 fitting thereupon , he began 
 to difcourfe with much ibbriety and phlegm : 
 
 " Senior Pedro de Lerma, {aid he, I am come in fatisfattion to my Honour, to 
 " kill you, for a box o'th' Ear which you once gave me. Sir, anfwered Pedro de 
 " Lerma, you may well remember, that you were the firft Aggreflbur, and that by 
 " your inlblencies you gave me juft provocation. It can be little or no fatisfac- 
 " tion to your Honour to kill a Man that is wounded, and dying in his bed. If 
 u God (hall fpare my life, I do here Vow, and engage my Faith to give you all 
 " the fatisfaftion you (hall require either by word of mouth, or in writing, with 
 " all the formalities and circumftances which the Rules of Souldiers can require 
 " in reparation of Honour. No, Zounds, faid Samaniego, I will not ftay fo long, 
 " but I will kill you prefently, for my Honour requires it. I deny that, replied 
 " Lerma, for you muft rather lofe than gain Honour by killing a Man who is 
 " half dead already : but if I live, I will give you entire fatisfa&ion. 
 
 Thefe were the precife Words both of one and the other, which were repeal 
 ted three or four times, the one threatning death, and the other promifing fatis- 
 fadtion. At length when Pedro de Lerma imagined that his Adverfary was conten- 
 ted with his promife, and with the fatisfa&ion he had offered him according to 
 the formalities and rules of a Souldier •-, Samaniego arofe, and laying his hand up- 
 on his Dagger, gave him many ftabs therewith untill he died , afterwards going 
 out into the Market-place, he boafted, how in fatisfa&ion of his Honour he had 
 ftabbed Captain Pedro de Lerma : And farther to magnifie the glory of his Exploit, 
 he recounted word for word all the difcourfe which had palled between them , 
 and how often the fame words were repeated ; with which he was troublefome 
 to all that heard him, for he would admit of no other difcourfe wherefoever he 
 was, than onely the vapours and boafts he made of this Adlion ; in which imper- 
 tinency he continued, untill his infolence eflfe&ed his ruine -, and that as he was 
 authour of his crime, fo he brought the punifhment of it on his own head. The 
 manner whereof we mall relate in this place •, for though it be out of the order 
 of time , yet not to lofe the opportunity of afte&ing the minds of the Readers 
 with a deteftation of the mercilefs bowejs of this Samaniego, whofe villany was 
 abominated in all parts of Peru, it will be moil feafonable to deliver a Narrative 
 of it, as follows. 
 
 Five years after this villany was perpetrated, when the Kingdom was quiet, and 
 in peace, and freed from the Diflentions between the Pigarrifts and Almagrians .- 
 John de Samaniego was then an Inhabitant in Puerto Viejo, where, according to his 
 ufual practice, he ftill continued to magnifie the glory of his Exploits, vapouring 
 at every turn, that he had in fatisfa&ion of his Honour killed a Captain with his 
 Dagger, who had been Lieutenant-General of the Governour Don Francifio PU 
 carro, and that none durft ever queftion him for it, adding moreover many things 
 of intolerable infolences. The Governour, who was chief Judiciary of this place, 
 being tired out with the inceflant repetition of thefe matters, gave Samaniego to 
 underftand by a certain friend of his, that it were better, and more agreeable to 
 his Honour, to bury thefe matters in filence, than to make farther talk of them 5 
 for that fince he had revenged the injury, he fhould remain contented, and en- 
 large no farther on that unpleafant fubje<5t. Samaniego, inftead of taking this kind 
 admonition in good part, was violently enraged 5 and going into the Market- 
 place, efpied the Governour with about fifteen or twenty Spaniards, ( for there 
 were very few more Inhabitants in that Town) and as they were difcour- 
 fing pleafantly together, lie accofted the company, and with an angry Look 
 (aid, 
 
 F f f f * * Tis 
 
^88 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 " Tis well that there wants not thofe who are agrieved at the fatisfa&ion which 
 " was given to my Honour, by the Death of Pedro de Lerma .• Whofoever he is, let 
 " him fpeak clearly in publick, and not in fecret and obfeure Whifpers 5 for by 
 " Heavens I am a Man who dare anfwer him, and give him as many ftabs, as I 
 " did to Pedro de Lerma. The Governour knowing that he meant and aimed at 
 him, prefently made up to him , and taking hold of the Collar of his Doublet , 
 
 Cl'ied OUt with a loud voice, I feize you in the Kings Name, and I charge you all to ' 
 aljifl the Jufiice againft a Traytour and a Murtherer. Whereupon all that were pre- 
 sent took hold on Samaniego, and put him in Prifon , for every one hated him, 
 being tired with his infolences. Hereupon the Governour made Procefs againft 
 him by examination and teftimony of four Witnefles : the fubftance whereof 
 was this •, That they had heard Samaniego fay, that he had killed Pedro de Lerma, 
 who was one of his Majefty's Captains, and who had performed great Service to 
 the Crown in the late Conqueft , having executed the Office of Lieutenant- Ge- 
 neral to Marquis Pigarro •, and that he killed him not in the Battel, but as he lay 
 wounded in his bed : Being accufed upon this Indictment, he was found guilty, 
 and condemned to dye -, during the time of which Trial, the Indians having erec- 
 ted a Gallows for him, he was brought forth to puniftiment ^ and the Indians ha- 
 ving in their own Language proclaimed his Crime, were the Executioners alfo to 
 hang him up : which was a piece of Juftice applauded by all who faw and heard 
 of it. 
 
 But to return again to our Hiftory. The Indians did not execute the defign 
 they had agreed, which was to kill all the Spaniards after the Battel, which they 
 imagined might have been done, aftey they were weakned by the common {laugh- 
 ter : For God, who intended by their means to propagate the Holy Golpel in 
 thofe parts, prevented that intention by diflention amongft the Indians themfclvesj 
 for that the Indians, who were the Menial and Domeftick Servants of the Spam* 
 ards, being affe&ed with a natural Loyalty to their Mafters, would not confent 
 to the Maffacre of them, but rather judged themfelves obliged to defend and fight 
 for them 5 for the remembrance of wnat was encharged them by Huayna Ca- 
 fac, and Manco Inca, occurred ftill to their minds, by which they believed, that 
 an obligation lay on them to ferve and obey the Spaniards, Thus did the divi- 
 fion between the Indian Servants, and the others, prevent the execution of their 
 defign j from which alfo little fuccefs could have been expe&ed, confidering that 
 they had no Head, or General, to conduct them : And if they had had one, yet, 
 as Hiftories fay, the Indians, who were on the fide of the Conquerours, would not 
 well have accorded with thofe who were vanquilhed. 
 
 This Battel happened on the 6th of April 1738, which being on a Saturday, 
 which was the day after the Feaft of Lazarus, the Spaniards conceived a particular 
 devotion for that Saint 5 and in remembrance thereof built and dedicated a 
 Church to him in thofe Plains where this Battel was fought, and which was 
 ftanding when I departed from thence. Within this Church the Bodies of all 
 thofe who were (lain, both of one fide and the other, were interred : And' 
 though fome alledge, that the Battel happened on the 26th of April, I cannot 
 but believe that it was an Errour of the Printer, who inftead of 6, put down z6. 
 Bias Vakra defcribing the Grandure of the City of Cozco, touches fome particu- 
 lars relating to this Battel , and fays : 
 
 " That in thofe Plains there is a Church dedicated to St. Lazarus, where for 
 
 " a long time lay interred the Bodies of thofe who were (lain in that Fight- Af- 
 
 " terwards a Spaniard, who was one of the Conquerours, a Perfon both Noble 
 
 " and Religious , was accuftomed to refort frequently thither to pray for the 
 
 " Souls of thofe who were interred in that place. And having continued this 
 
 c< devotion for a long time, at length he happened to hear fighs and deep groans 
 
 :t from the Vaults of the Church, and therewith appeared before him the Perfon 
 
 " of one of his friends, which had been there (lain , but he faid nothing more to 
 
 c him, than onely to intreat him, that he would continue his vifits to that Church 
 
 " frequently at certain Hours both by Day and Night. At firft the Spaniard was 
 
 ! pofleffed with great fear at the fight of this Apparition , but at length being 
 
Book If. Royal Commentaries. 589 
 
 " accuftomed thereunto, and encouraged by Admonitions and Directions from 
 " Father Andrew Lopez, who was a Jefuit, and his Confeflour, he continued his 
 " Devotions of Prayer not onely for his friend, but for all thofe who were there 
 " buried, without any concernment or diffraction of mind •■> exhorting likewife 
 " others to join with him both in their Prayers and Alms. And afterwards, by 
 " the advice and example of this Perfori , the Mefiizos, who were the Sons of 
 " Spaniards, begotten on the Bodies of Indian Women, did in the year 1581, 
 "' tranfport the Bones of their Fathers from that place to the City of Cozco, where 
 " they buried them in an Hofpital, and caufed many Mafles, Alms, and other 
 1 pious Works to be celebrated and performed for them 5 to which all the City 
 concurring with a general Alacrity, from that time forward the Virion ceafea 
 * to appear. Thus far are the Words of Bias Vakra. 
 
 And. now to complete the fum of all thefe Cruelties after this unhappy Battel, 
 there remains nothing more to be related than onely the Tragedy of Bon Diego de 
 Almagro himfelf •, the confequence of which was the total deftru&ion of both the 
 Governours, with their Confidents and Abettours, in which calamity the com- 
 mon Welfare of Peru was involved. In which Relation both the Hiftorians una- 
 nimoufly agree, that is to fay, Car ate in the 12th Chapter of his third Book, and 
 Gomara in Chapter 141, have thefe Words, which are extracted verbatim in fuch 
 manner as we nave recited them in the following Chapter. 
 
 1 tx. 
 
 \ 1 • / • 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. 
 
 Of the Tragical Death of Don Diego de Almagro. 
 
 ' TTHis Victory being obtained, and Almagro taken, one fide was enriched, 
 f A and the other impoverifhed ; which is the natural confequence of a Ci- 
 ' vil War, waged between Citizens and Relations in Bloud and Confanguinity. 
 ' Fernando Pigarro immediately took pofleffion of Cozco,, though not without much 
 ' difcontent and murmurings of the people ; for though he fhared the fpoils a- 
 ' mongft them, yet there not being fufficient to fatisfie the expectations of eve- 
 ' ry perfon , Mutinies were feared 5 to prevent which , the Souldiers were em- 
 ' ployed on new Conquefts, and to make things more fafe, the friends of Alma- 
 ' gro were joyned to the others without diftin&ion : And to take away farther 
 c caufe, or occafion of Faction and Mutiny, Don Diego de Almagro, Junior, was 
 ; ' fent a Prifoner to the City of los Reyes •, as to Almagro himfelf, Procefs was 
 : ' made againft him, and a report was publifhed, that he, together with his Son, 
 ' was to be fent Prifoner to los Reyes, and thence into Spain .• But whereas it was 
 :c commonly talked, that Mefa and others intended to refcue hira on the way, 
 
 * which was a mere pretence to cloak the feverity of their proceedings, they fen- 
 ,e tenced him to Death. The crimes laid to his charge, were,' that he had entred 
 
 * Cczco by force of Arms ; that he had caufed the effufion of much Spanijh 
 " Bloud ; that he had entred into a fecret Treaty with Mango Tnga againft the 
 " Spaniards 5 that he had given and prefcribed Limits for Government and Jurif 
 " diction without licence from the Emperour ; that he had broken all his Arti- 
 " cles and Oaths *, that contrary to the Peace of their Sovereign Lord the King he 
 " had fought two Battels, one at Abancay, and the other at Salinas g befides divers 
 '' other MiftJemeanours committed by him of lefler moment. Almagro grievoufly 
 
 refented the feverity of this fentence , and made fuch fad lamentations there- 
 f upon, as were fufficient to draw Tears from the raoft obdurate heart : And 
 
 J* though 
 
<^o Royal Commentaries. Book II. \ 
 
 " though he made his Appeal to the Emperour, yet Fernando ( notwithftanding 
 f the importunities of many perfons, who earneftly urged him thereunto ) refu- 
 •/' fed to admit of his Appeal. All which not prevailing, Almagro himfelf 
 " implored his mercy, befeeching him to fpare his life ; in confederation , that 
 " when he himfelf was in his power, he had not put him to death, nor fpilt the 
 " bloud of his Friends or Relations. That he would remember how he had been 
 " an inftrument to raife his dear Brother to that high pitch of honour and pro- 
 " fperity which he now enjoyed. That he would behold, and confider him for 
 " an old, decayed, and gouty Man 5 and therefore admit of his Appeal, that he 
 " might pafs thofe few unhappy days which remained to him of life, within the 
 " dark folitudes of a Prifon, there to lament and bewail his fins. Ferdinando Pi- 
 " farro remained deaf and unmoved with all thefe prefling inftances, which were 
 " fufficient to have mollified a heart of fteel , faying, that he wondered much, 
 " that a Man of his Spirit and Courage fhould entertain fuch apprehenfions of 
 " Death. To which he replied, That fince Chrift himfelf feared it, how much 
 " more might the frailty of his Nature be touched with the approach thereof : 
 " And laftly, he conjured him by the reverence due to his old Age, which, ac- 
 " cording to the courfe of Nature, could not long continue : Almagro was hard- 
 " ly brought to Confeflion, having (till hopes of life ; but at length he fubmit- 
 " ted, and having confefled to the Prieft, he made his Will and Teftament, 
 " making the King, and his Son Bon Diego, his Heirs : Howfoever, he would 
 " not own the Sentence palled upon him, left Execution fhould immediately 
 " follow : Nor would Fernando Picarro allow the Appeal, both becaufe he had 
 " received Commands from Frantifio Picarro to the contrary, and likewile be- 
 ,f caufe he believed that the Council of the Indies would revoke the Sentence. 
 " In fine, Execution was performed •■> and notwithftanding all the Applications 
 " made for him, he was ftrangled in the Prifon , and afterwards publickly be- 
 " headed in the Market-place at Cozco, in the year 15^38. 
 
 " The Death of Almagro was greatly lamented, but by none more (unlefi 
 K by his own Son) than by Diego de Alvarado, who was once fecurity to Alma- 
 " gro for Fernando Pi^arro, and procured his releafe and freedom out of Prifon j - 
 " and yet notwithftanding all that could in gratitude, and on the fcore of the 
 " like ufage be pleaded for him, nothing would prevail. Wherefore Alvarado 
 u returned to Spain to impeach Frantifio Pi farro and his Brothers , and to de- 
 " mand {atisfa&ion from Fernando for breach of promife 5 but whilft he fol- 
 " lowed this Suit at ValUdolid, where the Court then refided , he died, but not : - 
 " without fome fufpicion of Poifon , becaufe he lay not lick above three or 
 " four days. 
 
 " Diego de Almagro was a Native of Almagro , it was never certainly known 
 " who was his Father , though fome fay he was a Prieft. He had never learned 
 " letters, nor could he reade 5 howfoever, he was an undertaking Man, dili- 
 " gent, and ambitious of Honour and Fame 5 he was free and liberal , yet not 
 " without Affectation of vain-glory, contriving to make the World witneffes. 
 " of his generous Actions : His Souldiers loved him for the Prefents and Lar- 
 " gefles he gave them , otherwife he was hated for the hard treatment he fre- 
 " quently ufed towards them both in Words and corporal Punifhments. He 
 " remitted the Debts of a hundred thoufend Ducats, wnich his Souldiers cued 
 " him , tearing and cancelling the Obligations of thole who were prefent with 
 " him in Chili 5 which was a piece of Liberality more becoming a Prince, than 
 " a Souldier 5 and yet when he was dead, there was not a Perfen that would 
 " beftow a Clout to cover his Wound. His Death feemed the more Tragi- 
 " cal, and fo much the more cruel, becaufe he never would put any Man 
 " to death who had relation to Francifio Picarro. He never was Married , 
 " howfoever he had a Son by an Indian Woman in Panama 5 he called him 
 *' by his own Name, and gave him good Education •-, but his end was unhappy, 
 f as will appear hereafter. 
 
 Thus far Comara 3 the which is confirmed ( as we faid before ) by Co- 
 rate. 
 
 And 
 
st 
 
 Book II. Royal Commentaries. 591 
 
 And how on this occafion it is neceflary we fliould fay fomething for the 
 better underftanding of this whole matter. After the Victory, Hernando Pkarro 
 laboured for his own fecurity to drive his Enemies far from him, left they mould 
 kill him •, for after the Battel the Animofities which one iide conceived againft 
 the other, were raifed to fuch a degree of hatred, that they palled the terms of 
 all reconciliation : For though Hernando Pkarro endeavoured to the utmoft of 
 his power to win the affections of the moft principal Perfons , yet fo far • was 
 that rancour fpread, and the malice fo virulent, that Men publickly declared, 
 that they wanted onely an opportunity to revenge themfelves. 
 
 On the other fide, his friends, who found themfelves difappointed of their 
 vain hopes, began to fall off from him , taxing him with want of compliance, 
 and breach of promife •, for every one imagined mighty tilings, and flattered him- 
 felf at leaft with the Command of a Province. And though, as Gomara faith, 
 Hernando gave to every one fomething, for it was impoflible to prefer every Man , 
 yet the moft part efteemed themfelves difobliged, and became as uneafie and dis- 
 contented, as the worft of his Enemies. Wherefore, as the onely means to be 
 freed from the infolences of thofe who complained, they were not furficiently 
 gratified, and from the Plots of thofe who were his profefled Enemies , he amu- 
 fed their minds with the thoughts of new Conquefts , as fhall be Specified in the 
 following Chapter. 
 
 When Almagro was condemned to dye, his Eftate was confiscated to the ufe of 
 his Majefty. At firft Hernando didnot intend to put him to death, but onely ha- 
 ving made his Procefs to fend him into Spain ; but when he perceived that Plots 
 were laid to caufe his efcape out of Prifon , and that the publick dil'courfe of the 
 Town was, that Hernando was more to blame than Almagro, taxing him to have 
 been the great Incentive of all the difcords and differences between the two Go- 
 vernors, which had never arofe to that heat of paflion , had not he blown them 
 into a flame ; faying farther, that on the fcore of his own private piques, and to 
 doe himfelf juftice, he had devefted Almagro of his Government, who had expen- 
 ded more of his Eftate, and had contributed more to the Conqueft of that Coun-- 
 trey, than all thofe who belonged to Pi$arro ■-, which were matters of fuch high 
 provocation, as were able to move the ftones to rife up in judgment againft 
 them. 
 
 When Hemands Picarro was certified of thefe matters, and was particularly in- 
 formed, that one of his Captains called Me/a, who Commanded the Artillery, 
 was discontented for want of his Pay, ( as we mall more at large declare hereaf- 
 ter) and therefore defigned to fet Almagro at liberty, he then reSolved to put him 
 to death, and to haften his execution ■-, fuppofing, that when he was once out of 
 the way, all the paflions for him would vanifh, and all things return to a fetled 
 condition of peace and quietnefs : All which imaginations Succeeded to the con- 
 , trary, as will be proved by the fequel of this Story. 
 
 Gomara faith, That though diligent enquiry was made to know the Father of 
 Almagro, yet it could never be difcovered -, and in confirmation hereof, Car ate 
 adds, that being an Infant he was laid at the Church- door : the which may very 
 well be, and yet he not be a Baftard •, for the Catholick Church prefuming that 
 fuch Foundlings are honeftly and lawfully begotten, do own them capable of be- 
 ing admitted into Ecclefiaftical Orders, and to the Degrees of a Prelate : And 
 whereas Gomara alledges, that common report made him the Son of a Prieft 5 it is 
 very falfe, and a calumny raifed by malitious and virulent tongues, which having 
 nothing whereby to obfcure and difgrace the luftre and glory of his Actions, have 
 caft this blemilh on his Birth without any colour or appearance of truth- 
 Thofe Sons, whofe Fathers are not known, are ennobled by their own Merits 
 and Vertue ; efpecially being of that luftre, as were the great Actions of this Ge- 
 neral and Governour Bon Diego de Almagro, which have legitimated his Birth, 
 and added Nobility to his Family. To what end do Sons boaft of the Atchieve- 
 ments of their Anceftours, who blemilh and obfcure their great Actions by 
 their own Vices ? for Nobility is the Parent of Virtue, and is fupported by it. 
 So that we may truly fay, that Almagro was the Son of Noble Parents, for (o 
 his Actions declare him ; and fo great Exploits have always made the Princes 
 
 of 
 
r 
 
 ^92 Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 of this World rich and powerfull : the truth of which hath been proved at 
 large by what hath preceded. 
 
 In fine therefore, (as we have faid) this great Hero was ftrangled in Prifon, 
 which was fufficient to have made an end of him ■-, but to affed: the minds of 
 thofe who faw him with greater companion and forrow, his Body was brought 
 forth into the Market-place, and his Throat cut there 5 he had palled the Age 
 of feventy five years, and his Healrh was fo broken and infirm, that had they not 
 haftned his Death, he could not have lived much longer. It is faid, that his Ene- 
 mies, to (hew their great abhorrence and deteftation of him, had killed him 
 twice. The Executioner in privilege of his Office, and as his Fees, ftripped him 
 of his Cloaths, and would alfo have taken his Shirt had it been fuffered : And 
 in this condition he lay expofed in the Market-place, the greateft part of the day, 
 neither friend or enemy daring to difpofe otherwife of his Corpfe 5 for his friends, ( 
 who were vanquifhed, and in cuftody, could not doe it ; and his enemies, though 
 touched with fome fenfe of grief and companion, durft not adventure upon an 
 Action which might adminifter occafion of publick fcandal. Whence we may 
 fee the falfenefs of this World , and how ill it rewards the worthy Anions of 
 deferving Men. 
 
 At length, towards the Evening, a poor Negro, who had been the Slave of 
 the deceafed, came and brought a courfe Sheet, which was his own, or which he 
 had begged •■, and with the help of fome Indians, who had been the Servants of |pA 
 Almagro, they wrapped the Body therein, and carried it to be enterred in the 
 Church of the Merceds, where the Friars, according to their accuftomary Ads 
 of Charity, buried it with many Tears in a Chapel which is under the 
 High Altar. 
 
 Thus ended that Great Don Diego de Almagro, who hath left nothing more Me- 
 morable of his Life, than his great Actions •■, and of his Death, than grief and 
 lamentations for it : the which, as it was a fore-runner of the like fete of the 
 Marquis Picam, fo the manner of his Death was agreeable thereunto, and may 
 therewith be compared in all the circumftances thereof, as will appear by that 
 which follows j that fo thefe two Companions, who had an equal (hare in the 
 Conqueft and Government of this great and rich Empire of Peru, may alfo be 
 equalized in the manner of their Deaths. 
 
 w 
 
 n 
 
 k 
 
 i. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. ey-> 
 
 \ 
 
 CHAP. XL. 
 
 Who thofe Captains were that were employed on the New 
 Conquefls ; the Arrival of Hernando Picarro in Spain , 
 and his long Imprijonment there. 
 
 SO foon as Hernando Picarro had taken Almagro Prifoner,he immediately employed 
 many of his Captains in new Conquefts-, both that thereby he might free him- 
 felf from their importunities,who were in expectation of great and mighty rewards 
 for their fervices , and might alfo fecure his own Perfon from fufpicion and jealou- 
 fies, which his Enemies were contriving and plotting againft him. Pedro de Val- 
 divia was fent Commander in Chief, with a confiderable Force to the Conqueft: 
 of Chili, which was begun, but left imperfect by Almagro; the fuccefs of which, 
 with his profperous and unhappy fortune, we have formerly declared in the Life 
 
 Of 1»CA Yupanqui the tenth King of Peru. Francifco de Villagra ( with whom I was 
 
 acquainted ) went in company with him , as did alfo Alonfi de Montroy. Captain 
 Francifco de Olmos, with Whom went Garcilajfo de la Vega, was fent to the Bay of 
 
 St. Matthew : Of whofe Conquefts and Succefles Gomara fpeaks in the 143d Chap- 
 ter, as follows : 
 
 " Gomez de Aharado was employed in the Conqueft of the Province of Guam- 
 " cu : Francifco de Chaves was fent to fupprefs the Cenchucos, who much infefted 
 * the Inhabitants about Trugilk, and in their Army carried an Idol, to which they 
 " facrificed the fpoils of their Enemies, and the bloud of Chriftians. Pera de 
 " Vergara marched againft the Bracamoros, which is a Countrey, that to the North- 
 x ward joins to the Countrey of Quitu •■, Perez de Vergara went to the Chachapoyas, 
 and Alonfo de Mercadillo to Mnllubamba •, but Pedro de Candia went to the High- 
 lands oiCollao -., into which, by reafon of the difficulty and badnefs of the Coun- 
 trey, he could make no great progrefs -, and befides, his people fell into a Mu- 
 tiny, who were for the moft part friends of Almagro, as was alfo Mefa Captain 
 of the Artillery to Picarro .• For which reafon Fernando went to them •■, and ha- 
 ving accufed Mefa of Mutiny, and with Scandalous Words againft the Pigarros, 
 " and with a Plot to have fet Almagro at liberty, in cafe he had been carried to 
 the Marquis at los Reyes; all which having been proved againft him, he put him 
 to Death. The three hundred Men which belonged to Pedro de Candia he gave 
 to Perancures, and fent him forward to the Conqueft of that Countrey. In this 
 " manner all the Spaniards were employed, and in a very fhort time enlarged their 
 Conqueft, at leaft three hundred Leagues in length from Eaft to Weft, though 
 with the death and lofs of Multitudes of people. Fernando and Goncak Picarro 
 fubdued the Co/Lw, which is a Countrey wherein Gold fo much abounds, that 
 they Wainfcoat the in- fides of their Chapels, and Chambers with Plates of 
 rt Gold •, and therein is a fort of Sheep, which have fome refemblance of a Ca- 
 mel, and fomething of a Deer. Thus far Gomara, who farther on in the fame 
 Chapter adds : 
 
 " Fernando Picarro, faith he, returned to Cozco, where he met with Francifco Pi- 
 carro, whom he had not feen fince the Imprisonment of Almagro. After they 
 I had entertained difcourfe for feveral Days, concerning the matters lately paft, 
 I and what was farther to be done in order to the Government : It was determi- 
 ". ned that Fernando (liould go into Spain to render a true information unto the Em- 
 perour of all matters which had palled, and to carry with him the Fifths of all 
 which belonged to his Majefty, with an account of the Revenue, as it was late- 
 ly augmented. Many of his friends who knew the true ftate of matters, and 
 how ill the Death of Almagro would be refented by the Emperour, diffuaded 
 
 G g g g '" Fernando 
 
cqa Royal Commentaries. Book II. 
 
 " Fernando from this intention, eipecially fince Diego de Aharado was then refiding 
 " at the Court, and ready to.accufe him, faying, That this matter would be bet- 
 " ter negotiated at a diftance, than upon the place : Howfoever, Fernando would 
 " not hearken thereunto, being of a contrary opinion, that he had greatly defer- 
 " ved of the Emperour for his many Services , and for having by way of Juftice 
 " cleared the Countrey of thofe turbulent Spirits, who were Difturbers of the 
 " Peace. At his departure, he advifed his Brother Frandfco not to repofe confi- 
 " dence in any of the Almagrians, efpecially thofe who were gone into Chili, whom 
 ' c he had found to be conftant and affectionate to the Memory of Almagro .• And 
 " he farther counfelled him not to permit them to Cabal, for by experience he 
 " had found, that five onely of them being together, were plotting in what man- 
 " ner to kill him. At length being departed, he came to Spain, and appeared at 
 " the Court with a great Equipage and Riches ; but it was not long before they 
 " carried him from Valladolid, to the Prifon of Medina de Campo, from whence, as 
 " yet, he is not freed. And herewith Gomara ends that Chapter. 
 
 For the better underftanding of which, we are to know, That though Goncah 
 de Mefa had ferved Hernando Picarro in Quality of Captain of the Artillery, yet 
 he, with many others, was much difcontented, becaufe he looked upon himfelf as 
 ill rewarded for his former Services •, and that when he expe&ed to have been font 
 Commander in Chief, he was then employed Under-Captain to Pedro de Candia ( 
 Wherefore finding himfelf in this manner flighted without any place of Honour, 
 or Advantage, he began to fpeak ill of Hernando Picarro, and to threaten, that he 
 would fet Almagro at liberty whenfoever they brought him forth to carry him to lot 
 Reyes : All which he declared openly, and without any confideration of the dan- 
 ger he incurred of his life, he affembled his friends, and formed a party for Al- 
 magro, in which he found many that were ready to comply. So foon as Hernando 
 Picarro was informed hereof, he immediately, with all diligence, went to the Col- 
 lao, but Mefa was not then Quartered there, being newly returned with Pedro de 
 Candia from the Frontiers, and was then at Mnffm, which lyes Eaftward from 
 Co/tao, a Countrey very Mountainous, and full of deep Rivers, as we have defcri- 
 bed at large in the Life of the King Ma Tupanqui .- The Spaniards, by reafon of 
 thefe impediments, not having been able to make their Conquefts, were returned 
 from Collao when Hernando met them, and put Gonzalo de Mefa to Death •-, and ca- i 
 ihiering Pedro de Candia from his Command, he beftowed it on a certain Gentle- 
 man called Peranzures de Campo Redondo -, who afterwards made an entrance into I 
 that Countrey, and did more than any that went before him •, howfoever, the i 
 ways and paffages were fo difficult, that all his labours and endeavours proved vain 
 and fruitlefs. Pedro de Candia efteeming himfelf affronted, and agrieved hereby, 
 being troubled to be deprived of his Command, concealed the anger hereof in his 
 breaft, untill fuch time as an opportunity prefented, that he might declare for the 
 Almagrians \ the fuccefs whereof was fatal to him, as we (hall fee hereafter. For 
 Pedro de Candia could not fo well diffemble his refentments, but that they were 
 vifible to Hernando, and appeared in his countenance -, for though the Tongue be 
 iilent, yet the Face commonly difcovers the grief, or the delight of the Heart : 
 the like diffatisfaclion was alfo apparent in the behaviour of many others. 
 Wherefore confidering that his endeavours to leffen the numbers of his Enemies, 
 ferved to multiply them, he was as it were forced to put Almagro to death, which 
 he accordingly executed after his return to Cozco from Collao •, fuppofing, that when 
 the caufe and object of all thefe Mutinies and Disturbances was removed, all 
 things would return to the ufual and fetled condition of peace and quietnefs 5 but 
 it happened out quite contrary : For by the dolefull Tragedy of the Death of Al- \ 
 magro, Hernando Picarro rendred himfelf fo odious, that his condition was much 
 more fecure, by putting himfelf into the hands of the Juftice of Spain, where Die- 
 go de Alvarado was ready to accufe him, than if he had remained in Peru, where 
 the oppofite Faction of Almagro watched onely an opportunity to deftroy him. 
 Hemando Picarro was a difcreet Perfon , and againft the opinion and perfuafion of 
 all his friends, judged it the lead evil to make a Voyage into Spain ; where he 
 imagined, that the great Services he had performed in the Conqueff of that Em- 
 pire, and the infuperable Labours he had overcome in the Siege would juftifie 
 his Caufe before his Majefty,and the Riches which he imported with him, for the 
 King's and his own account would make his Accefs eafie to the Royal Prefence, 
 
 and 
 
Book II. Royal Commentaries. 595 
 
 and obtain more mercy for him, than he could expect from his Enemies in Peru, 
 who onely attended an opportunity to kill him. Hernando having on thefe Con- 
 federations left the Indies, and efcaped out of the hands of his Enemies ; that ha- 
 tred which was prepared for him, was converted againft his Brother the Marquis, 
 and proceeded fo far, as in the end to effect his ruine ■-, the which will appear in 
 what is to follow. 
 
 Hernando Picarro being arrived in Spain, Diego de Aivarado brought a feveie In- 
 dictment againft him, defiling that the Caufe might be tried either by the Civil 
 Law, or by a Court-Marfhal, as his Majefty mould direct 3 or otherwife he chal- 
 lenged him to a fingle Combat, offering to prove by fdrce of Arms, that he had 
 violated both his Word and Faith, and that he himielf was guilty of thofe crimes 
 which he had objected againft Almagro .• Moreover, he laid many other things to 
 his charge, which for brevity fake we (hall pafs by. Upon thefe Accufations Her- 
 nando was committed to the Prifon of Medina del Campo •, during which time, and 
 whilft Alvarado was prcfecuting his Suit, he complained, that many rich Preients 
 both of Gold, and Silver, and pretious Stones, were giyen with intention to cor- 
 rupt the minds of certain perfons; the which being proved, was occafion of trou- 
 ble to foir.e great and confiderable Men. But this being a nice point, we have 
 onely touched upon it 5 and the rather, becaufe in the heat of this profecution Al- 
 varado died, not without fufpicion of poifon, by reafon (as Gomara faith) that his 
 Death was fudden and unexpected : Howfoever, before that time, he had fo well 
 grounded his procefs, and proceeded fo far, that he had obtained feveral Verdicts 
 againft his Adverfary. Howfoever, at length, time, which accomplifhes every 
 thing, moderated the feverities of his Imprifonment , from whence he procured 
 his difcharge in the year 1562, after twenty three years that he had remained in 
 cuftody, which he fuftained with great equality of mind •, of which he gave moft 
 certain proofs in all the particulars of his adverfe fortune , which then manifeftly 
 appeared, when with wonderfull patience he received the news of the Death of 
 his Brother, and of his other Kindred, and of the Confifcation of his Lands and 
 Pofleflions which belonged to him, befides the vaft expence he was put to, both 
 ' in Prifon, and to maintain his Law-fuits. This was all the World gave him in 
 reward for his great and mighty Actions, and for the innumerable difficulties he 
 fuftained to aid and affift his Brother the Marauis Don Francifio Picarro in the Con- 
 queft of Peru, performing, as he always did, the Office of Captain- General ; with 
 which we will conclude this fecond Book, returning thanks unto Almighty God, 
 who hath brought us fo far as to this period. 
 
 Gggga BOOK 
 
 il ' 
 
, 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 <!en 
 
 (I 
 
(597) 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Conqueft of the Charcas ; and of other Battels be- 
 tween the Indians and the Spaniards. 
 
 BY the Death of Almagro, and the Abfenceof Hernando Tie arro, all the 
 management of the Conqueft, and the weight of the Government 
 of Pern was charged on the fhoulders of Marquis Piearro, to whom 
 God had given a fufficient talent of Wifedom to fupport the care 
 both of one and the other, had not evil Counfellours interpofed, to 
 the difturbance and confufion of every thing ', for the Captains ( as 
 we have mentioned in the preceding Book) being difpeeded away, and amufed 
 with new Conquefts, the Land was at reft and quiet 5 amongft which Com- 
 manders, Oonzalo Piearro, Brother to the Marquis, was fent to conquer the Colho, 
 and the Charcot, anc? people diftant about two hundred Leagues to the South- 
 ward of Cokjco -, with him the greateft part of thofe Cavaliers were fent, who came 
 in with Bon Pedro de Aharado to gain new Countries '■> for thofe already fubdued, 
 were onely fuch as were Dependances on the Cities of Cozco and lot Reyes, which, 
 together with all the Vallies along the Sea-coaft, as far as Tumpiz, were divided 
 amongft the firft Conquerours, who had had a hand in the Imprifonment of Ata- 
 hualpa. Wherefore it was neceflary to enlarge thofe Conquefts, that out of them 
 provifion might be made for the fecond Adventurers, who entred in with D. Diego 
 
 de Almagro, and Pedro de Aharado. 
 
 Gonuilo Piearro entred on the Collao with a good number of ftout and valiant 
 Men •-, at firft the Indians made little opposition, but afterwards when they found 
 them well entred into the Charcas, and at a hundred and fifty Leagues diftance 
 from Cozco, they then plied them dofe, and frequently engaged them in Battel^ 
 in which there were lodes on both fides •■> and the Indians aimed chiefly at their 
 Horfes •, for they were of opinion, that if they could kill them, and force the 
 Men to fight on Foot, they mould have much the advantage, and over-power 
 them with their Multitudes, At length it happened, that after a bloudy Fight, 
 in which many were killed on both fides, that the Spaniards gained the Vidory i 
 To profecute which on all fides, feveral parties took, divers ways, and amongft 
 the reft, three Companions agreed to go with GonzaU Piearro. One of which 
 was Garcilajfo de la Vega, another John de Figueroa, and the third Gafpar Jara •, all 
 which had Commands over Indians in that Town, which is now called the City 
 of Plate, and in the Indian Tongue Chnquifaca, and afterwards they improved 
 
 their 
 
^98 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 their Fortunes by Poflefiions in the City of Cozco, where it was my Fortune to 
 have acquaintance with them. 
 
 Thefe four walking fofcly over a Plain, to eafe their Horfes, which were much 
 tired with the Labours of the laft Engagement, and being at fome diftance rronuJie 
 place whfe,the,Battel \vas fought, they.difcoverecf on the fide of a Htde Hill below, 
 fejjceh /^|«0ant.t5r|ep, all armed with their Bows and Arrows, going to join with 
 ^-/^T^Afmy/antfvery gallant; with their Plumes of Feathers, and other 
 Ornaments. So foon as they faw the Spaniards , they put themfelves into Rank, 
 at ten or twelve paces diftant each from the other, with defign to divide the 
 Enemy , that they might come apart , and not in a Body together. The Spa- 
 niards made figns to them, that they were Friends, and would not fight 
 with them-, but notwithstanding the Indians prepared their Arms, and would 
 not accept of their -Friendflrip, fo^hat both fides engaged with great Courage 
 and Resolution, ill 
 
 The Spaniards (as*-they report themfelves) fay, that they were afhamed of the 
 inequality of this match, that four Cavaliers, fuch as they were, well armed, and 
 mounted on their Horfes, with Lances in their Hands, mould engage with (even 
 Indians on^oot, and naked, without defenfive Arms , who notwithstanding re- 
 fufed not to fight with as much courage, as if their Breafts had been covered with 
 Steel , aflifting and helping each other with much Bravery. That Indian who 
 had none to encounter him , always helped hitn> that was engaged, and fo alter- 
 natively came in, to the fuccour each of other, fometimes crofs, and fometimes . 
 behind, according to the Order and Method agreed amongft them-, fo that for 
 the moft part , two Indians fought with one Spaniard. At length , after a long 
 Skirmifh, that every Spaniard had killed his Indian, and one of them was in pur- 
 suit of a (ingle Indian, who, as he was flying, took up a Stone, which he threw 
 and hit the Beaver of his Head-piece, which covered his Face, with fuch force 
 as half ftunn'd him , and had killed him outright, had it not been for that piece 
 of Armour * howfoever, notwithstanding the Blow, the Spaniard made an end of 
 this Indian, and killed him alfo. 
 
 . The other two Indi-uns fled , and efcaped •, for the Spaniards were not very 
 eager to purfue them, confidering that their Horfes had been much tired, and 
 harafled with this fecond , as w 7 ell as with the firft Encounter •, fo that they 
 thought it neither honourable, nor worth their pains, to kill the two furviving 
 Indians. 
 
 After the Skirmifh was over, the four Companions (laid a while, to examine 
 themfelves, and to know what hurt each Man had received •-, and upon Enquiry 
 they found, that three of them were wounded, and that two of thefe three 
 had received three, Wounds apiece ,• though flight ones, and the fourth had 
 his Horfe wounded with an Arrow , the which hurt was many Days in hea- 
 ling-, according as he, who was Mafter of the Horfe, related it to me in this 
 manner: 
 ■ 
 
 " All four of us, (aid he, were wounded , but I moft grievoufly of any, be- 
 " caufe I was more feniible of the hurt, which my Horfe received, than if I had 
 " been wounded my felf, by reafon of the great want I had of him. I remember 
 when I was a Child, the great lamentation the Spaniards made for their Horfes, 
 and would rather have been wounded themfelves than their Horfes ; and in like 
 manner this Gentleman was troubled for this misfortune. 
 
 In fine, thefe .four returned to the Army , and acquainted their Companions, 
 that the Engagement which they had had with the feven Indians that day, was 
 more dangerous, than the great fight with fix or (even thoufand of them. Several 
 other Skirmifhes pafled the fame day of the like nature, one of which was that 
 which we have recounted in the laft Chapter of the firft Book of this fecond 
 Part, where we fpeak of the Loyalty and Affection which the Indians taken in 
 fight profefs unto the Spaniards. In this manner they marched forward, fighting 
 every other day more or lefs, untill they came to a warlike People, called Chuqni- 
 faca, where they engaged with many thoufands of Indians, who (iraitned the Spa- 
 niards .with want of Provifions , and kept them always allarm'd with continual 
 Skirmifhes, wherein many were killed and wounded, which the Hiftorians men- 
 tion, but with great brevity. 
 
 Gomara 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. ^oo 
 
 Gomara in the 143d. Chapter, and Caratz in the 12th Chapter of his 3d. Book, 
 faith, That Gonzalo Picarro made a Difcovery as far as the Province of the Charcot, 
 where he was furrounded with fuch numbers of Indians, which aftailed him on 
 all fides, that he was forced to defire fuccours from the Marquis, who fupplied 
 him therewith, both of Horfe and Foot, from Cozco •, and for better expedition 
 the Marquis gave out, that he himfelf would go in perfon, and accordingly he 
 marched out with them three or four days from the City. 
 
 This Siege, as Authours write, was fo clofe, and ftrait, that the Spaniards be- 
 ing reduced at laft to the utmoft extremity, fent advice thereof to the Marquis, 
 by the Indians whom they retained in their Service, who (as we have feen before) 
 had ferved for Meflengers with all fidelity in the like dangers, in confidence of 
 whom , they difpatched many of them by divers ways ^ fo that in cafe fome 
 fhould mifcarry, others might efcape. 
 
 The Marquis being hereby made fenfible of the great Diftrefs to which his Bro- 
 ther Gonzalo Picane was reduced, difpeeded a Captain with Succours, and gave out, 
 for the more hafte of the Supplies, as Car ate faith, that he himfelf would go in Per- 
 fon j but neither the diligence ufed in fending Relief, which Would have come too 
 late, nor yet the appearance which the Marquis made of going in Perfon, would 
 have availed toward the delivery of the Spaniards, from the ftraits of that Siege, 
 had not God mod wonderfully appeared for them, and fent the 'Divine St. Jago, 
 the Patron of Spain, vifibly to fight on their fide, as he had done before at 
 
 The Chriftians feeing themfelves thus wonderfully favoured, and that in this, 
 
 : as in the like occafions, they had been refcued by Miracle, they fought with 
 
 fuch Courage, that before the Succours came, they had gained the Victory. In 
 
 remembrance of which fignal Favour which God had performed for them, they 
 
 determined to eftablifh a Colony of Chriftian People in that place, where now 
 
 a Cathedral Church is built, and the Royal Chancery is held, which is enno- 
 
 t. bled and enriched to that degree, in which we fee it atprefentj all which is 
 
 arifen from the Mines otPotoft, which are about eighteen Leagues diftant from 
 
 I thence. 
 
 Bias Valera giving a Relation of all the memorable Battels which happened 
 between the Spaniards and the Indians in Peru, gives an Account of that which 
 was fought in this Province, and fays, that God, by his Angel, fought there for 
 hisGofpeL 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 CHAP. 
 
goo Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 The Marquis makes a Divifion of the Kingdom a?id Province 
 of the Charcas, and Gonzalo Pisarro is [ent to the 
 Conqueft of the Canela. 
 
 THE War being ended, and the Indians fetled in peace, the Marquis made 
 a Divifion of the Countrey amongft the principal Perfons concerned in 
 the Conqueft. To his Brother Hemando Pigarro he divided a very large mare, 
 and another part to Gonzalo, within whofe Divifion, fome years after, the Silver 
 Mines otPotofi were difcovered; of which one part belonged to Hernando Pi cam, 
 as Inhabitant of that City -, and though he were then in Spain, yet one Mine was 
 refigned to his Officers, to dig the Plate for his Benefit and Ufe •, the which was 
 of fo rich a vein, that in fomething more than eight months, they digged Silver 
 of the hneft fort from thence without any Allay, and without other trouble 
 than onely to melt down the Metal. I have mentioned thefe Riches in this 
 place, having forgotten to fpecifie them, when in the firft part of thefe Com- 
 mentaries we treated of that famous Hill. To my Lord Garplajfo de la Vega that 
 part was given which is called Tapac-ri. To Graviel de Rojat another very confi- 
 aerable Pofleffion was given, and the like to many other Cavaliers, and all with- 
 in the compafs of one hundred Leagues-, of which alfo fome part was given to 
 the City, called la Paz, or the City of Peace. 
 
 But thefe Divifions then given, were of little value, though the Soil was fruit- 
 full, and abounding with all Provifions, and very populous, and well inhabited 
 by Indians, untill the Mines of Potofi were difcovered in thofe parts; for then the 
 Rents were raifed ten for one •-, and thofe Pofleffions which yielded two, or three, 
 or four thoufand Pieces of Eight , amounted afterwards to twenty , thirty, and 
 forty thoufand Crowns a year. The Marquis, Frantifco Pi^arro, having given or- 
 der to found that City, which is called the City of Plate, and having divided the 
 Indians under that Jurifdi&ion amongft the Conquerours and Adventurers; all 
 which happened in the Years 1 538, and 1 539. he had not refted and repofed in 
 quietnefs from his civil War, and late Conquefts , before he undertook fome 
 other more laborious, and more dangerous Adventures than the former, which 
 fhall hereafter be related. 
 
 By the death of Almagro the Marquis remained fole and fupreme Governour of 
 more than 700 Leagues of Land, which reach North and South from the Charcot 
 to guitu , and had enough to doe, how and in what manner to fecure thofe new. 
 Conquefts, which his Captains had made in divers parts, and how to rule with 
 Laws of Juftice thofe People who were fetled in a quiet and peaceable Condition, 
 yet fince the defire of Rule and Government is never to be fatisfied, his Warlike 
 Mind was incited to farther Enterprifes, being encouraged with the good Fortune 
 of his paft Succefles. 
 
 For now the News arrived, that befides the Limits of £mtu, and other Coun- 
 tries, over which the Incan Kings were fupreme Commanders, another Countrey 
 was difcovered both long and wide, where Cinnamon was growing, for which 
 reafon they called it the Countrey ofcCanela, which fignifies Cinnamon. The Mar- 
 quis had a defire to employ his Brother in that Conqueft , with intention to 
 make the Extent of his Land as long and wide as his own ; and having confu- 
 ted hereupon with thofe of his Cabinet Council, he renounced his right to the 
 Government of Sluitu, and transferred it to his faid Brother, fo that in the Con- 
 queft of Canela, which lies Eaftward from JJ»>#, he might have the benefit of 
 fupplies and fuccour from that City. 
 
 Having 
 
Eook III. Royal Commentaries. 60 i 
 
 Having this Defign in his Eye, he font for his Brother Gonzaio, who was then 
 in the Chare*?, employed in the iettlement of a new Colony in the City of Plate, 
 aad of that Diviiion of Indian Subjects, and rule over them, as was fain to his lot 
 and poilelfion. Gonzalo Picarro, at the Summons of his Brother repaired fpeedily 
 to Cocco, where the Marquis then refided $ and having there treated of the Con- 
 weft of Candx, he prepared himfelf for that adventure* (hewing therein the fame 
 fonvardnefs, and perlonal bravery, as he had done in other Enterprites of the like 
 nature. n 
 
 In Cozco he levied above two hundred Souldiers, of which one hundred were 
 Horfe, and a, like number of Foot 5 with which he marched five hundred 
 Leagues, ( which is the diftance between (Wo and £nini , ) where Pedro de Pu- 
 tties was then Governour. In his way thither he met with many, light Skirmifhes 
 and Encounters with the Indians, which appeared in Arms •-, but thofe of Hut* 
 mutt put him fo hard to it, (as Carate reports in the firft Chapter of his fourth 
 Book,) that the Marquis was forced to fend him fpeedy Relief by Frantifcode 
 Chaves. 
 
 Gonzalo Picano being delivered out of this danger, and from others of lefs mo- 
 ment, arrivedat length at JRmtu, where Pedro de Fuelles yielded all' Obedience fo 
 the Commands of the Marquis , providing him , as was the Office of Gover- 
 nour, with all things neceiferv for that Expedition, together with a recruit of an 
 hundred Souldiers , fo that his numbers were three hundred and forty in all, of 
 which one hundred and fifty were Horfe, and the reft- Foot. 
 
 Moreover he had a Retinue of four thoufand Indians , who were laden with 
 Arms, Provifions, and other neceflaries for this Enterprife, fuch as Iron, Hatchets, 
 Match, Cords, and Bas-ropes, Nails, and wooden Pins, ta ufe, as occafion fer- 
 ved: They alfo drove with them a Herd of about four thoufand Swine, and 
 Sheep of the biggeft fize that that Empire afforded, on which they laded part 
 of their Ammunition and Baggage. 
 
 Pedro de Puelles was ordained and left in Quitu in Quality of Deputy Gover- 
 nour , and Pi^arro having reformed all Diforders , and fettled matters on a good 
 Foundation of Rule and Government-, he departed from Qmw about Chriftmas, 
 in the Year 1 539. Thus did he march peaceably, and was kindly received, and 
 treated by the Indians, through all the Dominions belonging to the heat , till at 
 length he entred into that Province which Hiftorians call guixos. And in regard 
 that Lopez, de Gomara and Carate do fo well agree in the Relation of this Adven- 
 ture, that their very Words are almoft the fawie^ and becaufe I have often heard 
 the particulars of thisDifcovery, from the Mouth of thofe who were prefent with 
 Gonzitlo Pkarro at the very action * I (ball repeat the Summ of all that parted, as 
 it hath been delivered by divers Relations. 
 
 It is certain, that in the Province of J&ixos, which lies North from guitw, 
 great numbers of Indians prefented themfelves in a- warlike pofture in opposition 
 to Gonzalo Pkarro \ but fo foon as they difcovered the many Spaniards, and the 
 Horfe which' came with him, they immediately retired within the Countfey, from 
 whence they never more appeared. Some few days afterwards- there happened 
 fo terrible an Earth-quake, that many Houfes in thofe Villages where they then 
 were, fell to the ground •, the Earth opened in many places, and fo terrible Were" 
 the Lightnings, and Thunder, and fo very quick, almoft without mtermiffioni 
 and fo tierce were the Rains, which poured down like Buckets of Water ; that 
 the Spaniards much admired at the nature of that Climate, fo different- to any they 
 had ever feen in Peru, 
 
 After this Storm was over, which continued about forty or fifty days, they 
 prepared to pafs the fnowy Mountains? for which though they had made good 
 Provifions , yet the Climate was fo extremely cold , by the great quantities of 
 Snow which fell, that many Indians, who went thin in their Clothing , were 
 frozen to death. The Spaniards, that they might make hafte out of that Snow, 
 and Cold, and (evere Region, left their Cattel, and provifions behind them, ex^ 
 petting to find fufficient fupplies of all things, at the next place, where the Indians 
 inhabited. But the matter fucceeded otherwife , for having patted the Moun- 
 tains, they entred into a Countrey fo barren, and fruitlefs, that it was void of 
 all Inhabitants ? wherefore doubling their Journies to get out of it, they came 
 at length to a Province, and People, called Cumaco, fituated at the foot of a Hill, 
 
 H h h h which 
 
6oi Royal Commentaries Book III. 
 
 which carts out Fire, like the Volcano, where they found plenty of Provifions v 
 but the Countrey was fo wet, that for the fpace of two Months they remained 
 there, it never ceafed one day from raining, which was fuch a damage to them, 
 that all their Cloths became rotten by the moifture. 
 
 In that Province, called Cumaco, which is fituate under the Equino&ial, or ve- 
 ry near it, the Cinnamon grows, of which they went in fearch; the Trees 
 whereof are tall and lofty, bearing a leaf, as big as the Laurel, with a fmall fort 
 of Fruit , which grows in Clufters like the Acorn. Thefe Trees grow wild in 
 the Mountains, and produce a fort of Fruit , but not fo good as that which is 
 gathered from thofe Trees, which the Indians plant, and cultivate in their own 
 Grounds-, and which having gathered, they lay it up in their ftores, and trade 
 with it, into neighbouring Countries , though not into Peru; where they ufe 
 no other forts of Spice than the Vchu, called by the Spaniards Axi, and by us 
 red Pepper. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the great Vijficulties, and Hardships, fuflained by Gon- 
 zalo Pi$arro, and bh Companions ; bow they iriade a 
 Bridge of Woody and a fort of Ferry-Boat , to pafs the 
 
 great River, 
 
 ■ 
 
 THE Sf awards found, that in Cumaco, and the Countries thereunto adjoining, i 
 the Indians went naked, without any Cloths, onely the Women for Modefty- 
 fake wore a little flap before therm the Climate is fo exceflively hot, that they 
 need no Cloths, and is fo fubjeft to Rains, that they would become rotten in a 
 fhort time, as we have mentioned before-, and indeed the Spaniards confefs, that 
 thofe Indians did well not to trouble themfelves with care for Cloths, which 
 would onely be troublefome, without any ufe. 
 
 Gonzalo Pi^arro leaving the greateft part of his People in Cnniacu, took with 
 him a fmall party of fuch as he efteemed moft adlive, to try and fearch for fome 
 Pais, leading out of the Countrey -, for as yet the way for an hundred Leagues 
 together, had been nothing but Mountains , and Defarts, and Woods, which 
 they were forced to lay open by the Hatchet, and ftrength of their Armes ; and 
 fometimes the Indians , wno were their Guards , deceived them , carrying them 
 out of the way by Mountains, and Defarts, and difficult paflages, where they 
 fuflained Hunger , and Cold , without other fuftenance than Herbs , and Roots, 
 and wild Fruit, and conducted them by by-ways, to avoid the Countrey of 
 their Friends and Confederates; but in cafe they happened to lead them aright, 
 then they were efteemed and applauded for good Guides. 
 
 With fuch Labours and Sufferings as thefe, which may rather be fanfied than 
 defcribed, they came at length to that Province which is called Cuca, which was 
 more populous , than any they had formerly palled , and where provifions were i 
 plentiful]. Here the Chief Lord came forth in a peaceable manner to welcome 
 them, and afforded them Provifions, which was the chief thing of which they 
 flood in want; there is a great River which pafles through this Countrey, -and 
 is the largeft of thofe which, falling in together, make that River which fome call 
 Orellana, and Others Maranncn. 
 
 In 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 603 
 
 In thefe parts they remained two months in Expectation of the coming of 
 thole Spaniards, whom they had left in Cum^co, and had dire&ed to follow them 
 by fuch traces and marks as they mould find of the way they had taken before 
 them; the Companions being come up to them, and a while refretlied after 
 their Journey, they travelled all together by the Banks of that great River, for 
 the fpace of fifty Leagues , in all which way , they neither found Bridge , nor 
 lhallow place, which was fordable, for the Water was very deep, and the River 
 fo broad, that no Bridge could be made over it. 
 
 At length they came to a place where this whole River falls from the top of 
 a Rock, above two hundred fathom high, which Catarack, or falling of the Wa- 
 ters, makes a noife, that is heard above fix Leagues from the place; at which, 
 though the Spaniards were wonderfully amazed, yet it was much more wonderfull 
 to fee, about forty or fifty Leagues lower, that immenfe quantity of Water 
 contracted and ftraitened within a Chanel made by one great Rock. This Cha- 
 nel is fo narrow ; that from one fide to the other it is not above twenty foot 
 wide 5 but fo high, that from the top, where the Spaniards made their Bridge to 
 pafs down to the Surface of the Water, are two hundred Fathom, as was that of 
 the Catarack. 
 
 It is indeed ft range to confider , that in that Countrey there fhould be fuch 
 prodigious Wonders, which are beyond Exprefiion, as may appear by thefe two 
 inftances, and divers others, which occur in this Hiftory. Gonzalo Pka-n-o, and his 
 Captains, considering that there was no more convenient paflage to be found over 
 the River than this, and that it was neceflary to pafs to the other fide, by reafon 
 , that the Counttey was barren on that fide which they then were in, it was agreed 
 to make a Bridge over the top of the Rock. The Indians, though few in num- 
 ber, ftoutly defended the Pafs , fo that the Spaniards -were forced to fight with 
 j them, which was the firft Encounter they had with thofeof that Countrey „• 
 ,When the Spaniards killed any one, or more of them, \vith their Mufquets, the 
 others immediately fled, being terrified to fee their Companions killed at the 
 diftance of an hundred or two hundred paces •, and flying with Fear and Amaze- 
 •ment, reported in all places, that there was a fort of People come into their 
 Countrey, of fuch wonderfull Power, that killed thofe with Thunder and Light- 
 ning, that would not obey them. 
 The Pafs being now clear, the Spaniards fell to work on the Bridge of Timber, 
 ; which coft much labour before the firft Beam could be paffed over to the other 
 Rock, which was fo high, that it was a bold thing for any one to adventure to 
 look down ; for vvhilft a Spaniard caft his Eyes to behold from the top of that 
 precipice the fvvift current of the Water below, his Head became dizzy, and 
 : turned, fo that down he fell, and was drowned in the Waters. The other 
 I Spaniards being warned by this unfortunate Example, went more cautioufly 
 to work, and after much Difficulty, and Labour, they paffed the firft Beam over 
 to the oppofite Rock, by help of which a fecond was more eafily laid , and 
 then other pieces of Timber , which were neceflary --, fo that by degrees they 
 : formed a Bridge, over which both Man and Horfe fecurely pafled, which they 
 left in the fame condition to remain , in cafe they fhould have occafion to re- 
 : turn back by the fame way : And fo they travelled by the fide of the River, 
 over certain Mountains, which were fo thick with Wood, that they were 
 : forced to open their way with the Hatchet, and other Inftruments. With thefe 
 Difficulties they came at length to a Countrey , called Guema, which was fb 
 poor, and ftarved, that it was more barren than any they had paffed before : 
 Here were fome few Indians, who at the fight of the Spaniards fled into the Moun- 
 tains, and never afterwards appeared. 
 
 Here the Spaniards , and their Indian Servants , were forced again to fuftain 
 themfelves with Herbs, and Roots, and with the tender fprouts of Trees, which 
 are as good to eat, as the ftalks of our V ine Leaves are here. Thus with Famine, 
 and Travels, and with perpetual Rains, fo that their Goths were never dry on 
 their Backs, many of the Spaniards fell lick and dyed ; yet in defpight of all thefe 
 Difficulties, they proceeded many Leagues farther on their way, untill at length 
 they came where Indians inhabited , fomething more civilized than the former - 
 for they were fuch as did eat Mayz, and clothed themfelves with Garments o\~ 
 Cotten 5 but ftill the Climate was fubjeft to Rains. 
 
 H h h h z Whilst 
 
604 Royal Commentaries. Book III 
 
 Whilft they ftaid in this place, they fent fome people round by divers ways* 
 to fee if they could difcover any pallage into a more pleafant Land -, but thej 
 all returned with the fame News , that the Countrey round was nothing bu 
 wild Mountains, full of Bogs, Lakes, and Moorifti Grounds, over which wa.< 
 no pafTage, or way to go out, or ford over. Hereupon they refolved to builc 
 a Brigantine , or Veflel, which might ferry them over from one fide of the Ri- 
 ver to the other, which now was become about two Leagues broad. In ordei 
 vvhereunto, the firft thing to be done, was to make a Smith's'Forge, for Nailst 
 and Iron-work 5 but then they had need of Charcole, which was difficult to be 
 made in thofe Climates, becaufe the continual Rains extinguished the Fire-, to 
 prevent which they made Coverings of Wood, and Huts for themfelves to call 
 oft the Rain, and to defend them from the Sun , which is dire&ly c\ er their 
 Heads, they being then juft under the Equinoctial Line, where the Climate was 
 hot and moid in excefs: Part of their Iron- work they made of their Horfes 
 Shoes, which they had killed in that Extremity , to adminifter fome fubftantial 
 Nourishment to their Sick, and to fuftain thofe who were in Health} and 
 for the reft of the Iron, of which they flood in very great need, they made ufe 
 of the fmall Store which they had brought with them, and which was now be- 
 come more fcarce than Gold. 
 
 Gonzalo Pigarro, though Chief Commander, was the firft that laid his Hand 
 on the Hatchet to Hew down the Timber, and to make the Charcole, which 
 was required to forge the Iron, and was always the moft forward in every Of- 
 fice, though never fo mean and low, that fo giving a good Example, none 
 might excufe himfelf on privilege of his Command. The Rofin which eftuated 
 from certain Trees , ferved them in the place of Pitch-, their old rotten Shirts 
 and Rags were made ufe of in ftead of Oakam , to cauke the (earns of their 
 Veflels , to which every one did fo freely contribute , that they were ready to 
 give their Shirts from their Backs, rather than any thing (hould be wanting? 
 for they confidered, that the Life and Safety of them all depended on this Vef- 
 fel : Which being now in this manner finifhed, they lanched it into the Wa- 
 ter with great Joy and Triumph, imagining, that herewith they mould quickly 
 efcape out of all their Dangers, and be freed from all their Difficulties ■■, but 
 it proved otherwife, for a few days fhewed the contrary , and gave them caufe 
 to repent, that they had ever made it, as we (hall fpeeedily fee by what fol- 
 lows hereafter. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 605 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Francifco de Orellana goes aboard the Vejfel which was 
 built , and [ails into Spain , to demand the Government 
 of that Conquefi ; and of his End and Death. 
 
 AL L the Gold which they had gathered, which amounted to about the va- 
 lue of one hundred thoufand Pieces of Eight, with a great abundance of 
 Emeralds, fome of which were of great value, as alfo their Iron and Iron- work, 
 and whatfoever was of any efteem, they laded on their Veflel, and luch as were 
 weak, and fick, and not able to travel, were alio put aboard. And now after a 
 Journey of almoft two hundred Leagues, they departed from this place, taking 
 their courfedown the Stream, fbme by Water, and others by Land, keeping 
 fuch a convenient diftance each from the other, that at night they always joined 
 and lodged together •, the which Journey was performed with great difficulty, 
 both of one, and of the other-, for thofe on the Land were forced to open a great 
 part of their way with Hatchet and Bill, and thofe on the Water were put to 
 hard Labour to flemm the Stream, and keep the Veflel from being forcibly car- 
 ried down by the current from the Company of their Aflbciates. When at any 
 time their paflage was interrupted by fome Mountain , fo that they could not 
 keep by the Shore of the River; they then ferried to the other fide by help of 
 their Veffel , and of four Canoes, which were with them 5 but this gave a great 
 let and flop to their proceedings, for the fpace of three or four days, which was 
 very grievous to Men ftarving and perifhing with Hunger. 
 
 Having in this manner travelled for the fpace of two Months, they at length 
 met with certain Indians, who by Signs, and by fome Words which were under- 
 ftood by their Indian Servants* gave them intelligence, that about ten days Jour- 
 ney from thence they would find a Countrey well peopled , plentifull of Pro- 
 vifions, and abounding with Gold, and other Riches, of which they were in 
 purfuit , and farther fignified to them by Signs, that this Countrey was fituate on 
 the Banks of another great River, which joined, and fell into that, wherein they 
 now were. The Spaniards being greatly comforted , and encouraged with this 
 news, Gonzalo Pirarro made Francifco de Orellana Captain of his Brigantine, or 
 Veflel , and thereon put fifty Souldiers aboard , giving them orders to pais 
 down the Stream to that place , where the two Rivers met , and that there 
 leaving the Goods he had then aboard, he fliould lade his Veflel with Provifions, 
 and return towards them with all the fpeed imaginable to fuccour , and relieve 
 diem in that great Diflrefs of Famine , of which many Spaniards were already 
 dead , and efpecially Indians , who of four thoufand were reduced to half the 
 number. 
 
 According to thefe Orders Francifco de Orellana entred on the Voyage, and in 
 the fpace of three days, without Oars, or Sail, onely by force of the Current, 
 he was carried the eighty Leagues before mentioned, though in the opinion of all 
 they proved to be more than an hundred •, notwithllanding which being come 
 thither, no Provifions were found, as the Indians had promifed; wherefore con- 
 fidering what was to be done in that Extremity , they concluded, that to return 
 again to Gonzalo Picano with this ill news, they were not able in the fpace of a 
 Year to perform ttiac Voyage back, againfl the force of the Stream, which they 
 had already with the help thereof been carried in three days onely. • And not 
 knowing in how long time Gonzalo Picarro would be able to perform his Journey 
 thither, Orellana refolved to change his Defign, and fet up for himfelf , and with 
 thefe thoughts he fet fail, and cafling off all care and regard to Picarro, and his 
 Companions, then in diflrefs, he refolved to take a Voyage into Spain, there to 
 obtain the Government and Conquefi of thofe Countries for himfelf: But this 
 
 erud 
 
<5o6 Royal Commentaries. Book HI. 
 
 cruel Refolntion was oppofed by many of thofe who were then aboard with him; 
 who fufpe&ing his evil Intention , told him plainly , that he was not to exxeed 
 the Order of his Captain General, nor was it humanity to forfake his Compa- 
 nions in their great Diftrefs, knowing how ufefull and neceflary that Brigantine 
 was to them. In this point none was more zealous , and urgent than a good 
 Friar Called Gafpar Carvajal, and a young Gentleman, Native of Badajoz, named 
 Hermndo Sanchez de Vargas, whom thofe of the contrary opinion made their chief, 
 and were lb warm in their Debates on this Subject, that the Quarrel had come 
 to Bloud, had not Orellana with fair and gentle Words appeafed the Tumult for 
 that prefent. Howfoever he fo worked afterwards with thofe, who had oppofed 
 his Intention, that with great Promifes he enticed them all to his party, and then 
 rudely treated the poor Friar, whom he had expofed to the fame famine and mifery 
 (had it not been for refpect to his Habit and Profeffion) as he did Sanchez, de Vargas, 
 for whom he thought Death too mean a punifhment , unlefs attended with the 
 direfull circumftances of Cruelty ; and therefore left him in that Defart, encom- 
 pafled with high Mountains on the one fide, and with a great River on the 
 other, and imprifoned both with Sea and Land, he was left there to perilh by 
 Famine. 
 
 . After which Frantifco de Orellana purfuing his Voyage, renounced in a few days 
 the Commiflion he had received from Gonzalo Pkarro, difclaiming all fubjeftion 
 to him, but pretended to a6l as a Captain immediately depending on His Maje- 
 fty. The wnich Enterprife may beft deferve the term of the higheft piece of 
 Treachery that ever was a&ed 5 though in reality other Captains, who have been 
 concerned in the Conqueft of this new World, have been guilty of Actions as in- 
 famous as this. Captain Gonzalo Hernandez de Oviedo & Valdes, who Was Hiftorio- 
 grapher to His Catholick Majefty,\ the Emperour Charles the Fifth, in the 1 7th. 
 Book, and 20th. Chapter of his General Hiftory of the Indies, relates villanous 
 Actions of Treachery, which were repaid in a Coin of the like nature, by thofe 
 who came to fucceed them in the fame Offices, and places of Truft •, to confirm 
 which Truth, there is a Proverb which fays, Kill, and thou /halt be killed, and the) 
 jhall kill him that kills thee. Were it to our purpofe to enlarge on this Subject, we 
 were able to produce many Inftances of the higheft Perfidioufnefs and Treachery, 
 a&ed after the time of this Hiftoriographer •-, but 'tis not our bufinefs to rake into 
 fuch horrible Stories, and therefore we (hall rather pafs them by in filence, than 
 repeat thofe direfull paflages, from which Men would not be deterred by Thun- 
 der, Lightning, or other Evidences of God's Wrath. 
 
 But to return to our bufinefs in hand. Francifio de Orellana found fome Provi- 
 fions amongft the Inhabitants on the River below, who becaufe they were fierce, 
 and wild, and that the Women came forth with their Husbands to fight, they 
 gave it the name of the River of Amazons ; the which Term ferved to raife the 
 Honour of this Achievement, and to induce the Emperour to beftow the Go- 
 vernment thereof upon Orellana. Proceeding yet farther down this River, they 
 found other Indians, more civil, or at leaft lefs brutifh than the others, who re- 
 ceived them amicably, and with good Welcome, admiring to behold the Brigan- 
 tine, and Men fo ftrangely habited, but they treated them kindly, and furnifhed 
 them with as much Provifion, as they had occafion to ufe. The Spaniards remained 
 in this place for fome days, where they built another Brigantine, for they were 
 very much ftraitned for room in the firft -, and having fitted themfelves as well as 
 they were able, they adventured out to Sea, and having failed two hundred 
 Leagues, (as the Sea- chart fets it down,) they arrived at the Ifland of the Holy 
 Trinity, after having palled fo many Difficulties, as before related, and efcaped 
 fuch Dangers in the River, as that they often gave themfelves over to be Ship- 
 wrecked, and loft. At this Ifland Orellana bought a Ship, with which he failed 
 into Spain, where he requefted His Majefty's Commiflion for the Conqueft and 
 Government of that Countrey. To make this Enterprife appear with greater Re- 
 putation, he alledged that it was a Countrey abounding with Gold, Silver, and 
 Pretious Stones, and in Teftimony thereof he produced the Riches which he had 
 brought with him. His Majefty having accordingly granted the Requeft he made 
 for the Government of what he lliould there conquer , Orellana made Levies 
 of five hundred Souldiers, thegreateft part of which were brisk young Gentle- 
 men, and principal Perfons of Honour , with which he embarqued at St. Lmar, 
 
 but 
 
Book JII. Royal Commentaries. 6oj 
 
 but he dying in the Voyage, his follow ers difperfed, and difpofed of themfelves 
 in divers parts. And here was an end of this Delign, which found a fuccefs agree- 
 able to the evil beginnings of it. 
 
 And now let us return to Gonzalo Picarro, and fee what becomes of him, whom 
 we left in fuch fad Diftrefs. After Franci/co de OrelUm was difpeeded away with 
 the Brigantine,_ he built ten or twelve Canoes , and other Floats, wherewith to 
 pals from one fide of the River to the other-, fo often as their Progrefs was inter- 
 rupted by the impaffable Mountains, as ac other times they had contrived 5 - and 
 fo they proceeded forwards in hopes to meet the Brigantine, which they had dif- 
 patched for Proviiions, and to bring them Relief, having met no other Enemy 
 than Hunger in all theie Travels. At the end of two Months they arrived at thac 
 Point where the two Rivers met, and where they expected to have found their 
 Brigantine, laden with Proviiions, which, by reafon (as they imagined) of the 
 fwiftnels of the Current, was not able to return to them. And here it was that 
 they found themfelves deceived , and to have loft all hopes of any poffibility of 
 eicaping out of that Hell of a Countrey •■, for we can give it no better Term, 
 where they had fuffered fuch Difficulties , and fuch grievous Miferies, without 
 profpect of deliverance from thence } and here at the Conjunction of thefe two Rir 
 vers they found the poor, honeft Pieman Sancktu de Vargas, who with conftancy of 
 Mind, and on Principles of Honour, like the true Son of a Gentleman, endured 
 with great Refblution Famine, and all the Miferies to which he was expofed, ra- 
 ther than violate his Faith ; arid was contented to remain in that folitude, that he 
 might render an Account of the perfidious Faith of OrelUm, and of his villanous 
 Defigns, all which was ftrange to Picarro, who much admired that there mould 
 be fuch Men in the World, whofe Actions fhould be fo different to their Pro- 
 feffions, and unanfwerable to the hopes which were conceived of them ■-, and with 
 this News the Captains and Souldiers became fo difmayed, that they feemed to 
 be reduced to the utmoft point of Defpair. 
 
 The General, who conceived greater Difquiet, and Torment of Mind , than 
 the others, yet putting a good face upon the matter, cheared them all up, and en- 
 couraged them with hopes of better Fortune s telling them, that they ought like 
 Spaniards to bear with equality of Mind thefe Labours, and yet greater, if any 
 thing could be worfej that the more Danger, the more Honour, and the greater 
 would their Renown be in Hiftories, which fhould declare their Adventures to 
 future Ages. That fince it was their Fortune to become the Conquerours of thac 
 Empire, that they fhould aft like Men whom the Divine Providence had choferi 
 for the accomplifhment of fo great a work. The Souldiers obferving fuch chear- 
 fulnefs in their Captain General, who had more caufe to refent thole Evils than 
 any other, took Heart and Courage, and proceeded on their Voyage by the Banks 
 of the River, fometimeson the one fide, and fometimes on the other, according 
 to the turnings and windings of the Land. 
 
 But we cannot exprefs the great Difficulty there was to carry the Horfes upon 
 the Floats, for there ftill remained about one hundred and fifty of their number 
 which they had brought from £>uitu: In like manner almoft two thoufand Indi- 
 ans were ftill alive, which came with them from Pern, who, like Sons, ferved 
 their Mafters with fuch Faithfulnefs and Affection, as was admirable •, for in their 
 great extremities of Hunger they brought them Herbs, and Roots, and wild Fruit, 
 with Toads, Snakes, and other kinds of Infects which were found in thofe Moun- 
 tains •, all which went down with them, and were digefted by the Sfaniards with 
 a good Stomach ■, for without them they could not have fubfifled. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
5o8 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Gonzalo Pi^arro confiders of returning to QuitU; and 
 tbofe of Chill plot and contrive how they may kill the 
 Marquis. 
 
 IN this Mifery and Want they proceeded another hundred Leagues down the 
 River, without appearance or hopes of finding a better Countrey , every 
 place feeming worfe and more barren than the other-, all which being confide- 
 red, and debated by the General and Captains, they agreed to return again to 
 guiut, (if it were poffible,) for now they were at a diftance of four hundred 
 Leagues from thence: But in regard it was impoflible for them to return againflr 
 the Force of the Stream, they refolved to take another way by the North fide of 
 the River, for they had obferved in their coming, that there were not fo many 
 bogs, and Lakes, and moorifh places , on that fide, as on that by which they 
 came. So now entring within the Mountains, and making their way with Bill 
 and Hatchet, which cuftome would have made lefs grievous, had good nutri- 
 ment prefented to corroborate and fuftain their Nature in \t- 7 but we muff 
 leave them amidft thefe Difficulties, to return to the Marquis Don Franci/lv 
 Picarro, and fee what Accidents befell him, whilft his Brother wasengolfed in 
 thefe immenfe Labours. It feems that thefe renowned Perfons, who were born 
 for great Actions, and Atchievements, were alfo deftinated to infuperable Diffi- 
 culties and Misfortunes, which purfued them to the ultimate point of their Lives, 
 which ended with the grief and compaflion of all thofe who had the Honour of 
 their Acquaintance. 
 
 For fo it was, that the Marquis having made a Divifion, and fhared out the 
 Provinces of the Choreas to the Conquerours of that Kingdom, and reformed and 
 ietled feme things of importance in Cozxo, which the late Diflentions between- 
 his Party and that of Almagro had caufed ; with which having left all things in- 
 Peace and Quietnefs, he returned to the City of los Reyes, to advance and encou- 
 rage that new Colony. We have mentioned formerly that Almagro the Younger 
 was fent by Hernando Ticarro, foon after the Execution of his Father, to be kept 
 Prifoner in that place, where when the Marquis arrived, he difcovered that di- 
 vers of the Almagrian Faction were frequently in company with him , whom 
 he fed and maintained out of the Eftate which he enjoyed in right of his Fa- 
 ther, being a large Inheritance, and Command over Indians; the which Bounty 
 he liberally difpenfed to them, becaufe that their own Effetes were forfeited, and 
 confifcated, as it were forTreafon, and for their Loyalty and Affection to Air 
 
 magro. 
 
 The Marquis, who was of a noble and generous Nature, endeavoured to gra- 
 tifie thofe Gentlemen with Largefles, and Summs of Money, and to procure for 
 them Offices and Employments in matters of Juftice, or about the King's Reve- 
 nue. But thefe Perfons expecting that Vengeance and Punifhment would befall 
 the Picarrifls for that unjuft Death and Bloud of Almagro , and for thofe horrid 
 Cruelties, committed at the Battel of Salinas, and after it, refufed all the Offers 
 that were made them of Gratuity andKindnefs; that fo neither their Malice, 
 nor Rancour, might abate, and be mollified , which they had conceived againfl 
 the Marquis and his Adherents •, nor that it might ever be objected againfl them, 
 that they had received or accepted Gifts from the adverfe Party, at the fame time 
 that they were contriving and plotting againft them. 
 
 Thus 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 609 
 
 Thus did the Almagrians fuccour and aflift each other, 'rejecting all fubfiftence 
 and Kindnefs from the Picarrifts, notwithftanding the urgent, and extreme necefli- 
 ties to which they were reduced. The which being obferved, and confidered by 
 the Minilers and Counfellours of the Marquis, they, like ill Inftruments, advifed 
 him, that fince that party could not be won by fair means to any Terms of 
 Friendlhip, that he ihould compell them thereunto by want and neceflity. The 
 Marquis (though much againft his own nature) was perfuaded to follow this ri- 
 gorous and fevere Advice of his Ministers, and to take away theEftate of Al- 
 magro, by which all the party had their fubfiftence, ib that not rinding a fupporr, 
 they might be compelled to depart from thence, and feek their, livelyhood in 
 other Countries : But this was much againft the humour of the Marquis, who 
 naturally abhorred to doe any thing of feverity, or unkindnefs, whatfoever. But 
 this Act, inftead of mollifying and fubjecting the ftiff nature of Almagro, incenfed 
 him to a higher degree of Rage •, for Tyranny, with unjuft dealings, operate little 
 on the Minds of Men, who efteem themfelves innocent. And fo it was with 
 the Almagrians , who being reduced to a neceflitous condition, refolved not to 
 1 abandon the City, but inftead thereof difpatched a Narrative in Writing, of the 
 ftate of their cafe , to all places where any of thofe lived , who were inclined 
 i and devoted to the Almagrian Party , inviting them to repair to the City of 
 hs Reyes, to abet their Party, and to aflift them in their pretentions. This 
 . Faction was then become very confiderable , for befides thofe who had been 
 'actually engaged in the Battel, there were divers others who had taken an 
 Affection to that fide, as it commonly happens in Civil and inteftine Dif- 
 : cords. 
 
 Upon thefe Summons above two hundred Souldiers reforted to the City of 
 Los Reyes, from parts above three and four hundred Leagues remote, who being 
 joined in fuch numbers together, took the Liberty to talk boldly, and in a pub- 
 lick manner to arm themfelves ; for untill then they were not permitted to carry 
 \ , any Weapons, living in the nature of Prifoners. The gentle Treatment which 
 the Marquis ufed towards them, encouraged them to higher Attempts, and to 
 I treat of the manner how the Death of Don Diego de Almagro might be revenged 
 by the Bloud of the Marquis •-, for though Hernando Pi^arro, after his return from 
 Spain, was the great Incendiary and the real Authour of all thofe. Evils that 
 had hitherto enfued, yet the Revenge for all was to refund on the Head of 
 the Marquis. But thefe private Cabals and Confpiracies were not contrived 
 and carried on fo fecretly, but that they were made known to the Coun^ 
 fellours of the Marquis, who inftantly urged him to difturb thofe Meetings, 
 and punidi the Malecontents, by taking off the Heads of the Chief Leaders, and 
 by baniftiment of the others, before their Plot was ripe, and become too ftrong 
 to be fupprefled. Carate , in the fourth , fifth , and iixth Books , declares the 
 matter to be thus. 
 
 " The Marquis (faith he) remained fo, confident and fecurej being of a Difpo- 
 " fition not inclined to Jea'oufie, that in- Reply unto what they advifed, he 
 
 made Anfwer, that there was no need to fear or apprehend Danger from Men, 
 " in that poor and forlorn condition) who had Difficulties fufhaent, in conten- 
 " ding with Poverty. Almagro and his Complices growing more confident by this 
 
 * Inadvertency and Goodnefs of the Marquis, proceeded at iength to that degree, 
 
 * as to lay afide all refpect towards his Perfpn, and not fo much as to take off 
 " their Caps, or make any other demonftration of Honour, as he pafled by them. 
 
 Thus far Carate. 
 
 \ > 
 And indeed fuch was the Want and Indigency they fuftained, that Almagro 
 made a Contbrtlhip with feven Souldiers , who, lodged in the fame Chamber 
 together -, amongft which they had but one Cloaks and that not new, but old and 
 patched •, with this worfhipfull Garment they took their turns to go abroad, the 
 • others flaying at home , whilft the Cloak was employed , and till it returned. 
 They alfo made a common Purfe, putting the Money which they gained at play, 
 or otherwife, hito the hands of-fohn de Rada, whom they made their Treafurer, 
 and common Steward, 1 to buy and drefs their Victuals. 
 
 Ii i i A? 
 
6io Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 As was their Poverty, fuch was their Boldnefs and Impudence, which prefu- 
 med on the good Nature and Gentlenefs of the Marquis fo far, as to act many 
 fhamefull things in affront to hisPerfon-, amongft which , one was this: By 
 night they fixed three Ropes on the Pillory, which was ere&ed in the Market- 
 place, one whereof they ftretched, and tied to the Houfe of Antonio Pkado, Se- 
 cretary to the Marquis, another to the Window of Dodour Velazquez , Chief 
 Juftice, and the third to the Houfe of Picarro himfelf; which was fuch a piece 
 of Infolence, as would have provoked any thing below the Patience of the Mar- 
 quis to have hanged them all with the fame Cords-, but fuch was the foft and 
 generous Nature of this good Man, that he not onely neglected all Examination 
 and Enquiry into this daring and impudent Action ; but rather inclined to form 
 Excufes for them, faying that they were low, unhappy, and provoked thereunto 
 by their Misfortunes, which were a fufficient punifhment , and needed no other 
 Revenge by the way of Juftice. 
 
 When this tamenefs of the Marquis was publiflied in Chili, their Spirits were 
 not mollified thereby, but became farther outrageous and unfupportable, till they 
 proceeded to touch the Bloud, and Life of the Marquis himfelf, as we (hall 
 fpeedily fee in what is to follow. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Mutiny in which the People of Chili kitted the Mar- Miii 
 quis, and what occafion provoked them thereunto. ijjj. 
 
 THou#i the AlmAgriam had by feveral open Actions evidenced a refolution to 
 kilt the Marquis , yet they could not agree on the manner, how that Vil- 
 lany was to be committed-, for fometimes they were of opinion, that the beft 
 way was to expect the Imperial Warrant from His Majefty, which could not 
 long be wanting, to put him to Death-, for that, as we formerly intimated, 
 Dieio de Alvarado was then actually in Spain, accufing the Family of Picarro, and 
 had fb far proceeded in his Evidence , as to procure a fpecial Commiffion of 
 Oyer and Terminer to be held at Cozco, on this very matter; but then they 
 confidered, that this very Power which the Judge was bringing, was limited, 
 and without other Authority, than onely to examine the matter of Fact, and 
 to report it back again into Spain, and that thereupon His Majefty would far- 
 ther determine, what other Proceedings mould be made, and fentenced againfl 
 the guilty. 
 
 The Almagrians were not a little fcandalized and troubled at this kind of Com- 
 miffion-, for tliey were onely for cutting off of Heads, right or wrong-, and ex- 
 pected Judges, who upon their Informations and fuggeftions, fhould hang up the 
 Bodies, and confifcate the Eftates of as many as they fhould in a black Roll pro- 
 fcribe. But not being allured, as yet, how far the Commiffion of the Judge 
 might extend, they agreed to expect his Arrival-, and in cafe he immediately 
 feized on the Perfon of the Marquis, and performed other pieces of exemplary : 
 Juftice, agreeable to their own Expectations and Humours, that then they would 
 acquiefce, and fide with, and affift him in his profecution of Juftice; but if his 
 Commiffion was fhort and faulty, that then they themfelves would become the 
 Executioners, and both revenge the Bloud of Almagro, by the Death of the 
 Marquis, and the remifnefs of theEmperour, efpecially in a Caufe fo black, 
 and fo foul as this -, both which they fecretly plotted to perform by a General 
 Infurrection of all the Countrey, as will more at large appear by the Sequel of 
 this Hiftory. 
 
 This 
 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 611 
 
 This Plot was fo publickly talked of over all the City of Los Reyes, and that the 
 people of Chili defigned to kill the Marquis, that his Friends gave him fair no- 
 tice and warning of the Treafon intended, to whom, as Car ate reports, he made 
 this Anfwer- 
 
 " That the Chief Heads of that place would guard his -, and fo little did he 
 ' feem to be concerned for his own fafety, that he would frequently walk 
 
 K" abroad, attended onely with a fingle Page, to certain Mills, which he had fee 
 up without the City. And when he Was asked why he took not his Guards 
 with him, he replied, he would not have the World believe that he appre- 
 " hended any fear, or intended to fecure himfelf from the Lawyer Vaca de Caftro, 
 who was coming, as was reported, with Commiflion to fit in Judgment upon 
 him-, for which reafon, and farther to amufe the Marquis, the people of 
 " chili gave out, that Vaca de Caftro was dead. 
 
 " It happened one day that fob* de Rada , with fome few Attendants , went 
 " and made a vifit to the Marquis, whom finding in a Garden , he asked him 
 " the reafon why his Lordihip intended to put him and his Friends to Death : 
 " Whereunto the Marquis made Anfwer, with an Oath, >that he never had any 
 " fuch intention-, but that on the contrary, it might rather be fuipe&ed that 
 " they defigned to kill him , fince they had bought Arms to that purpofe 5 to 
 " which John de Rada made Anfwer, That it was not ftrange v ,that fince his Lord- 
 * lhip had bought Lances., if they mould provide themfelves with Coats of 
 " Mail for their Defence. To which bold Saying he was encouraged, in con- 
 " fidence of fourty Men, whkh he had then lying in wain not far from him, and 
 " well armed. And farther he added, That in cafe his Lordihip was jealous of 
 " their practices, he defired onely leave for Don Diego' de Ahnagro, and. his Com- 
 " panions, to retire out of the Countrey. The Marquis. being far from taking 
 
 thofe Words in the worft fenfe , or conceiving ifufpicion thereby , but com- 
 paffionating their condition, he affured himwith mild and obliging Words, 
 
 " that thofe Lances were not bought with defign or bad intention againft them: 
 
 1 With which gathering fome Oranges, he prefented them to John de Rada, 
 " which were efteemed for a curiofity at that time, being the firft, and the mod 
 " early fruit, and with all told him in thepublick hearing of thofe then prefent, 
 1 that he mould confider, and acquaint him with what he flood in need, and it 
 i mould be provided for him. John de Rada killing his Hands for the favour, 
 " left the Marquis well allured of his true and honeft meaning, and without jea- 
 " loufie, or the leaft fufpicion of a Plot againft his Life , and fo retired to his 
 
 • Lodging, where he met with the principal Confpiratours , and with them 
 " agreed, that fince they had milled of their Defign to kill him on Midfummer 
 " Day, that it Ihould now be perpetrated on the Sunday 1 following. Thus far 
 Curate, the which is confirmed by Lopez de Gomira in this manner. 
 
 " The good Marquis (fays he) was as carelefs of his Safety, and as little ap- 
 
 * prehenfive of any Mifchief from the people of Chili, as they were intent and 
 " folicitous to commit the t\Ci. Howfoever they thought fit to defer the Execu- 
 tion untill the coming of the Judge, and had feen the manner whereby he inten- 
 ded to proceed. 
 
 This Delay of the Almagrians gave time to Antonio Picado, Secretary to the Mar- 
 quis, to evidence his Refentment with rage and Indignation againft thofe of Chill, 
 for the impudent affront offered to the Marquis, and himfelf, by the Ropes 
 which they had fattened to the Pillory, as we before mentioned •, but fince this 
 was rather a matter of Threatning, and an Indication of what they defigned to 
 aft, had not their Fear and Cowardife reftrained them , the Secretary in fcorn 
 and contempt of what they were able to perform, took out of his Cap a certain 
 Medal of Gold, richly enameled, with a Finger fcornfully pointing, with this 
 Motto, Thus much for thofe of Chili. With which thefe angry Souldiers were 
 lb far incenfed , that they refolved to precipitate the Defign , and to kill the 
 Marquis before the arrival of the Judge; fo that now they afted more publickly 
 than before •■, by which means the Plot coming to the knowledge of a Prieft, he 
 
 ■ gave notice to the Marquis of the manner how , and of the time when this 
 Aftaflination was to be committed-, all which the Marquis communicated to 
 
 I i i i t. Do&our 
 
6i% Royal Commentaries. Book HI 
 
 Do&our Velazquez,, the Chief Juftice, and to Picado his Secretary •, but they wen 
 fo far from being concerned, or allarmed herewith, that they ilighted the report 
 and told him that no Danger could be apprehended from fuch poor and incon 
 fiderable Wretches, whom Famine and Poverty provoked to complain anc 
 threaten. Howfoever the jealoufie hereof made fuch Impreffion in the Mine 
 of the Marquis, that he forbore to go to Mafs unto the Great Church on thai 
 Day, which was the Feaft of St. John Baptifi, in the Year 1541. being the Day 
 appointed for the Execution of that Murther. The like caution he ufed or 
 Smdaj following, being the 26th. of fane, on pretence of fome Indifpofition 
 Body, intending to fhut himfelf up for fome days, that he might the better con- 
 fult with his Party and Friends concerning the means to fecure his own Perfon. 
 and fupprefs thofe bold and daring Seditions, which were arrived at the higheft 
 degree of Infolence. The principal Officers of the City miffing the Marquis at 
 Mafs, went to enquire the caufe, and the ftate of his Health ; and having made 
 their Court and Vifit, they returned again to their- own Houfes, onely 
 Doclour Velazquez, and Francis de Chaves, his true and intimate Friend, remai- 
 ned with him. 
 
 The Confpiratours of Chili obferving that the Marquis began* to grow cau- 
 tious how he expofed his Perfon, and that many of the principal Perfons of his 
 party made him frequent vifits, they fufpefted that fome Plot and Defign was 
 contriving to cut them off; with which apprehenfion becoming defperate , on 
 that very Sunday , about the hour of Dinner , and when the Marquis had fcarce 
 dined, a party of the Aflaffinates appeared at a corner of the Market-place, on 
 the left hand of the Cathedral Church, which joins to the Lodging of Don Diego 
 de Almagro the younger 4 where meeting the principal of the Confpiratours, they 
 parted clear over the Market-place, which is very large, and wide, and went di- 
 rectly to the Houfe of the Marquis , of which they were thirteen in number, 
 twelve of which Gomara particularly names, not fpecifying of what Countrey 
 they were, but fees them down in this manner following. 
 
 fohnde Rada, the. Chief Leader, Martin de Bilbao, Diego Mendez, Chrifiofher de 
 Sofa, Martin Carrillo , Arbolancha Hinogeros, Narvaez , S. Millan , Parrot, Velazquez, 
 Francis Nunnez, and Gomez Perez; which are all that Gomara mentions. Thefe 
 
 went over the Market-place with their Swords drawn, crying out with loud 
 voices, May the Tyrant Traitour perifh, who hath murthered the Judge whom 
 the Emperour fent to execute Juftice upon him. The reafon which induced them 
 fo publickly to own their Fad, was, that the People of the City, who were then 
 in their Houfes, might imagine that the Confpiratours were more in number, 
 than they really were; and therefore might be cautious how they left their 
 Houfes for fuccour and affiftence of the Marquis. Indeed it was a bold and ram 
 Attempt, to acl: in fuch a publick manner; but fuch was the Fate of the Mar- 
 quis, that the Almagrians gained their point, and fucceeded in the Revenge inten- 
 ded, by the Death of the Marquis, as will appear more at large in the following 
 Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 6i$ 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 
 Of the Death of the Marquis Don Francifco Pisarro ; 
 ami his poor Funeral and Enterment, 
 
 TH E Indians, who were Servants to the Marquis, hearing the noife and out- 
 cry which the Fa&ion of Chili made in the Streets, immediately ruined in 
 and acquainted him of the Tumult, and of the manner with which they were 
 coming. . The Marquis being then in Difcourfe with Do&our Velazquez , the 
 Chief Juftice, and with Captain Francifco de Chaves, who was his Lieutenant Ge- 
 neral, and with Francifco Martin Alcantara, his half Brother by the Mother fide, 
 and about twelve or thirteen Servants of his Houlhold (landing by, was greatly 
 allarm'd hereat, eafily fufpedting what the matter was-, wherefore he gave order 
 to Francifco dc Chaves, to run and (hut the Door of the Hall, and of the Dining- 
 Room, where they fate, that he and his Friends might have time to buckle 
 on their Armour. But de Chaves imagining that this difturbance was no other 
 than fome quarrel amongft the Souldiers, which the Authority of his Prefence 
 might appeafe, inftead of (hutting the Doors, as he was ordered, he ran out to 
 them, and met them upon the head of the Stairs % and being now troubled at 
 this unexpected Encounter, he asked them what their pleafure was 5 where- 
 unto he was anfvvered by a Stab 5 and finding himfelf wounded , he laid his 
 H rid upon his Sword, but before he could djravv it, he received another, with 
 fuch a flafh on his Neck, that, as Gomara faith, in Chap. 14J. his Head hanged 
 onely by a piece of the Skin , and therewith they threw his Body down the 
 Stairs. The Servants of the Margins, who were in the Hall, came running to 
 fee what the matter was, and nnding Francifco de Chaves dead, they fled like 
 poor fpirited Servants, and got out of the Windows, on the Gardenfide-, amongft 
 which Do&our Velazquez was one, who holding his white Wand in his Mouth, 
 fuppofed that that Badge of his Authority would give a refpecl to his Perfon, 
 and fo ran , "aft as his Legs and Arms could carry him. 
 
 The Aflaffn :cs finding the Hall empty, went to the Door of the Dining-room, 
 where the Marquis hearing them (o near at hand, and perceiving he had not time 
 to brace on his Arms, haftily took hold of his Buckler and Sword, and together 
 with his Brother Martin de Alcantara, and two Pages, who were grown up to be 
 Men, one of which was named John de Vargat, Son of Gomez de Tordoja, and the 
 other Alonfo Efcandon, neither of which had time to put on their defenfive Arms, 
 all thefe ported themfelves at the Entry of the Door, which they ftoutly defen- 
 ded for a great while, the Marquis ftill calling out with great Courage, Let m kill 
 thefe villanous Traitors. Thus whilft both fides fought very valiantly, the Brother 
 of the Marquis was killed, into the place of whom one of the Pages ftepped, and 
 he and his Mafter fo ftoutly defended the Door , that the AfTaffinates began to 
 fear, left whilft they were gaining Entrance, they fhould be furprifed by Affiftence 
 from without, and that then they fhould be encompaffed on all fides-, wherefore 
 ?ohn de Rada made one effort for all , and taking Narvaez in his Arms , thruft 
 him in at the Door before him , in whofe Body whilft the Marquis had em- 
 ployed his Sword, the others had opportunity to enter in; fbme of which en- 
 gaged with the Marquis , and others with the Pages , who fought fo valiantly, 
 that before they were killed, they forely wounded four of their Enemies; The 
 Marquis being the onely Perfon remaining , they all fet upon him at once, and 
 encompaffed him on all fides ; but he fo well defended himfelf, that he dange- 
 roufly wounded three of the Ruffians : But in regard there were fo many to 
 one, and that he was above the Age of fixty five Years, he began to grow faint, 
 fo that one of the Villains making a Pafs at him , ran him through the Throat, 
 with which falling to. the Ground, he cried out with a loud voice for £ Confef- 
 four 3 but time not being given for Confeffion, lie made a Crofs with his Righ^ 
 
 Hand. 
 
(5 1 4 Royal Commentaries, Book III. 
 
 Hand, which clapping to his mouth, he kifled it, and fo expired his laft Breath; 
 lb dyed that famous Don Frantifio Picarro, the mod renowned amongft the Wor- 
 thies, who hath fo much enriched, and made great, and ftill by the Riches and 
 Treafure he hath acquired, continues greatnefs, and Riches to the Crown of Span, 
 and to all the World, as appears by what hath been already declared, and what is 
 manifefted by the efte&s in thefe our days. And yet not withftanding all this 
 vaft Treafure and Greatnefs , he died poor and forfaken , having no Friend fo 
 much as to wind him in a meet, or lay him in his Grave-, by which it may ap- 
 pear, that all the favour and profperity which Fortune had been beftowing on 
 him, during the whole courfe of his Life, was matched away on a fudden, in lefs 
 than the (pace of one hour. To confirm which Car ate, in the 8 th Chapter of his 
 4th Book hath thefe Words. 
 
 " In this manner he refigned his Soul unto God, and with the Marquis two of 
 " his Pages were killed •, of the Faction of Chili four were killed, belides others 
 V that were dangeroufly wounded. So foon as this news was fpread through the 
 " Town, above two hundred Men appeared in favour of Don Diego de Almagro; 
 " which, though armed and in a readinefs, yet durft not declare themfelves, un- 
 " till they faw how the matter fucceeded , and then they difperfed themfelves 
 " over all parts of the City, feizing and difarming thofe whom they believed to 
 " be well affected to the party of Picarro. 
 
 " The Affaflinates having done their work, came out of the Houfe with their 
 " Swords drawn , and bloudy ; and John de Rada caufing Almagro to mount on 
 " Horfe-back, conducted him through the City, proclaiming him Governour 
 " over all Pern, and fole King thereof. Then they plundered the Houfes of the 
 " Marquis, and his Brother, and of Antonio Pkado •, and caufed the Corporation 
 " of the City to receive Don Diego for Governour, by virtue of that Capitula- 
 " tion and Charter, figned by his Majefly at the time of the firft Difcovery of 
 " thefe Countries, whereby the Government of the new Toledo was granted to 
 1 Almagro, and his Heirs, or to fuch Perfon or Perfons as he mould affign. Af- 
 " ter which they put feveral to Death, whom they knew to be Servants and De- 
 " pendants on the Marquis, which caufed great Cries through the whole City, 
 " the Women weeping and wailing to fee their Husbands murthered, and their 
 " Houfes plundered. 
 
 " All which time none durft touch the Body of the Marquis, to beftow decent 
 " Burial thereupon, unlefs fome few Negroes , who rather dragged than carried 
 " it to the Church, untill fohn de Barbaran, and his Wife, who were Inhabitants 
 " ofTruxilto, and had been Servants to the Marquis, having firft obtained leave 
 " of Almagro , buried him and his Brother in fuch decent manner as they were 
 " able. The which they were forced to perform with fuch hafte, that they had 
 " fcarce time to cloth his Body with the Habit of St. J ago, of which Order he 
 " was a Knight, and to put on his Spurs, before they were told that thofe of Chili 
 " were coming in great hafte to cut off his Head, and to place it on the Gallows. 
 " So that Barbaran was forced to flubber over the Funeral and Offices for the 
 " dead with great hafte, defraying the Charges of the Torches, and other Duties, 
 " at his own Expence. And having laid the Body in the Grave, they immedi- 
 " ately endeavoured to fecure his Sons, who lay privately concealed •■, for the par- 
 " ty of Chili were now become Mafters of the whole City. 
 
 " Hence we may learn the variety of Fortune in this World , if we confider 
 " in how (hort a time a Gentleman was brought to nothing, who had difcovered, 
 " and governed, and poflefled fuch a vaft Extent, and Tradl of Land, and King- 
 " doms-, and had bellowed a greater Revenue, and Riches on others, than the 
 " moft powerfull Prince in the World was able to have done; and how in a mo- 
 " ment he was made to perifh, without time given him to confefs, and prepare 
 " for his Soul, or fettle his Eftate-, and that he fhould be aflaflinated by the 
 <c Hands of twelve Men onely , at Noon-day , and in the midft of his City, 
 " where the Inhabitants were all his Servants and Creatures, Kinfmen and Soul- 
 " diers, and all had eaten of his Bread, and fubfifted by his Bounty 5 and after 
 " this, that none fhould dare to come unto his Succour, but rather fly from him, 
 " and abandon his Houfe. And moreover, that his Burial fhould be fo obfcure, 
 " that of all the Riches and Greatnefs he poflefled , there fhould not be left Co 
 " much as to defray the Charge of the Wax-Candles, and other Expences of his 
 
 Funeral ; 
 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 615 
 
 * Funeral •, the which, and other Circumftances, preceding his Death, by which 
 " (as we have fpecified) he would take no warning, are fo ftrange, as can be at- 
 " tributed to no other caufe than to the unfearchable Judgments of Almighty 
 " God. Thus far are the Words of Carate. 
 
 In which place he makes a comparifon between the Death and Burial of A/ma- 
 gro, and this of Picarro; the circumftances of whofe Life and Death were in all 
 things agreeable. They were companions, and had fworn Friendftiip, and entred 
 into Articles to gain and conquer that Empire, and it is ftrange to confider with 
 what equality Fortune balanced the courfe of their Lives, and the circumftances 
 of their Deaths. As the fame Carate reports in the Chapter following. 
 
 " Many Years after, faith he, that the Wars were ceafed in that Kingdom, 
 " the Bones of this brave and worthy Gentleman were taken up out of the 
 " Grave, and with fuch decent Solemnity as became them, were put into a Coffin, 
 " and interred in a Vault of the Cathedral Church, on the Right hand of the 
 " High Altar: Where it remained in the Year i j6o. when I came for Spain: 
 The Death of the Marquis happened on the 2<5th of /W, in the Year 1 541. 
 
 Carate, who was a good Hiftorian, imitated the method of the great Plutarch, 
 comparing the Lives of thefe two famous Heroes, who were unhappy Spaniards, 
 and ill rewarded by the World. Howfoever he judges them fo worthy, that he 
 could never exprefs fufficient wherewith to exalt their Praifes^ and comparing 
 their Lives, Cuftoms and Death together, fills a whole Chapter with that Sub- 
 ject, which is the 9th of the 4th Book, which being transferred into thefe our 
 Commentaries, (hall ferve for the 8th Chapter of the 3d Book of our Second 
 Part-, the Words whereof verbatim are thefe. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the ARions and Qualities of the Marquis Don Francifco 
 Picarro, and the Lord Deputy Don Diego de Almagro. 
 
 I 
 
 « 
 
 « 
 
 N regard that the Difcovery and Conqueft of this Province, (which is the 
 " Subject of thisHiftory,) had its Original from thefe two Captains of 
 whom we have hitherto difcourfed, namely, the Marquis Don Francifco Pifarro, 
 and the Lord Deputy Don Diego de Almagro, we are obliged in juftice to' their 
 memories to defcribe the Qualifications and Actions of thefe two Worthies, in 
 comparifon of each with the other-, imitating herein the method of Plutarch, 
 who having wrote the Lives of two great Captains, he in the next place compares 
 them together, fhewing wherein they were equal, and wherein they differed. 
 " As to what concerns their Parentage, and Families, we have already dif- 
 courfed; as to other matters, they were both couragious in their Perfons, 
 bold and daring, patient of Labour, vertuousand friendly, being ready toper- 
 form all good Offices, though at their own Charge and Expence. They re- 
 fembled each other in then - natural Inclinations, particularly in their condition 
 and ftate of Life, for neither of them was married, though when they dyed, 
 the youngeft was arrived to the Age of fixty five Years. 
 " They were both inclined to War, though Almagro having for the chiefeft 
 part of his Life no occafion to exefcife himfelf in Arms, applied his mind with 
 much earneftnefs to heap and gather Riches. 
 
 * They were both of good Years when they firft entred upon the Conqueft of 
 Peru, in which their Labours were as great as we have formerly defcribed ; 
 though the Marquis fuftained more of Danger therein than the Deputy had 
 done 5 becaufe thatwhilft the one expofed his Perfon in the firft Difcovery, 
 the other continued in Panama, to provide all neceffaries required thereunto, as 
 hath been before declared. 
 
 : They were both of great Minds, and entertained high Thoughts, which they 
 were enabled to put into pra&ice by their extreme Patience, joined to that 
 affable and obliging Behaviour which they ufed towards their Souldiers. 
 j They 
 
5i6 Royal Commentaries, Book III. 
 
 " They were both liberal and generous in their Gifts, but if either excelled the 
 other, it was Almagro, becaufe he was ambitious to have his Liberality and 
 Gifts known and publiflned to the World •, but the Marquis on the contrary, 
 was fecret, and modeft in his Gifts, deilring rather to conceal them, than found 
 his Trumpet; being more willing to provide for the neceflities of the poor, 
 than to make an Oitentation of his Charity. 
 
 " An Example we have in his kindnefs to a Souldier, whofe Horfe happened 
 to dye-, to repair the Lofs whereof, he came to a Pall-Mali belonging to his 
 Houfe, expe&ing to find the Souldier, that he might with his own hand pre- 
 sent him with a fmall Ingot of Gold, of ten pounds weight ; but the Souldier 
 not being then come, he in the mean time plaid a match in the Mall, with his 
 Coat on, that he might conceal the Gold 5 at length (which was three hours 
 after) the Souldier came, when calling him afide, he privately gave him the 
 Gold, and told him, that he had rather have given him three times as much, 
 than to have endured what he did, by fo long'an expectation and attendance for 
 him. Many other Instances might be given of this nature, for the Marquis never 
 gave any thing but with his own hand, endeavouring to conceal his Liberality. 
 " For which reafon Almagro was always efteemed the more generous, becaufe 
 he contrived how his Prefents might be given with greater oftentation , and 
 with the beft appearance to the World. Howfoever in this Vertue of Munifi- 
 cence they may well be equalized, becaufe (as the Marquis himfelf alledged) all 
 came from their common Purfe, whereof being partners, the moiety of what 
 one gave belonged to the other; fo that he who confented to the Prefent, was 
 as generous as he who delivered it. 
 
 " They were both in their Life- time the richeft Men in ready Money, and in 
 Revenue, that have been known in many Ages, and were the moft powerfullof 
 any under the Degree of Crowned Heads-, and yet they dyed fopoor, thatna 
 mention is made of the Eftates they left, or of their Money wherewith to pay 
 the Charges of their Funeral Expences-, relembling Cato, andSMus, and other 
 Roman Captains herein, who were interred at the Coft of the Publick. 
 " They were both extremely kind to their Servants, and obliging to their Soul- 
 diers, endeavouring to enrich and advance them, and to refcue them in all times 
 of Danger-, in which piece of Gallantry the Marquis was prodigal beyond com- 
 parifon •-, as appears by what happened in palling a River, which they call Bar- 
 ranca, where one of his Indian Servants being carried down by force of the ftream, 
 the Marquis leaped in, and fwam after him, and catching him by the Hair of 
 his Head, buoyed him up above the Water, and with great hazard of his own 
 Life, faved his, which none of the moft adventurous of his Army durft have 
 attempted -, and when his Captains reproved him for his rafhnefs, he anfwered, 
 that none of them knew of what prevalency his Love was unto a Servant. 
 " Though the Marquis governed longer, and in greater peace, yet 'Almagro was 
 much more ambitious, and defirous of Rule. They both afte&ed antiquity, and 
 would never change the fafhion of that Habit to which they had been accuhV 
 med from their youth, efpecially the Marquis, who never wore other than a Jer- 
 kin of black Cloth, with Skirts down to his Ankles, with a fhort Wade a little 
 below his Breads ; his Shoes were made of a white Cordivant, his Hat white, 
 with Sword and Dagger, after the old Fafhion; fometimes upon high Days, at 
 the inftance and requeft of his Servants, he wore a Cailbck, lined with Alanim 
 Furrs, which the Marquis de Valle fent him from Spam -, but when he returned 
 home from Mafs, heftriptthem off, and remained in cuerpo-^ and about his 
 Neck he commonly caft a Towel to wipe the Sweat from his face, when he plaid 
 at Bowls, or at Pall-mall, which were his common Exercifes in the time of peace. 
 Both thefe Captains were men well enduring labour and hunger, which the Mar- 
 quis efpecially evidenced by the Paftimes we have mentioned, to which he was 
 fo intent, that no young men could hold out fo long as he. He was much more 
 given to gaming than Almagro, for he would many times play the whole day at 
 Bowls, not confidering with whom he plaid, whether he were Mariner or 
 ' Miller, nor would he fuffer them to give him up his Bowls, or ufe any other 
 Ceremonies towards him, which belonged to the Dignity of his Perfon. 
 " Not every fort ofbufinefs could divert him from his game, efpecially ifhe loft? 
 ' but if in cafe there happened any Infurredion or Rebellion amongft the Indians, 
 he would then lay all afide, and immediately brace on his Arms, and taking 
 his Lance and Target in his hand , would run with all hafte to the place 
 
 where 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 617 
 
 * where the mutiny was arifen, not expe&ing untill his people came, though they 
 " followed him with all the hade they were able. 
 
 " Both thefe Captains were fo flout and expert in their Wars againft the Indi- 
 " ans, that either of them being (ingle, would break through a Body of a hun- 
 " dred Indians. They were both very intelligent perfons, and of great judgment 
 " in all matters, whether Martial or Civil, efpecially confidering that they 
 " were illiterate Men, and neither knew how to write or reade, or fo much 
 " as to form their Names •? which in perfons of their degree, and of thac fphere 
 ■ wherein they moved, was a remarkable defed, confidering the bufinefs and 
 " negotiations which they treated : And though their Virtues, and other En- 
 " dowments, gave them an appearance of Noble Perfonages, yet their ignorance 
 " in letters was a plain demonftration of their mean Parentage and Extraction. 
 
 " The Marquis was fo confident, and affured of the faithfulnefs of his Ser- 
 " vants and Friends , that in all the Difpatches which he iflued out either rela- 
 a ting to Orders of Government, or to Affigning over to each perfon his (hare 
 t and divifion of Lands ; his manner was to make two lines with the Pen, in the 
 " middle of which Antonio Pkado his Secretary formed the Name of Frandfco Pi- 
 a farro. But for his excufe herein, we may fay the fame which Ovid did for Romu- 
 " lw, That he was better verfed in the knowledge of Arms, than Aftrology •, and 
 w applied his mind rather to conquer his Neighbours, than to underftand Letters. 
 They were both extremely affable and familiar with the people of the 
 " City, making them vifits at their own Houfes, and not refufing to Dine with 
 " fuch as firft invited them. They were equally abftemious in Eating and Drink - 
 " ing, and refrained their inclinations towards the Cafiilian Women, upon a 
 [J principle, that they could not make ufe of their Wives or Daughters without 
 " fome prejudice and difhonour to their Neighbours : As to the Indian Women 
 
 * of Peru, they were more free, though of the two, Almagro was the more conti- 
 " nent •, for unlefs it were with the Woman by whom hehad his Son, he enter- 
 " tained little or no converfation with any. The Marquis conferved a particular 
 " affedion for an Indian Lady, who was the Sifter of Atabaliba, by whom he had 
 " a Son called Don Gonzalo, which dyed at the Age of fourteen years, and a 
 " Daughter called Donna Francifca •, by another Indian Woman of Cozco he had a 
 
 * Son called Don Frandfco : And as to this Son of Almagro, who killed the Mar- 
 t quis, he was born of an Indian Woman at Panama. 
 
 Both of them had received Favours and Honours from his Majefty •, Pi$arro, 
 u as we have faid, was honoured with the title of Marquis, as before related, and 
 '* was made Governour of New Caftile, and vefted with the Habit of St. fago. 
 11 Almagro was rewarded with the Government of the New Toledo, and dignified 
 " with the title of Lord Lieutenant of that Countrey. 
 
 " The Marquis in a particular manner was devoted to- his Majefty, and had 
 F fuch an awe and reverence for his Name, that he would often deny himfelf the 
 " exercife of his Authority in many lawfull matters, left he fhould feem to ftretch 
 " his Power beyond his Commiffion. Many times as he was fitting on his Chair 
 f in the Melting-houfes, he would arife, and take up the fmall granes, or drops of 
 " Gold and Silver which were fallen afide from the Sciflers, with which they cut 
 
 * the King's Fifths, faying, That when hands failed, wherewith to amafs and 
 " heap up the Treafure which belonged to the King, they were to doe it with 
 " their mouths. Thus as they refembled one the other in their Lives, fo did 
 :c they not differ in the manner of their Deaths •, for as the Brother of the Mar- 
 
 * quis killed Almagro, fo the Son of Almagro killed Pifarro. 
 
 ' The Marquis was very induftrious to improve his Land, and cultivate his 
 a Plantations ; he built feveral very fair Houfes in the City of los Reyes •, and on 
 !t the River he made two Sluces to ftop the Water to drive his Mills \ in which 
 " projefts and buildings he employed all his leifure times, that he might over- fee 
 " the Workmen, and haften them in their labour. 
 
 " Moreover, he was very diligent and zealous in erecting a great Church for 
 " the City of los Reyes, and Monafteries for the Orders of St. Domingo, and the 
 * Merceds \ for a Revenue unto which, and to keep thofe Buildings in repair, he 
 ** gave and fet out Lands with Indians to manure them. Thus far Carate. 
 
 In the following Chapter we (hall declare what this Authour farther faith on 
 this Subject , to which we (hall add feveral other Excellencies of this Worthy 
 Perfon, whofe Praifes we can never fufficiently extoll. 
 
 Kkkk CHAP. 
 
518 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 C H A P. IX. 
 
 ■ 
 
 Of the affable Nature of the Marquis, and his Intentions 
 to fuccour and relieve thofe whom he believed to be in 
 want. 
 
 THE Marquis had one Son, and one Daughter, and no more, and GwkaU 
 Picarro, as we have mentioned in the 38 th Chapter of his 9th Book, had 
 one Son ; but Car ate makes them all three to be the Children of the Marquis. 
 The Mother of the Son of the Marquis was Daughter, and not Sifter of Atahn- 
 alpa •, but his Daughter he had by a Daughter of Huayna Capae, whofe Indian 
 Name was Huayllas Nufta, but afterwards her Chriftian Name was Donna Beatrix, 
 as we have at large fpecified in the aforementioned Chapter. 
 
 And farther, this Authour confirms what we have formerly faid 5 namely, that 
 though thefe two Governours were fo vaftly rich, yet they died fo poor, that of 
 all their Wealth there was fcarce fufficient to bury them. And indeed there was 
 nothing remaining, fo that they were buried of mere Charity. 
 
 Almavro was buried by one that had been his Slave, and the Marquis by ano- 
 ther, who had been his Servant, as the fame Authour alledges. And thofe who 
 carried both one and, die other to their Burial, were Negros and Indians, as both 
 Authours agree. And thus much (hall fuffice to (hew in what manner the 
 World rewards thofe who have been fo ufefull and deferving in their gene- 
 ration. 
 
 The Marquis was fo generally kind and obliging in his carriage, that he never 
 gave an ill word to any perfon whatfoever. When he plaid at Bowls, he never 
 would fuffer any to give him up his Bowls from the ground •-, but in cafe any one 
 was fo courteous as to doe it, he would take it, and throw it inftantly far from 
 him, which went for a caft. It happened once, that taking up a Bowl, he dirted 
 his hands with fome filth which ftuck to it, and prefently lifting up his foot, he 
 wiped it off with his Buskins: For I remember then, and many years after, that 
 it was the fafhion and gallantry of Souldiers to wear a fort of Buskins made with 
 Pack-thread, and not Shoes. On which occafion a certain Favourite to the Mar- 
 quis feeing him to wipe his hands on the Buskin, came and offered him his Hand- 
 kerchief ■■, to which the Marquis fmilingly replied, / protefi your Limn is fo white, 
 
 that I dare not touch it. 
 
 One day being at Bowls with a certain Souldier called Alonfi Palmares, a well- 
 conditioned Man, and of a chearfull humour ■-, and the Marquis lofing almoft at 
 every end, he quarrelled and curfed at every caft which was plaid 5 and herein he 
 was fo eager and concerned that all the ftanders-by took notice, that either he was 
 troubled at his own ill play, or otherwife for the eight or nine thoufand Crowns 
 which he loft by the game. Some days pafllng, that the Marquis paid not the 
 Money, the Winner took the confidence to ask him for it •, and being afterwards 
 troubled with the importunity, the Marquis forbad him to ask any more, for that 
 he was refolved never to pay him : To which Pahmares replied , If your Lordfkip be 
 refolved never to pay me, what made you quarrel, and be fo angry the other day, when you 
 loft > The Marquis was fo well pleafed with the Anfwer, that he gave order he 
 fhould be immediately paid. He would play at all Games, and with all forts of 
 Perfons 3 and when he knew any one to be neceffitous and wanting, he would in- 
 vite him to play with him, with intention and purpofe to lofe to him ; thinking 
 it a more noble and generous way to relieve a perfon in want, than by direct Alms, 
 which to a haughty Spaniard is a kind of an affront , but when he gains by advan- 
 tage of play, he not onely rejoyces in the gain, but triumphs in the Honour of 
 being a better Gamefter than the Marquis, and to receive his Money rather as a 
 due, than given as a favour. When he bowled with fuch perfons as thefe, he 
 would either caft fbort, or beyond, that the other might win. And when he plaid 
 
 at 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 619 
 
 at Cards, at which his Game was commonly Primera; he would often vye with 
 his word Cards •, and if he had the fortune to have Flulli or Pnmera, he would 
 muffle up his Cards, and not mew them, feeming to be angry or difpleafed at his 
 ill luck : by fuch ways as thefe he gained himfelfio much good-will and affection, 
 as were due to his Worthy and Heroick Merits. 
 
 Goma.ro, treating of the Death of this Prince ( nay more than a Prince ; for, in 
 reality, I know no title upon Earth fufficient to exprels the Grandure and Merits 
 of this Hero) faith that which follows in the Chapter 14.J. 
 
 " He was the Baftard Son of Gonzalo Picarro, Captain in Navarre, was born at 
 " Truxillo, and laid in the Church Porch :he fucked a Sow for feveral days, till 
 
 another Nurfe was provided for him. Afterwards his Father acknowledged 
 " him, and employed him in keeping Hogs, fo that he was never educated in any 
 " learning. One day it happened, that the Flies did fo bite the Hogs, that they 
 " all ran away, and were loft •, upon which he durft not return home again for 
 " fear, but attended fome Travellers to Sevil, from whence he embarked himfelf 
 " for the Indies •, and being arrived at St. Domingo, he went with Alonfi de Hojeda 
 " to Vraua, and with Vafco Nunnez. de Balboa, to difcover the Sea of Sur, and 
 " thence with Pedrarias to Panama ; at length he difcovered and conquered that 
 " Countrey which they call Peru, &c. which are the very Words of this Authour. 
 
 Upon which one might make ( if it were lawfull) many reflexions both in re- 
 ference to him who wrote it, as well as to him who related it -, for if the things 
 had been true, yet it had not been convenient or decent to report fuch mean and 
 low things of a Gentleman , whofe Triumphs and great Actions he had wrote 
 with fuch wonder and applaufe •, much lefs was it fit to mention them, feeing 
 that they were doubtfull, and admitted onely of a probability. 
 
 I would know of him, who gave this relation, how he came to the knowledge 
 of fuch particulars, which related to the Birth of a poor child, that was expofed in 
 the Porch of a Church, and was fuckled by a Beaft, for want of a better Nurfe ? 
 When things of this nature happen to the Sons of great Kings and Princes, it is 
 difficult to learn the particular circumftances thereof •-, how much lefs of a poor 
 boy thrown at a Church door ? And then to fay, after he was acknowledged by 
 his Father, that he was fent to keep Swine, muft be a piece of envy and malice, 
 and nothing elfe ; for 'tis not probable that fuch a principal perfon as Gonzalo 
 Picarro, Captain of his Majefty's Troops in Navarre, fhould fend his Son after he 
 had acknowledged him to keep Swine. Nor is it probable that the Flies fhould 
 take the Hogs in fuch manner as to make them ftray, where they could never 
 more beround ; and therefore that he durft not return home for fear : To confute 
 which, I have particularly enquired of fome Paifants, or Countrey people, whofe 
 bufinefs it was to breed up Hogs, whether the Fly doth bite them at any time in 
 fuch manner, as to caufe them to ftray abroad , and they have generally affured 
 me, that fuch a thing cannot be. 
 
 But Envy in Countries where parties and factions prevail, doth often raife re- 
 ports of this nature to eclipfe the glory of Worthy Men •■, for finding they are not 
 able to deny, or darken the luftre of their mighty Actions, which are manifeft 
 and apparent to all the World, as were thofe of the Marquis Don Francifco Picarro -, 
 they feign and invent fome mean paffages relating to their Birth and Education , 
 which being obfcure, are not eafily refuted. 
 
 The truth of all is this : The Marquis Don Francifco Picarro, who was Conque- 
 rour and Governour of that great Empire called Peru , was the Natural Son of 
 his Father and Mother, and acknowledged by them at the inftant of his Birth. 
 
 Afterwards his Father Captain Gonzalo Picarro Married her, who was Mother 
 to our Marquis, and one by extraction of an ancient Family of Chriftians, unto 
 
 a certain Countrey Farmer of good repute, called Goodman fuch a one of 
 
 Alcantara, by whom he had a Son named Francifco Martin de Alcantara, whom 
 Gomara faith was the half Brother to the Marquis Picarro, and was killed with the 
 Marquis, as we have before declared. 
 
 W T herefore I conclude , that though fuch reports as thefe fhould have fome- 
 thing of probable truth in them, yet they ought not to be related to the prejudice 
 of fuch a Prince, whofe fame may be equalized with thofe of higheft renown. 
 
 K k k k % And 
 
£zo Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 And fince we are not able to extoll bis praifes to that degree which they deferve, 
 we muft refer the defect of our Expreflions to be fupplied by his own Ads and 
 Conquefts, which fpeak themfelves. And fo we (hall pafs forward in our 
 Hiftory. 
 
 
 
 C H A P. X. 
 
 Don Diego de Almagro Adminifiers an Oath of Allegiance 
 to all Officers , caufing them to fwear Fealty to him as 
 Governour of Peru ; and fends his Warrants into divers 
 parts of the Kingdom, which are oppofed and refijied. 
 
 TH E Marquis being thus flain, as before related, caufed chiefly by the over- 
 confidence of Francifio de Chaves 5 for had he fhut the doors, as he was or- 
 dered , the Marquis, and fuch as were with him, might have had time to have 
 armed themfelves, whilft the Affaffinates were employed in breaking open the 
 doors ; and perhaps in that manner they might have prevailed over their Ene- 
 mies : For if the Marquis, and his Brother, and two Pages, were able without 
 their defenfive Arms to kill four of thofe Ruffians, as fome Authours report, he- 
 fides thofe who were wounded by thern •, what may we imagine they would have 
 done, had they been in a readinefs, and well appointed ? And had thofe who 
 leaped out of the Windows flood to it, and joyned with their Matters, 'tis very 
 probable they might have been able to have refuted, and overcome them -, but 
 when a mifchief once comes with furprize , it is hardly prevented by humane 
 Counfels. That Negro which Gomara fays, was killed by thefe Villains, was 
 one who hearing the bufle, came up the ftairs to help his Matter, or to dye with 
 him : but when he came to the door, he underftood that he was already -killed ; 
 wherefore he intended to have locked and barred the door, fb as to have kept 
 them in untill he could have called the Juftice : But as the Negro was fhutting 
 and faftning the doors, one of the Affaffinates happened to come out, and guefling 
 at the intention of the Negro, fell upon him, and ftabbed him to death with his 
 Dagger. There were feven killed on the fide of the Marquis, amongft which 
 the Servant of Chaves was one •, foon after which the faction of Almagro went 
 out into the Market-place, and publifhed their Victory. This was the fate of that 
 good Marquis, who perifhed rather by the negligence and obftinacy of his own 
 People, dian by the power and ftrength of his Enemies. Upon the news of his 
 Death a great tumult was raifed through the whole City •, fome cried out, they 
 have wounded the King by the Death of the Marquis , others with a loud voice 
 proclaimed, the Tyrant is dead , and the Murther of Almagro revenged. With 
 this manner of noife and confufion many of thefe different parties, both of one 
 fide and of the other, ran out from their Houfes to favour their refpective Facti- 
 ons •, upon which quarrels and difputes feveral were killed and wounded -, but fb 
 foon as it was known that the Marquis was killed, all his party retired, and the 
 point was decided. Then thofe of Chili brought forth Don Diego Almagro, Junior, 
 proclaiming him King of Pern. The tumult of that day being ceafed, he was 
 fvvorn by the Corporation of that City to be Governour of that Countrey, none 
 daring to contradict, or queftion, whatfoever that prevailing party required. In 
 purfuance hereof, the late Minifters and Officers of Juftice were all diiplaced, and 
 others appointed in their fteads. The rich and powerfull Men were all impri- 
 lbned , and thofe of any Eftates in los Reyes, which were ill affected, were all 
 ieized, and their Goods confifcated. Then they took all the Fifths belonging to 
 die King , which being already gathered, amounted to a vaft fum. In like man- 
 ner all the Goods and Eftates of fuch as were dead, or abfent, and efteemed Ma- 
 
 lignants, 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 6*2i 
 
 lignants, or ill afte&ed, were feized, and converted to the ufe of their own party, 
 wno being poor, (as we have before mentioned) had need thereof to repair 
 their fortunes. 
 
 John de Rada was the Peifon nominated for General : John Tello de Guzman, a 
 Native of Seville, and Francis de Chaves, a near Kinfman of the Other Francis de 
 Chaves, who was killed with the Marquis, were made Captains ; for it is one of 
 die eflential miferies of Civil War for Brothers to fight againft Brothers. Like- 
 wife Chriflopher Soteh received a Commiffion to be a Captain, and others were 
 nominated for other Offices. At the news of thefe alterations, all the idle Spani- 
 ards and Vagabonds, which were void of employment in Peru, came flocking to 
 the City of Us Reyes ; fo that in a fhort time Almagro had compofed an Army of 
 more than eight hundred Men : In confidence of which force, he difpatched his 
 Orders and Commands to Cozco, and all the Cities of Peru, namely to Areiuepa, 
 to the Charcot, and to all places along the Sea-coaft olTruxifo, and to the Inland 
 Countries of the Chachapojos, to receive and acknowledge him for abfolute Lord 
 and Governour over all the Empire. One or two Cities complied and obeyed, 
 rather out of fear than love, becaufe they had not power to make refiftence againft 
 fifty Men, which were fent againft them : but other Cities refufed to fubmit, as 
 will prefently appear. 
 
 It is a common phrafe in the Language of Peru to fay, Vp the Coafl, and dam. 
 the Coafl- 5 not that upon the Sea, which is a Plain, there can be Up or Down 5 
 but it is a term ufed in the New Navigation, in refpeft to the South-wind which 
 always blows Trade, or the fame way in thofe Seas, Panama lying to Lee ward 
 of Peru ; fo on the contrary thofe who Sail from Panama to Peru muft turn to 
 Wind-ward, which is, as it were, up-hill, as the other is down. 
 
 fahn de Rada, as we have faid, having had a great hand in the late Revolution, 
 took upon him to I flue out all Commiflions in the Name of Almagro, without com- 
 municating the fenfe or fubftance thereof to his other Companions, who had been 
 equally concerned with him in the Murther of the Marquis ; which was the caufe 
 of much fpleen and malice amongft the principal Men, fo that they began to ban- 
 dy amongft themfelves, and contrive ways in what manner to kill him. 
 
 The Plot being difcovered, Francifco de Chaves endured the Wrack, and after- 
 wards was hanged, being the Ring-leader of this Confpiracy •, feveral others were 
 likewife for the fame caufe put to death, amongft which Antonio de Orihuela, a Na- 
 tive of Salamanca, was one, though lately come from Spain, having on the way 
 from thence faid, that the party which now ruled were a company of Tyrants 5 
 after which ra(h faying, he was ill advifed to adventure his life in their hands. 
 
 Garcia de Alvarado was one of thofe Officers whom Almagro employed to take 
 pofleffion of Towns and Plantations for his ufe, and to levy Souldiers, and to 
 plunder Horfes, and to difarm all thofe of the contrary party who had command 
 over Indians, or any power, being efteemed for Enemies to the Government. 
 Accordingly he went to TruxMo, where he difcharged Diego de Mora from being 
 Judge of that place, though he had been deputed in that Office by Don Diego de 
 Almagro t, but having kept a correfpondence with Aknfi de Alvarado, who was of 
 the contrary faction, he was efteemed for one di&fte&ed, and not fit for that em- 
 ployment. 
 
 In the City of St. Michel he put Francifco de Vozmediam, and Hernando de Villegas, 
 to death, befides other Outrages : And in Huanucu he killed AUnfi de Cabrera, 
 who had once been Steward to Francifco Picarro, becaufe he had made a party to 
 joyn together, and fly to the King's Forces. * 
 
 Another inftrument or Officer they had procured, named Diego Mendez, who 
 went to the Town of Plate in the Charcot, which they found without people, be- 
 caufe they had all difperfed themfelves by feveral ways to meet at Cozco, and to 
 declare for the King , as will prefently appear. Howfoever, Diego Mendez took 
 great quantities of Gold in that Town, which the Spaniards had with privity of 
 the Indians hidden and concealed 5 but fuch was the cowardife of that poor-fpiri- 
 ted people, that upon the leaft threat they immediately made a difcovery. 
 
 Moreover, he made a feizure of fixty thoufand Pefos of refined Silver, digged 
 from the Mines of del Pono, for as yet thofe of Potocfi were not difcovered 5 and 
 confifcated to the ufe of Almagro all the Indians Riches and Wealth, which be- 
 longed to the Marquis Don Francifco Picarro, which amounted to a vaft fum : the 
 like he did of the Plantations of Captain Diego de Rojas, of Perancurez. of Graviel 
 
 de 
 
5 22 Royal Commentaries* Book III. £ 
 
 '' * ' ' ' ' ■■■"■— ' — — — ■ — — ■ ■ ...■ - -. w 
 
 de Rojm, of Garcilajfo de la Vega, and of all other the Inhabitants of that Town 
 whom he knew well affeded to the party of Picarro. 
 
 Another Meflenger was fent into the Province of Chachapuyat, which Almfo i\ 
 Alvarado had kept in peace and quiet •, and who having feen and read the Deck 
 ration of Bon Diego, which promifed great rewards to fuch as obeyed him, anc 
 threatned fuch as oppofed him ■■, he notwithftanding feized on the Meflenger, anc 
 perfuaded a hundred that were with him to follow him and ferve his Majefty 5 tc 
 which they having yielded a chearfull aflent, he declared for the King, and fet or. 
 his Standard. And though Almagro wrote him very kind Letters, endeavourinf 
 to allure him to his party j he refufed all his Offers, protefting, that he would ne- 
 ver own or acknowledge him for Governour, untill fuch time as he had feen hi: 
 Majefty 's exprefs Commifllon, and Commands for the fame ; which as he knew 
 his Majefty would never grant , fo he did not doubt, but with the help of God 
 and the Valour of his Souldiers, to revenge the bloud of the Marquis, and punift 
 the contempt which he had put on the Authority of his Majefty. All which Al 
 varado adventured to fay and ad, trufting to the advantage of the fituation of thaij M 
 Countrey, which, as we have faid in feveral places, was very Mountainous 5 b] (j 1 
 help of which, he hoped to feciire his fmall force, untill fuch time as recruits ano fla 
 greater numbers of tnofe who were Pi$arrifts could come in to joyn with him ; 30: 
 being well allured that all that party, and the people inhabiting along the Coafr >}■ 
 would readily affift, and ferve the Emperour. Where now we will leave theiT '--i 
 for a while to treat of others, who followed the fame courfe. ; tr 
 
 The Officers and Inftruments of Almagro, which were difpatched with hi; 
 Commiflion to Coz.ce, durft not proceed with the like rigour there, as in other - " 
 places j for they well knew, that as there were many well-affeded perfons in that ~. 
 City, fo thofe, who were rich and principal Men there, and had power over the ^ 
 Indians, were all devoted to the fervice of his Majefty. And that the contrary 
 party confifted onely of fome poor, indigent Souldiers, and fuch as were newly coim 
 into that Countrey, who hoped by fuch difturbances and alterations to make their 
 fortunes. Thofe who were the Chief Juftices at that time in the City were Diegc 
 de Silva, ( whom we have formerly mentioned under the Name of the Son of Fe- 
 
 liciano de Silva, a Native of the City of Rodrigo,) together with Francis de Carva- 
 
 jal, who afterwards was Major-General to Gonualo Picarro. 
 
 Thefe perfons having feen the Orders, did not think fit to irritate the contrary! 
 party by a flat and down-right denial of all compliance ; but having confulted the 
 Jurats, and the Community of the City Council , returned anfwer, That in an 
 Ad of fuch great weight and importance, it was neceflary that Bon Biego iboukj ; 
 fend a more ample power than that which he had already done, which feemed 
 fliort and defedive in many particulars 5 upon tender of which they promifed to 
 receive him for. their Governour : But this was faid, not with any intention to 
 comply, but onely to amufe them, and fpin out time untill they could unite their 
 forces, which were, for the moft part, difberfed in their pofleffions, and employed 
 in the Gold Mines, of which moft of the Inhabitants of that City of Gwohad 
 fome fhares allotted to them. 
 
 ':it 
 
 3M 
 y 
 
 
 m 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 62 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 What the Inhabitants of Cozco aHed in order to the Kings 
 Service. What alfo was done in favour of Don Diego, 
 Vaca de Caftro nominated in Spain for Judge to deter- 
 mine the quarrels and differences in Peru. 
 
 GOmz de Tordqa, who was a principal Citizen, and Chief of the Common 
 Council of that Corporation, was not then prefent, when the Orders and 
 Commiffion of Almagro were brought to Cozco , having been in the Countrey for 
 fix or feven days to divertife himfelf with Hawking and other fports ; fo foon as 
 he had read the Letters which advifed him of the Tragical Death of the Marquis, 
 for whom he conceived a particular efteem, being his particular Friend and Con- 
 fident, he was much grieved, and fhrinking up his moulders, turned his head to- 
 ward the Hawk he carried, faying , It is now more feafonable for us to prepare 
 for a War, with Fire and Sword, than to attend to our fports, and our Countrey 
 recreations -, for being a judicious Man, he well forefaw all thofe miferies and ca- 
 lamities, cruel deaths and revolutions, which would be the certain confequences 
 of the late fuccefles. Hereupon he immediately returned to the City, and not to 
 give any occafion of jealoufie or offence to the contrary party, he came in by 
 night 5 and having difcourfed with feveral of the Corporation, he told them, that 
 it was neceflary to convene the people of Arequepa, of the Charcot, and of the 
 parts lying Southward from Cozco, and to aflemble the Spaniards, which were dif- 
 perfed about the Countries : To which end he advifed them to difpeed Meflen- 
 gers, of which he offered himfelf for one. This refoiution being taken, he de- 
 parted that very night from Cozco, and went in fearch of Captain Nunno de Caftro, 
 who then refided at his Plantation, which was about fifteen or twenty Leagues 
 from the City, where being arrived, they both difpatched Meflengers to Pedro de 
 Ancures, and to Gardlajfo de la Vega •, and having informed them of the late fuccef- 
 fes, they required them as good and loyal Subje&s, to repair to Cozco, there to 
 perform fuch Services as their duty to his Majefty required. After thefe Meflages 
 were difpatched, Gomez de Tordoya went in all hafte to feek out for Captain Pe- 
 dro Alvarez Holgnin, who with a hundred Spaniards was marched to the Eaft of 
 Collao to conquer the Indians of thofe parts, who as yet had not been fubdued ; and 
 travelling with all diligence and hafte, at length he over-took him, and gave him 
 a relation of the Death of the Marquis, and how Don Diego de Almagro pretended 
 to govern the Empire. Wherefore he defired him to take this bufinefs to heart, 
 and to intereft himfelf fo far in this fervice of God and the King, as to become 
 Captain and Chief Leader of the people, who had joyned in this League and Af- 
 fociation together -, and farther to oblige him, he offered to ferve under him in 
 quality of the meaneft of his Souldiers. 
 
 Pedro Alvarez being fenfibly touched with the Juftice of the caufe, and pleafed 
 with the Honour fo freely offered to him, accepted the Command and Charge, 
 and immediately fet up a Standard for his Majefty, fending Meflengers to the Char- 
 cot, and to Arequepa, to publilh his Declaration, containing his Reafons and Inten- 
 tion of this War •■, farther giving them to underftand, that he would march fair 
 and foftly with the people that were with him towards Cozco, that fo thofe who 
 were in the rere might have time to come up and ;oyn with him before he entred 
 the City. The Countrey was by this time all in an uproar upon the confufed 
 report of the Death of the Marquis •, fo that the Meflengers fent to Arequepa, and 
 the Charcot met the people already on the way coming to joyn with Pedro Alva- 
 rez Holguin, and accordingly the feveral Bodies being united, their Numbers a- 
 mounted unto almoft two hundredMen. The news of their March being known 
 at Cozco, allarum'd the Almagrian Faction in fuch manner, that about fifty of them 
 
 fearing 
 
624 Royal Commentaries Book III. 
 
 fearing fome rigorous punifhment for their demerit, ftole fecretly out of the Town 
 by night, and fled, with intention to joyn with Don Diego -, but of this number 
 there was not one perfon of Note or Quality amongft them. Captain Nmno d* 
 Caftro, and Captain Hernando Bachkao having notice hereof, purfued them with 
 twenty Harquebufiers, which beating up their Quarters in the Night, by furprize 
 took and brought them back again to the City without any hurt or other mif- 
 chief. In the mean time Alvarez Holguin, with his Souldiers, arrived at the City, 
 to whom alfo many principal perfons of condition flocked from all parts, and 
 were received by the Corporation of the City with much joy and contentment. 
 After which, their firft bufinefs was to Eleft a General , for Alvagez Holguin ha- 
 ving performed that charge hitherto, was defirous to be difmifled from that Of- 
 fice. In this point therefore was fome diverfity in Opinions , which occafioned 
 delay ; not that any Emulations or Parties obftrucled the progrefs of affairs, but 
 the many perfons, which for their Quality and Abilities were deferving of that 
 Honour, caufed the Election to be with more difficulty determined. At length, 
 by the common confent of all thofe in the City, the choice fell upon Pedro Alva- 
 rez Holguin, who was accordingly fworn Captain-General, and Chief Jufticiary 
 of Peru, untill his Majefty's farther pleafure fhould be known therein. The 
 which Act was legally done, for it was in the power of the Government of this 
 City ( as the Head of the Empire) to nominate a Chief, with other Officers 
 both Military and Civil, whenfoever the lawfull Magiftrates fhould fail, and the 
 feme fo to continue, untill his Majefty fhould confirm them, or Commifhonate 
 others. Gomez de Tordoya was appointed for Lieutenant-General, Garci/ajfo de U 
 
 Vega, and Pedro de Angures, were made Captains of Horfe, Nunno de Caftro, and 
 Hernando de Bachkao Captains of Foot, and Martin de Robles was appointed Enfign 
 
 to carry the Royal Standard. 
 
 Hereupon War was declared againft Diego de Almagro, and the Citizens of Cozco 
 obliged themfelves to make good unto his Majefty whatfoever Alvarez Holguin 
 fhould expend in profecution of this War out of the Royal Exchequer in cafe his 
 Majefty fhould not allow the fame : To the performance of which, not onely the 
 Citizens of Cozco, but the Inhabitants of Charcot and Arequepa did bind both their 
 Perfons and Eftates - 7 and fuch was the chearfulnefs and aneclion towards his Ma- 
 jefty's Service, that in a fhort time they compofed a Body of three hundred and 
 fifty, all choice and feled Men, both Officers and Souldiers •, of which number 
 there were about a hundred and fifty Horfe, a hundred Harquebufiers, and the 
 reft Pikemen. In the mean time News came to Alvarez Holguin, that Alonfo de 
 Alvarado had fet up his Standard for the Emperour in the Chachafuyat, which oc- 
 cafioned great joy, becaufe they greatly feared, that all that Countrey from Rimac 
 to Quitu was well affected to Almagro. Much about the fame time likewife in- 
 telligence came, that Don Diego was marching towards Cozco with an Army of a- 
 bove eight hundred Men, with intention to give them Battel •, which being confi- 
 dered at a Council of War, it was agreed not to ftay, and expeft his coming to 
 Cozco, but to march forth and joyn with Alonfo de Alvarado 5 and that pafling by 
 way of the Mountains and narrow places, they might eafily avoid the Engagement 
 with Almagro, untill they were better recruited, and reinferced^ by fuch as were 
 loyal and well-aflfe&ed to their caufe, which (as they were advifed) were coming 
 to them from all parts, by fecret ways of Woods and Mountains. With this re- 
 lblution they departed from Cozco, leaving fuch behind as were ufelefs, and not fie 
 for fervice •, and that the City might ftill keep a face of being theirs, Officers were 
 appointed to maintain the Government, and diflribute Juftice. In their March 
 they uled all due caution, fending their Scouts before to difcover the Enemy, re- 
 folving to avoid fighting with Almagro, unlefs they could furprize him with ad- 
 
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 vantage. 
 
 In the mean time, whilft things were thus ordered in Cozco, Almagro and his 
 Complices were not idle or negligent in the City of los Reyes, where they received 
 fecret intelligence of all that palled at Cozco , and how they intended to march by 
 way of the Mountains to joyn with Alonfo de Alvarado, and with his to ftrengthen 
 their Forces, which as yet were not fufficient to give him Battel. Upon theft 
 Advices Almagro, with concurrence of his Captains, refolved to meet them ; and 
 in order thereunto he recalled Captain Gar pa de Alvarado, who was bufily em- 
 ployed along the Coaft oiTruxillo, levying Men, and providing Horfes and Arms 
 for this fervice : And though he intended to have fallen upon Alonfo de Alvarado, 
 
 who 
 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 6zj$ 
 
 who was then in CkachapujM, becaufe he believed himfelf to have an advantage 
 in his numbers •■, yet having been re-manded by Orders from Almagro, he obeyed 
 them, and relinquilhed his defign. Gavpa de Alvarado being returned, Almagro de- 
 parted from los Reyes, and marched towards Cozco with intention to fight Alvarez. 
 Holguin, the force of Almagro confifted of three hundred Horfe well appointed, of an 
 hundred and twenty Harquebufiers, and about a hundred and fixty Pikemen, which 
 being almoit fix hundred, were all choice and approved Men-, amongft which 
 there were many Perfons of great Quality, and rich, whom Almagro had feized, 
 when he killed the Marquis. 
 
 And leit after his departure any party fhould make an Infurrection againft him, 
 and ferve him, as thofe who were Enemies to his Father had done to him, he took 
 
 1 Order to fend all the Children of the Marquis, and of Gwzalo Picarro, oat of the 
 Countrey. And now firft to find out whether the Marquis had left any fecret 
 
 ! Treafure, not difcovered, he put the Queftion to Antonio Picado, Secretary to the 
 
 ; Marquis, upon the Rack-, and not being able to extort any thing from him, he 
 lent him to the Gallows, and hanged him up -, and fo he paid the Medal with' his 
 own Coin , which he had ftamped for the Faction of Chili. After wliich he 
 marched towards Cozco, keeping in his way due martial Diicipline and Order with 
 much feverity •, where we ihall leave both him, and Alvarez Holguin, to render 
 an account of what his Imperial Majefty ordained in Spain; after he had under- 
 ftood the great Commotions which had happened in Peru untill the Death of 
 Don Diego de Almagro the Elder. 
 
 To appeafe which , and to examine the true ftate of all matters, his Majefty 
 was pleated to give Commiffion to Dr. Vac a de Ca/iro, one of His Privy Council, 
 
 • to examine all matters concerning the Death of Don Dieg* de Almagro, without 
 making any alteration in the Power and Government of the Marquis $ but in cafe 
 the Marquis (hoald be dead before his Arrival, then by a provifional Commiffion 
 he was conftituted Govemour in his place. This worthy Perfon ( for fo his Acti- 
 ons (hew him) was a Native of the. City of Leon, and of the Families of the Va- 
 catdeCafiro, and £>mnnona, which are noble Houfes, amongft many others which 
 flourifh in that Royal City. 
 
 Vac a de Cafiro embarked at Sevilfot Pem Y '$od after many Difficulties and ftor- 
 my Weather, to which that Northern Sea is fubject he arrived at Nembre de Dios 
 much later than was expected, from whence he went to Panama, Where he again 
 embarked for Peru, upon a Ship not fo well provided for wch a Voyage, as was 
 requisite, efpecially fince it was to execute a Commiffion of fuch great importance; 
 for the Ship being defective, had not proceeded many Leagues on her Voyage, 
 before me was detained on the Coaft by contrary Winds 5 by force of which ha- 
 ving loft one of her Anchors, fhe was carried by the Current into that Bay which 
 is called the Bay or Gulf of Gorgona, which is a bad place, and very hard for any 
 
 1 Ship to get out, which is bound to Peru. Wherefore Vaca de Cafiro encouraged 
 the Mariners to .ufe'all the diligence they were able, but finding all ineffectual, 
 and to little purpofe, he refolved to go by Land, fince he could not avail to go 
 by Sea. But the Journey was long, difficult and tedious, by reafon of the craggy 
 Mountains, the great Rivers and Defarts which they were to pafs, with want of 
 thofe Provifions which were good and wholfome. This long delay gave oppor- 
 
 : tunity to Almagro to revenge the Death of his Father, of which he was impatient, 
 feeing that the Juftice Inch His Majefty had promifed was fo long deferred. 
 
 At length, after varic is chances of a difficult Journey , Judge Vaca de Cafiro 
 came to the Frontiers of . fytbv, where Pedro de PueUes refided in Quality of De- 
 puty to Gonzah Picarro. i,o foon as he found himfelf within the Limits of his 
 own Countrey, and had b. ^n rightly informed of all matters which had pafled in 
 Peru, and of the Practices and Defigns of the feveral Factions, he wrote unto all 
 parts, giving them advice of his Arrival, and of the Commiffion he brought with 
 nim from His Majefty ; by virtue of which he required them to receive him for 
 their Governour. And whereas he had thereby a power to fubftitute other Offi- 
 cers, he difpatched his Commiflions to all the Cities of Peru, constituting fuch 
 Men Judges thereof, who (as he was informed ) were moderate Perfons, and not 
 interefted or engaged in either party. 
 
 LI 11 CHAP. 
 
6z6 Royal Commentaries,, Book III. 
 
 %L 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 The People of Rimac , and other parts, receive Vaca dc 
 Caftro for Govemour. Peralvarez, and his Complices, 
 contrive a Strategeme of War againjl Almagro, and join 
 with Alonfo de Alvarado. 
 
 AMongft the CommifTions which Judge Vaca de CAjlro difpatched to feveral 
 places-, that for the City of Los Reyes was dire&ed to Friar Thomas de St. 
 
 MArtin, Provincial of the Order of the Dominicans, and to Francis de Barionuevo, 
 
 and to Geronimo de Aliaga, giving them power and authority to fuperintend the 
 Government of that City, and of the parts thereunto belonging, untill he himfelf 
 arrived there in Perfon. 
 
 Thefe Commiffions were brought and delivered in the Convent of St. Dominic^, 
 fome few days after the departure of Almagro, and in the abfence alfo of the Fa- 
 ther Provincial, whom Almagro had carried with him, to countenance his Enter- 
 prife with the prefence of fuch a Perfon. Howfoever the Mayor and Aldermen 
 of the City aflembled in the night, and having opened theCommiffion, they with i 
 common confent obeyed it, and received Vaca de Caftro for Govemour of that 
 Empire, and Geronimo de Aliaga to be his Deputy, as the Commiffion fpecified 
 So foon as the Citizens had pafled this Act, tney fled to Truxillo; fearing the re- 
 turn of Almagro, who as yet was hot advanced fo far on his march, but that up- 
 on the News of this Revolution he was ready to have returned with full intent 
 to avenge this fudden defertion on the City with Fire, and Sword, and other 
 Cruelties-, but then fearing left this delay fhould give an advantage to Alvarez. 
 Holguin, he refolved to proceed, and to purfiie his Defign, which was of greateft 
 importance. Howfoever in the Execution thereof many crofs and unfortunate 
 Accidents occurred --, for fo foon as it was known in the Army, that a Gover- 
 nour from His Majefty was arrived in the Countrey, many of the principal Men 
 revolted, and deferted him-, amongft which were the Father Provincial, John de 
 
 Saavedra, the Agitant Tllen Sttarez, de Carvajal , de Aguero, and Gomez, de Alvarado. 
 
 Howfoever in defpight of all thefe difcouragements Almagro refolutely purfiied 
 his Point and Defign, though to his great difappointment and prejudice his Lieu- 
 tenant General, fohn de Rada, fell fick, by reafon of which he was greatly con- 
 futed within himfelf what courfe to takes for in cafe he left him behind, he 
 was in danger of falling into the Hands of the Enemy, nor did the Extremity of 
 his Sicknefs admit of any motion; howfoever for his fake he leffened his days 
 journies, and marched very foftly, knowing that his principal bufinefs was to 
 
 Overthrow Alvarez. Holguin. 
 
 Pedro Alvarez, being informed that the Enemy was drawing near , to whom 
 his Force was much inferiour, he thought it no-wife prudent to adventure the 
 fuccels of Affairs on the hazard of a Battel, confidering that the fubfiftence 
 of his Army was of great importance to the Service of his Majefty, wherefore 
 to fupply that which was wanting in ftrength by fome Strategeme of War, it 
 was agreed by a Council of War, to detach a Body of twenty choice Horfe to 
 ferve for Scouts, and to ufe all their endeavours to take fome of the Souldiers of 
 Almagro, which accordingly happened out •■, for thefe Horfe took three Spies be- 
 longing to the Enemy , which being brought to Alvarez., he hanged up two of 
 them, and the third he faved, making him great promifes of Reward for the fu- 
 ture, and in hand beftovved on him three thoufand Pefos of Gold, conditionally, 
 that he fhould return to the Camp of Almagro, and there perfuade feveral of thofe 
 whom he knew to be well affected to him, to revolt from Almagro, and affift 
 him in the Fight, for that he defigned the next day, by twilight of the morning, 
 to aflault the Army of Almagro on the Eaft-fide of the Camp, which, by reafon 
 
 that 
 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 that it bordered on the Skirts of the fnovvy Mountain, he imagined would be 
 the worft guarded, and that therefore little or no provifion would be made on 
 that part againft any Attempt. And farther they gave him inftructions to allure 
 ( fuch Friends as mould join herein of the fame Rewards -, and fliould be more am- 
 ply repaid according to thofe great Services, which thereby they would perform to 
 the Emperour, his King and Matter ; and to fecure the Souldier's Faith in this mat- 
 ter, they tendered an Oath to him, whereby they caufed him to fwear never to 
 difcover this fecret to any perfon whatfoever, faying, that having efteemed him 
 for a good Friend they had entrufted to him the greateft fecret in the World- The 
 Souldier returning, told his Story, how that his two Companions were hanged by 
 the Enemy, and he alone was laved and fet at Liberty, upon which Almagro re- 
 flecting a while, imagined that fome ufe was to be made of this Souldier, who with- 
 out any apparent reafon was better treated than the other ■■, to difcover which he 
 feized on the Souldier, and put him to the torment. _The Souldier being on the 
 Rack, confeffed the fecret committed to him, and hov&eralvarez, defigned to attack 
 him on the Quarter which was next to the fnowy Mountain, by reafon that that 
 fide being efteemed almoft inacceflible, would lie the moft open and undefended. 
 By which Confeflion Almagro finding that the Souldier intended to ad in a trea- 
 cherous manner againft him, gave order to have him hanged. Howfoever giving 
 fome credit to his Words, he fortified that fide of his Camp, which bordered to- 
 wards the thowy Mountain, where for the fpace of three days he endured much 
 cold ; howfoever by thefe means Alvarez, got the ftart, and marched at a good di- 
 ftance before him 5 Almagro followed him for fome Leagues, but finding that it 
 was impoflible to overtake him, he returned into the high Road, which leads to 
 Cozco: Alvarez, proceeding on the way he intended, joined his Forces with thofe 
 oiAlonfi de Aharado, at which meeting there was great joy and triumph, becaufe 
 that the greateft number of them confifted of fuch as had entred that Countrey 
 with Don Pedro de Alvarado, which was the firft original of Friendfhip and Afloci- 
 ation which was commenced between them. 
 
 Thefe Forces being thus joined, Letters were written by common confent to the 
 Judge Vaca de Cafiro, giving him to understand of all matters that were paft, and 
 deiinng him to haften with fpeed to them, for that his prefence was neceffary in 
 that conjuncture for better countenance of their Affairs. So foon as thefe Letters 
 came to hand, Cafiro de Vaca haftened to the City of Sluitu to recruit his People 
 with the Forces which were in that place. When he came near, Lorenzo de Alda- 
 na, who was Lieutenant Governour for the Marquis in 2jatu, went forth to meet 
 and receive him, as did alfb Pedro de Puelles, who was the Deputy of Gonzalo Pi- 
 cam, and Captain Pedro de Vergara, not to be faulty or remifs in paying the fame 
 refpect, though otherwife employed in the Conqueft of that Province, which is 
 called Pacamuru, and by the Spaniards Bracamoros, went alfo to receive Judge Vaca 
 de Cafiro, and deferted the place, which he had already fortified, that he might 
 be better enabled to defend him felt, and fend his Forces againft Almagro ; but be- 
 fore Vaca de Cafiro thought fit to leave £uitu, he difpatched Pedro de Puelles before 
 to Truxilk, to make fuch provifions in that City, and in the Countrey thereabouts, 
 as the War required. He likewife difpatched orders to Gomez, de Rajas, a Native 
 ofCuellar, to repair with his Forces in all diligence to Cozco, and there to perfuade 
 the People to receive him for Governour-, who accordingly made fuch fpeed, that 
 he arrived at Cozxo before Almagro, who was detained in his way by the ficknefs of 
 John de Bada, who dyed afterwards in that Province. Gomez, de Rojas was well re- 
 ceived in Cozxo, and his Orders and Inftrti&ions obeyed , and accordingly Cafiro 
 was acknowledged for Governour ; for that City remained loyal and obedient to 
 His Majefty in fuch manner as it had been left by Alvarez, Holguin. In the mean 
 time Vaca de Cafiro departed from j2«»'«, and went to Truxi/lo, and by the way was 
 met with many Noble Perfons, who had been difperfed about the Countries, and 
 by many Souldiers, who being defirous to ferve His Majefty, went forth to receive 
 him. Pedro Alvarez., and his people, who then refided at Truxillo, agreed to fend 
 two perfons to meet him on the way, and in the name of them, and of the whole 
 City, to make tender of their Obedience and Service to him, as Governour by 
 Commiffion from His Majefty, by which Title we fhall diftinguilh him hereafter 5 
 the Perfons nominated for Envoyes on this occafion were Gomez, de Tordoya , and 
 G-.tn-ilajfo de la Vega; with fight of whom the Governour was greatly rejoiced, be- 
 ing much encouraged to fee his party daily encreafe to fuch numbers, that when 
 
 LIII2 he 
 
52,8 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 he entered Truxillo, he brought with him above zoo Souldiers, befides feveral 
 which fled from Almagro, amongft which the principal Perfons were the Father 
 Provincial, Tllett Suarez de Carvajal, Gomez de Alvarado, John de Saavedra, and Diego 
 de Aguero. Being arrived at Truxillo, he was received with fuch folemnity as was 
 due to a Governour, that is, in a military pomp, with found of Drums, and Trum- 
 pets, and Vollies of Shot* for as yet matters were in a ftate of War, and not 
 prepared for a reception according to the formalities of Peace. 
 
 CHAP. X11I. 
 1 
 
 The Governour makes choice of Captains. Sends bis Army before. 
 Provides all things nece/fary for the fervice of His Majejly. 
 Chnftopher de Sotelo is killed by Garcia de Alvarado ; 
 and Garcia de Alvarado by Don Diego de Almagro. 
 
 PEdro Alvarez Bolguin, and his Captains and Souldiers, who had profefled Sub- 
 miffion and Loyalty to the Governour in his abfence, did now upon his ar- 
 rival teftifie their actual Obedience by a publick Declaration in Writing, under 
 their hands, and folemnly refign the Command and Power of the Army into his 
 hands, the Captains and Officers delivering up their Commiflions, and laying their 
 Enfigns at his Feet •, the like was followed by the Governours and Juftices of the 
 City otTruxillo, all which the Governour received in fuch manner as was fitting, 
 and renewed them again in the name of His Majefty, confirming every perfon in 
 his Office, either Civil or Military, refpe&ively as before. He gave fix Com- 
 miflions tO Captains of Horfe, namely, to Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Aknfo de 
 Alvarado , Pedro Anzures , Gomez de Alvarado, Garci/ajfo de la Vega, and CO Pedro de 
 -Puelles. The Captains of HarquebufierS were Pedro de Vergara, Numo de Caflro, and 
 
 John Velez de Guevara, who was a Scholar, as well as a Souldier, and fuch a Mecha- 
 nick, that he dire&ed the making all the Mufquets for his own Company, and was 
 (b active and induftrious, that he divided his time between Letters and Arms in 
 fuch manner, that both in this prefent ftate of Affairs, as alfo on occafion of the 
 Troubles caufed by Goazalo Picarro, as we (hall hereafter relate, he was ordained 
 and conftkuted in quality of a Judge j fo that all the morning, untill noon, he 
 clothed himfelf in the Robes of a Lawyer, in which he heard Caufes, and deter- 
 mined Differences -, then afterwards in the afternoon he changed his Habit to ap- 
 pear, like a Souldier, with Breeches and Dublet of divers colours, richly embrode- 
 red with Gold, and very gallant with his plume of Feathers; and buckling on his 
 Coat of Mail, with his Mufquet on his Shoulder, trained his Souldiers in (hooting, 
 and other Exercifes of War. Thus far are the Words_ of Car ate in the i jth Chap, 
 ter of his 4th Book ; by which it appears , that the fame Perfon may be both a 
 Souldier and a Scholar •, and the Qualities of one fo cqnfiftent with that of the 
 other, as to be both ufefull in their proper times and feafons. But to proceed. 
 
 Hernando Bachicao was named for Captain of the Pikemen and Francis de Car- 
 
 vajal was made Sergeant Major, who was afterwards Major-General to Gonzalo Pi- 
 carro . Gomez de Tordoya was made Lieutenant General ; and the Royal Standard 
 he referved for himfelf, with which he performed the Office of General. Thus 
 having fetled his Forces, he difpeeded them before him, under command of their 
 refpedive Officers, which in all compofed an Army of 700 Men, of which 170 
 were Harquebufiiers, 1 60 Pikemen, and the reft were Horfe. Pedro de Puelles was 
 commanded to march before, with a Detachment of thirty Horfe, to difcover the 
 Enemy and other Obftrudtions in the way 5 having Inftrudions to go by way of 
 the Mountain, but not to pais Sautfa ; but there to expect the coming up of the 
 Main Body, becaufe their refolution was to march along the coaft to the City of 
 
 Los 
 

 Book III. Royal Commentaries. 629 
 
 Los Reyes. In the mean time Diego de Mora was appointed Deputy Governour, 
 and Commander in Chief of the Forces which remained behind. 
 
 Matters being in this manner difpofed, the Governour marched to the City of 
 Los Reyes, where he received into his Poileffion, and under his Command the 
 Arms, and Souldiers, which flocked to him from all parts j and having left Fran- 
 dfco Barknuevo his Deputy in that place, and made and conftituted John Perez de 
 Guevara Admiral of the City, he parted thence to Saujfa, to follow his Army ; lea- 
 ving Orders , that in cafe Don Diego de Almagro mould come to the City of Los 
 Reyes, that Captain Perez de Guevara, and his Deputy Barionuevo, iliould take care 
 to embark on board the Ships then in Port all the Women and Children, and 
 infirm and ufelefs People, that fo they might not fall into the hand of the Enemy 
 to be ill treated by them •, and that upon advice thereof, he would march to their 
 Relief. 
 
 But let us here leave him in his way, to treat of what in the mean time pafled 
 amongft the Almagrians in Cozco; where Difcord wasjfct fatisfied with the fire of 
 Diflention, blown into a Flame between the two Pwes -, but Emulation and 
 Envy ftirred up Strife in thofe of the fame fide, which proceeded to effufion of 
 the Bloud of thofe who were of the chiefeft Rank and Quality amongft them. 
 
 For Almagro marching towards Cozco, made choice of Chriftopher de Sot elo, and Gar- 
 cia de Alvarado, for his Counfellours, and chief Confidents, in the place of John de 
 Jidda, who (as we have faid) dyed on the way, and gave to them the chief Au- 
 thority and Command in the Army. Chriftopher de Sotelo was difpeeded before to 
 Cozco, with a certain number of choice Men, to take pofleffion of that City, and 
 to reduce all things to the Service and Devotion of Almagro, that when he arri- 
 ved there, he might be received without any oppofition. Sotelo accordingly per- 
 formed his Orders, finding no Force to make refiftence againft him-, fo that with- 
 out any difficulty he removed all the Officers of Juftice, which Pedro Alvarez had 
 ordained there, and fupplied their places with others of his own party. More- 
 over he gathered all the Provifions he was able from the parts round about, that 
 when the Enemy came near, they might perim with Want and Famine. Soon 
 after which Almagro arriving at Cozco, made great quantities of Gunpowder, of the 
 ftrongeft and fined fort, by means of the Salt-Petre, which in thofe parts is bet- 
 ter than any in Peru -, and by the help and art of certain Levantines, (the Greeks 
 fo called in the Indies}) he caft feveral pieces of Cannon, of which People many 
 came into thofe parts out of good-will and refped unto Pedro de Candia, who ha- 
 ving (as we mentioned before) been difobliged by Picarro, followed afterwards 
 the Party of Almagro; that Countrey abounding with Copper, and other Metalls, 
 fit for making Cannon, they founded many Pieces, the Command of which was 
 given to Pedro de Candia, with Title of Mafter of the Artillery. In like manner 
 the Greeks, with the afliftence of the Indian Silver-fmiths , made many Helmets, 
 and Corflets of Silver, mixed with Copper, which proved admirably good. The 
 Prince Manco Inca, who had for long time voluntarily banifhed himfelf into the 
 Mountains, calling to mind the ancient Friendlhip he had entertained with Al- 
 magro the Father, was pleafed to revive the fame by his kindnefs to the Son, 
 which he knew not in what other manner to teftifie in his low condition, then 
 by prefenting unto him the Coats of Mail , Armour , Swords , and Saddles 5 
 which had been the Spoils which the Indians had taken from the Spaniards, whom 
 they had killed, during the Siege of Cozco; of which there was a fufficient quan- 
 tity to arm two hundred Men. 
 
 But whilft matters fucceeded thus profperoufly on the fide of Almagro, above 
 his hopes and expectations, an unhappy controverfie fell out between Chriftopher 
 de Sotelo, and Garcia de Alvarado, who being the Chief Commanders, and leading 
 Men of the Army, proved very unfortunate, confidering the circumftances of Af- 
 fairs which at that time required Union and Communication of Counfels, when 
 on the contrary whatfoever was propofed by one, was difliked and oppofed by 
 the other ; and in this manner Malice boiled in each other's Breaft to fuch a de- 
 gree, that one day being together in the Market-place, and happening to quarrel 
 about a trivial matter, Garcia de Alvarado killed Chriftopher de Sotelo ; and whereas 
 thefe two were the Chief Commanders of the Army, they could not want friends 
 on each fide to maintain the Quarrel-, fo that many coming in to intereft them- 
 felves as feconds in that Rencounter, much Bloud had certainly been (hed, had not 
 Almagro interpofed, and with fair and gentle Words appeafed the Tumult, which 
 
 \ 
 
550 Royal Commentaries. Book III: 
 
 was raifed between the different Factions. Hovvfoever he could not forbear to 
 refent the Death ofChriftopher de Sotelo, who was a perfon of an obliging deport- 
 ment towards him, and ever forward to perform his Commands •, but as yet it was 
 requifite to diflemble, and referve the punifhment till a more feafonable occafion. 
 Notwithstanding which Almagro knew not how to conceal his Anger fo well, but 
 that Alvarado fufpeded his evil Intentions towards him •, and conlidering that no 
 gentle remedy offered, or could poflibly be applyed, wherewith he might foften 
 his mind, and reconcile his Affe&ions, but that he would fooner or later take his 
 revenge, he concluded that the onely means to fecure his own fafety, was to kill 
 Almagro, defigning by his bloud to make a facrifice of Atonement to the Gover- 
 nour, whereby to obtain pardon for himfelf, and his Complices •, and having con- 
 futed hereupon with fome of his Friends and Confidents •-, the means agreed to 
 compafs this defign, was to invite Almagro to a folemn Banquet, at which being 
 prefent, and without fufpition in his Houfe, he might fet upon him , and kill 
 nim. Accordingly an irMtation was made unto Almagro, who to avoid the ap- 
 pearance of all fufpition aft Jealoufie relating to what he feared, he accepted the 
 Offer : The day being come, and he mo're confirmed in the certainty of what he 
 formerly fufpe&ed, feigned himfelf fick, and much indifpofed , and unfit to be 
 prefent at a Banquet. And here Car ate proceeds on his ftory, and fays, 
 
 " Garcia de Alvarado finding himfelf difappoi ited, after he had difpofed and pre- 
 a pared all matters in order to the execution of his Defign, determined to go with 
 " a great Train of Friends to importune Almagro to accept the Invitation - 7 and 
 being on his way thither, he met with Martin Cari/lo, and told him where he 
 " was going, to which he made anfwer, that in his opinion, he did not doe well, 
 " being aflured that he would be there killed ; another Souldier alfo confirmed : 
 " the fame, all which was not fufficient to diffuade him to the contrary •, fo in he ! 
 1 " went to the Chamber, where he found Almagro lying on his Bed, having fe- 
 
 * cretly conveyed certain armed Men into an inner Room. So fbon as Alvarado 
 11 and his Complices came in , Come my Lord, faid he , arife, and give not way to a 
 
 little Indifpofition, it will be good for you to walk^, and divert ife your felf\ and though 
 you eat but little, yet jour frefence will chear up the Company, and the other Guefis. Al- 
 
 " magro told him that he would go, and ariftng called for his Cloak, for he was 
 
 * laid on the Bed in his Waftecoat, with his Sword and Dagger; and being 
 " about to go forth, the People in the room went out firff, and juft as Alvarado, 
 " who was immediately before Almagro, was ready to go out, %h» de Rada, who 
 " kept the door, clapt it to on a fudden, and then clofing with Garcia de Aha- j 
 
 rado, You are my Prifoncr, faid he ■-, with which Almagro drawing his Sword, ran 
 
 ' him through the Body, faying, Tou are not onely a Prtfoner, but a dead Man ; with 
 which John Balfa, Alonfo de Saavedra, Diego Mender, Brother of Rodrigo Orgonnos, 
 
 '' and others, which lay concealed in the inner Room, rufhed forth , and gave 
 " him fo many wounds, as deprived him of his Life. The news hereof being re- 
 ported abroad, began to caufe great Tumults in the City, but Almagro appeafed 
 " all with his piefence, fo that the mifchief proceeded no farther, onely the 
 " Complices of Alvarado thereupon fled to the Governour. Thus far Carate% 
 the which is confirmed by Lopez, de Gomara. The name of the Souldier which Ca- 
 rate fays, advifed Alvarado not to goe, was Auguftine Salado. And whereas it is 
 faid, that John de Rada was he who fhut the Door, is a miftake, and flip of the 
 pen , for as isi>efore mentioned, he dyed at Sautfa; but he who clapt the door to 
 was Peter de Onnate , for which piece of Service fo opportunely performed, Alma- 
 gro made him his Lieutenant General. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 621 
 
 . CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Don Diego de Almagro marches forth to meet the Go- 
 vernour; and Gonzalo Picarro, after having pa/fed 
 moft incredible Difficulties, finds his way out of the 
 
 Cinnamon Coimtrey. 
 
 * 
 
 SOme days after that matters were quieted, which &ad been put into a fermen- 
 tation and disturbance by the Death oiAlvarado. Almagro refolved to pro- 
 ceed with his Army againft the Governour Vaca de Caflro, who, as he had recei- 
 ved intelligence, was departed from the City of Los Reyes, to meet and fight him. 
 On which occafion Almagro refolved to give him to underftand, that -he did not 
 fear his Force, efteeming himfelf the more formidable of the two ; for that his 
 Souldiers, being (even nundred Spaniards in number, were all brave and ftoup 
 fellows; amongft which t\fo hundred were Harquebufiers, two hundred and fifty 
 Pikemen, and of them many armed with Halberds, the reft confifted of two hun- 
 dred and fifty Horfemen, all armed with Coats of Mail, and Back and Breaft of 
 Iron, many of which were made by themfelvesv and, as Gomara faith in Chap- 
 ter 149 were better Men, and better armed than any of thofe belonging to the 
 Armies either of his Father, or of Picarro. Moreover, he had a great Train of 
 Artillery, to which he trufted very much, befides a number of Indians, &c. 
 Thefe are the Words of 'Gomara, to which he farther adds , That John Balfa was 
 his General, and Peter donate his Lieutenant-General. 
 
 With thefe Souldiers, and with thefe Provisions and Equipage Almagro marched 
 to meet and give Battel to the Governour, Vaca de Caftro, and having proceeded 
 fifty Leagues, he entred into the Province of Villca, where he received informa- 
 tion, that :he King's Army was thirty Leagues diftant from thence. 
 
 But let us for a while make a digreffion from both thefe Parties, and return to 
 Gonzalo Kqxrro, whom with his Companions we left engolfed in the moft inextri- 
 cable Difnculties and Neceflities, which humane Nature was capable to fuftainj 
 for they were to contend with deep and rapid Rivers, with Bogs and moorifh 
 Grounds, which were unpaflable ■-, and were to travel over Mountains of incredi- 
 ble height, on which grew Trees of an immenfe magnitude, as Gomara in the end 
 of his eighth Chapter reports, upon the authority of Vicente Tantz, Pincon, who 
 was one of the Difcoverers, and who having related what had befaln him in thofe 
 parts, concludes at length with the ftrange Prodigies of that Countrey, of which 
 he gives a Narrative in thefe following Words. 
 
 * The Difcoverers brought with them the bark of certain Trees, which feemed 
 " to be Cinnamon- and the Skin of a Beaft which put its young ones into its 
 " Breaft-, and they related for a ftrange Story, that they had feen Trees which. 
 " fixteen Men could not fathome, or encompafs with their Armes, &c 
 
 But befides the many Difficulties with which Gonzalo Picarro and his Compa- 
 nions were to ftruggle, the moft irrefiftible of all was Hunger, that grievous and 
 cruel Enemy of Man and Beaft, which hath been fo fatal to both in that uninha- 
 bited Countrey. We have faid before that Gonzalo Picarro refolved to return un- 
 to Peru, and therefore leaving the River, he took his way Northward, and palled 
 through Lands and Mountains no lefs difficult than the former, being forced to open 
 a way and path with Bills and Hatchets, and to feed upon Herbs and Roots, and 
 wild Fruit-, which were fo fcarce, that when any plenty thereof happened, they 
 efteemed themfelves fortunate in that Days journey ■-, when they came to Lakes 
 and moorifh Grounds, they carried their fick and infirm people on their Shoul- 
 ders, in which work none took more pains than Gonzalo Picarro, and his Captains, 
 
 who 
 
£iz Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 who by their Example gave courage and chearfulnefs to all the reft. In this man-, 
 ner they had travelled three hundred Leagues through all the Difficulties we have 
 related, and more than can be expreffed ; for who can fanfie or imagine the La- 
 bours they had fuftained in the Journey of four hundred Leagues outwards-, and 
 in that of three hundred Leagues back , and yet after all, there was no profpecl 
 of an end, though they had killed their Horfes, and eaten them one after another, 
 till they had made an end of all. At firft they eat their Grey- hounds, Spannels, 
 and Maftiff-Dogs, which (as u-e have mentioned in our Hiftory of Florida) were 
 of great ufe and fervice to them in the Conqueft of the Indies % and of thefe they 
 made their Delicacies, fo long as they lafted. At length, as Gomara faith, Chap- 
 ter 144. the Spaniards were ready to eat thofe which dyed, according to the Cu- 
 ftome of thofe barbarous Indians, who inhabit thofe Mountains, &c. 
 
 So foon as the Horfe-flelb failed, which being divided amongft fo great num- 
 bers wasinconfiderable; many Indians, as well as Spaniards, were ftarved with. 
 Hunger, for the force of hSbrbs was not alone able to fuftain Nature, fo that 
 they began then to faint anjj droop-, fo being forced to leave the Indians and Spa- 
 niards by three and four in a company, abandoning them to the Woods , and to 
 the Mountains, there to perifh, and dye without comfort-, in the fame manner as 
 we have related in the Journal of Gardlajfo de la Vega, where they were expofed 
 to the like Mifery, not- being able to navel, and keep company with their 
 Fellows. 
 
 But the want of Salt was none of their leaft needs, for that in their Travels of 
 four hundred Leagues, as Car ate faith in the jthof hi?4th Book, they found noc 
 one grane thereof-, for the Countries being uninhabited, they neither found any, 
 nor people to inform them what they ufed in the place thereof; for want of which 
 they became weak in their joints, faint, and fcorbutick, ftinking, and almoft rot- 
 ten alive, in the fame manner as we have related in the Hiftory of Florida, where 
 is demonftrated how much Salt is neceflary for confervation of humane Life. 
 
 By reafon of the continual Rains , and moifture of the Earth, their woollea 
 Cloths and linen being always wet, became rotten, andxlropped from their Bo- 
 dies, fo that from the higheft to the lowed every Man was naked, and had no 
 other covering than fome few Leaves, with which they hid their privy parts both, 
 before and behind. And though that warm Climate did not require much clothing, 
 yet it had been a good Defence againft the Thorns and Bulnes of thofe rough 
 Mountains, over vvnich they could make no other way than by Bills and Hatchets, 
 and yet the Briers and Brambles tore their Skins, that they feemed all over raw, 
 and half Head. 
 
 So great, and fo unfupportable were the Miferies which Gon^ak Pi$arro and 
 his Companions endured for want of Food, that the four thoufand Indians which 
 attended them in this Difeovery, perifbed with Famine, and amongft them 
 a certain Indian greatly beloved by Gonzalo Pi$arro, who took the Lances from the 
 two Cavaliers, as we have before related 5 for which piece of bravery he was la- 
 mented by him with as much fenfe of Grief, as if he had been his Brother, as he often 
 declared. Like wife of the three hundred and forty Spaniards which entred on this 
 Difcovery two hundred and ten dyed, befides the fifty which were carried away 
 by Orellana. Thofe eighty which remained alive , after having parted three hun- 
 dred Leagues of Mountain , entred at length into a more open Counrrey, and a 
 more dry Climate, where they found Birds, Deer, and other wild Beafts, which 
 they killed with their Crofs-bows, and Guns, by the help of a fmall quantity of 
 their Powder, which they had referved. Of the Skins of thefe Beafts they made 
 themfelves fhort Breeches, onely fufficient to cover their Nakednefs , for they 
 would not reach farther, their Swords they carried without Scabbards, all cove- 
 red with ruft, and they walked barefoot, and their Vifages were become fo black, 
 dry, and withered, that they fcarce knew one the other 5 in which condition they 
 came at length to the Frontiers of^*V«, where they kifled they Ground, and re- 
 turned Thanks to Almighty God, who had delivered them out of fo many and 
 fo imminent Dangers. . And being come now to a place of Food, and fuftenance, 
 they were fo greedy thereof, that they were forced to lay a reftraint upon their 
 Appetites, and ftint themfelves to a certain proportion , left they mould iurfek 
 with excefs; fome of them, who were of a more weak Conftitution, and accu- 
 ftomH to Faftings, and Abftinence, were not able to endure repletion, their Sto- 
 machs rejecting the Food and Nutriment, adminiftred to them. 
 
 And 
 

 Book III. Royal Commentaries. 633 
 
 And now approaching near to the City of «§*»>*, they gave notice to the In- 
 habitants of their condition •, but the place being almoft difpeopled by reafon 
 of the Wars raifed by Almagro, and by the abience of its principal Citizens, 
 and by the few Merchants which were therein ; they were fo poor, that all the 
 C loathing they could make was not fufficient to fupply the wants of Pkarro and, 
 his company : All the ftock which the City could make, being onely' fix Suits 
 of Apparel, contributed by feveral perfons •-, one brought a Cloak , another a 
 Coat, another a Waftcoat, another a pair of Breeches, another a Hat and Shirts, 
 and all of feveral Pieces and Colours, which ferved to cloath Gon<.alo Pi^ano, and 
 his other five principal Officers •, for it was impoffible to provide fufficient furni- 
 ture for them all. 
 
 In the whole Town there were onely twelve Horfes left, for all the reft were 
 fent to the Wars in Service of his Majefty -, on thefe they laded Provifions, 
 and food for them, and would have fent all the delicacies in the World, had 
 that place afforded them •-, for Gonzalo Pkarro was the moft beloved Man in 
 Peru •-, and indeed his Nature was fo affable, and his Deportment fo obliging, 
 that he rendred himfelf acceptable to Strangers^ wherefoever he came •■> and how 
 much more to Friends and Companions? 
 
 Twelve of the moft fubftantial Citizens were appointed to carry the Prefents, 
 and therewith travelled thirty Leagues from the City before they met with Gon- 
 zah Pkarro. It is not to be imagined how much joy and'fatisfa&ion was expref- 
 fed at this meeting, accompanied with fuch afloud of tears upon rehearlal of 
 the dolefull Story, that it is hard to determine which paflion either of joy or for- 
 row was the moft prevalent •, for Pkarro and his Companions were tranfported 
 with an Excefs of joy and comfort to fee themfelves delivered from thofe dan- 
 gers and miferies out of which they once believed it impoffible to efcape. 
 The Citizens on the other fide, grieved and lamented to fee- in what a miferable 
 and fqualid condition Gonzalo and his Friends returned , and to hear the dole- 
 full ftory of thofe who perifhed with Famine, and in what manner they had left 
 many of their Companions alive in the Mountains, and expofed to dye with 
 hunger. But at length confidering that there was no remedy for what was paft,' 
 they comforted each other, drying up their Tears, which little availed. 
 
 Mm mm CHAR 
 
(,-,* Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 
 Gonzalo Pi^arro being entred into Quitu, writes to the 
 Governour, offering bit Perfon and bis People to ferue 
 him. The Governour s Anfwer thereunto $ and what Con' 
 ditions the Governour offered to Don Diego de Al- 
 magro. 
 
 GOmalo Pi^arro, and his Captains and Souldiers, received the relief which was 
 brought them with gratefull acknowledgment : But whereas they perceived, 
 that the Garments which were provided, were onely Efficient to doath the Chief 
 Commanders, they refufed to accept them, or (as Curate faith in the jth Chap- 
 ter of the fourth Book) to change their Habits, or mount on Horfe-back, endu- 
 ring and fuffering equally with their common Souldiers ■-, and fo in this manner, 
 which we have mentioned, they entred one morning into the City oiguhu, and 
 went directly to the Church to hear Mafs, and to return thanks to Almighty God, 
 who had delivered them out of fo many, and fo great miferies. 
 
 Thus far is the Relation given by Curate ; to which may be added, what I have 
 underftood from the teftimony of thofe who were Eye-witnefles of what farther 
 pafled in this matter •, which was this : The twelve perfons which brought the 
 Prefents to Gonzalo Picarrs, perceiving that neither he, nor his Captains, would ac- 
 cept of the Cloths which were brought them, nor yet make ufe of their Horfes, 
 but chofe to enter the City bare-footed, and naked 5 they agreed all to put them- 
 felves in the fame guife and fafhion to participate of the Honour, Fame and Glo- 
 ry, which thefe perfons had acquired by their patience and fufferings, by which 
 they had overcome fo many, and fuch immenfe labours •, the City applauded their 
 Ambafladours for their conformity thereunto •, in which manner, after the Entry 
 was made, and Mafs was faid, the people congratulated the Arrival of P'^an-o 
 with all the joy they were able to exprefs, but yet attempered with fome grief 
 and pity to fee them in that lamentable condition. This Entry was made about 
 the beginning of June in the year 1 J42, having fpent in this Enterprize two years 
 and a halfs time, though a certain Authour by miftake fays, that they were not 
 more than a year and half both in their going out, and in-their return home. Du- 
 ring the time that they remained in the City, every one provided for himfelf the 
 beft he was able. And Gonzalo Pi$arro receiving informations of what had palled 
 fince his departure, was given to underftand what Revolutions had lately happen- 
 ed, namely the Death of his Brother the Marquis, the Infurredtion of Don Diego 
 Ae Almagro, his difobedience and rebellion againft his Majefty, the Arrival of 
 Doctor Vaca de Cafiro for Governour of that Empire 5 and that he was then on 
 his march againft Almagro with an Army, in which all the friends and party of his 
 Brother the Marquis were joyned. All which being confidered by Gonzalo Pifarro, 
 he thought it not fit for him to be backward in that Service to his Majefty, in 
 which all thofe Gentlemen who had been his Comrades and Companions, had 
 been engaged. Wherefore he wrote to the Governour, giving him a relation of 
 the Hardfhips he had fuftained and fuffered in his Journey ; and laftly, made ten- 
 der of his Perfon and People to ferve him in quality of Souldiers under his Com- 
 mand. 
 
 In anfwer whereunto, the Governour allured him of his kind acceptance of the 
 good will and affection which he demonftrated to his Majefty's Service, and re- 
 turned him thanks for the affiftence he had offered both by his own Perfon, and 
 with thofe Forces which had fo long been trained up in Military Difcipline, and in- 
 ured to the Sufferings and Hardfhips of War. Howfoever, he intreated him as 
 from himfelf, and required him in his Majefty's Name to continue ftiil in JJwV*, 
 and there to refrefh himfelf after the miferies he had fuftained, untill fuch time as 
 
 he 
 
 
Book HI. Royal Commentaries. 62 c 
 
 he fhould by Orders from him be employed on thofe affairs, which may beft con- 
 duce to his Majefty's Service. 
 
 It was not for want of good affurance, which the Governour conceived of the 
 Loyalty of Gcnzalo Pkarro, that he enjoyned him to remain in the parts where lie 
 was untill farther Orders •, but becaufe he hoped not to need his afliftence, in re- 
 gard his defign was to bring matters between him and Almagro to fome conditions 
 of Accommodation •■, which he believed to be the much more prudent courfe, for 
 considering that the Animofities were very high and inveterate between the nvo 
 parties, it would neceilarily follow that the Battel would be fought with much 
 obftinacy, and end with great effufion of bloud •, and therefore to avoid fuch mor- 
 tality and deftru&ion, he endeavoured to make a right and good underftanding 
 between himfelf and Almagro. 
 
 The Governour alfo farther conceived, that in cafe Gonzalo Pkarro were actual- 
 ly prelent in the Army, that the peace with Almagro would be effected With much 
 more difficulty, and give Almagro occafion of jealoufie, and diftruft, and fear, to 
 put himfelf into the hands of the Governour, left Pkarro ihould machinate or 
 plot any fecret revenge againft him •, of which he was the more apprehenfive, 
 when he confidered the great intereft which Pkarro had made in the Army. 
 
 This certainly was the true intention and meaning of the Governour, but other 
 ill-natured and malitious Men put him farther in the head, that the prefence of 
 Pkarro in the Army was not to be admitted on other fcores, left the Souldiery, 
 which had conceived a great affection to him for his Prowefs and Valour, sni 
 experience in Military affairs, mould by common confent make choice of hist 
 for their General. ' I 
 
 In obedience to the Governour's Command, Goxzalo Pkarro remained in Quiui 
 untill the end of the War. Moreover, the Governour gave order to thofe who 
 had the care and tuition of the Sons of the Marquis, and of Gonzalo Picarro, that 
 they mould ftill continue their refidence in the Cities of St. Michael and Tmxitlo, 
 and not to remove them to los Reyes, untill they mould receive other inftm&ions; 
 declaring, that they were much more fecure at that diftance, than nearer hand •? 
 though fome difcontented Men interpreted this Order to be a defign he had to 
 eftrange himfelf from them, and to proceed from a principle of jealoufie he con- 
 ceived of them, though as yet they were but Children. 
 
 Matters being thus difpofed, (as we have faid) the Governour marched to- 
 wards Huamanca, upon a report that Almagro was come near to that City, and that 
 his defign was to poflefs and fortifie it, becaufe it was efteemed a place naturally 
 ftrong, being environed on all fides with broken cliffs, and inacceflible ways : 
 Wherefore he difpeeded Captain Caftro before with his Company of Harquebu- 
 fiers, to take poffeflion of a craggy Hill which lyes in the way, which the Indians 
 call FarcH, and the Spaniards Parcos : But whilft he was in his march thither, he 
 received intelligence, that Almagro had already entred, and taken poffeffion of the 
 City, which troubled the Governour very much, confidering the difadvantage he 
 received thereby, and that a great part of his own Forces were not as yet come 
 up, but marched flowly, and in feveral parties. Hereupon he difpatched Alonfi de 
 Alvarado back to haften them, who with the diligence he nled, fpeedily brought 
 them all the other Companies in a body to joyn with the Army : To perform 
 which, fome marched four, others five and fix Leagues in a day 5 with which 
 long marches, though very much tired, yet the Enemy ( as was reported ) bein^ 
 within two Leagues of them , they were forced to remain all the night on the 
 Watch drawn up in Battalia 5 but other intelligence coming in the Morning, 
 which gave them advice, that Almagro was removed at a farther diftance from the 
 City : They drew off, and marched forward to HuamancA, where they took a con- 
 venient repofe-, and having refrefned their Men, they enlarged their Quarters, and 
 removed their Camp into a more open Plain 5 for the Countrey where they then 
 were, was enclofed, and fo ftraitned with Mountains, that in cafe of a Fight, their 
 Horfe could not come to engage, and doe fervice 5 which would be of great dif- 
 advantage to them, confidering that their Horfe was the Nerve of their ftrength, 
 being more numerous, and better armed, than thofe of the Enemy. Wherefore 
 leaving the City, he drew up his Army in the Plains of Chupas, from whence he 
 difpatched two perfons to Almagro, one called Frantifco de Ydiacaez, and the other 
 Diego Mercado, who informed him, that they were fent to him from the Gover- 
 
 M m m m % notfr 
 

 636 Royal Commentaries. . Book III. 
 
 nour to offer unto him, and all his Souldiers and Followers, in the Name of his 
 Majefty, a general Pardon for whatfoever was pafled, provided he returned to his 
 Obedience, and lifted himfelf under the Royal Standard •, and that having Dis- 
 banded his Army, he promifed to confirm this Pardon with Honours and Prefer- 
 ments. Almagro readily made anfwer, that he accepted the Conditions, provided 
 trie Pardon might be General both to himfelf and his Aflbciates, and that the 
 Government of the New Kingdom of Toledo , the Mines of Gold, and all the 
 Lands and Jurifdi&ion over the Indians, which his Father poflefled, fhould be re- 
 ftored and fetled upon him. 
 
 Almagro was moved to make this extravagant demand, upon an affurance which 
 a certain Clergyman gave him, who fome few days before was arrived from Pa- 
 nama, and told him, that all the talk and news there was, that the King had fealed 
 his Pardon, and given him the Government of the New Toledo in which CWo 
 was comprifed , of which he gave him joy, and asked a reward for his good 
 news. 
 
 Moreover, he informed him, that Vara de Cafiro had but a fmall number of 
 Souldiers, and thofe ill armed and difcontented : the which News, though hardly 
 to be believed, yet Almagro entertained with fome aflurance, becaufe it was in his 
 favour •■, and was thereby encouraged to make thofe high demands to the Gover- 
 nour, whofe weaknefs, as he fuppofed, would caufe him to yield unto all the Ar- 
 ticles he could propofe. 
 
 After Vaca de Cafiro had fent away the two Meflengers before mentioned, he 
 difpatched a Souldier called Alonfo Garcia with feveral Letters to the Captains and 
 principal Gentlemen of Almagro's Army, promifing them pardon for whatfoever 
 was paft, and a reward of great and large pofleflions and jurifdi&ion over the In- 
 dians. This Meflenger went in the Habit of an Indian, for his better difguife, 
 and took a by-way out of the Road, that he might not be feized or intercepted in 
 his Journey : But the misfortune was, that it had Snowed that day, fo that the 
 Scouts of Almagro difcovering the impreffion which he had made in the Snow, 
 tracked him by his footing, and fo followed, and took him, and carried him with 
 all his Letters and Difpatches to Almagro •, who, as Gomara reports in Chapter 
 i joth , and Carate in the 1 6th Chapter of the 4th Book, was highly incenfed, 
 and angry at the double dealing of the Governour, who at the fame time that he 
 was in treaty with him, was making Divifions and Mutinies in his Army : At 
 which he was fo greatly enraged, that he immediately caufed the Souldier to be 
 hanged, both becaufe he came in a difguife, and brought Letters of Treasonable 
 importance 5 and in the fight and prefence of the two Meflengers caufed his Army 
 to be drawn out, and ranged in a pofture ready to engage, promifing to whom- 
 foever (hould kill the Governour, to beftow on him his Lands, his Wife, and 
 all his Eft ate : And fo he returned anfwer to the Governour, that he would never 
 own or obey him fo long as he was aflbciated with his Enemies, who were Pedro 
 Alvarez Holguin, and Alonfo de Alvarado, Gomez, de Tordoja, John de Saavedra, Garci' 
 lajfo de la Vega, Tllen Suarez, de Carvajal, Gomez, de Alvarado, and all the Other Gen- 
 tlemen who had fided with Picarro. 
 
 Thus much Almagro uttered with intent to difcourage the Governour from at- 
 tempting any more the way of dividing his people by feparate Treaties, or indeed 
 to put rum out of all hopes of attaining anv thing by way of Accommodation 5 
 for if one of his Conditions was to cafhier all thofe who were of Picarro 's party, 
 he muft be contented to remain without Army or People , which he knew could 
 never be aflented unto. And moreover, he fent him word that he would doe 
 well to leave off that way of feducing his people from him, for he might be con- 
 fident there was none of them which would be tempted to forfake his party, but 
 would all unanimoufly joyn in Battel to defend that Countrey againft him, and 
 all the World, which he would fpeedily verifie by marching out immediately to 
 meet and fight him ; Almagro was as good as his word, and accordingly marched 
 againft the Governour with courage and refolution togive him Battel ; the which 
 was confirmed by an unanimous confent of all his Souldiers, who generally dif 
 dained and refented the fecret and treacherous dealing of the Governour, and cau- 
 fed them to adhere more clofely to the party of Almagro 3 concluding within 
 themfelves, that he who would befalfe towards * their Captain, might very well 
 be fufpected of the like perfidioufnefs and breach of Faith towards them. 
 
 Whence 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 63 J 
 
 Whence it was agreed on all fides to dye fighting, and hearken no farther to any 
 Articles of Treaty. It is believed, that had it not been for this A&ion, Almagro 
 would have inclined to a Peace, upon the Pardon of his Majefty, which was al- 
 ready figned and fealed, and in the hands of the Governour, 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of the Order that Vaca de Caftro , and Don Diego de 
 Almagro obferved in drawing up their Squadrons. The 
 beginning of the Battel, and the Death of Captain Pe-^ 
 dro de Candia. 
 
 UPon this Anfwer which Almagro had given, the Governour obferved a ftrange 
 unwillingnefs and diflatisfa&ion in his Souldiers to an Engagement ; who 
 declared , that nnce his Majefty was fo ill pleafed with the late Battel of Salinas f 
 that he committed Hernando Picarro to Prifon for it -, they ought to be wary and 
 cautious how they incurred his Majefty 's difpleafure by any offence of the like 
 nature. Wherefore the Governour, to fatisfie this fcruple arifen in the minds of 
 his Souldiery, recounted to them the crimes and offences of Almagro, how he had 
 killed the Marquis, and murthered many other perfons 5 that he had confifcated the 
 Goods and Eftatesof other Men, and converted them to his own ufe 5 that he had 
 made a divifion of Indians, and reparted them amongft his friends' without any 
 Commiffion from his Majefty 5 that at prefent he came with an Army againft the 
 Standard- Royal, and gave defiance to the Governour, who was eftabfifhed by the 
 King's Commiffion. And farther to juftifie his caufe, he did there in hearing of 
 all his Army, by virtue of the Power committed to him by his Majefty, pro- 
 nounce fentence againft Almagro, proclaiming him Rebel and Traytor, and for 
 his crimes did condemn him to die, and lofe all his eftate both real and perfonal -, 
 requiring all the Captains and the whole Army to be aiding and affifting to him 
 in the execution of this Sentence, which he declared by virtue of a Commiffion 
 from his Majefty, whereby he was conftituted and appointed Chief Minifter and 
 Governour of that Empire. 
 
 The Sentence being given, Vaca de Caflro concluded, that according to the An- 
 fwer of Almagro, which evidenced a refolution to perfift in his rebellion, there 
 was no farther place to hope for Peace by way of Treaty : Wherefore he put his 
 people into a pofture of defence, having received intelligence that Almagro and his 
 Army were approaching near. 
 
 Having drawn his Forces into the Field, he made them a Speech, telling them, 
 That they were to confider who they were, from whence they came, and for 
 whom, and for what caufe they were to fight •, that the pofleffion and enjoyment 
 of that whole Empire was held up to them for a reward and prize to the Conque- 
 rours ; if they were overcome, neither he nor they could efcape death ; and if on 
 the contrary they won the Field, they Would be for ever happy 5 for befides the 
 duty and obligation incumbent on them, as true and loyal Subjects to ferve their 
 King, they would remain Lords, and PoflefTburs of all the Divifions of Land, 
 : which had been already made with the vaft Wealth and Riches thereof, and for 
 ever to enjoy the fame in peace and quietnefs. And Co to thofe who were not as 
 yet fo well provided with pofleffions , he did promife them in the Name and 
 Word of his Majefty, to divide and £et out Lands to them, for reward of their 
 Loyalty and Service to their King. In fhort, he told them, that he knew there 
 was no need of long Speeches and Exhortations to incite Courage in fuch Noble 
 Cavaliers, and Valiant Souldiers 3 and though he was well aflured they would be 
 
 for* 
 
5^8 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 forward in a&ion, yet they fhould fee him their Leader, to be the firft who 
 lhould break his Lance in the Front againft his Enemies. Anfwer was made 
 hereunto with common voice, that they would all dye, rather than be overcome , 
 and fince every Man efteemed himfelf equally concerned in this Enterprize, they 
 earneftly intreated the Governour not to hazard himfelf in the Front of the Battel, 
 but rather conferve his own Perfon, on whofe fafety the Welfare of the whole 
 Army did greatly depend •■, and that he would pleafe with a Guard of thirty Horfe 
 to retire to fome place in the Rere, from whence he might fee how the Battel 
 went, and accordingly order and apply Succours to that part which he judged to 
 be moft hardly befet and oppreiTed ■-, irt compliance with the importunity of his 
 Captains, the Governour confented to take his ftation iA the Rere, in which po- 
 fture they expecled the coming of Almagrowhok Quarters were about two Leagues 
 from thence-, and the day following the Scouts returned with news, that the Ene- 
 my was come within half a League with defign to give them Battel. 
 
 Hereupon the Governour immediately drew out his Forces into Battalia ; On 
 the right hand of the Infantry he placed the Royal Standard, defended by Alonfo 
 
 de Alvarado, and Carried by Chriftophcr de Barrientos, Native of Ciudad-rodrigo, and 
 
 Inhabitant of Truxillo, where Pedro Alvarez Holguln was poflefled of a great Mate 
 
 and Jurifdidtion over the Indians : Gomez, de- Alvarado, Garcilaffo de la Vega, and Pe- 
 dro Andres, who were Captains of Horfe, flanked the Foot on the left Wing. 
 Carat e faith in the i Sth Chapter of his fourth Book , " That thefe Commanders 
 " marched very orderly, keeping their Colours and Companies in an equal line, 
 
 * they themfelves being in the firft rank 5 and that the Infantry, Commanded by 
 " the Captains, Pedro de Vtrgara, and M» Vakz, de Guevara, marched between the 
 
 * two Wings and Squadrons of Horfe -, and that Nunno de Caftro, who Comman- 
 " ded the Harquebufiers,, was placed in the Van, to begin the Fight, and being 
 ? repulfed to retire into the main Body. , 
 
 " Vaca de Caftro remained with his thirty Horfe in the Rere, at fome diftance 
 " from the main Body, from whence he might be able to obferve all that pafled, 
 " and accordingly apply fuccours and relief where occafion did moft require. 
 
 Thus far Carate. 
 
 Pedro de Alvarado wore over his Arms a Coat of white Satten, flalhed and 
 pinked, faying , That when Archers (hoot at Butts, there are very few which hit 
 the white Mark. In this pofture they remained in expe&ation of the coming of : 
 Almagro, who by this time was entred the Plain, and encamped on die ridge of 
 a HiS fo far diftant from the Royal Army, as was out of Cannon-fhot. Pedro 
 Suarez,, Serjeant-Major, who had been long a Sculdier in Italy, and trained up to 
 the War, foon perceived the advantage they had of the ground , and drew up his 
 Squadrons in form and manner to anfwer thofe of the Enemy. His Infantry he 
 flanked on one fide and the other with Wings of ; Horfe Commanded by his 
 Captain-General John Balfa, and Major-General Pedro d' ' Onnate •, and the Captains 
 
 were John Tello de Guzman, Diego Alendez, John de Onna, Martin de Bilbao, Diego de 
 
 Hojeda, and Malavez : All which were brave fellows, and well refolved to con- 
 quer the Empire, and acquire Dominion over the poor Vaflais of that Countrey. 
 The Serjeant- Major placed all the Ardllery in the Front, (of which Pedro de Can- 
 dia was chief Mafter or Captain) bearing directly on that fide of the Enemy, 
 where it was poflible for them to be attacked : And then he went to Almagro, 
 who with a Guard of eight or ten Men was placed in the midft between the 
 Horfe and Foot ; and faid to him in this manner : Sir, your Lord/hip hath now all 
 
 your Forces fo advantageously drawn up under the defence of your Cannon 5 that if you pleafe 
 but to continue in this order, and not to move from it, you may overcome your Enemies either 
 ■without pufh of the Lance, or ftroke of Sword : For let the Enemy come which way they will, 
 you muft breal^and deftroy them with your Cannon, before they can come within /hot of Muf 
 
 quet. But by that time that things could be thus ordered and difpofed, it was to- 
 wards the Evening, when the Sun was onely two hours high. 
 
 Vaca de Caftro and his Council were much divided in their opinions, whether 
 they mould engage that day or not. Francifto de Carvajal, who was Serjeant- 
 Major, and an experienced Souldier, was of opinion, that by no means the Bat- 
 tel mould be deferred that day, though they fought part of the night ; for that 
 were to give courage to their Enemies, and a check to the forward refolution of 
 their own Army, and might, perhaps, give time and occafion unto fevera! of them 
 
 to 
 

 Book III. Royal Commentaries. 639 
 
 to revolt unto Almagro. Hereupon the Governour refolved immediately to give 
 them Battel, vvifhing he had had the power of Jojhnah to command the Sun to 
 ftay his ccurfe. 
 
 Herewith the word was given to march directly againft the Squadrons of Alma'-r 
 gro, who upon their h"rft motion ordered his Cannon to play upon the Enemy, and 
 to ftartle them in the firft onfet ; but Francifco de Caravajal obferving, that if they 
 kept a direct courfe upon the Enemy, they mould receive much damage from 
 their Cannon, which were many, and very good ; directed them' another way un- 
 der the covert of a Hill : But having pafled this (helter into the open Field, fo 
 that they remained expofed to the Enemy's Cannon, Pedro de Candla, who com- 
 manded the Artillery, (hot over them , fo that they received no damage 5 which 
 when Almagro faw and obferved, he immediately fell upon Pedro de Candla, and 
 killed him with his Lance upon the very Cannon ; and being full of rage and 
 anger for this piece of treachery, he leaped from his Hbrfe, and mounted on the 
 nofe of one of the Guns, and with the weight of his body lored it in fuch man- 
 ner, as to make it bear on the Enemy -, and then ordering the Cannonier to give 
 fire thereunto, he placed his (hot amidft the Squadron of Vaca de Cafiro , which 
 raking them from the Front to theRere, as Car ate confirms in the 18 th Chapter 
 of his fourth Book, and Gomara in Chap. 1 jo. but do not fay how many were 
 flain thereby, which were feventeen Men •, which unlucky (hot, had it been fol- 
 lowed by others with the like fuccefs, they had needed no other force, but had 
 fecured the Victory according to the aflurance which Snares, the Serjeant-Major 
 had given ■-, but all was loft by that treachery which Pedro de Candla had acted. 
 For we muft know that Captain Pedro, having confidered that Hernando Pkam, 
 who was the Perfon that had affronted and injured him, was imprifoti&I in Spain, 
 ( as we have formerly mentioned,) and that by reafon of him he hacf fided with 
 the party of Chill. And that the Marquis, who by his Power and Greatnefs 
 had much opprefled him, was now dead, he judged himfelf fufficiently revenged 
 both of one, and of the other : And that now fince there was a new Governour, 
 it was his beft courfe to return unto the Obedience and Service of his Majefty, 
 that he might not utterly lofe all the hopes and merit he had acquired by being 
 ufefull in the Conqueft of that Empire. And on this Motive it was, that he 
 fent fecrec intelligence to the Governour not to fear the Cannon, for he would fo 
 order it, that he (hould not need to apprehend any damage or hurt from thence. 
 On confidence of which promife the Governour refolved not to delay the Battel, 
 though Pedro de Candla did not attain the end he defigned. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. J 
 
 The Relation of the cruel Battel of Chupas is continued, 
 A difagreement amongft the People of Almagro. The 
 Victory of the Govemour ; and the Flight of Almagro. 
 
 THE Serjeant-Major, and the other Captains of his Majefty, obferving what 
 a Lane was made through their Squadron by the Enemy's (hot, and that their 
 Foot was daunted therewith, they prefently clapt within the void place, and cau- 
 fed their ranks to dofe up, and without (top or any delay to make up directly up- 
 on the Enemy ; and to have no caufe of retardment, they left and deferted all 
 their own train of Artillery. The Captains of Almagro not well confidering their 
 cafe and advantage, and as people not much ufed to fuch kind of emergencies ; 
 obferving the Enemy to advance upon them, cried out with a loud voice, Let not 
 
 vur Enemies gain honour by our cowardife, they fee us ft and ftill as not daring to opfofe them : 
 Z-et us to them, let us to them , for we are not able longer to endure this affront. Here- 
 with they forced Almagro to advance with his Squadron, and with fo little confe- 
 deration, tnat they made him to interpofe between the Enemy and his own Can- 
 non •, which when Serjeant- Major Suarez, obferved, he went to Almagro, and with 
 a loud voice told him, faying, Sir, had you kept the order which I directed, andhadfol~ 
 lowed my counfel, you had been victorious •■, but fince you take your meafures from others, you 
 willlofe the honour of this day •-, and fince your Lord/hip is not pleafed to make me a Conque- 
 ronr in your Camp, 1 will make my way to it on the fide of your Enemies. And having re- 
 peated thefe words, he fet Spurs to his Horfe, and paffed over to Vac a de Caftro, 
 advifing him immediately to dofe with the Enemy, and to give them no time, for 
 that there was great diforder and confufion in their Counfels. 
 
 Vac a de Caftro obferving this good advice which Suarez had given him, com- 
 manded his Forces to march directly up in face of the Enemy 5 with which 
 Francifio de Carvajal was fo encouraged, and aflured of victory, by reafon of the 
 unskilfulnefs of their Foes, that he threw oflfhis Coat of Male, and his Head-piece, 
 and caft them on the ground, telling his Souldiers, That they fkould not be affrighted 
 
 at the Cannon •-, for that if he who was as fat and big as any two of them, was not fearfull of 
 them, much lefs ought any of them who were but half the mark, that he was. 
 
 At this time a certain Gentleman who was of Noble Bloud, and rode with the 
 Horfe, obferving both fides within Mufquet-fhot, and that there was no other re- 
 medy but that he muft engage •, he on a fudden palled forrh from the Squadron of 
 
 the Govemour, and faid, Sirs, I declare my felf for the party of Chili, for all the. 
 World knows, that at the Battel of Salinas / was then en the fide of Almagro the Elder \ 
 and fince I cannot now be for them, there is no reafon but that I fioould ft and neuter, and 
 
 not be againft them. Herewith he (allied out of his rank, and feparated himfelf at 
 fome diftance, where a certain Prieft remained called Hernando de Luque, who was 
 a Kinfman to that School-mafter of Panama, that was the Companion and AfTo- 
 ciate of Almagro and Picarro. With this Prieft there was another Gentleman al- 
 fo, who being fick, was excufed from the Fight ; but the retreat of this Gentle- 
 man was interpreted by all the Army to be an effect of down-right cowardife, 
 and that therefore he durft not engage on either fide. The Harquebufiers of Ca- 
 ftro de f'aca would have fired upon him , but the hafte they were in prevented 
 their intention •, and when they underftood the reafon for which he defired to 
 ftand a Neuter, they then were willing to fpare their (hot. I had once an ac- 
 quaintance with him, and left him alive in a certain City of Peru, when I departed 
 thence 5 and I know and remember well his Name, though I think fit to conceal 
 it in this place, and onely recount the fact in general to the end, that fuch a piece 
 of cowardife may be hated and fcorned by all Perfons of Quality and Worthy 
 SouldierSi 
 
 In 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 641 
 
 In ftiort, the Souldiersof Vaca de Caflro made fuch hafte,that wichout much hurc 
 they mounted the Hill, where the Squadrons of Almagro were drawn up, being 
 much difordered, and removed out of that good pofture in which they were firft 
 placed. Howfoever the Harquebufiers received them with fuch a Volley of Shot, 
 that they killed many of the Foot, and wounded the Major General, Gomez de 
 Tordoya, with three Bullets, of which he dyed two days afterwards. Numo de 
 Caftro was alfo defperately wounded, befides many others who were flain, which 
 being obferved by Francifio de Carvaiah he commanded the Horfe to charge them, 
 for they were the chief Force to which he trufted, being more in number than 
 thofe of Almagro - 7 accordingly the Horfe engaged, and both fides maintained the 
 Fight with fuch bravery, that the Vi&ory for a long time remained doubtful!. 
 Pedro Alvarez Holgnin was killed with a Mufquec-fhot} forbeing clothed in white, 
 and by his Colour and Habit known to all, he became the common Mark, eve- 
 ry one aiming to hit fo famous a Perfon. On the other fide the Infantry of Vaca 
 de Caflro charging the Enemy, came valiantly up to the very Cannon, which 
 were now of no ufe, in regard that by the ill difcipline and diforder ofAlmagro's 
 Commanders, they had interpofed their own Souldiers between their Cannon 
 and the Enemy. Howfoever both fides fought with fuch animofity and bravery, 
 that they continued fighting in the night, which when it was fo dark and obfcure, 
 that they could not fee each other ■■, they then made ufe of the words Chill and 
 J Pachacamac to make their diftinctions, whereby the Pkarrifls and Almagriam knew 
 their parties •, the greateft (laughter was amongft the Horfe, who after the ufe of 
 their Lances, coming to a clofer Fight, killed each other with their Swords and 
 Pole-axes. The fuccefs of this Battel being of high concernment, animated both 
 fides with a refolution to dye, or gain the victory •, being well afTured, that as the 
 Dominion of that Empire, and the Riches depended on this Victory •, fo being 
 overthrown, there remained no other reward for them, but death or flavery. It 
 was now above two hours in the night, and yet the Fight continued with equal 
 (laughter, being full four hours fin.ce it firft began. At length the Govemour 
 charged the left wing of the Enemy, which was ftill entire, and not as yet broken, 
 fo that the Battel feemed to be again renewed : Howfoever, at length the Gover- 
 nour routed and defeated them with the lofs of ten or twelve of his Guard, a- 
 mongft which were Captain Ximenez, formerly a Merchant in Medina, aid Nunno 
 Montafoo. By this time both fides began to think themfelves fecure of Vi&ory, and 
 yet ftill the Fight continued : At length the Forces of Almagro feemed to grow 
 faint •, which when he obferved, he put himfelf into the head of them, and be- 
 ing feconded by thofe few which were his Life-guard , he entred amidft the 
 thickeft of his Enemies with that valour and refolution, that he performed Mira- 
 cles by his own Perfon, being defirous to be flain on the place 5 but being un- 
 known, and well armed, he efcaped with his life, and without a wound ; fighting 
 bravely, as Gomara reports of him in Chapter 1 jo. 
 
 And now Victory began to incline to the fide of the Governour; which when 
 Almagro and his chief Officers obferved, they called out aloud, and faid, / am fuch 
 • m ow 7 it was I who killed the Marauts -, and fo they fought with fury and defpair 
 untill they were flain and cut in pieces. Many of Alwagro's people efcaped by fa- 
 vour of a dark night, having taken oft their white Ribbons, and placed the Co- 
 lours of Vaca de Caflro in their ftead , with which they fupplied themfelves from 
 : thofe who were flain on the other fide. Almagro himfelf feeing that there was no 
 hopes of Victory left, and that Death fled from him, he efcaped out of the Bat- 
 tel with fix Companions, namely, Diego Mendez, Bergan, and fohn de Guzman, and 
 three others, whofe Names I have forgotten. Thence he fled to Cvzco, where he 
 met that Death which he could not receive from his Enemies, by the hands of 
 thofe Men whom he had there conftituted in Offices of Juftice and Military Em- 
 ployments : For fo foon as they underftood that he had loft the day, Rodrigo de Sa- 
 lazar, who was a Native of Toledo, and deputed by Almagro fox his Governour in 
 that place -, and Antonio Ruyz de Guevara, who was Commiflionated alfo by him 
 to be chief Jufticiary, immediately laid hands on him, and made him Prifonerj 
 and to confummate this cruelty, they took thofe alfo who were his Companions, 
 and attended his Perfon : To confirm which particular, Car ate in the ij>tn Chap- 
 ter of his fourth Book , hath thefe Words which follow. 
 
 Nnnn I Thus 
 
6j\z Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 " Thus ended the Reign and Government of Don Diego de Almagro, who was 
 " one day Commander in Chief of all Peru , and the day following was feized 
 ' by an Officer, whom by his own Authority he had conftituted chief Juftkiary 
 " of Cozco. This Battel was fought the 1 6th of September i J42. Thus far Ca- 
 rate -, and herewith he concludes the Chapter aforefaid. 
 
 This Victory was in part obtained about nine of the Clock at night, but not 
 completed , for the noifc of fighting and claming of Arms was heard in feveral 
 places of the Field : And left Almagro mould again rally, and in the Morning 
 renew the Battel, ( for as yet his flight and efcape was not known ) the Gover- 
 nour commanded his Serjeant-Major to found a retreat to his Army, and put 
 them again into a pofture of Battel, placing the Horfe and Foot in their refpec- 
 tive ftations, with Orders to ftand to their Arms untill the Morning, when the 
 light would difcover the ftate of their Vidory : Which being accordingly exe- 
 cuted, they continued on their Guard, and in a readinefs to receive whatsoever 
 mould occur. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Wherein thoje Principal Commanders are named, who were 
 prefent at this Battel ; the Number that was /lain 5 the 
 Punijhment of the Rebels ; and the Death of Don Die- 
 go de Almagro. 
 
 h 
 
 Mar 
 
 •Of! 
 
 '(lit 
 
 ftp 
 
 (i 
 
 H E Governour pafled a great part of the Night in difcourfe to his Souldi- 
 ers, praifing the courage and refolution which his Captains, Cavaliers and 
 Souldiers had (hewed in that days Engagement 5 he applauded and admired their 
 bravery which they had made appear in the Service of his Majefty. He then re- 
 counted fome particular Actions performed by fuch and fuch, naming them by 
 their Names -, whereby he acknowledged the fidelity, love and friendmip, which 
 they had evidenced to the Memory of the Marquis Don Francifio Pkarro, for whole 
 fake, and in revenge of whofe Death, they had expofed their own lives to all the 
 hazards and perils in the World. Nor did he omit to mention the bravery of Al- 
 magro, whereby he had fignalized himfelf to revenge the Death of his Father, ha- 
 ving therein performed above what could have been expected from his years, not 
 having pafled above the Age of twenty : Nor did he forbear to commend the* 
 Courage of feveral Captains of the contrary party, who had carried themfelves 
 bravely in the Action of that day. In a particular manner he took notice of the 
 ftout refolution, and Military behaviour of Francifio de Carvajal, who without fear 
 either of the great or fmall Shot, marched boldly at the head of his Men, being 
 ever intent and ready to apply his fuccour and relief, where it was moft required : 
 Of all which Actions the Governour was the beft Judge, and could give the beft 
 account of them, in regard he was retired to a place from whence he could have 
 a profpeft of all that pafled. The principal Perfons on his Majefty s fide, who 
 fignalized themfelves in this Engagement, were the Major-General Gomez de Tor- 
 doja, the Agitant Tllen Suarez de Carvajal, and his Brother Benito de Carvajal, John 
 Julio de Hojeda, Thomas Vafyuez, Lorenzo de Aldan a, John de Saavedra, Francifio de Go- 
 day, Diego Afaldonado, who afterwards obtained the Sir-name of the Rich John de Sa- 
 Im, Brother of the Arch-bilhop of Senile, Alonfi de Loajfa, Brother of the Arch- 
 
 bithop of los Reyes, Geronimo de Loajfa, John de Pancorvo, Alonfo Macuela, Martin de 
 Menefes , John de Figuero* , Pedro Alonfo Carrafco , Diego de Truxillo , Alonfo de Soto, 
 
 Antonit 
 
 'ft 
 
 us, a 
 
 IfOQS 
 
 kIjsi 
 
 ka 
 ak 
 
 ik 
 
 kin 
 
 

 Book III. Royal Commentaries 6^ 
 
 Antonio de gmnnones, and his Brother Suero de Qmnnones, and his Coufin Pedro de 
 
 jguinnones, who had been an old Souldier in Italy, and were all three near in Kin- 
 dred to the Governour, Gaff or fara, Diego Ortiz de Guzman, Garcia de Melo, who 
 loft his right hand in the Battel, Pedro de los Rios a Native of Cordova, Fra-ncifco de 
 Ampuero, Don Pedro Puertocarrero, Pedro de Hinojofa, John Alonfo Palomino, Don Gomez 
 de Luna, the Elder Brother of Garcilajfo de la Vega, Gomez de Alvarado, Gaffar de 
 Rojas, Mekhior Verdugo, Lofe de Mendoca, Juan de Barbara*, Miguel de la Serna, Ge- 
 ronimo de A/iaga, Nicolas de Ribera, and Geronimo de Ribera, who for diftin&ion lake 
 
 we have in the other part of this Book called Ribera Senior, and Ribera Junior. 
 
 All which, and many others, vvhofe Names we cannot call to mind, did that 
 day in the Battel fignalize their Valour in an extraordinary manner, for righting in 
 the front of their Companies, moft of them were wounded. In fhort, there was 
 not one Man of note in all Peru, as Gomara affirms, but was engaged in the Battel 
 of that day on his Majefty's fide. On the King's party three hundred Spaniards 
 were flain , many alfo were killed on the other, though not fb great a number 5 
 the Battel was very bloudy ; the flaughter fell much upon the Captains, of which 
 moft of them were killed ; four hundred were wounded, of which moft dyed 
 with cold that night, it happening to freeze very fharply. Thefe are the Words 
 of Gomara, and therewith he ends the i joth Chapter of his Hiftory. 
 
 Of Almagro's fide two hundred were flain , fo that Gomara with much reafon 
 terms it a bloudy Battel ; for of fifteen hundred Men on both fides, five hundred 
 were flain, and five hundred wounded •■, of which laft, four hundred were of the 
 King's fide, and but one hundred ofAlmagro's. 
 
 There was one of the King's Souldiers fb cruel, that after the Battel was ended, 
 he killed eleven of the Almagrians in cold bloud •, of which evil A<5t he made 
 great boaft, faying, that in fuch a place they had robbed him of eleven thoufand 
 pieces of Eight, in revenge of which he had killed eleven of them. 
 
 Many other things of this nature pafled that night •■, and the reafon why fo ma- 
 ny of thofe wounded were frozen to^death, was, becaufe the Indians finding them 
 unable to help and defend themfelves, made bold to ftrip them of all their cloath- 
 ing, leaving them naked, and expofed to the weather, without regard to either Cide 
 or party, of which there could no diftin&ion be made in the night $ and if there 
 had, yet the Indians, vvhofe bufinefs it was to pilfer, would not have forborn on 
 any fmall confideration, or complement to either fide. Nor could the Conque- 
 rours for the prefent take that due care of their wounded , becaufe the Carriages 
 with their Tents not being come up, they were all forced to lodge in the open 
 Air; onely they made a fhift to fet up two Tents, wherein they made an Accom- 
 modation for Gomez de Tordoya, Pedro Ancures, Gomez de Alvarado, and Garcilajfo de 
 U Vega, who were all mortally wounded •■> others who had received fome (lighter 
 hurts, endured the open Air, which cauled their wounds fo to fmart, that it was 
 grievous to hear the groans, fighs and cries which they uttered. Nor did the /«-- 
 dians fpare thofe who were fled out of the Battel, taking the courage to purfue 
 and afiail Men in their flight •, fo that they killed John Balfa on the way, with ten or 
 twelve others of his companions, without any regard or refpeft to his Quality or § 
 
 Character of Captain-General -, in like manner they killed many other Spaniards, 
 >ho fled out of the Battel in divers parts : But fo fbon as it was day the Gover- 
 ,nour fent abroad to bring in the wounded, taking care to have their wounds dref- 
 fed : And as for the dead, they buried them together, in four or five large Graves, 
 'which were made for them, into which they caft them all without diftin&ion, 
 
 excepting Onely Pedro Alvarez Holguin, and Gomez de Tordoya de Vargas, with fome 
 
 other noble and principal Perfons, whom they carried to Huamanca, and there ce- 
 lebrated their Funerals with what decency they were able. Above a hundred 
 Horfe, and fifty or fixty Foot, fled from the Battel, and efcaped to the City of 
 Huamanca 5 but being purfued by thofe few who remained Mafters of the Field, 
 were again defeated, they yielding up their Horfes and Arms upon conditions of 
 Quarter for their lives. And as that day they performed an Ad of Charity in the 
 burial of the Dead , fo likewife they performed an Aft of Juftice in punilliment 
 of the Offenders -, for having found the Bodies of Martin de Bilbao, and Arbolacha, 
 and Hinojeros, and Martin Cari/lo amongft the Dead , who cried out in the Battel 
 on purpole to be killed, that they were the perfons who had AfTaffinated the Mar- 
 quis 5 and though they were then cut in pieces, yet according to a new form of 
 Juftice, they were afterwards drawn and quartered, the Cryer at the fame time 
 
 N n n n 1 pub 
 
644 Royal Commentaries, Book III. 
 
 publiftiing their offence : the like piece of Juftice was executed on other infolent 
 and rebellious petfons. The day following the Governour went to Huamanca, 
 where he underftood, that Captain Diego de Roja* had killed Captain John Telio de 
 Guzman, and Pedro d Onnate, who was Major- General to Almagro : the punifhment 
 of other Offenders was referred by the Governour to Judge de la Gama, who 
 condemned all the principal Leaders of the Almagrian party to dye, who were ta- 
 ken and imprifoned at Huamanca, fuch as Diego de Hoces, Antonio de Cardenas, 
 whofe throats he caufed to be CUt •■, and hanged John Perez, Francifco Feces, John 
 
 Diente, and Martin Cote, and thirty others of the molt culpable or chiefeft Offen- 
 ders ; others who were pardoned for life, were banilliecl into the remote parts 
 of that Kingdom. 
 
 Whilft the Governour was thus employed in doing juftice at Huamanca, he 
 received intelligence that Almagro was taken and imprifoned at Cozco ; wherefore 
 haftning to that place, and arriving there, he immediately caufed the Sentence to 
 be executed, which he had paffed upon him before the Battel, not being willing * 
 to fpend more time in new Procefies. Carate faith, that they cut his throat in 
 the fame place, and by the fame Executioner, who put his Father to death, and 
 who ftripped him, and took his Cloaths in the fame manner as he had done his 
 Father's, onely fome friends agreed for his Breeches, Waftcoat and Shirt, which - 
 were conferved to him •-, his Body was laid out, and expofed the whole day to j i 
 publick view •, afterwards they carried it to the Convent of our Lady of the Mer- 
 ceds, and there buried it by the fide, or in the very Grave of his Father, without 
 Winding- (beet or other Shroud than his own Cloaths, onely out of charity fome 
 few Maues were faid for his Soul. 
 
 This was the end of Don Diego Almagro Junior, which was fo like to that of his 
 Father, that fortune feemed to make the circumftances of their lives parallel in 
 every thing -, for befides that they were Father and Son, and had the fame Name; 
 they were endued with equal courage and condudt in War, and with the fame 
 prudence and counfel in Peace •,. and if there was any thing of excellency more in 
 one than in the other, it appeared in the Son,* who from his youth had been trai- 
 ned up in good literature , in which by help of his good parts both for judgment 
 and quicknels of fancy he made great improvement : they refembled each other 
 in their Deaths, which happened in the fame place, and almoft in the fame man- 
 ner 5 their Funerals were much alike, for having been rich and powerful!, they 
 died fo poor, that their Burial-charges were paid upon charity •, and to render the 
 circumftances of their lives in all things agreeable, the Battels they fought and 
 loft were both upon a Saturday. 
 
 Thus poor Don Diego Almagro Junior, concluded the Scene of his Life, who had 
 been the braveft Meftizo ( that is, one begot by a Spaniard on the body of an /»- 
 d'un Woman ) that ever this new World produced, had he taken the right fide, 
 and obeyed the Governour, who was conftituted by Commiffion from his Ma- 
 jefty. He was a Man who had a handfome feat on Horfe-back in both Saddles, 
 either riding with his legs at length, or fbort, as is the falhion on the Gennet : i 
 At la ft he died like a good Chriftian with great repentance for his fins. Almagro 
 
 being dead, they hanged up John Rodriguez Barragan, and Enfign Enriquez, with jj 
 
 eight others, who adventured to follow Almagro unto Cozco. Gomez Perez, andH^ol'.i 
 Diego Mendez, and another companion of theirs, made their efcape out of Prifon j pi 
 nut finding no fecure place wherein to conceal themfelves in all Peru, they fled to ' 
 the Mountains, where Prince Manco Inea remained in retirement, and were fol- WJn 
 lowed by five others, who went alfo to hide, and cure themfelves of" their wounds I 
 in that place : All which were" received with great kindnefs, and with as good 
 entertainment by the Inca, as he was able to give them 5 but in what Coin they 
 again repaid him, will appear by the fequel, for he was killed by one of them in 
 requital for his favours and kindnefs towards them. 
 
 kit 
 
 Bta 
 
 sua 
 
 foci 
 ndpe 
 W) 
 
 
 
 Tk 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 '; h 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 645 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 The good Government of Vaca de Calh'O ; the peace and 
 quietjiefs of Peru ; the caufe and original of other 
 Troubles. 
 I 
 
 DOn Diego Almagro Junior, being dead, and all the Complices and Heads of 
 that party being either put to death, or banithed, the whole Empire of Pe- 
 rn began to enjoy peace and fettlement, the name and intereft of that Almagrian 
 Faction being totally extinguifhed. Judge Vaca de Caftro being a prudent, and a 
 difcreet Perfon in all his actions, governed with much Equity and Juftice, to the 
 great fatisfaction and contentment both of Spaniards and Indians, having eftablifti- 
 ed feveral Laws fo advantageous to the Welfare of both Nations, that the Indi- 
 ans themfelves rejoyced in fuch happy conftitutions, and efteemed them equal to 
 thofe which had been made by their Incas. Likewife the Governour beftowed 
 fuch Plantations of Indians, which were void and forfeited for Rebellion, on per- 
 fbns who had well deferved for their Services to his Majefty in the late War : 
 He alfo encreafed the Poffeffions of others, or exchanged them for thofe which 
 were better in other places, or Cities, where they were molt pleafed to chufe 
 their habitation. At that time many of the Inhabitants of Charcot tranfplanted 
 themfelves and Families to Cozeo , amongft whom my Lord Garcilaffo de U Vega 
 was one, who ( as we have faid formerly ) had left the Province fapac-ri to fettle 
 himfelf in the Province ®uechua , which belongs to the Nation Cotanera, and 
 Hxamampallpa. And though the Governour in the Divifions he made proceeded 
 with all the equality and caution imaginable, as was apparent to all the World, 
 yet many were dilcontented for want of having Lands, and Plantations of Indians 
 allotted to them, which thev believed and prefumed to be due for all their Servi- 
 ces and Labours they had fuftained in the Conqueft of Peru. Amongft thefe dif- 
 contented perfons there was a certain Gentleman called Hernando Mogollon, born ac 
 dadajoz, of whom we have made mention in the third Chapter of the firft Book 
 of our Hiftory of Florida. This Gentleman prefuming that he had well deferved 
 and performed great Services in the Conqueft of thefe new Countries, and par- 
 ticularly at the Battel of Chupas, where he fignalized his bravery in an extraordi- 
 nary manner, of which Vaca de Caftro himfelf was a Witnefs •-, for which finding 
 he had no reward, or Lands, or Indian Servants divided to him, he went and ap- 
 plied himfelf to the Governour, and told him plainly : 
 
 Sir, In this Comtrey, as your Lord/hip well knows, all People eat from the Labours of 
 Mogollon, and he alone ftarves with hunger. And in regard that he was one of thofe who 
 difcovered Florida, and was forward and aSiive in other important Conqueft s which have 
 been acquired to the Crown of Spain j and laftly, was prefetit in the Battel of ChupaS, 
 where he fought under your Lord/hip's Standard •-, it is but reafon that feme remembrance 
 fhould be had of him, who hath not forgotten his Duty and Service to his Majefty. 
 
 The Governour confidering well the Merits of the Man, and that he asked 
 nothing but what was very reafonable, he beftowed upon him a fmall (hare of 
 Lands, inhabited by Indians. And as an expedient to quiet the minds of other 
 complaining and indigent Souldiers, of which many were unrewarded j and to 
 prevent a farther Mutiny, he imitated the example of Marquis Picarro, who on 
 the like occafion difpeeded feveral Companies with their Captains, to conquer and 
 poflefs divers other parts of the Countrey •■, by which means enlarging their Ter- 
 ritories, every Man might obtain fome Inheritance and Dominion over the Indi- 
 ans. ^ And accordingly he gave order to Captain Pedro de Vergara to return to his 
 Province of Pacamuru, where he had made fome progrefs in his Conqueft, when 
 
 he 
 
5^6 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 he was recalled from thence to ferve his Majefty in the late War with his Men, 
 who were very good and experienced Souldiers. 
 
 Diego de Rojm, Nicholas de Eredia, and Philip Gutierrez. ( a Native of Madrid) 
 
 were fent to the Province of Mufu, called by the Spaniards los Adoxos; with them 
 were lifted a Company of brave Men, who had fuftained many great difficulties 
 before they arrived at the River of Plate , of which we (hall hereafter give a Re- 
 lation. Gonzalo de Monrroy was fent to the Kingdom of Chili to recruit and affift 
 the Forces of the Governour Pedro de Valdivia, who then was employed in the 
 Conqueft of the Provinces and Nations belonging to that Kingdom. To another 
 Province called Mullupampa he fent Captain John Perez de Guevara, who had made 
 a late difcovery thereof, and had there received intelligence and intimation of 
 other new Countries, and large Territories, which ftretch themfelves Eaftward 
 between the Rivers called Ore/lana, Marannon, and the River of Plate : But that 
 thofe were Countries very Mountainous, and full of Moors, Fens and Bogs, aad 
 inhabited by few Indians, who lived in a beftial manner, like brute Beads, with- 
 out Religion, Laws or Civility, and were fuch as ate one the other 5 and that the 
 Climate being hot, they needed no doathing, but went naked. 
 
 Thus the Governour Vaca de Cafiro having ridded his hands of the Souldiers, 
 and cleared the Kingdom of Peru of the burthen of new Levies, having fent them 
 from guitu to. the Charcot, which are feven hundred Leagues diftant each from 
 the other, he remained much at eafe, and freed from the daily importunities 
 which difturbed him 3 fo that he attended to his Government in peace and qui- 
 etnefs to the general fatisfaction of all people. And that he might form and 
 eftabliflr Laws moft agreeable to the nature and conftitution of thofe Countries, 
 he informed himfelf of the Curacas, and ancient Captains •, of the Order and 
 Rules which their Jnem Kings obferved in their Adminiftration of Juftice, out 
 of which he chofe and culled fuch as he efteemed moft proper and agreeable to 
 the conftitutions of both Nations, whereby the Spaniards might be conserved, 
 and the Indians increafed. Then he fent Letters to Gonzalo Pi-arro, who (till re- 
 mained in Quit* to come to him ■-, and having in the Name of his Majefty, and 
 in his own behalf, thanked him for all the Services he had performed to the 
 Crown, and applauded the dangers and adventures he had run, which his Ma- 
 jefty would in due time reward ; he gave him leave to return to his own habita- 
 tion, and to his Dominion in the Charcas over the Indians there, advifing him to 
 take care of his health, and attend to the improvement of his Eftate. The Indi- 
 ans finding themfelves freed from the calamities and miferies they had fuftained 
 by the late inteftine Wars, which had been carried on at the expence of their 
 Lives and Eftates •, of which, as Gomara faith, the Spaniards had been fo prodi- 
 gal, that above a Million and a half of them were deftroyed •, at length being 
 more at eafe, they returned to their Countrey affairs, and to tillage and cultiva- 
 tion of their Lands, which by the induftry and knowledge of the Spaniards in 
 Agriculture yielded great plenty, and. abundance of all Provifions •, and both fides 
 attending to their own quiet and eafe, the Indians difcovered feveral rich Mines 
 of Gold in many parts of iVr« •, the richeft of which were fituated Eaftward from 
 Coz.co in the Province of Collahuaya, called by the Spaniards Caravaja, from whence 
 they digged great quantities of the fined Gold of twenty four Quilates ; which 
 Mines alfo yield fome Gold to this day, though not in fuch abundance as former- 
 ly. To the Weft ward of Cozco, in the Province of Quechua, which is well peo- 
 pled with divers Nations fo named ; and on that fide thereof which is called 
 Hualtaripa, other Mines of Gold were difcovered ■■, which though they yielded 
 not their Gold fo fine as that of Collahuaya, yet it amounted to twenty Quilats 
 more or lefs in goodnefs -, howfoever the quantity thereof was fo great, that about 
 nine or ten years after the Mine was opened, I remember to have feen fome In- 
 dians bring home to their Mafter every Saturday night two thoufand Pefos of 
 Gold Sand for his fingle part or (hare in thofe Mines. We call that Gold Sand, 
 or Duft, which they gather like the Filings of Iron •, there is alfo another fort 
 fomething thicker, like Bran after it is fifted from the Flour, amongft which they 
 find now and then fome granes as big as the Seeds of Melons or Pompions, to 
 the value of fix or eight Ducats each grane. From fuch confiderable quantities 
 of Gold as were daily brought to the Mint, or Melting-houfes, the fifth part there- 
 of which appertained to his Majefty, amounted to a vaft Treafure •, for of every 
 
 five 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. ' 647 
 
 ■■"■ ■ ■■ ■■ • ' ■ " *■ 
 
 five Marks one, and of every five Pefos, one was delivered for the King's ufe, 
 and exadly counted to the laft Maravedis or Farthing. - 
 
 Thus by the prudent and good management of this Christian Governour, who 
 was very much a Gentleman, prudent, wife and zealous for the Service of God 
 and the King, that Empire began to flourith, and under many concurring circum- 
 stances arrived to that high pitch of happinefs and felicity, that it daily increased 
 and improved to greater benefits : But that which above all was considerable, was 
 the propagation and increafe of our Holy Catholick Faith , which the Spaniards 
 with great zeal and labour preached over all thofe Countries , the which was re- 
 ceived by the Indians with the greater fatisfadion and diligence, becaufe that ma- 
 ny of thofe Doctrines which were preached unto them, were the fame Precepts 
 and Commands which their he an Kings had by the mere light of Nature deli- 
 vered to them. 
 
 But whilft the Gofpel grew and flourished, and many were enlightned with 
 the glorious Majefty thereof, and that the Indians, as well as Spaniards, enjoyed in 
 Pern both fpiritual and temporal Bleifings with peace and quietneSs : Behold, the 
 Devil, that common enemy to Mankind, laboured to difturb the happy progrefs 
 of this profperity : To deftroy and overthrow which, he let loofe his Officers and 
 evil instruments, fuch as Ambition, Envy, Covetoufnefs, Avarice, Anger, Pride, 
 Difcord and Tyranny, to whom he gave Commiffion in their Several places to 
 endeavour the fubverfion of the Gofpel, and hinder the converfion of the Gen- 
 tiles to the Catholick Faith , the advancement of which tended to the deftrudion 
 of his Power and Kingdom ; and God in his fecret judgments, and for puniih- 
 ment of the fins of Men, permitted thofe devices of the Devil to fucceed, in fuch 
 fetal manner, as we (hall find by the fequel. For fome certain perfons, guided 
 by a blind and mistaken zeal for the common good of the Indians took falfe mea- 
 fures in the propofals they made therein to the Royal Council -, arguing in many 
 Debates, that new Laws and Conftitutions ought to be established with peculiar 
 reference and refped to the Governments of Mexico and Peru. The perfon who 
 moft warmly and earnestly infilled on this point, was a certain Friar called Bar- 
 tholomew de las Cafas, who fome years paft being a Secular Prieft, had travelled 
 over the Iflands of Barlovento, and had been at Mexico, and in the parts adjacent 5 
 and having taken a religious Habit on him , he propofed divers matters, which 
 he alledged, were for the good of the Indians, and tended to the propagation of 
 the Catholick Faith, and increafe of the Royal Revenue 5 but what effed and 
 fuccefs his Councils had, Francis Lopez de Gomara, Chaplain to his Imperial Ma- 
 jefty, relates in Chapter i^z, and the fame is confirmed by Car ate, Accountant- 
 General of the Royal Exchequer, in the firft Chapter of his fifth Book. 
 
 The fame is alfo related by a new Historian called Diego Fernando, a Citizen of 
 Valencia, who recites the many disturbances which the new Laws and Conftituti- 
 ons caufed both in Mexico and Pern 5 this Authour begins his Hiftory from thole 
 Revolutions, and differs very little from the fubftance of thofe particulars men- 
 tioned by the two others. Wherefore we (hall repeat fingly what each Authour 
 writes •, for confidering the averfion I naturally have to all relations of fatal and 
 dolefull pafiages, I unwillingly recount any thing of that nature ■-, but being forced 
 thereunto for declaration of the Truth , and for continuation of the Hiftory, I 
 judge it convenient to fortifie my difcourfes with the teftimony of the three fore- 
 going Authours, that fo I may not feem of my own head to have framed matters 
 which have produced fad and evil confequences to the whole Empire, and which 
 have proved ruinous to the feveral parties and fadions of thofe Countries : And 
 left in the Quotation of thefe Authours, or citing them by Notes in the Mar- 
 gent, I (hould be taxed of miftakes, or of having added any thing of my own , 
 I have rather chofen to follow my former method, by repetition of their words 
 verbatim in thofe particulars, which contain matter of reflexion, or blame on any 
 perfon 5 though in other things my difcourfes (hall not be confined to their very 
 words, but rather ferve for a Comment, enlarging on many paflages, and adding 
 to what they have omitted-, all which fhall be performed with great refped 
 to truth, founded on the teftimony of thofe who having been Eye-witnefles, 
 and Adors in thofe Revolutions, have delivered undoubted Narratives thereof 
 unto me without partiality or prejudice to any. * 
 
 Wherefore 
 
Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 Wherefore now to proceed after this preamble, we fay, That when the Vice- 
 king Blafce Numez, Vela arrived in Pern, I was then about four years of Age ; and 
 afterwards in my riper years, I was acquainted with feveral of thofe who are na- 
 med in this following Hiftory. In the firft place therefore we will relate the ma- 
 ny troubles which the new Constitutions cauid in Mexico, and the good effects 
 which in the end were produced by the prudent and wife management of the 
 judge, who was employed to put them in execution. After which we will re- 
 turn to Peru, and relate the many misfortunes, (laughters, and other miferies which 
 attended them, caufed by the feverity, rigour and imprudence of that Vice- king, 
 who was Commiffionated to execute thofe Laws, and govern that Empire. And 
 though the Hiftory of Mexico is foreign to our difcourfe, yet I have thought fit 
 to compare the fuccefles of one and of the other Kingdom, which had various 
 and almoft contrary effects, arifing notwithstanding on the fame caufes. That 
 fo Kings and Princes may by the examples and precedents of Hiftory learn and - 
 obferve how dangerous it is to eftablilh Laws, which are rigorous, and caufe 
 them to be executed by fevere Judges, who for want of moderation incline the 
 Subjects and Vaflals to a deteftation of their Government, whereby they lofe 
 that refpeft, duty and allegiance, which is due thereunto. And indeed all Hi- 
 ftories, both Divine and Humane, hath from all antiquity averred the truth here- 
 of-, and the experience of thefe Modern times have given us to understand, that 
 never was any Rebellion commenced againft Kings, who were gentle and kind to 
 their Subjects •, but when cruelty, tyranny and opprefllon by taxes, and heavy im- 
 pofitions prevailed, then all things ran to milery and confudon. \?m 
 
 n& 
 rtfo 
 
 Ik 
 ihoha 
 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Of the New Laws and Confiitutions made in the Court 
 Spain, for the better Government of the two Empire^ 
 
 ffiKi 
 
 ptii 
 
 Mexico and Peru. 
 
 
 WE muft underftand that in the year 1 539, a certain Friar called Bartholomew 
 de las Cafas, came from New Spain to Madrid, where the Court refided 
 at that time, (hewing himfelf in all his Sermons and familiar Dilcourfes extreme- Kify 
 ly zealous for the good of the Indians, and a great Favourer and Protectour of 
 them : In evidence of which, he propounded many things, and maintained them 
 to be very reafonable, and which in themfelves outwardly appeared holy and 
 good , yet in the execution thereof they proved rigorous, cruel and difficult to be 
 put into practice. The propofals notwithstanding of this Friar were offered, and 
 laid before the Supreme Council of the Indies, where they were ill approved, and 
 rejected by the prudence and understanding of Bon Garcia de Loayfa, the good Car- 
 dinal of Seville, who was made of that Council, in regard that for Several years 
 he had been Governour of the indies, and had more knowledge and experience of 
 the affairs of thofe parts, than any of thofe who had been Conquerours and Inha- 
 bitants thereof: Wherefore diflenting from the opinion of the Friar, his Propofals 
 were not entertained, but fufpended untill the year 1 J42, when the Emperour 
 Charles the Fifth returned into Spain after a long Journey he had made through 
 France, Flanders and Germany. His MajeSty, who was endued with great zeal and 
 devotion for propagation of the Christian Faith, was eafily perfuaded to hearken 
 to the gentle propositions of the Friar, which he insinuated under the Specious 
 colour of Confcience, and with the guife of Religion, offered feveral new Laws 
 and Constitutions to be enacted and put in force for the greater good and benefit 
 
 pf the Indians. 
 
 After 
 
 
 21 
 
 'T 
 
Book III. Royal ■ Commentaries. 649 
 
 After his Imperial Majefty had duly heard and confidered all that the Frier had 
 to offer, he aflembled his great Council, to which he farther added fevei al grave 
 and learned perfonsboth Prelates and Lawyers j and, having laid before them the 
 particular Laws and new Eftabliihments, they were approved , and pafled by the 
 major part of the Affembly, notwitManding many being of a different opinion 
 diffented from the Majority , and declared their Votes to the contrary % amongft 
 which were the Cardinal aforementioned, Prefident of the Council, the Biihop 
 of Lugo, Von John Suarez de Carvajal ( with whom I was once acquainted ) Francif- 
 to de los Covos, Secretary to his Majefty, Don Sabaftian Ramirez, Biihop of Cuenca 
 and Prefident of Valladolid, who formerly had been Prefident in St. Domingo and 
 
 Mexico - y Don Garcia Manrique , Count of Oforno and Prefident of Ordenes , who 
 
 ( as Gomara faith ) had for a long time been Super-Intendent over the Affairs 
 of the Indies, during the abfence of Cardinal Garcia de Loayfaz, all which having 
 been long converfant , and Men of experience in the Affairs of the Indies, did 
 diflike and difapprove the new Laws and Ordinances, which were 40 in number, 
 as difagreeable to the natural Conftitutions of thofe Countries and People. How- 
 foever the fame were palled and confirmed by the Emperour in Barcelona, on the 
 20th of November y i J42. as Gomara, in Chap. 1 52. relates : and the Battel of Chu- 
 }m was fought between the Governour Yacca de Cafiro, and Don Diego Almagro Ju- 
 nior, on the 1 $ th of September, of the fame year, being two months and five days be- 
 fore thefe Laws were iigned and pafled : by which it may plainly appear how 
 much the Devil was concerned to difturb and hinder the propagation of the Gofpel 
 in Peru: for no fooner was one Fire extinguished, before another was in a Flame 
 more fierce and terrible than the former , occafioned by thofe Difcontents which 
 arofe from the new Conftitutions * of which we fhall mention onely four, which 
 are laid down by the aforefaid Authours , as moft pertinent to the prefent Hifto- 
 ry, and are thefe which follow. 
 
 The firft Law was this, That after the Death of the Conquerours and of thofe 
 who had Plantations, and had built Cities, thofe who were in pofleflion thereof 
 fhould hold them of the King, for their Lives onely , without right of Inheri- 
 tance defending to their Wives and Children ■-, but that when any one died the 
 King ihould fucceed, giving to the Children fuch a proportion of the fruits thereof 
 as might fupport and maintain them. 
 
 That no Indian mould be charged with any Tax or Impofition unlefs in thofe 
 Countries where the Indians paid not the fame by bodily Labour $ that no Indian 
 fhould be forced to labour in the Mines or fith for Peails •, and that having paid a 
 Tribute or Impofition on his Goods to the Lord of the Manour or Freehold, he 
 Ihould be dilcharged from corporal fervices. 
 
 That the Lands and Plantations cultivated by Indians , which Bifliops or Mona- 
 
 fteries, or Hofpitals held in their own right, fhould be quitted by them, and vefted 
 
 in the King-, and that all Governours, Prefidents, Judges, Officers of Juftice, and 
 
 their Deputies under them •, as alfo all the Officers of his Majefties revenue fhould 
 
 renounce and difclaim all Title and Intereft to fuch Lands and Plantations of /»- 
 
 di.ws; and that no Officers of his Majefty fhould be capable of keeping Indian 
 
 j Slaves, though they (hould renounce their Offices to be capacitated thereunto. 
 
 1 That all fuch as have Lands in Peru, (which is to be underftood of thofe who 
 
 | have command over Indians ) and have had any concernment , or been interefted 
 
 in the jate difturbances between Don Francifco de Picarro and Don Diego de Almagro, 
 
 lhall loie and forfeit all their power and dominion over the Indians , as well one 
 fide as the other : by which Law and Conftitution ( as Diego Fernandez well ob- 
 feives ) all People were comprehended , there not being one perfon in all Peru , 
 who was capacitated either to hold Lands, or to enjoy an Eftate in all that Coun- 
 try : and confequently all Perfons of Quality as well in new Spain as in Peru were 
 excluded not onely by this , but by the third Law -, for all or moft of them had 
 been Governours, Juftices, Deputies or Officers of the Royal revenue : fo that 
 both thefe two Laws were as Toiles which caught every perfon, being fo compre- 
 henfive , as to take in every perfon in the Indies , and by virtue thereof excluded 
 them from all their PofTeflions: but for the better underftanding of thefe A&s, 
 Laws and Conftitutions, and the grounds thereof, we fhall mention and declare the 
 $8* > es and Reafons which the Legiflators produced and alledged for conftituting 
 and cftablilhing the fame. And as to the firft Ad or Ordinance we muft know, 
 that in recompence and reward to the firft Difcoverers and Conquerours of the 
 
 O O O O Indie, 
 
"i 
 
 650 Royal Commentaries, Book III. I 
 
 Indies, a Grant was made to pollers and enjoy the Lands they had gained for two 
 Lives , that is , for their own , and the life of ti e.r eldeft Son , and to the 
 Daughter, in cafe a Son fhould be wanting. 
 
 Afterwards a Command was given, That every one mould marry, upon fup- 
 portion, that men being married would delire to be quiet, and apply themfe'vej 
 to cultivate and improve their Lands , and not be mutinous and deilrous of No- 
 velties-, and upon this Confederation , and for the encouragement of Marriage, it • r < 
 was ordained, that the Wife for want of Children ihould enter into the poflelfi- 
 on, and enjoy it for her Li f e. The reafon of the iecond Law or Conlritution , 
 exempting the fodLau from payment of Taxes or Impolitions was grounded on 
 a fuggeftiom that the Spaniards paid or allow ed nothing to the Indians for rheir 
 pains or labour in their fervices : perhaps this might be particularly true in relati- 
 on to fome Spaniards of evil sonfcieuces and tyrannical difpoiitions •, but as to the II! 
 generality , it could not be made good •, for that many Indians were entertained ' 
 in the fervice of the Spaniards, and as Day-labourers hired themfelves out to hew # 
 or faw timber, receiving their wages and hire for their labours : and therefore to 
 ordain that the Indians ihould not be charged with labours or employed in work , 
 was to cut off their bread and their gain : and therefore it had been much more! 
 political to have made a Law feverely to puniih thole who withheld payment 
 from the Indians , after they had do.ie their fervice and labour which drferved it. - : > 
 As to that Law, which forbids the Indians to be compelled to work in the Mines, '^ 
 I have nothing to fay, but onely to referr my felf to the p;efent practice, which iL - 
 is now ufed in this year 1611. when by order of the Government the Indians are '- 
 compelled to labour in the Silver Mines of the M>untain of Potofti, aid in the 1 ' 
 Mines of Quick-filver which arife in the Province of Huanca .- in which, if the i- '< 
 Indians were not employed, the quantities of Gold and Silver which are yearly kC 
 imported from this Empire into Spain would greatly fail. fa 
 
 As to that parricular Law which impoies a Tribute or Quit rent paiable by the '• •&■ rr 
 Tenant to the Lord of the Manor, it was a matter fo well eftabliihed , that it was - ;c 
 received with general applaufe at that time when Prefident Pedro de U Garca pro- : 
 portioned the Tax in Peru, of which I was my felf an eye-witnefs : but as to the - 
 exemption of Indians from perfonal fervice , they gave no good information , a : 
 nor did they know how to make fuch a roport as might be proper in that cafe. 
 For the matter flood thus : Every Adventurer drat w as an Inhabitant had a cer- i : 
 tain number of Indians allotted to liim in lieu of part of his Tribute, for mainte- '<i- 
 nance of his houie , lb that every Lord , befides his principal Mmfion dwelling m 
 had fome fmall Cottages of about fourty or fifty in number, or fixty at the moft, 
 let out to him , obliged to perfonal Services ■■, that is to fay , to provide his houfe Kclx 
 with Wood, Water, and Hay or Grafs for his Stables, for at that time, they had phot) 
 no Straw •, and, belides this, they were obliged to no other Tribute or Service : 
 and of this nature my Father was poftefled of three little Villages in the Valley of 
 Cozco ; and in the parts adjacent, the Inhabitants of Cozco held divers fuch like 
 Cottages obliged to the ufe and fervice of the City. And where it happened out, BW f * 
 that the lot fell to any perfon , in places uninhabited , they prefently fent to the I .». 
 Head-quarters to be fupplied with Indians in part of the Tribute due to them ; and 
 accordingly the fame was granted , and the India** which were allotted to them , 
 with great cliearfulnefs and contentment followed and obferved the impofition of 
 their Matters: fo that when the Prefident Gafca came, and found this particular 
 point lb equally difpofed and eitablifhed, he approved thereof, and made no man- 
 ner of alteration therein. 
 
 As to the third Precept , which retrenched the Eifhops , Monafteries and Ho- 
 foitals in thofe large proportions of fervices which former Governours had be- 
 ftowed upon them, over Indians : It feeined neither injurious nor unreafonable 
 v> holly to take them away •, for that the Intention of the Governours was not to 
 giant them for a longer time than they were impowred by his Majefties Commif- 
 fion, which was only for two lives, which being expired, their right ceafed ; and 
 herein Monafteries, Bilhopricks and Hofpitals, though of perpetual durance, yet 
 could not pretend to a greater privilege than the Adventurers and Conquerours of 
 rhofe Empires. The remaining part of this third and fourth Ordinance we ffiall 
 declare hereafter, in the place where we give a relation of the Complaints which 
 thofe made who believed themfelves injured and damnifyed thereby. 
 
 CHAR 
 
 
 ! fo 
 
 : '. 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 6<i 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of the Officers which were [ent to Mexico and Peru, to put 
 thefe Laws into Execution. And a Defcription of the 
 Imperial City of Mexico. 
 
 WHen thefe Laws of the new Eftablifhment came over •, It was farther orde- 
 red , that the Court held at Panama mould be diflblved, and another new 
 one ere&ed in the confines of Guatimala and Nicaragua , to which Court the 
 whole Terra Firma, or Continent, was to be fubjedted. 
 
 It was farther ordained , That another Court of Chancery mould be erected in 
 Peru, confiding of four Judges and a Prefident , to whom the title mould be gi- 
 ven of Viccking and Captain General : And that a certain perfon mould be fent 
 unto New Spain with a power of Vifitation, to overfee the Government of the 
 Vice-king , and the Proceedings in the Court of Mexico and of the feveral Bi- 
 ihopricks, and to take an account from the Officers of the Royal Revenue , and 
 of all the Juftices of that Kingdom. 
 
 All which Regulations were iflued forth with the aforementioned Ordinances, 
 which, as formerly declared, were fourty in number. And whereas there refided 
 in the Court of Spain many Indians from all parts ; divers Copies of thefe new 
 Rules were tranflated, fent-over and difperfed, which all and every particular per- 
 fon, inhabitants of thofe two Empires, took out for his information, being of ge- 
 ;iieral concernment : but fo difpleafing were thefe new regulations to the generali- 
 ty of thofe People, that in high difcontent they caballed together, and held pu- 
 iblick meetings to contrive a remedy. 
 
 Some few days after the publication of thefe Orders, his Imperial Majefty no- 
 \ minated Don Frandfco Tello de Sandoval, a Native of Seville, who had been Inquifi- 
 tor of Toledo , to be his Vifitor , for which Office he judged him the moft proper 
 : perfon he could chufe, in consideration that he had formerly been a member of 
 rhe Royal Council of the Indies, and a perfon of great probity and prudence, and 
 for that reafon , was well worthy of the emploiment , to fee that the new Laws 
 i fhould be put in execution as well in New Spain as in other parts of the Empire, 
 . and to that purpofe , that he fhould vifit all places , to fee them actually perfor- 
 med and put into practice. 
 
 At the fame time Blafco Nunnez Vela, who was Surveyor General of the Forts 
 of Caftile was named Prefident and Vice-king of the Kingdoms and Provinces 
 of Peru , concerning which matter Carate , in the fecond Chapter of his fifth 
 I Book , hath thefe words following , " The great experience his Majefty had 
 B of this Gentleman, whom he had tryed and approved in other Governments 
 "of Countries and Cities, namely, in Malaga and Cuenca; and having found 
 " that he was a Gentleman of great probity and rectitude , executing impartial 
 ." juftice unto all men without refpect to perfons, and that he was ever zealous for 
 I* the Royal Intereft, and that with great courage he performed the King's Com- 
 : " mands, and without failure in any thing 5 his Majefty therefore judged him wor- 
 thy of this honourable emploiment. Thus far are the words of Carate. 
 Moreover Bon Diego de Cepeda, a Native of TorderfillM, who had been Judge in 
 
 the Ifles of the Canaries, and Don Lifon de Texada, a Native of Logronno, who had 
 
 been Judge of the Marmal's Court held at Valladolid , for deciding points of Ho- 
 nour, and Don Alvarez,, who had been a Pleader or Advocate in the fame Court, 
 With Don Pedro Ortez de Carate, a Native of the City of Ordunna, formerly Mayor 
 of Segovia, were all four put into Commiffion , and appointed Officers in thofe 
 parts. 
 
 Moreover Auguftine de Carate , who had been Secretary of the Privy- Council , 
 was appointed Auditor General of all the Accounts of thofe Kingdoms and 
 Provinces, and of that whole Continent. To whom, and to the perfons above- 
 mentioned , thefe Rules and Orders above-mentioned were delivered, with Com- 
 
 O o o o 7. mand , 
 
6?z Royal Commentaries. Book III. ,: 
 
 mand , That fo foon as the Courts were fetled and eftabliflhed in the City of ' 
 Los Reyes, where his Majefty commanded they lhould be held ; the feveral Laws 
 mentioned in the fequel of the Commiflions, fliould be obferved and maintained 
 without any violation. 
 
 Thus much is reported by Diego Fernandez, in the fecond Chapter of his Book 
 and the like alfo is mentioned by Augufline Curate , almoft in the fame termes • 
 and that thefe Laws were iffued out and dated in the month of April, 1 5-43. 
 
 And now, in the firft place, we will briefly relate the happy fuccefs of thefe 
 matters in Mexico , from whence we will proceed to Peru , and there declare the 
 fad and dolefull effects thereof , which happened in that Kingdom as well to 
 
 Spaniards as Indians. 
 
 In the month of November , 15-43. ^e Vice-king , together with his Judges 
 Minifters, and Chief Super-Intendent, Z>«« Bimcifto Telk de Sandoval, embarked at 
 San Lucar upon a noble Fleet, confifting of about 52 Sail of good and tall Ships 5 
 and looiing from thence with a profperous gale arrived in 1 2 days at the Iflands 
 of the Canaries \ from whence having taken fome refrefhments, they purfued their 
 voyage ; and then divided their Fleet , thofe for New Spain fleering their courfe " 
 to the right-hand, and thofe for Peru unto the left 5 where we will leave our Vice- 
 king in profecution of his voyage, to relate the fuccefs of the Viiitor or Super- :: 
 Inrendent in the Kingdom of Mexico. And palling by the many particulars of j '^' 
 his voyage , which are mentioned by Diego Fernandez Paktino; we (hall fay , in 
 iliort , that in the month of Febr. 1 544. he fafely arrived in the Port of St. John 
 de Viva , and from thence proceeded to Veracruz -, and in a (hort time afterwards 
 came to Mexico ; being received in his way thither by all People with that re- 
 fpect, duty and joy, as was due to his Quality and Commiflion. 
 
 But the People of Mexico, being informed of the Rules and Inftructions he 
 brought with him, refolved to goe forth and meet him at fome lhort diftance 
 from the City ; not with Mufick or Merriment , but as Diego Fernandez reports , 
 clothed in Mourning , and with fuch fadnefs and forrow in their countenances, as 
 might teftirie their refentments, fears and apprehenfions, they conceived at his en- 
 trance into the Government. 
 
 Which Intention being made known to the Vice-king Don Antonio de Mendoca, \k I 
 he prefently endeavoured to prevent the fame, and to put the People into a better - '. 
 humour, commanding them to receive him with Joy and Mirth •■, and according- pie; 
 ly the Vice-king and Council, with the Officers of State, the Mayor and Alder- BtDac 
 •men of the City, as alfo the Clergy, with above 600 Gentlemen all richly ador-laws 
 nee and well-armed, went forth to receive him at half a League diftance from minx. 
 the City. The Vice-king and the Super-Intendent met, and entertained each o- Bret ;! 
 ther with much complement and ceremonies, and the like pafled with all others .-prove 
 and then he proceeded to the Monaftery of St. Domingo, at his entrance into which .:. - 
 he was received by Father fohn Cumarrage, of the Order of St. Francis, Arch-bi(hop liatio 
 of Mexico, and was conducted thither by the Vice-king, who having feen himfctfsr 
 there in his Lodging , he left him , and committed him to his repofe. All which 
 being thus far related by Diego Fernandez, he proceeds to give us a defcription of 
 the City of Mexico in thefe words. 
 
 " If it may be lawfull for me, who am an Indian, and for that reafon may (eem 
 ' partial to my own Countrey : I lhould gladly repeat the words which he ufes 
 in honour of that great City , which may be compared to the ancient greatnefs of 
 Rome in its glory : His words are thefe. " This great City of Mexico is fituated : - 
 " in a plain , and founded amidft the Waters like Venice ■■, and therefore for the r 
 " better communication of the Inhabitants , it is furnifhed with a great number - 
 ' of Bridges. The Lake in which this City is built, though it feems to be of - 
 c one (ingle Water ■-, yet in reality it confifts of two, which are of different na- 
 
 * tures , the one is of a bitterilh and brackilh fort of Waters .- and the other of 
 " a fweet tafte and wholefome for the body : the Salt-water ebbs and flows 5 but 
 
 ' the S veec- water doth not fo , but being of a higher fituation falls into the 1 - 
 " Saltwater , and the Salt-water on the contrary doth not arife fo high as to da- 
 " mage the other. 
 
 " The Salt-water Lake is about five Leagues broad, and eight Leagues in 
 " length ; and the Sweet- water is much of the like dimenfion; upon thefe Lakes 
 
 * about 200 thoufand fmall Boats are emploied , which the Natives call Acales, 
 " and the Spaniards, Cames -, they are all made of one piece of Timber , and are 
 
 " bigger 
 
 on 
 
 "fti 
 
 •] 
 
 raa 
 
 :',b 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 653 
 
 " bigger or lefs, according to the proportion of the Tree out of which they 
 " werehewen. 
 
 " About this time this City contained 700 great and principal Palaces , well 
 " built of Lime and Stone 5 the which were not covered with Tile or Slate, but 
 " made flat with a Tarras, fo that People might walk on the top. 
 
 " The Streets are very commodious , plain and freight , and fo wide that four 
 " Horfemen may be able to ride a-breaft with their Lances and Targets, without 
 " touching one the other. 
 
 " The Town-houfe , where the Tribunals of Juftice are held , hath nine feve- 
 " ral Courts. or Yards within it , together with a large Garden, and a fpacious 
 " place , where they exercifed their Sports called the Feafls of hulls. Within 
 " this Houfe the Vice- king Bon Antonio de Mendo$a kept his Court, and the Vifi- 
 tor or Superintendent Don Francifio Tello de Sandoval, with three Judges and the 
 " Accountant General were conveniently lodged. Within the Verge alfo of this 
 " Town-houfe, the Royal Prifon was contained, and a Houfe and Office for 
 " founding Bells and Cannon, as alfo the Mint for Coinage of Money. 
 
 " Upon one fide of this Houfe the Street fronts which they call Taenia, and 
 " on the other fide runs the Street of St. Francis, and behind is the Street called 
 " the Chafe , all which are Principal Streets 5 and on the Front of all is the open 
 t( Place where they bait the Bulls 5 and, in fine, this Palace is of that large Cir- 
 " cumference , that it anfwers to the eighty Gates belonging to the Houfes of 
 " Principal Inhabitants of that City. 
 
 * The Indians of this City live in two great Streets called Si. fago and Mexico 5 
 " the number of which are at this time reckoned to be 200 thoufand. The A- 
 I venues to this City are four , one whereof is two Leagues in length , and is that 
 " to the South-ward, by which Hernando Cortes made his entry. 
 
 Thus far are the words of Diego Fernandez, to which this Authouf adds , That 
 in thofe days there were 700 great capacious Houfes , he might mean rather 700 
 large Streets , which may well be imagined , if we take the Meafures thereof by 
 the proportion of that vaft Palace, wherein were contained the Vice-king's Houfe, 
 the Vifitors Apartments , with the Lodgings of the Judges and other Officers of 
 the Kingdom , as alfo the Prifon , the Mint , and the rooms wherein the Bells 
 and Cannon were founded ; all and every of which Offices were fo large that 
 each of them of it felf contained a whole Street ; which this Authour confirms in 
 the Defcription he gives of this Houfe, faying, That this Houfe is fo large that 
 it anfwers to 80 great Gates belonging to the Houfes of Principal Citizens. 
 In (hort , we may pofitively affirm , that this Imperial City of Mexico is certainly 
 one of the chief, if not the moft confiderable City in the World, The which 
 I prove by the teftimony of a Dutch Gentleman , who having out of curiofity 
 travailed to fee the moft famous Cities of the Old World , did averre , that out 
 of curiofity onely to fee Mexico, he took a voyage into the new-found World $ 
 and that, befides the pleafure he took in the fight thereof, he had gained 20 thou- 
 fand Ducats in his Countrey upon feveral wagers he had made , concerning the 
 particulars he had related thereof; to prove which a man was purpofely lent to 
 thofe parts. 
 
 But not to make too long a Digreffion upon this Subject, we (hall omit many 
 particulars which he related to me hereof , as alfo of his long Travails he made 
 there , and the many years he fpent therein , which to my beft remembrance he 
 told me were 14. Valentino reports, that when the Vice-king went forth to meet 
 and receive the Vifitor or Superintendent , he was accompanied with the Privy 
 j Council, Judges and other Officers of State, as alfo with the Mayor and Alder- 
 men of the City, and the Clergy, together with 600 Gentlemen all very richly 
 attired and well armed •, all which was no Romance nor more than the truth. 
 For befides other Grandeurs and pieces ofOftentation belonging to Mexico; it is 
 moft certain, that 'tis common and ufual on Sundays, and other Feftival-days, to 
 fee j or 600 Gentlemen riding through the Streets , not upon defign of Matches 
 or Horfe-races, or the like, but onely for common paftime, and to take the Air : 
 which for a fubordinate Government without the prefence of a King, is very ma- 
 gnificent and extraordinary. 
 
 CHAP 
 
654 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Perfons are appointed to petition againft. the New Laws ; 
 the fame are publickfy proclaimed. Of the Trouble and 
 Mutiny which was caufed thereby ; and how it was ap- 
 peafed. And how matters jlourijhed in all the Empire 
 of Mexico by the prudence and good condutl of this Vi- 
 fitor or Super-lntendent. 
 
 BUT to return again to the courfe of our Hiftory from whence we are di- 
 grefled - 7 we are here to declare , that the next day after the arrival of this 
 Vifitor , there was a general mutiny and difcontent in all the City of Mexico ; 
 faying , That this new Gueft was come to put the new Laws in execution , and 
 every one defcanted on matters according to his own humour and fancy, fo that 
 there were feveral publick Cabals and Confultations held in w hat manner to over- 
 throw, and prevent this general agrievance, the refult of which was with general 
 confent , that they mould petition againft thefe Ordinances , and lay before the 
 Vifitor their Objedions againft them •-, to confider and perfect which the Corpo- 
 ration of the City and Officers of his Majefties Exchequer fpent that whole night 
 and the Sunday following 3 and upon Munday morning, fo foon as it was light, they 
 convened together , namely , the chief of the Cabal with their Clerk who atten- 
 ded with a multitude of People , went to the Monaftery of St. Domingo , where 
 they delivered their Petition and Reafons againft the new Regulations : and 
 though the Monaftery was very fpatious , yet the Croud of People was fo great, 
 that the place was not capable to contain them. And though the Vifitor was 
 fomething fearfull and apprehenfive of the rudenefs and infolence of the rabble, yet 
 he put a good face upon the matter , and with much franknefs declared unto them 
 the Reafons of his coming. Howfoever he gently reproved them with fair words, 
 wondering that before he had opened his Commiflion, or declared the caufes and 
 matters upon which he was employed , that they mould fo eagerly offer their 
 Complaints againft agrievances which never touched them. Wherefore hedefi- 
 red them to depart in peace with their multitude, and out of them to depute two 
 or three of their principal Officers to reprefent their Complaints before him ; 
 and that they mould return to him in the afternoon , when he would treat with 
 them, and give Anfwers to their Demands: with this Anfwer they all retired, and 
 upon confultation together, they appointed the Atturney General and two Juftices 
 of the Peace , and the Clerk of the Cabal, named Lopez, de Legafpi , to be their 
 Deputies •■, who accordingly at two a clock in the afternoon went to the Mona- 
 ftery to offer their agrievances. 
 
 The Vifitor to outward appearance feemed to receive them with much cheer- 
 fulnefs-, and having admitted them into an inward room, began marply to reprove 
 them for the Tumult which they had raifed in the morning , aggravating their 
 Fault by the dangerous confluences which might have happened thereupon , to 
 the dishonour of God, and the breach of the publick Peace. Moreover he allu- 
 red them, that he came not to deftroy or prejudice the Countrey,^ but to advance 
 and improve it to the utmoft of his power: he likewife promiled to intercede 
 with his Majefty on their behalf, and reprefent the Inconvenience of the moft ri- 
 gorous Statutes , and that untill an Anfwer thereof were returned , he would fu- 
 fpend the execution of them. 
 
 In fine, he fo managed his difcourfe , and fo overcame them with good words 
 and forcible Perfuafions , that without enforcing the particulars on which they 
 were deputed, they returned with full fatisfaclion, and appeafed the unquietnefs 
 and rage of the Tumult •, and fo the Mutinies of the Peopie being abated for the 
 
 fpace 
 
Book III. Royal Commentaries. 655 
 
 fpace of feveral days, until Monday the 24th of March, when the new Statutes were 
 publickly proclaimed, at which time the perfons who were prefent were, die Vice- 
 King, the Vilitor, and all the Council. So foon as the Proclamation was ended, 
 the SherifTof the City broke through the Croud , and in a confufed manner came 
 up to the Vilitor , and delivered him a Petition which he had prepared , with fe- 
 veral Reafons againft the new Statutes 5 the People at the fame time murmuring, 
 and feemingly refolved to maintain their former liberties : Upon which the Vi- 
 fitor, fearing the outrage of the People, began to excufe himfelf, and with much 
 earneftnefs declared , that what he had done therein , was not of choice , but by 
 compulsion : promiling them with all the affurance imaginable, that whatsoever 
 in that Proclamation tended to the prejudice of the Conquerours he would never 
 enforce or execute •, and that he would affuredly perform whatfoever he had pro- 
 mifed to the Deputies of the Common Council of the People. And whereas they 
 feemed to give no credence to his words , he much complained , and with vehe- 
 ment Afleverations vowed and fwore to them , that he was infinitely concerned , 
 and that they themfelves did not lb much defire the flourilhing eftate and con- 
 dition of New Spain , as he did- 
 
 He moreover promifed upon Oath to write unto his Majefty in favour of the 
 Conquerours and Inhabitants, befeeching his Majefty not onely to conferve unto 
 them their Eftates and Revenue, Privileges and ancient Charters, but likewife, to 
 confirm and enlarge the fame, and to confer upon them thole other Lands to be e- 
 qually divided, which lye wafte and without a PolTeflbr. In like manner the Bilhop 
 of yt/i?A7«,obferving the general fadnefs and difcontent which appeared in the coun- 
 tenance of the Citizens, offered to engage his own Faith and Credit, that the Vi- 
 ctor Ihould perform whatfoever he had promifed-, and for an evidence of his kind- 
 nefs , he invi ei all the People on the next day being the twenty fifth of March , 
 and the great Feftival of our Lady , to be prefent at the great Church , where 
 he promifed to give them a Sennon , and that the Vilitor Ihould celebrate Mali. 
 With thefe Promifes and Aflurances , though their Minds were a little eafed, 
 yet they departed fad and feanull, doubting the performance of the many Promi- 
 fes which were made to them --, and though they palled that night with fear and 
 anguiih of mind ; yet in the morning they flocked to the great Church , where 
 the Vice-king, the Judges and Officers of the Corporation of the City were pre- 
 fent. The Vilitor having finilhed the Mafs, the Bilhop of Mexico afcended the 
 Pulpit, and began his Sermon, in which he produced many Texts of Holy Scri- 
 pture pertinent to the Affliction of the People , and enforced them with that 
 2eal and fervour of Spirit as gave great comfort and confolation to the People. 
 After which their fullennefs began to vaniib , and more cheerfulnefs appeared in 
 their convention and bufinefs : fo that the Attorney General and Judges went 
 to make their vilit to Don Francifco Tello , contriving with him the form and me- 
 thod whereby they were to make their application to his M ijefty for a redrefs of 
 • thefe aggrievances which were defigned againft them : in purfuanoarof which , 
 with the confent and advice of the Vilitor, they named two Friers of good efteem, 
 and two Burgomaftersof the City Council, whom they deputed in behalf of the 
 whole Kingdom to carry their addrefs into Germany, where the Emperour at that 
 time refided being employed in Wars againft the Lutherans : with them the Vili- 
 tor lent his Letters of recommendation , giving his Majefty to underftand , how 
 much the fufpeniion of the late Statutes concerned the Service of God, and of his 
 M ijefty : and the confervation of the common peace and quiet of that Countrey •, 
 and on the contrary, what inconveniences, troubles and confufions might relulc 
 from the execution of them. 
 
 In all which particulars the Vilitor performed his word like a Gentleman. For 
 in his Letters to his Majefty, having in the firft place.given a relation of his voy- 
 age, and of what happened at his arrival in New Spain, he touched upon divers 
 things relating to the execution of the New Statutes 5 remarking what in every 
 Law might properly be reftrained or enlarged: within this Letter he inclofed a 
 paper containing is Heads, relating to fuch conditions as were proper and ten- 
 ding to the welfare of the Indians , and in what manner they might be beft con- 
 ferved, and the Natives increafed : howfoever the Articles were all for the moft 
 part in favour of the Spaniards who were Inhabitants of thofe Countries. 
 
 With thefe Difpatches the perfons deputed to carry the Addrefs embarked for 
 Spain, and with them feveral others who were willing to be abfent, to avoid the 
 
 force 
 
6^6 Royal Commentaries. Book III. 
 
 force of thefe new Laws, howfoever fome few days after they were publifhed, the 
 Vifitor craftily and underhand began to infinuate and privately to put fome of 
 the new Regulations into pradice. The molt eafie and fafe way, as he thought, 
 was to begin with the King's Officers, who could not realbnably complain of fuch I V) 
 Rules as their Mafter impoled on them ; in purfuance whereof he acquitted the In- I « 
 dians of their fervices to them ; in like manner he relealed rhem from all manner j I 
 of fervice to Convents , Billiops and Hofpitals •, and hereof gave immediate ad- 
 vice to his Majefty. 
 
 In the mean time the Friers and Burgeffes who were deputed to carry this Mef- 
 fage, departed from New Spain, and, having had a fair wind, gained a prosperous paf- 
 fage, and arrived fafe in Caflile, from whence they haftned with all diligence into 
 Germany to reprefent their caufe before his Imperial Majefty , and in regard the 
 Wars in Germany were very hot , and the perfecution of Monafteries and religi- 
 ous Perfons which the Hereticks exercifed in thofe parts were very grievous * 
 the Friers thought fit to change their habit , and accouter themfelves in the fafhi- 
 on of Souldiers. In fhort, their negotiations at the Court were fuccefsfull , and 
 fpeedily difpatched , having obtained his Majefties Royal hand for the eafe and — 
 redrefs of their aggrievances, they, by the firft Fleet, gave an account of the fuccefs 
 of their affairs , and how prevalent the recommendations and report w hich the 
 Vifitor had given them were towards the relief and redrefs of their aggrievances. 
 
 So foon as thefe Difpatches arrived at Mexico, and that the Letters were read 
 at the Common Council of the City j they all immediately repaired to the Houfe 
 of the Vifitor , but in a far different manner , and with a more cheerfull afped 
 than when they firft came to offer their petition , and confiderations againft the 
 new Statutes : for now, without that fullennefsof look which they formerly ihew- ••'' 
 ed , they now with fmiles and pleafant looks returned him many thanks for the 
 Letter which he had fo kindly wrote in their favour 5 by virtue of which they 
 had obtained the Royal Mandate, which they delivered to him, commanding 
 the Vifitor to fufpend the execution of the new Laws, untill farther Order; and 
 moreover it was therein added , that his Majefty would fpeedily give directions 
 for dividing the Countrey among the Conquerours and the Inhabitants thereof: 
 and accordingly in the very next Fleet his Majefty fent a Commifllon to Don Anto- 
 nio de Mandoca,to make a diftribution of fuch Lands as lay wafte.and without any 
 Poffeffbur : all which gave fuch general fatisfadion, that the Common Council 
 of the City gave orders for a day of feftivity and rejoycing to be folemnly cele- 
 brated •, which was performed with Bull-baiting and other Sports and Paftimes 
 in fuch manner as the like was never pradifed before: After which, all fears JM 
 
 and jealoufies vanishing L , every man followed his pleafuresand delights 
 
 And farther , to confirm them in the Affurance that the new Laws fiiould not I 
 be put in execution , an Inftance was given them by the death of one of the ' 
 Conquerours , who leaving a Widow without Iffue •, the Vice- king and the Vi- 
 fitor ordaingd , that the Indians who were his Subjeds , and whom he held in 
 villenage , fhould ftill continue in the fame condition , fubjeded to the Widow 
 of the deceafed -, the which adion took away the remainder of the jealoufie they 
 apprehended concerning the Pradice of the new Statutes. 
 
 Thus Don Francifco Tello having performed all matters in New Spain in the man- 
 ner as we have related , and fetled every thing according as he was commanded 
 by his Majefty , he returned again to Caflile , where he was preferred by his Ma- 
 jefty to be Preiident in the Courts of Judicature in Granada and ValUiolid, and 
 made Prefident of the Royal Council of the Indies .• and in the month of Decem- 
 ber, 1566. his Majefty conferred upon him the Bilhoprick of Ofma. 
 
 Thus much (hall ferve to have faid concerning the new Laws and Conftiturions 
 in Mexico -. We lhall now proceed to give a relation of the many fad misfortunes 
 and calamities which were the confequences of them in Peru, where all things 
 being managed in a different manner to thofe of Mexico, occafioned great Difor- 
 ders in that Empire : the riches whereof being great, it was neceflary to ufe the 
 more feverity and rigour to put the new Statutes in pradice : whence proceeded 
 fo many (laughters, ruines, robberies, tyrannies and cruelties that we are not able to 
 defcriNe the tenth part of thofe Miferies which Spaniards and Indians of both fexes 
 and all ages fuftained in that great trad of Land where was nothing but Mifery 
 and Confufion for the fpace of 700 leagues together. 
 
 m 
 Ufa 
 
 M 
 
 The End of the Third Booh, 
 
 '•'•1. 
 
C«57) 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Accidents which befell the Vice-king Blafco Nunnez 
 Vela fo foon as he landed on the Continent and on the Con- 
 fines of Peru. 
 
 N the preceding Hiftory we have given a Relation of the happy and profpe- 
 rous State of Amirs in the Kingdom of Mexico, earned by the Moderation, 
 Wifedom and good Conduct of the Vifitor Don Francifio Tello de Sandoval: 
 We are now , on the contrary , obliged to make a Relation of the Ruines , 
 Slaughters and other Calamities of the Empire of Peru-, caufedby the Rigour, 
 Severity and Evil difpofition of the Vice-king Blafco Nunnez Vela , who fo obfti- 
 oately , againft the opinion and fenfe of all his Council and Officers, purfued the 
 Jefign of putting the new Statutes into pra&ice , that for want of due confide- 
 •ation of what might conduce to his Majefties fervice , he put the whole well- 
 fere of the Empire into danger : We have formerly mentioned , how that the 
 wo Fleets bound for Peru and Mexico feparated each from the other in the Gulf 
 3r Bay of Las Daman, and fleering thence a different courfe, the Vice-king with 
 i profperous Wind arrived at Nombre de D'ws, on the 10th of January i J44. from 
 whence he travailed to Panama, where he manumitted, or fet at liberty great num- 
 bers of Indians, and freed them from their duty and fervitude to the Spaniards, who 
 had brought them from Peru, and caufed them again to return thither ; the which 
 iftion was difpleafing and ill refented on all fides 5 for that the Spaniards were 
 highly troubled to be deprived of the Vaffalage of their Indian Servants whom 
 :hey had inftru&ed and taught to be induftrious : and they themfelves being tur- 
 ned Chriftians, and inured to the tervice of the Spaniards, and domefticated in 
 their families, were unwilling to quit their Matters. And though it was often 
 infinuated to the Vice-king that this action would prove to the diflervice both of 
 God and the King, to exempt the Indians from their fervitude to the Spaniards ; in 
 regard that fuch of them as had declared and profeffed themfelves Chriftians , 
 could not long continue in that ftate 5 but fo foon as they returned to the power 
 of their Caciques , would renounce Chriftianity , and revert to their old prin- 
 ciples and Sacrifices to the DeviL Moreover , they reprefented unto him , that 
 though his Majefty ordained thattjie Indians mould be fet at liberty , yet he com- 
 manded , that they fhould be free to refide where they pleafed , and not be for- 
 ced againft their own wills to return unto Peru , and with fo little Provifion and 
 ill accommodation , that it was almoft impoflible for them to be fuftained , but 
 that moft of them muft perifh in the voyage thither : To all which the Vice- 
 
 P p p p king 
 
658 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. ;'i 
 
 king made no other reply than that fuch wss the exprefs command and pleafure 
 of his Majefty, from which he was refolved not to deviate in the leaft tittle : and 
 accordingly he fent his Orders to all Matters of Indians, that they mould immedi- 
 ately fet their Indians at liberty, and furnifh them ivirjh provifions for their voy- 
 age ; io pursuance pf which Command 300 Indians were embarked- and diipar- 
 chedavvay , but fo ill accommodated and provided in the; Ship, 'jnarnany of 
 them were ftarved with hunger, and others being landed and left to frrift for them- 
 felves on the coaft, perifhed with famine and the hardfhip they fuftained in that - 
 defolate Countrey. Such perfons as undertook to difluade the Vice-king from • 
 putting the new Laws into pra&ice, offered many Reafons to the contrary, repre- 
 senting unto him the many late unhappy Civil Wars which would eafily be re- 
 newed by a People whofe humours were already in a fermentation, and difpofed 
 to make infurredions. 
 
 Thefe Difcourfes being difpleafing and ungratefull to the Vice-king, moved him 
 to unhanfome exprefljons, and to tell them that fuch Motions as thofe were punifh- 
 able, and that , were he in a place within his own jurifdi&ion, he would advance c 
 the Promoters thereof unto the Gallows : the which angry and rude Anfwer gave * ■ 
 a check to all Addrefles intended to be made to the Vice-king of this matter. 
 
 Blafco Nunnez remained twenty days in Panama , during which time the She- r 
 riffs and Juftices of the City received feveral advices of the ftate of Peru, in which ace; 
 two things were very confiderable : One was, that upon the advice of the co- c.l 
 ming of the new Rules, the Conquerours of Peru were all in a Mutiny, and in n: 
 great Difcontent : And the other , that it was impoffible to put the fame in exe- b 
 cution without great danger of fubverting the whole Government : For that it ..r. 
 being but lately fince the Battel was fought , wherein Vaca At Cafiro overthrew y- 
 Diego de Almagro the younger, with the Slaughter of 3J0 men : and that thofe r 
 who furvived efteemed that the dangers they had fuftained by the fuppreflion of 
 this Rebellion was a piece of fuch fervice to his Majefty as deferved a nigh re- -. ( 
 ward, rather than the leaft diminution of their Eftates and Privileges. Howfo- ' 
 ever the Juftices and Officers, being acquainted with the humour and difbofition re; 
 of the Vice-king did not think fit to inform or prefs him farther , fuppofing that s„ 
 upon his arrival in Peru, having feen and obferved the nature and conftitution of fc- 
 thofe Countreys , he would be more eafily convinced, and more apt to receive ' 
 the impreflions of better Councils : but the Vice-king , being of a froward and 
 petulant difpofition , eafily moved with the leaft occafion , refolved not to fuffer ]"■ 
 the Judges to aflbciate or go in company with him •-, fwearing, that before they :r. 
 came thither, he would effeft and compafs all matters, according to the Rules and 
 Laws which were prefcribed. 
 
 , Carate , who was then Governour of Panama , being at that time fick and in 
 his Bed , the Vice-king made him the Complement of a Vifit before his depar- 
 ture : when Carate told him , that fince he was refolved to depart without the 
 attendance and company of the Judges, heearneftly defired and heartily admo- 
 nifhed him to enter into the Countrey in a mild and gentle manner , and not to - 
 propofe or attempt to put any of the new Laws into execution or practice, untill / « 
 the Courts of Juftice were erected and fetled in the City of Los Reyes s and till 
 he was fully pofleffed of the Power and Authority of the Countrey 5 for before 
 that time fuch an enterprize would not be feafible , nor prove honourable for his 
 Majefty •, nor conduce to the welfare of the People or confervation of the Go- 
 vernment: And in regard that feveral of thofe new Laws which he defigned to 
 put in execution were very rigorous and oppreffive on the People •-, he advifed 
 him to fufpend them, untill he had given his advice thereupon unto his Majefty , 
 with his opinion of the mifchiefs which might acciue thereby ■, and that if, after f f 
 all this, his Majefty mould continue his Pleafure to have them executed ; it might 
 then be more feafonable to promulge and put them in practice, for that by that 
 time he might be able to get into Power , and eftablifh himfelf in the Govern- 
 ment. All which , and many other things , were declared to him by Carate ; 
 but he not relifhing them , being contrary to his humour , ferved onely to move 
 his Choler, and caufe him in a paffion to fwear, that he would, without other 
 preamble or addrefs to the King for other Inftrudions , immediately execute the 
 new Laws, without the help or affiftence of the Judges 5 who upon their arrival 
 in Peru, mould find that he had no need of their help to enforce thofe Laws. 
 
 
 r 
 
 In this 
 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 In this manner, without other attendance than his own private Family, he em- 
 barked , and on the 4th of May he arrived in the Port of Ttmbez. , from whence 
 he travailed over Land , and all the way he went , he publilhed the new Orders , 
 and caufed them to be executed and obeyed , laying a Tax or Impofition on the 
 People according to the numbers of thofe Indians they held , and taking them a- 
 way from others , caufed them all to be held as of the King. 
 
 In this manner he palled through Pitir* and Truxillo, proclaiming the new Laws 
 as he went, and caufing them to be executed, without admitting any Petition or 
 Argument thereupon. And though the Inhabitants alledged that this method of 
 proceeding was not juftifiable without hearing the Objections they had to produce 
 unto the contrary, and that the Laws were not to be enforced without knowledge 
 of the Caufe , or publication of his Power , or Commiffion in a Court of Judica- 
 ture-, it being exprefly fignified by his Majefty that thofe new Laws were to be 
 publiOied in Court in pretence of the Vice-king and four Judges. Howfoever the 
 Vice- king, unmoved by any reafons or perfuafions proceeded refolutely to exe- 
 cute them , threatning thole who refufed to obey them , the which ftruck great 
 terrour and confufion into the minds of the People, confidering that the Laws 
 were general and comprehenfive of all fort of People without any qualification 
 or reftri&ion/ And herein this Vice-king was fo politive, that fo foon as he was 
 landed on the Coaft of Peru, he difpatched his Emiflaries before him to the City 
 of Los Reyes, and to Cozco ; giving them to underftand, that he being arrived with- 
 in thofe Dominions, the whole power and authority as Vice-king devolved upon 
 him , and that thereupon the Commiffion and Command of Vaca de Caftro was 
 fuperfeded. 
 
 Some few days before thefe advices were brought to the City of Los Reyes, the 
 whole tenure of the new Regulations difpatched from the King by Blafco Nunnez 
 Vela were made known by the Copies which were difperfed in all places ; fo that 
 the Corporation of Los Reyes difpatched away the Advices thereof to Antonio de 
 Ribera and fohn Alonfo Palomino, defiring them to make Vaca, de Caftro acquainted 
 therewith ; but he was not ignorant before of all that palled $ for his Servant in 
 Spain called fames de Alkr , being informed of the new Statutes and Regulations 
 fpeedily ported with them to his Mafter in Cozco, fo that he was informed of eve- 
 ry particular before the Vice-king arrived. 
 
 Thus far is reported by the Writings of Fernandez, de Palentino, and generally all 
 the Hiftorians agree with him in the fame Relation. 
 
 659 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Judge Vaca de Caftro goes to the City of Los Reyes, and 
 dijcbarges thofe who went with him upon the way. The 
 great noife and difiurbance which the Execution of the 
 new Laws cccafwned, and the mutinous words which the 
 People uttered thereupon, 
 
 THE Governour Vaca de Caftro having received information of the approach 
 of the Vice-king Blafco Nunnez Vela, and of the tenure of the Laws which 
 he brought with him, and that he put them in execution with all the vigour ima- 
 ginable, without hearing any man fpeak or admitting any Petition to the contrary ; 
 he thought fit to fecure his own intereft and party by a due compliance with him -, 
 in order whereunto he went to the City of Los Reyes , there to receive him for 
 Vice-king. And though the Corporation of the City of Rimac fent their Emif- 
 faries Antonio de Ribera and fohn Alonfo Palamino to him , and alfo others from the 
 City of Cozco and other parts , perfuading him not to goe in perfon to the Vice- 
 king, but rather to fend a MelTage to him in the name of all the People, defiring 
 him to fufpend the execution of the new Laws. And whereas this Vice- king by 
 
 Pppp 2 reafon 
 
66o Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 reafon of his rough and obff inate humour, had rendred himfelf uncapable of Of- 
 fice by not giving ear to the complaints and aggrievances which his Majefty's good 
 Subjects offered to him ; fhewing nothing but fiercenefs in the execution of mat- 
 ters of the fmalleft moment, they were generally of opinion that he mould be 
 rejected and not admitted to the Government •, and that in cafe Vaca de Cafiro 
 would not concurr with them herein, they did not doubt but to fix upon anotner 
 perfon who mould join with them in the oppofition which they intended to 
 make. 
 
 By this obftinacy and fiercenefs of the Vice-king all Pern was put into a flame, 
 and the humours of the people into a fermentation : there was now no other talk 
 or difcourfe ovei all Pern than of the new Laws, the contents of which the Mef- 
 fengers of the Vice-king, whom he had fent before to take up his quarters, had 
 openly divulged in all places : and thereunto the rumour of the people, as is com- 
 mon in fuch cafes, had aggravated the feverity thereof, the more to provoke and 
 incenfe the people. Hereupon Vaca de Caflro prepared himfelf for his Journey to 
 Los Reyes ; and being upon his departure from Cozco, he was accompanied with a 
 numerous Train of Citizens andSouldiers •, for being a perfon well beloved, there 
 would not have remained fo much as one perfon in the City if he would have ac- 
 cepted of their attendance •, and, being on his way, he was met by Meffengers 
 from the Vice-king giving him to underftand, that his CommilTion for the Go- 
 vernment was now fuperfeded by his arrival in thofe parts, and that he was to re- 
 ceive and acknowledge him for the chief Governour of that Countrey ; to all 
 which Vaca de Cafiro chearfully fubmitted, and defifted from exercifing the power 
 of his Office : but before that time, by a Writing under his hand, he had be- 
 ftowed and fettled feveral Plantations of Indians on certain perfons, who had by 
 their fervices and fufferings well deferved the favour and reward of his Majefty, , 
 being fuch of whofe merits he had been an eye-witnefs, or at leaft had received 
 fufficient Teftimonials of their loyalty and good fervices before he came to the 
 adminiftration of the Government. The Meffengers which the Vice king fent 
 before to provide for his entertainment, gave a relation in all places in what man- 
 ner the new Laws were put in practice and how enforced •, how he had freed the 
 Indians in Panama from their duty and vaflalage to the Spaniards, againft \\ hole 
 will, and in defpight of whom, he had embarked and fent them away to Peru; 
 how he had in Tumpiz, St. Michaets and Tmxillo laid a Tax upon fome Lands, 
 and freed others, and fettled them all in Capite to be held of the King, according 
 to the rules prefcribed by the new Laws, without any confidention of difference 
 or diftinction of cafes, but made all things equal without admitting of provifoes, 
 or refervations, or hearing what any man had to alledge ; but with an unfhaken 
 refolution pretended that fo was his Majefty's pleafure. The which fo much en- 
 raged the people who accompanied Vaca de Cafiro, that moft of them returned back 
 to Cokxo without fo much as taking their leave of the Governour, pretending that 
 they could not appear before a man fo fierce and arbitrary without danger of being 
 by him condemned to the Gallows : Howfbever they gave out, that when the Au- 
 ditours and Juftices came, they would then appear to give in their plea and rea- 
 fons againft fuch proceedings •■> yet in the mean time they feemed to act like dif 
 contented perfons, profefling openly their aggrievances and diffatisfaction : for 
 when they came to Huamanca they took away all the Artillery which had been 
 lodged there ever fince the defeat of Almagro and carried them away to Cozco -, 
 the chief Authour of which enterprife was called Gafiar Rodriguez, who. by the 
 help of great numbers of Indians, carried them away to the diffatisfaction of all 
 thofe who either faw or heard of the action. Vaca de Cafiro, having intelligence 
 hereof, proceeded on his Journey, and by the way it was his fortune to meet with 
 a certain Prieft called Baltafar de Loajfa, who out of kindnefs told him, that in the 
 City of Los Reyes the people fpake hardly of him •, and therefore he advifed him 
 to be wary and to go well attended both with Men and Arms. Vaca de Cafiro 
 making ule of this information, defired thofe Gentlemen, who came in his com- 
 pany and entred into his attendance, that they would now be pleafed to leave 
 him and return to their own homes : and that fuch who were unwilling (o to doe, 
 and were defirous to continue with him ^ yet at leaft, that they fhould quit their 
 Lances and Fire-arms 5 though it were the practice at that time, as well as many 
 years af:er, to travel both with offenfive and defenfive Arms. Accordingly his 
 Friends that accompanied him laid afide their Weapons, and by fhort journies 
 
 arrived 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 66 1 
 
 « 
 
 cc 
 
 arrived at length at Los Reyes .- the perfons who were his affociates were Lorenzo de 
 Aldana, Pedro de los Rios, Benito at Carvajal, a civil Lawyer, Don Alonfo de Monte- 
 Major and Hernando de Bacbicbao i whofe arrival at the City of Los Reyes was fo- 
 lemnized with great joy, though much abated by the apprehenfions they concei- 
 ved of the feverity of the new Statutes, and the inexorable and inflexible humour 
 of the Vice-king, fo different from the temper of his Predeceflbur. So foon as he 
 was arrived he immediately difpatched away from thence his Steward called fero- 
 nimo de Serena, and his Secretary Pedro Lopez de Cacalla with Letters to the Vice- 
 king, congratulating his fafe arrival, with offers Both of his life and fortune to 
 ferve both his Majefty and his Lordfhip. Whilft thefe matters paffed on the 
 way between Cezco and the City of Los Reyes, other more unpleafing paffages oc- 
 curred in the Journey between Tumpiz and Rimac, where the Vice-king, without 
 any difference or confederation of circumftances, put the new Rules into executi- 
 on with all the rigour and fury imaginable, without giving ear to the defence or 
 reafons which the Ccnquerours and Gainers of that great Empire could make or 
 alledge in their own favour and behalf, faying, that fo was the King's will and 
 pleafure, which admitted of no delay or contradiction, or any thing befides pure 
 obedience : Hereupon all the Citizens and Inhabitants, being generally concerned, 
 were inflamed and inraged , for as Fernandez faith, there was not a man amongft 
 them unconcerned ■, fo that people began to talk loudly and fcandaloufly againft 
 thofe new Laws, faying, that this courfe was the effect of the pernicious Counfels 
 of evil men, and of fuch as being envious of the riches and power which thofe 
 Conquerours had acquired, had for their own ends put his Majefty upon indirect 
 means, and upon rigorours courfes very prejudicial to the publick welfare, and 
 perfuaded him to fee them executed by Officers inflexible and without reafon : all 
 which is fully reported by Gomara in the 1 55 th Chapter of his Book, the Title 
 of which is this, 
 
 The manner how Blafco Nunnez treated with thofe of Tmxillo, and of the Reafons and 
 Objections which the People gave againft the new Rules and Statutes. 
 
 " At length Blafco Nunnez, entred into Truxillo to the great difcontent and general 
 fbrrow of the Spaniards - 7 for he immediately made Proclamation to impofe a new 
 fort of Tribute, and to affrighten men from bringing the Indians under vaffalage -, 
 forbidding all people from oppreffing, or caufing them to labour without pay or 
 againft their inclinations : in fine, the Indians were all brought under vaffalage 
 to the King and no other. And though the people and feveral Corporations 
 petitioned againft the mod oppreffive Articles of the new Rules, being willing 
 to admit of the Tributes and Taxes which were impofed upon them, and to 
 free the Indians from their fervices --, yet the Vice-king would hearken to no 
 terms of compofition or moderation, but pofitively perfifted in the execution 
 of the exprefs commands of the Emperour, without any Appeal : All that they 
 could get of him was this, that he would write and inform nis Majefty how ill 
 he had been advifed in the conftitution and eftablifhment of thofe new Laws. 
 Notwithftanding which fair words, the Inhabitants, who obferved his inflexible 
 difpofition, began to mutiny ■-, fome faid that they would abandon their Wives •, 
 others declared that thofe Women or Wenches which, by command of the 
 Government, they had married and taken for Wives, they would renounce and 
 cut them off from alimony and maintenance -, others faid it were better to have 
 no Wives or Children to maintain than to want the fubfiftence and benefit of 
 Slaves who might labour in the Mines for them, and in the works of Husbandry 
 and other fervile Offices, for their fupport and eafinefs of living ■-, others requi- 
 red money, and the price of their Slaves, for which having paid the fifths unto 
 the King, their brand and mark had been fet upon them •-, others murmured and 
 complained that their Services were ill rewarded, and their time ill employed, 
 to have fpent their youth and flower of their years in hardfhips and difficulties, 
 and at laft to be deprived of their Servants and convenient attendances in their 
 old age •■, fome (hewed how their Teeth were fallen out with eating roafted 
 Mayz during the time of War in Peru, and others opened and difplayed their 
 wounds and fractures of their Bones, and the bites of Serpents and venemous 
 Creatures received in the enterprifes they undertook to gain that Empire ; in 
 which alfo they had fpent their Eftates and fhed their Bloud, and all to increafe 
 the Dominions of the Emperour, in reward for which he was pleafed to de- 
 ll! ptve 
 
66z Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 " prive them of thofe few Vaffals they had purchafed to themfelves : and the 
 
 " Souldiers huft and muttered, that they would not concern themfelves farther in 
 
 " new adventures , fince they had no encouragement : but were refolved to live 
 
 " upon fpoil and plunder on all hands. 
 
 " The King's Officers and Minifters complained , that they were hardly dealt 
 
 " with , to be deprived of the vaffalage of the Indians whom they had fo kind- 
 
 " ly treated and uied in their Services : and the Friers and Clergy declared , that 
 
 u they mould be unable to fupport and Main their Monafteries, and Churches, 
 " and Hofpitals, without the neceffary fervices of the Indians. But none fpoke 
 
 " more daringly and freely , both againft the Vice-king and the King himfelf, 
 
 " then did Frier Peter Munnoz, of the Order of Merced, faying plainly, that his Ma- 
 " jefty had ill rewarded thofe who had ferved him well ; and that thofe new 
 
 " Laws fmelt rank of intereft and felfiihnefs rather than of equity ; for it was an 
 
 " intolerable injuftice in the King, to take away thofe Slaves whom he had fold, 
 
 " and yet not return the money for them , and the price he had received -, and 
 
 " that Monafteries, Hofpitals and Churches , and the very Conquerours them- 
 
 ■ (elves mould be diverted of their fervants and (laves, to make them vaffals to 
 
 " the King : And, what was mod unreafonable, in the mean time a double du- 
 
 " ty and tribute was impofed upon the Indians; which was intended for their eafe 
 
 " and relief, though in reality it proved their greateft aggrievance and oppreffi- 
 
 " on. Thus far are the words of Gomara. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Dtfcourfe and Reports the People of Peru raifed a- 
 gainft the Promoters of the new Laws ; and particularly 
 againjl the Civil-Lawyer Bartholomew de las Catas. 
 
 SUch Liberty the People generally took in their Difcourfes againft all thofe 
 who had been Contrivers and Promoters of thefe new Laws , that they re- 
 ported a thoufand evil things of them 5 and particularly of Frier Bartholomew de 
 las Cafas , who being notorioufly known to have had a chief hand in thefe new 
 Regulations, fell under the fevere la(h of their Tongues-, for as Diego Fernandez, 
 one of the firft Adventurers and Conquerours of Peru, reports, they ript up a 
 thoufand Mifdemeanours of which he was guilty before he entred into the pro- 
 feffion of a religious Life ; and particularly how he had endeavoured to make 
 himfelf the Conquerour and Governour of the Ifland in Cumana $ and that he had 
 been the caufe of the deftruction and (laughter of many Spaniards-; by the falfe 
 reports he had given to the Emperour of the State of Afiairs in Peru ; making 
 great and large Promifes of advancing the King's revenue , and of fending vaft 
 quantities of Gold and Pearl to the Flemins and Burgmdians , who redded in the 
 Court of Spain. Many of thofe Spaniards who had been employed in the Con- 
 queft of the Ides of Barlovento , were well acquainted with Bartholomew de las Cafas 
 before he profeffed himfelf a Frier , and were well informed of the effect and 
 fuccefs of the Promifes he made touching the Converfion of the Indians in the Ifle 
 of Cumana ; of all which Lopez de Gomara , in the 77th Chapter of his Hiftory 
 writes fo particularly that it is probable he might have received a Relation there- 
 of from fome of the Conquerours of that Countrey, in confirmation whereof, 
 and for the better authority of this his Hiftory 5 I will here infert the very Chap- 
 ter it felf , the Title whereof is as folio weth. 
 
 Chapter the 77th, -wherein is contained a relation of the Death of thofe Chriftian Spa- 
 niards -who followed Bartholomew de las Cafas a Priefi. 
 
 Bartholomew de las Cafas , a Prieft was in that time at St. Domingo , when the 
 Monafteries of Cumana and Chirivkhi were in their flourifhing ftate and condition? 
 and having heard a good report of the fruitfulnefs of that foil , of the gentle and 
 pacifick humour of the Natives , and of the great abundance of Pearl which that 
 
 Countrey 
 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. £6? 
 
 Countrey afforded-, he failed into Spain ; and demanded of the Emperour the 
 Government of Cumana, promifing to improve and increale the Royal Revenue, 
 which was much abated by the frauds and abufes of thofe Officers who had ic 
 in managemet. But John Rodriguez, de Fonfeca and Dr. Lewis Capatoa, and Secre- 
 tary Lopez, de Conchillos contradicted him in his report and reprefented him as a per- 
 fon uncapable of fuch office and emploiment, in regard he was not onely a Prieft, 
 but a per lbn of ill fame and reputation, and ignorant of the Countrey, and of the 
 ltate of thole affairs which he pretended to declare. Hovvfoever, upon the pre- 
 tence of being a good Chriftian, and of a new method he propofed by a more 
 ready way to convert the Indians , $nd upon promifes of advancing the King's re- 
 venue, and fending them ftore of Pearls, he obtained the favour of Monfieur La- 
 xao, Lord Chamberlain to the Emperour, and of feveral Flemins and Burgundiam 
 who were men of power and authority in that Court. At that time great quanti- 
 ties of Pearls were imported into Spain , fo that the Wife of Xeures begged 170 • 
 * Marks of them which came on account of the King's fifths, and many Flemins 6 * R > al,s 
 and others begged great quantities from the King. He defired to have Workmen P|? tetoever * 
 and Artificers to be fent with him, rather than Souldiers who were fit for no- 
 thing but to plunder and pillage , and to be mutinous and difobedient to Com- 
 mands : He defired alfo to be accompanied with a new order of Knights, who 
 mould wear a golden Spur and carry a red Crofs of different fhape and fafhion 
 to the cxdet of Calatrava -, which diftin&ion, as it ennobled them, foalfo it was 
 a teftimony, that they went voluntarily, and of their own accord. Moreover, Or- 
 ders were fent to Seville to provide him with Ships and Seamen at the charge of 
 the King : and with this equipage he arrived at Cumana in the year 1 j2o, with 
 about 300 Artificers, all wearing Crofles 5 at which time Goncalo de Ocampo re- 
 fided at New Toledo ; who was much troubled to fee fo many Spaniards under the 
 command of a perfon of that ill character , and tranfported thither by order of 
 the Admiralty and Council, becaufe the Countrey was of a different nature to 
 what it was reported to be in the Court. Howfoever, Bartholomew prefented and 
 fhewed his Commiffion, requiring that, according thereunto, they mould quit the 
 Countrey, and leave it free for him to plant his People, and to govern the place: 
 Whereunto Goncalo de Ocampo made anfwer, that with all ready obedience he did 
 fubmit thereunto $ but howfoever he could not put thofe matters into execution 
 without firft receiving directions from the Governours and the Judges of St. Do- 
 mingo, by whofe Commiffion he was placed in that ftation. And in the mean 
 time he paffed many a jeft upon the Prieft on certain occafions which had former- 
 ly happened , for he was well acquainted with him , and knew his humour and 
 his converfation: fometimes he jeered his new Knights and their Crofles , all 
 which the Prieft would put off with a Jeft , though he was inwardly troubled to 
 be taxed with fo many Truths which he could not deny : And in regard they 
 j would not give him admittance into the Town of Toledo, he built himfelf a Houfe 
 i of Wood and Morter , near to the Monaftery of St. Francis , which ierved him 
 ' for a Magazine wherein to lodge his provifions, ftores and inftruments, during the 
 : time that he 4 went to St. Domingo to make known his Complaints and feek a Re- 
 drefs. Gonulo de Ocampo went alfo, I know not for what caufe or reafon, whether 
 on this occafion, or for fome Law-fuit he had with the People of that place - 7 but 
 certain it is, that all the Inhabitants followed him-, fo that the Town was aban- 
 doned by all excepting the Artifans and Mechanicks which he brought with him .- 
 The Indians, who were glad to make their advantages of theie differences and 
 •quarrels amongft the Spaniards , took this opportunity to demolifh their Houfes , 
 and to kill all the golden Knights and others which remained there, excepting 
 'fome few who made their efcape in a fmall veflel, fo that there remained not one 
 Spaniard alive in all the Coaft where the Pearl is taken. 
 
 So foon as Bartholomew de lu Cafas was informed of the death of his friends and 
 the lofs of the King's Treafury, he entred himfelf a Frier amongft the Dominicans 5 
 w ith which an end was put to all his great Actions i fo- he neither advanced the 
 King's revenue , nor ennobled his Artifans, nor fent his Pearls to the Flemins and 
 B:r,g,i;:dians, as he had promifed : And thus far are the words of Gomara. 
 
 This and much more, to the prejudice and difparagement of Bartholomew de la* 
 Zafu, was reported by thofe who found themfelves aggrieved by the late new re- 
 futations : though Gomara endeavours to mince and difguife much the matter : 
 
 but 
 
664 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 but thofe of Pe ru , who fpeak more plainly of this matter , report, that he had 
 turned Frier in difcontent , becaufe he was fallen under his Majefties difpleafure , 
 and feared left he mould be called to account for the falfe relations he had given of 
 matters which he had never feen nor underftood of the Countrey of Cumana -, and 
 becaufe he was confcious to himfelf that he had been a principal Contriver of the 
 new Statutes, upon the fpecious pretence of railing the King's revenue, and out of 
 a zeal he (hewed to the good and benefit of the Indians .• but how real and fincere 
 all this was , may very well be judged by his actions , of which people fpake and 
 talked more at large than can be exprefTed in this Hiftory. Diego Fernanda re- 
 ports, that this Frier Bartholomew was by the Emperour created Biihop ofchiapa 
 which is a Countrey in the Kingdom of Mexico , but he durft not go to his See ' 
 by reafon of the many mifchiefs which he had been the Authour of in the Indies. 
 In the year 1 j<5*. I met him at Madrid, where he gave me his hand to kifs 5 but 
 • when he underftood that I was of Peru, and not of Mexico, he was a little more 
 referved in his behaviour towards me. 
 
 C H A P. IV. 
 
 The Reafons which the Complainants gave againft the new 
 Regulations. And the manner how they prepared to receive 
 the Vice-king. 
 
 MU C H and many were the Reafons which the Complainants produced a- 
 gainft the new Regulations , as well thofe of the Gty of Los Reyes as of all 
 Peru. And the better to clear this point , we muft obferve , that both at Mexico 
 and in Peru the Spaniards had then aCuftome amoneft them which continued until! 
 iy5o, ( which was the year that I came from thence) to make choice of four 
 Gentlemen of principal quality, in whom they could repofe moft confidence and 
 truft, to be Officers of the Royal revenue, to colled the fifths of the King's gold 
 and filver, in what part foever it did arife s and this was the firft Tribute which 
 the Catholick Kings impofed upon the new World. Thefe Officers of the reve- 
 nue were Treafurers, Accountants, Factours and Comptrollers : and to them was 
 committed the care ( befides the fifths ) to collect fucn Tribute from the Indians 
 as became due by the death of the Inhabitants, who all held their Eftates of the 
 King. 
 
 Befides which Offices , the Spaniards every year , in all parts where they inhabi- 
 ted , made choice of two chief Conftables in ordinary, one Judge and a deputy 
 Judge, with 6, 8, or 10 Jufticesof the peace, more or lefs, according to the ex- 
 tent of the Countrey •, and to them feveral other Officers were adjoined, to con- 
 ferve the fafety and welfare of the Commonwealth. 
 
 Thefe Officers, asalfoallGovernours, Prefidents, Judges and other Minifters of 
 Juftice and their Deputies were concerned in the third ordinance : by virtue of 
 which both they, and fuch as had been employed in Offices, were commanded to 
 quit all claim, intereft and power in and over the Indians. 
 
 In oppofition whereunto the Complainants made this Reply. We , faid they , 
 at the hazard and expence of our Lives and Bloud, have gained this large Empire, 
 which contains many Kingdoms and Dominions , the which we annexed to the 
 Crown of Caflile. In reward of thefe our fervices and adventures the Indians , 
 which we now poflefs and retain in our fervices, were given and granted to usfor 
 two Lives : the which dominion and jurifdi&ion ought to be as firm and valid as 
 the Seigniories or Lord(hips are in Spain. Now the reafon why this privilege is ta- 
 ken from us is no other than becaufe we are chofen to be Commiffioners of his 
 Majefties Royal revenue, and employed in the Offices of Juftices of the peace and 
 Judges. 
 
 If we have adminiftred thefe Offices faithfully and without the prejudice or 
 aggrievance of any perfon •, what reafon is there that we fhould be deprived of 
 our Indians, onely becaufe we are in the fervice of his Majefty, and bear our part 
 
 in the 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 66$ 
 
 
 in the Government of the people. It had been better for us to have been Th ; r-es, 
 Adulterers, Homicides and Robbers rather than honed men, fince that the Law is 
 in force againft the latter and not againft the former. 
 
 With like liberty and freedom of fpeech, did thofe who were comprehended 
 under the fourth Law vent their anger 5 namely, thofe who had taken party with 
 
 the two Factions of the Pigarrifts and Almagrians 5 by Virtue of which (as Diego 
 
 Fernandez, obferves) no perfon in all Peru could be mafter of Indians or Eftates. 
 What fault, faid they, had we who obeyed the Governours and Magiftrates 
 which his Majefty had fent us, as both thofe were, and who acted by Commif- 
 fion from his Majefty : And if there arofe private quarrels and animofities amongft 
 themfelves, by the inftigation of the Devil, to which men diverfly adhered 5 yet 
 neither of thefe Parties acted againft the Crown. And if one Party was in the 
 wrong, and was guilty of Delinquency, yet the other acted for the King's fervice ; 
 and why then thould they be equally puniihed by confifcation of their Goods and 
 Eftates with thofe who have offended •, which leems to be fuch a piece of Inju- 
 stice as is not to be parallel'd by the tyranny ofAWo, and feems rather to proceed 
 from an arbitrary Constitution, to fatisfie the luft and intereft of certain perfons, 
 than from a defire tending to the welfare and good of the Subject. 
 
 To all which they added a thoufand curfes upon thofe who had contrived thefe 
 new Laws, or counselled his Majefty to pafs and fign them, and to order the exe- 
 cution of them with fuch feverity, on pretence that it was for his fervice, and 
 advancement of his Royal Crown. 
 
 If they (laid they) had been at the Conqueft of Peru, and fuftained thofe la- 
 bours and hazards which we have done, they would have been of another mind 
 than to make fuch Laws •, nay rather, they would have been the firft to oppofe 
 them. In confirmation whereof, they quoted feveral pafTages in Hiftory both an" 
 cient and modern, which might be compared to the civil Wars between the Al- 
 magrians and the Pi$arrifls •, and particularly faid they in the Wars of Spain, be- 
 tween thofe tWO Kings, Bon Pedro the Cruel, and his Brother Don Henrique, to 
 
 whofe parties all the Noblemen and perfons of Eftates in Spain adhered on one 
 fide or the other, and actually ferved untill the death of one of them determined 
 the quarrel 3 if a fucceeding King, after the Wars were ended, mould have depri- 
 ved all thofe who were engaged in this quarrel both of one fide and the other, 
 what troubles would it have created, and how would it have moved the fpirits 
 of all the powerfull men in Spain ? The like which happened between the Houfe 
 ofCaftik and that of Portugal might be brought into example -, as namely the Par- 
 ty which held for Beltraneja, who was twice fworn Princels of Caflile, and in fa- 
 vour of her many of the chief Lords of that Countrey appeared ; whom when 
 Queen IfabelU called Rebels and Traitours, the Duke of Alva replied, pray God, 
 Madam, that we may overcome them, for if we do not, I am lure they will call 
 us Traitours and prove us fo too. To apply thefe particulars in Hiftory to the 
 
 Srefent cafe •, what will become of us, faid they, if the Succeflour to this King 
 lould feife on the Eftates of thofe who were concerned in this War. Befides all 
 which, they uttered many fcandalous and fed itious words, which we purpofely 
 omit not to offend the ears of the hearers •, howfoever the contrary Party was 
 highly incenfed thereat, and both fides put into a fermentation, whence all thofe 
 mi fchiefs were derived which afterwards happened. 
 
 But to return to the Vice-king,who was now on his Journey to Los Reyes ^ fo fbon 
 as the Meflengers from Vaca de Caftro came to him, he received them to outward 
 appearance kindly and with much refpect, and gave them a fpeedy difpatch that 
 they might return freely again to Los Reyes $ where being returned, they rendred a 
 fad relation of the rigour and feverity wherewith the new Laws were put in exe- 
 cution, and of the rude and morofe humour of the Vice-king, who admitted of 
 no Pleas, or Petitions, or Appeals to the contrary -, which ferved to add new 
 fuel, and blow all into a flame both in Los Reyes, Cozco, and in all that King- 
 dom. 
 
 So that now they began generally to difcourfe, that they would neither receive 
 this Vice-king, nor obey the new Laws which he was putting into practice 5 for 
 that they were well allured, that the very day that he entred Vice-king into Los 
 Reyes, and his Laws were publifhed, they fhould be no longer Mafters of their In- 
 dians nor of their Eftates •, and that befides the point of taking their Indians from 
 them, his Laws and new regulations included fo many fevere things, that all their 
 
 Qq q q Eftates 
 
666 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 Eftates were confifcated and their Lives endangered : for by the fame rule that 
 they took away their Indians from them, becaufe they had been engaged on one 
 fide or the other, with the Almagr-ians or the Picarrifls, they might a!fo take off 
 their heads ; which was a cafe intolerable and' not to be endured, though thev 
 were reduced to the condition and lived under the notion of Slaves. 
 
 To fuch a pitch of mutinous humour the whole City of Los Reyes was incenfed 
 that they had almoft taken a refolution not to receive the Vice-king ; which they 
 had certainly purfued, had not the Receiver General, named Suartz de CarvaJl 
 and Diego de Agnero, who were principal men of that Corporation, and greatly 
 efteemed Fcr their prudence and moderation, prevailed upon the people, and dif 
 fuaded them from that rafh defign : fo that at length it was refolved to receive 
 him In ftate, and with much folemnity, in hopes that by their fervices and humi- 
 lity, they might incline his mind to fome fort of flexibility and good nature • at 
 leaft that he might lend a gentle ear to the Pleas which they made for tnemlelve? 
 and in favour of thofe Law s which the Catholick Kings, and the Emperour hjrn- 
 felf had made in favour of the Conquerours and of thofe who had gained and fub- 
 dued this new World, with particular refped to the people of Peru, who having 
 acquired this rich Empire, ought more efpecially to be cherifhed and favoured 
 as perfons of higheft merit and deferr. 
 
 It being thus determined to receive the Vice-king, all the people decked them- 
 felves with their beft ornaments and array, preparing themfelves againft the day 
 of his entry into this City $ when in the mean time tilth Smrez de Carvajal, and 
 Captain Diego de Aguero were fcandaloufly treated by the people, who always mu- 
 tinied againft tl^m, whenfoever as any thing went crofs, or contrary to their hu- 
 mour •, faying, that for their own intereft they had folicited and perfuaded them 
 to receive the Vice-king •-, namely one of them being Receiver General of the 
 King's Treafury, and the other having been in the late Wars ; and both of them 
 being Juftices little efteemed the lofs of their Indians, more in regard to their own 
 intereft than to the fervice of the Emperour. 
 
 In the mean time the Vice-king purfuing his Journey, put the new Laws in 
 execution in all places wherefoever he arrived, with his ufual feverity and rigour 
 without admitting any plea to the contrary 3 giving them to underftand, that he 
 flood in fear of none, but as a good Minifter and Servant to his Mafter, he was to 
 obey his commands without refpecl: or regard unto any. 
 
 At length he came to the Valley called Huaura, where at the Inn he neither 
 found Indian nor Provifions, nor any accommodation whatfoever-, the which 
 though in reality was caufed by the default and omiffton of the Inhabitants of 
 Los Reyes, whofe duty it was to take care of the Provifions in the way for the 
 Vice-king-, yet he otherwife took it, and attributed the want thereof to Antonio 
 de Solar, who was a Native of Medina del Camfio, and a Citizen, becaufe he was 
 the chief Proprietor of that Valley 5 for which reafon he was highly incenfed 
 againft him, and more vehemently, when upon a white Wall of that Inn, which, 
 as the faying goes, is the paper of bold and angry men, he faw this Motto writ- 
 ten, He that will drive me from my Houfe and Lands, I will drive him out of this world 
 
 if I can. The which Sentence being fuppofed to be written by Antonio Solar, 
 or fome other by his order, he conceived a mortal hatred againft him, which 
 though he concealed for a while, yet at length it burft out, as hereafter will be 
 declared. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 ' 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries: 66y 
 
 9 CHAP. V. 
 
 In what manner they received the Vice- king, the imprifon- 
 ment of Vaca de Caftro, and of the great trouble which 
 it caufed both to the Vice-king and the People. 
 
 THUS were the peopie difcontented, fad and enraged (though they endea- 
 voured as much as was poffible to conceal and diflemble it) when the 
 Vice-king arrived about three Leagues diftant from Rimac, where he was met by 
 feveral Gentlemen of Quality, and particularly by Vaca de Caftro, and Don Geroni- 
 mo de Loayfa, ( Bimop of that place, afterwards made Archbifhop ) who came 
 thither to conduct him to the City. The Vice-king received them all with much 
 kindnefs and humanity, efpecially the Bilhop and Vaca de Caftro, entertaining no 
 other difcourfe with them in the way as they travelled than what was of indiffe- 
 rent things, and of the pleafantnefs and fruitfulnefs of that Valley. 
 
 When they came to the pailage of the River, he was met by the Garcidiaz de 
 Arias, who was elected Bilnop of Slmtoo, who, with the Dean and Chapter of 
 that Church and the reft of the Clergy, remained there in expectation of his co- 
 ming, and at their meeting there was much joy and chearfulnefs. And proceeding 
 farther untill he came near to the City, he was met by the Jurats and Corporation 
 of the City, accompanied with the Citizens and principal Gentry thereof-, and, 
 as all the three Authours do agree in their report, the Commiffary of the King's 
 Revenue, named 7llen Suarez de Carvajal, went forth in the head of them all; and 
 being the chief of the Corporation, did in the name thereof offer an Oath to the 
 Vice-king, whereby he was to fwear that he would maintain the Privileges, 
 Franchifes and Immunities which the Conquerours and Inhabitants of Peru had 
 received and did hold of his Majefty -, and that in the Courts of Juftice he would 
 receive their Petitions and give ear to the Reafons they fhould offer againft the new 
 Regulations. 
 
 The Vice-king would fwear no otherwife than that he would perform all that 
 
 which was conducing to the King's fervice and to the benefit of the Countrey 5 
 
 at which many took exceptions, and faid that he fwore with equivocations and 
 
 what would admit of a double meaning. Thus far are the words of Diego Fer- 
 
 ! nandez. • 
 
 This Oath which the Vice-king took being onely in general terms, and which 
 i might admit of fuch a fenfe as he himfelf would be pleafed to put upon it, was 
 I occafion of much difcontent both to the Clergy and Laity ■-, (6 that all their mirth 
 ; was darned, and every one turned fad and melancholy, faying, that nothing 
 
 ■ could be expected of good from fuch an Oath, which rather adminiftred juft caufe 
 
 ■ to fear and fufpect that in a fhort time they fhould be difpofiefled of their Indians 
 . and Eftates, which was a hard cafe for men of their age, who were grown old 
 
 ■ and infirm by the labours and hardfhips they had fuftained in their youth to gain 
 : and conquer that Empire. Notwithftanding all which they conducted the Vice- 
 king with great triumph into the City, under a Canopy of Cloth of Gold, fup- 
 ported by the chief Magiftrates of the Town, in their Gowns of aimfonSattin 
 lined with white Damask •, the Bells of the Cathedral Church and of the Con- 
 vents rang out, and all forts of mufical Inftruments refounded through the Streets, 
 which were adorned with green Boughs, and triumphal Arches erected in various 
 works and forms made of Rufhes, in which, as we have faid, the Indians were 
 very curious. But yet fo much fadnefs appeared in their countenances, that all 
 the folemnity feemed rather a performance of fome Funeral Rites than triumph 
 for receiving a Vice-king , all their joy being forced and {trained to cover an in- 
 ward grief which lay heavy upon their fpirits. 
 
 In this manner they went in Proceffion to the great Church, where having ado- 
 red the moft holy Sacrament, they conducted the Vice-king to the Houfe of Den 
 Francifio Picano, where he and all his Family was lodged. 
 
 C^q q q 2 Some 
 
668 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 
 Some few days after which, the Vice-king having notice of the great noifc and 
 ftirs which were making in the Streets, by thole who were upon their return to 
 Cozco with Vaca de Caftro, he prefently fufpected, as Cerate in the fifteenth Chap- 
 ter of his third Book reports, and with whom other Authours agree \ that Vaca de 
 Caftro had been the caufe of all that noife and difturbance ; for which reafon he 
 ordered him to be feifed and committed to prifon, and all his Eflate to be feque- 
 flred. 
 
 The people of the City, though they had no very great kindnefs for Vaca de 
 Caftro, yet they petitioned the Vice-king in his behalf, defiring him, that fince 
 Vaca de Caftro was one of his Majefty's Council, and had been their Governour, 
 that he would not be lb levere upon him as to commit him to the common Pri- 
 fon, fince that a perlbn of his Quality, though condemned the next day to loofe 
 his head, might be fecured in lbme decent and convenient Prifon 3 whereupon 
 he was lent to the Town houfe, under bail of an hundred thoufand Pieces of 
 Eight, in which Sum the Citizens of Lima had engaged for him. With fuch ri- 
 gorous courfes as thele the people being much difgufted, many of them forfook 
 the City, privately departing by few in a company taking their way towards Cozco, 
 where the Vice-king had not as yet been received. Thus far are the words of 
 Car ate •, the which is confirmed by Diego Fernandez almoft in the fame words, to 
 which he adds, that Vaca de Caftro remained a Prifoner in the common Gaol 3 his 
 words are thefe which follow, 
 
 Such as remained behind in the City often met in feveral Caballs and Coun- 
 fels, lamenting together the mifery that was come upon the Land and the Inhabi- 
 tants of it, bidding adieu to all the Riches, Liberty and Jurifdiclion which they 
 as Conquerours and Lords of Indians had gained and acquired, which would be 
 a means to unpeople the Countrey, and to caufe an abatement of the King's Cu- 
 ftoms and other parts of his Revenue ; and therefore they pofitively averred, that 
 it was impoflible that the King's Commands could be executed herein, or that 
 ever there lliould be any new difcoveries made, or Trade and Commerce maintai- 
 ned for the future-, belides a thoufand other inconveniences and damages which 
 they alledged. And with this fear and diffraction of mind was every man pof- 
 fefled, when fome of the mod principal perfons, pretending to make a vifit to 
 the Vice-king, in hopes that he, having proved and had lbme experience of the 
 Conftitution of the Countrey, might be induced to alter his humour, or at Jeaft 
 rendet it more flexible and ealie-, but lb Icon as any perlbn touched on that 
 firing, though with the greateft gentlenefs and fubmiflion imaginable, he imme- 
 diately put himfelf into apalfion, and by his authority forbade all farther difcourle 
 upon that point, obviating all objections with the name of the King's pleafure and 
 command •, which abrupt manner of treaty gave great difcontent, and excited in 
 the minds of men rancour and malice againft his perfon. 
 
 Some few days after the Vice-kings reception, three of the Juftices which re- 
 mained behind with Doclour Carate, who lay lick at Tnxiffo, came then to 
 Town 3 upon whofe arrival he immediately caufed a Court to be called, and ap- 
 pointed a place of Judicature to be ere&ed in the Houfe where he himfelf was 
 lodged, being the moft convenient for his own accommodation, as alfo becaufe it 
 was the moil fumptuous Chamber in all the City. He alfo ordered a irately 
 reception to be made purpofely for his CommilTion under the Great and Royal 
 Seal, which was put into a Cafe covered with Cloth of Gold, and carried on 
 a Horle decked with a Foot-cloth and Trappings of Tiflue, the which was at 
 each end held up by Judges of the City , clothed in Gowns of crimfon Sat- 
 tin, and one of them led the Horfe by the Bridle 3 the which was performed 
 with the lame lblemnity as they ufed in Caftile to receive the perfon of the 
 King. 
 
 So foon as the Court was fate, they began to treat and enter upon bufinels as 
 well relating to Juftice as Government , and herein he thought to render himfelf 
 the more popular by favouring the caufe of the poor , who generally are mo'e 
 pleafed with revolutions and changes , than the rich. And now the Devil, who 
 defigned the downfall and rulne of this pernicious and evil Vice-king , began 
 to difturb and difquiet all the Countrey , which was fo lately fettled after the 
 troubles of an inteftine War 3 the firft commotion took its rife from an ill under- 
 ftanding between the Vice-king and the Judges, and indeed of all the Kingdom 5 
 for that the Vice-king refolving to carry on his work, in putting the new Laws in 
 
 execu- 
 
Book IV*. Royal Commentaries. 669 
 
 execution , he little regarded the Petitions and Addrefles which were prefented 
 to him from the City of Los Reyes, of Lima and other fmaller Corporations. 
 
 Thus far are the words o{ Fernandez, Palent'mo, in the 10th Chapter of his Book. 
 And this Authour , farther difcourfing of the humour of this Vice-king , and the 
 ftiame the Devil owed him for being the caufe of all thofe Commotions which 
 were raifed in the Countrey , and alio that he was the occafion of that difcord 
 which ruines Kingdoms and deftroyes Empires , and which particularly proceeded 
 not onely to a quarrel between the Vice- king and the Conquerours of that King- 
 dom , but alfo to fuch a mortal feud between him and the Judges , as was not 
 to be reconciled : And indeed herein the Judges had much advantage, for that they 
 were men of great temper, difcreet and unbiaffed •-, who forefeeing the many incon- 
 veniencies which the rumour onely, much more the execution of the new regulati- 
 ons would occafion , diffuaded thofe ralh proceedings , wherein they were the 
 more pofitive, in confideration that this Kingdom, which was fcarcely appealed 
 and fettled Cues the late Wars, and was (till in agitation and commotion, would 
 never be able to fupport fuch extravagant opprellions which would certainly be 
 the caufe of the total mine and deftruition of that Empire. 
 
 Thefe plain representations made to the Vice-king, with intention and defign 
 onely ( if it had been pollible ) to attemper his angry and froward difpofition ,' 
 ferved to little purpofe and effect ; for that his humour being wholly bent on his 
 own obftinate refoluttons , he termed all thofe who concurred not with him in 
 the fame opinion, rebellious to the King and enemies to himfelf. And farther, to 
 widden thefe breaches, he ordered the Judges to remove from his neighbourhood 
 in the palace, and to take other lodgings in other quarters for themfelves. All 
 ■ which, and much more, fo inflamed the minds of both parties , that fharp words 
 and reparties frequently intervened between them : Howfoever, in regard the Jud- 
 • ges for better adminilhation of affairs , were obliged to keep fair with the Vice- 
 »king, they fo concealed and difTembled their refentments, that their paflions were 
 not publickly made known. But becaufe the refolution of the Vice- king to put 
 in execution the new Laws, became daily more and more apparent and manifeft ; 
 the Difcontents and Quarrels arofe daily to a higher degree, and thofe who were 
 injured and prejudiced thereby became uneafie and impatient: And as Diego Fer- 
 nandez. , in his 1 oth Chapter , faith , that the Judges confidering the obftinate and 
 inflexible humour of the Vice-king on one fide to execute the new Regulations 
 of the Emperour, to whom by reafon of the diftance of the place, no opportune 
 or feafonable applications could be made for a moderation or redrefs •-, and that 
 on the other fide, in cafe they ihould condefcend to be deprived of their Indians, it 
 would be very difficulc to recover that vaffalage again ; they were by thefe difficulties 
 reduced to fuch a kind of Dilemma , that they were all diffracted , and knew not 
 which way to turn or refolve. Nor was the people onely confufed and unquie- 
 :ed by thefe thoughts ; but even the Vice-king found himfelf reduced to an inqui- 
 etude and diffraction of mind when he found the people mutinous, and turmoi- 
 ed with a thou land fancies, and refolved to facrifice their lives and fortunes ra- 
 :her than to lubmit tamely 10 their own deftruction. As hereafter we lhall find by- 
 he fuccefs. And thus far are the words ofPalentino, which we have extracted 
 verbatim from his own Writings. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
670 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 the fecret quarrel concealed between the Vice-king and the 
 Judges break? out in publick.- Prince Manco Inca and 
 the Spaniards who were with him write to the Vice-king. 
 
 NOR did the quarrel between the Vice-king and the Judges contain it felf 
 within the limits of private refentments , but burfl forth into the publick 
 Streets and places of common Meetings : the which calling into the mind of the 
 Vice-king that Motto or Sentence which he had read in the Inn of Huaura, be- 
 longing to Antonio SoUr 3 and which he believed was either wrote by himfelf, or by 
 his order ; for which caufe, as both Car ate and Diego Fernandez report, fending for 
 him and difcourfing with him in private , and having given him fome very fevere 
 terms and reprehenfions , he gave order to have the gates of the palace (hut, and 
 calling his Chaplain to confefs him, with intent to have him hanged on one of the 
 Pilafters of the Court-yard, which leads towards the High-ftreet. But Antonio 
 Solar refufing to confefs, his execution was fufpended till fuch time as that his 
 danger and cafe was divulged through the whole City, upon the rumour of which 
 the Arch-bimop and all the perfons of quality came to intercede for a pardon or 
 fufpenfion of Juftice •, and after great interceflions, all that they could prevail was 
 for one day's reprieve, upon which he was committed to clofe imprifonment. But 
 the fury and impetuofity of this choler pafling over , he confidered , that it was not 
 convenient to put him to death, but rather to detein him in prifon, and according- 
 ly he kept him under reftraint without procefs of Law, Endidlment or any Accu- 
 fation whatfoever , for the fpace of two months , untill fuch time as the Judges 
 going on a Saturday to vifit the prifons , were defired by fome of the friends of 
 Antonio Solar to make their enquiry concerning the ftate of his affair, with which 
 though they were well enough acquainted before, yet, for form fake, they asked 
 him the caufe and crime for which he flood committed •■, to which he replied, that 
 he knew not any •■, and then calling for the books of the prifon to fee what acti- 
 ons or procefs had been made againft him ■, and finding none, and that the Keeper 
 of the prifon could alfign no caufe againft him ; the Judges, on the Monday follow- 
 ing made a Report to the Vice-king, that having vifited the prifon, 'they found that 
 Antonio Solar had been there committed •, and upon examination of the books , no 
 crime or caufe was entered againft him •, onely that he was there imprifoned by his 
 order : Wherefore, in cafe no crime were laid to his charge, his imprifonment 
 was not juftifyable •, and therefore according to the rules of Juftice they could not 
 doe left, than to fet him at Liberty. 
 
 Hereunto the Vice-king replyed, that he was committed by his order, and that 
 he intended to have hanged him as well for that Motto or Sentence which was 
 wrote on the wall of his Inn , as alfo for feveral other fcandalous reports he had 
 vented againft his perfon. And though he had no witnefs to produce in this mat- 
 ter , yet by the authority and privilege of a Vice-king he had power not onely to 
 imprifon him , but alfo to put him to death , if he lb pleafed , without rendering 
 an account to any perfon whatfoever : to which the Judges replyed, that there was 
 no Government but what was agreeable to Juftice, and founded on the Laws of 
 the Kingdom 5 and on thefe terms they parted , fo that the Judges on the Satur- 
 day following freed Antonio Solar from the prifon, and confined him onely to his 
 own houfe, and fpeedily afterwards they fet him at liberty. This manner of 
 proceeding angred the Vice-king to the very foul, and provoked him to contrive 
 fome way of revenge, which he fuppofed he had effected in this manner , which 
 was this •, It feems that thefe Judges with their Servants were lodged and dieted 
 in the houfe of one of the richeft Citizens in the whole town -, and had been there 1 
 lodged and boarded by order of the Vice-king for a lhort time, untill they could 
 otherwife provide for themfelves. And now the Vice-king, thinking to doe them 
 a difcourtefie , recalled the aforefaid Order , forbidding the Citizens to entertain 
 them longer upon pretence that it was not fuitable to the King's honour nor to 
 their own quality to lodge upon free-quarter, or to keep company with Citizens and 
 Merchants. To 
 
 ■ h 
 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 671 
 
 To which the Judges gave for anfwer ; That, as to their lodging, they could find 
 no other convenient place, untill fuch time as they could hire a houfe by leaie for 
 lbme term of years •, that for the future they would pay for their diet. And for 
 matter of their conversion with Merchants, it was not unlawfull or prohibited 5 
 but, on the contrary, it was practifed in Caflile by all thofe who were of the King's 
 Council, as being beneficial to them to undedhmd by information from trading 
 men all the transactions and bufinefles of the World. In this manner both parties 
 remained at variance each with other, which was apparent at all times whenfo- 
 ever occafion offered. In purfuance whereof one day Dr. Ato made Affidavit 
 before a Mafter of Chancery, that he had paid a certain fum in Gold to Diego Al- 
 varez, who was brother- in-law to the Vice-king to have him nominated and pre- 
 ferred to an Office by the Vice-king •, the which depofition he highly refented. 
 Thus far are the words of Curate , and the fame is again confirmed by Diego Fer- 
 nandez, almoft to the fame purpofe. 
 
 For in this manner, faith he, the Vice-king and the Judges feemed like two dif- 
 ferent factions and parties ; to increafe which , fo foon as Antonio Solar was fet at 
 liberty, he went privately about railing mutinies and difcontents in the minds of the 
 people againft the Vice-king 5 to increafe and inflame which they reported abroad 
 many bad things which the Vice-king had faid and done. And though all was fo 
 far from being true , that nothing of that nature did fo much as enter into the 
 thoughts or imagination of the Vice-king: yet by reaibn that BlafcoNunnez was 
 bated and detefted by the people , all the evil that was faid of him found eafie 
 Admittance, and he appeared as black as common fame could make him -, for fuch 
 indignation the people conceived againft him, that the name of Vice-king became: 
 as odious ( though the firft that ever governed Peru ) as the name of King was to 
 the Romans after they had expelled Tarciuinim Sn$erbtts and his Family. Thus far are 
 
 the words of Diego Fernandez Palentino. 
 
 Alfo Dr. Goncalo de Tllefcas , in his Pontifical Hiftory of the Popes , having oc- 
 .cafion to treat of the affairs of Pern , gives this Character of the froward and un- 
 
 >ealie difpofition of Blafio Nunnez Vela. 
 
 After thefe things, fays he , Vaca de Cafiro , for the (pace of a year and a half, 
 quietly and peaceably governed all matters , untill fuch time as he was fuperleded 
 by Blafco Nmnez Vela, a Gentleman of good quality, of Avola, who was fent thi- 
 ther with Character of Vice- king-, bringing with him many fevere Rules and 
 Laws which he put in execution , over and above which he put in practice others 
 for which he had no Commiffion ; the which this Doctor Tllefcas declares in a 
 few words, and fays more than all our Hiftorians durft to fay or write upon this 
 particular Subject. 
 
 Whilft thefe disturbances happened in the City Los Reyes the like mutinies or 
 greater arofe iri other Towns and Corporations of lefs confideration. Howfoever, 
 the like Spirits of Ambition, Envy, Tyranny and Delire of Government did not 
 fo far prevail as they did in that City of Los Reyes. 
 
 And now diffcntion and quarrels over-ran all , and amidft thefe Turmoils , 
 the poor Prince M.mco Inca had the misfortune to be killed , though he remained 
 'Content and quiet in his retirement , and became a voluntary exile , whilft other 
 men (hiving for his Empire committed many murthersand (laughters, as appeared 
 in the late Wars , and we might apprehend others more bloudy yet to come , in 
 
 fe it were poffible for any to be more bloudy and cruel than thofe which were 
 
 And here it is to be noted •, That Diego Mandcz and Gomez Perezi with fix other 
 poniards whom we formerly nominated, and mentioned to have made their efcape 
 out of prifon , where they had been confined by the faction of the Pi$arros , and 
 by the Juftice of VacadeCaflro; and having taken refuge with this /»«, they 
 by his means came to know and receive all the Informations and Advices con- 
 erning the new Troubles and Diflentions arifing upon the execution of the 
 .lew Laws : for whereas it was reported that the Vice-king came to turn all things 
 upfide down, and to change and alter all the Conftitutions of the Countrey ; the 
 Inca, who was encompaffed within the craggy and lofty mountains, was informed 
 :>y his Subjects of all thefe revolutions which he thought might be of benefit and 
 :oncernment to him. 
 
 With this news Diego Mendez and his Companions were highly pleafed , and 
 wfuaded the Inca to write a Letter to the Vice-king, defiling his Licence to be 
 
 enlarged 
 
(,n% Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 enlarged from his retirement , and appear in his prefence , and ferve his Majefty 
 in any thing, as occafion fhould offer : the Inca was induced at the perfuafion of 
 the Spaniards to make this Petition , who told him , that it might be a means to 
 open a way to his recovery of the whole Empire, or at leaft of the beft part of 
 it. The Spaniards alfo wrote as from themfelves defiring a pardon for what was 
 paft, and a protection or fafe conduct in the attendance of his Lordihip, to per- 
 form their duty to him. *,,**, 
 
 Gomez Perez was the perfon appointed and elected to be Ambafladour from 
 the Inca, attended with i o or 1 2 Indians, who by command of the Inca were or- 
 dered to doe him fervice •, and being come to the Vice-king, he prefented his 
 Letters of Credence to him, giving him a large relation of the State and Condi- 
 tion of the Inca , and of his true and real defigns to doe him fervice. The Vice- 
 king joyfully received the news, and granted a full and ample pardon of all crimes, 
 as defired. And as to the Inca he made many kind expreffions of love and 
 refpeci , truly confidering that the Intereft of the Inca might be advantageous 
 to him both in War and Peace. And with this fatisfactory Anfvver Gomez Pe- 
 rez returned both to the Inca and to his own Companions , they provided to be 
 gone, and with all convenient fpeed to attend the fervice of the Vice- king-, but 
 Blafco Nmnez Vela was not fo fortunate as to obtain and enjoy fo great a good, for 
 now ill fuccefs attended him in every thing , as will appear in the following 
 Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the unfort7inate Death of Prince Manco Inca, and of the 
 Mutinies which arofe amo?igfl the Spaniards by reajon of 
 the new Laves. 
 
 TH E Inca, to humour the Spaniards and entertain himfelf with them, had gi- 
 ven directions for making a bowling-green , where playing one day with Go- 
 mez Perez ; he came to have fome quarrel and difference with this Perez about the 
 meafure of a Caft, the which often happened out between them : for this Perez, be- 
 ing a perfon of a hot and fiery brain, without any judgment or understanding, would 
 take the leaft occafion in the world to contend with and provoke the Inca -, who : : ■■'■ 
 notwithstanding being a very difcreet perfon and of good temper , did moderate -■ - 
 and difguife his paffion, and would not refufe to play with him, as he did with :t 
 other Spaniards, who were more obliging, and lefs offenfive in their gaming: but vtr >- 
 Gomez Perez, being puffed up with the late favours he had received from the Vice- ^re 
 king, and with the hopes he had in a fhort time todifengage himfelf from that ~f^- 
 place, became more rude and infolent towards the Inca than he had formerly been •, : •; ' 
 treating him with the fame terms that he did thofe poor Indians who were his Ser- 
 vants and (laves. At length Gomez Perez became fo intolerably infolent, that, play- k '- ■ . 
 ing one day with the Inca, he (6 affronted him, that, being no longer able to en- ; [ - ■ 
 dure his rudenefs, he punched him on the breaft, and bid him to confider with "; 
 whom he talked. Perez, not confidering in his heat and paffion either his own or "lis - 
 the fafety of his Companions, lifted up his hand , and with the Bowl ftruck the 6 ^i. 
 Ima fo violently on the head, that he knocked him down : The Indians hereupon, : ~ It 
 being enraged by the death of their Prince, joined together againft Gomez and the 
 Spaniards, who fled into a houfe, and with their Swords in their hands defended 
 the door , the Indians fet fire to the houfe , which being too hot for them , they 
 (allied out into the Market-place , where the Indians aflaulted them and (hot them 
 with their Arrows untill they had killed every man of them : and then after- 
 wards, out of mere rage and fury they defigned either to eat them raw , as their 
 cuftome was , or to burn them and caft their afties into the river, that no fign "% ? 
 or appearance might remain of them i but at length, after fome confultation, they \ ®ki\ 
 agreed to caft they: bodies into the open fields, to be devoured by Vulters and 
 
 bird 
 
 1 
 
 S11 '1 ' 
 
 
»ook IV. Royal Commentaries. 675 
 
 irds of the air, which they fuppofed to be the higheft indignity and difhonour 
 it they could (how to their Corps. 
 
 This was the fate and unhappy deftiny ofthe poor Prince Manco Inca, to perifh 
 . the hands of one whom he hadprote&ed, and nourifhed , and entertained 
 ith all the hofpitalicy he could (how: thus we fee, when a man's time is 
 >me , that neither his voluntary exile , nor the inacceffible rocks to which he 
 as fled for refuge , were able to defend him from the ftroke of a rafh fool and 
 ad-man, who was deftitute of all fenfe and reafon. Framifco Lopez,, in the i j6th 
 hapter of his Book touches upon this particular point, though he differs fome- 
 ing in the relation of the manner and circumftances of his death : but I have in- 
 __ irmed my felf very perfectly from thofe Incas , who were prefent and eye-witnef- 
 es of the unparalled piece of madnefs of that ra(h and hair-brained fool •, and 
 leard them tell this Story to my Mother and Parents with tears in their eyes, re- 
 ading in what manner they came out of thofe mountains in company with Inca 
 fajri Tucac, fon of that unfortunate Prince, by order of the Vice-king Don Andres 
 Hitrtado de Mendoca Marquis of Cannete -, all which we (hall ( God willing ) re- 
 ate when we arrive at the due and proper place. 
 
 The Devil, who is the mortal enemy of mankind, being always vigilant and in- 
 ent to take his advantages, did now make ufe of this opportunity to give a flop 
 :o the propagation ofthe Gofpel in that great and opulent Empire of Peru -, and 
 promote and further his defign herein, he difpeeded his Emiflaries into all parts, 
 vho infinuated jealoufies, and fears, and difcontents into the minds of the people -, 
 vhich fb prevailed , that a flop was given to the preaching and fpreading of the 
 Sofpel : and all that peace, concord and good correfpondence which flourilhed du- 
 ing all the Government of Vaca de Cafiro, was now totally fubverted and brought 
 confufion. But this Sedition, by the endeavours of evil fpirits, was blown in- 
 :o a flame, and highly increafed in the City of Cozco, where being above eighty 
 amilies of principal Citizens, more concerned than any others in the vaflalage of 
 Indians 5 the new Ordinances became more grievous to them than to others , 
 vhofe intereft was not fo great : howfoever the difcontent was general over all 
 °eru , for the Conquerours were fenfible of their lofs, feeing themfelves deprived 
 n one day of all their Indians, fortunes and eftates. 
 
 Thefe Mutinies and Difcontents of the People incenfed the hot and violent 
 pirit of the Vice-king to a higher degree •, fc that he reje&ed all Petitions and 
 \ddrefles from particular Cities, Boroughs and Corporations : for which reafons, 
 'he four Cities, namely, Huamanca, Areauepa, Chaqmfaca and Cozco refolved to join 
 rogether in the Addrefs , wherein they thought they might be the more plain , in 
 regard the Vice-king had not as yet been received in any of thofe places : and to 
 sromote their defires declared in that Addrefs, they made choice of a General So- 
 icitour , who was not onely to reprefent the Cafe of the four Cities , but alfo 
 ".hereby included the common concernment of the whole Empire , inafmuch as 
 Zkxo was the head and capital City of Peru. The whole matter was negotiated 
 ;>y an intercourfe of Letters, and by common confent Gon$alo Pi$arro was the per- 
 fon fixed upon as the moft proper perfon to a& in this affair •-, both becaufe he was 
 brother to Marquis Frandfco Pi^arro , and a man of great intereft, having been a 
 chief A&ou'r in the Conqueft, and fuftained therein all the hazards and hardfhips 
 we have before, though in brief and imperfectly, exprefled : he was moreover as 
 ;co his extraction noble , in his condition vertuous and generally beloved : befides 
 all which , had he not been ele&ed and appointed thereunto , yet he had a right 
 to this Office , in refpeft to the Title he had of being the Prote&our and Defen- 
 der of all the Indians and Spaniards in that Kingdom. Upon thefe Confiderarions 
 general Letters were wrote from the Corporations of the four Cities to Goncalo Pi- 
 I $a>ro, who was then at his Plantation in the Charcot, defiring him to come up to 
 Cozco, to confider with them what courfe was to be taken in this Conjuncture for 
 the good and fafety of the common welfare-, and to move him hereunto, they 
 acquainted him that he was moft concerned of any in this affair •, for, befides the 
 ■ lofs of his Indians, he was in danger of his Life-, for that the Vice-king had often 
 : faid and declared, that he could produce a Command from his Majefty to take off 
 his head. Pigarro having received thefe advices, gathered what money he could 
 make of his own Eftate, and of what belonged to his Brother Hernando Pigarro, 
 and with ten or twelve Friends in company travelled to Cozco, where, as Carate 
 faith in the fourth Chapter of his fifth Book, the whole City went forth to meet 
 
 R r r r and 
 
674 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 and welcome him, being overjoyed at his coming ; and every day people fled 
 from Los Reyes to the City of Cozco, reporting fad ftories of the practices of the 
 Vice-king, which ferved to enflame and ftir up the minds of the People and Ci- 
 tizens to Sedition. Many Meetings and Confutations were now held by the 
 Magiftrates of the Town, w here the Judges -were aflembled with the generality 
 of the chief Citizens. And coming to treat upon the matter, how they were 
 to treat and receive the Vice-king when he mould come thither, fome were of opi- 
 nion that they Ihould not refufe to receive and entertain him •, but as to the new 
 Statutes and Laws, they Ihould not be admitted untill they had by their Meflen- 
 gers represented their Cafe unto his Majeity, and received his farther pleafure 
 thereupon. Others were of a contrary fenfe, and faid, that having once admitted 
 of thole Laws, and fuffered themfelves to be deprived of their Indians, they fhould p 
 with much difficulty retrieve them again. In fine , It was agreed and refolved , (j 
 that Goncalo Picarro ihould be the perfon elected for the City of Cozco , and that 
 Diego Centeno, who was conftituted Plenipotentiary for the City of Plate , fhould 
 delegate his power to Pigarro, whereby being authorized and endued with a ge- ..." 
 neral and common power from feveral Cities; he might with greater confidence ,: 
 and aflurance appear at the City of Los Reyes in prefence of the Vice-king. ,. 
 But before the matter was concluded there arofe many debates upon the point , 
 whether Picarro were to be attended with Souldiers and Guards for his perfon •-, ~. '. 
 and after fome difpute it was agreed , that he ought to be guarded and defended tl 
 with Souldiers ■-, for which many reafons were produced ; as firft, that the Vice- ~) 
 kinghad already beat up his Drums in Los Reyes, and had declared, that he would Z ■ 
 march againft thofe who had feized the great Guns and carried them out of thelj/y. 
 Fort, and punifh them as Rebels to the King: and moreover, confidering the mo- 1]\ 
 rofe and angry temper of the Vice-king, who was inflexible in his humour and refol- 
 ved never to admit the Addreffes of thofe, who petitioned for a fufpenfion of the 
 new Laws ; which he put in execution without the concurrence and aflent of die 
 Officers of the King's Court , which was contrary to his Inftructions from his Ma- '.'■. \) 
 jetty. And likewife confidering what he had often declared, that he had his Ma- ■ . 
 jetty's Command to cut off the head of Goncalo Pigarro , as an A&our and evil In- 
 ftrument in the late unhappy Wars, and a Confpiratour in the Murther of Don Di- 
 ego , and therefore they ought to appear open faced , and defend themfelves with 
 Armes •, but others, who were more moderate men, would not allow that a Guard 
 fhould be granted on the reafons aforefaid , but rather on pretence that there was :: 
 need and occafion thereof to defend the perfon of Picarro on the way in his tra- 
 vails to Los Reyes, being to pafs a dangerous Countrey infefted with Wars and Soul- 
 diers belonging to the Inca. But others who would fpeak more plainly , and not 
 mince the matter, declared openly that the Souldiers were defignedto defend their 
 Agent or Meflenger from the implacable fpirit of the Vice-king, who obferving no 
 Laws of juftice or reafon , there could be no fecurity for any man to treat with 
 him : And as to other proceedings by way of Witneffes and Informations, little 
 could be effe&ed , having to deal with Proctours and Clerks of his own , who 
 would confound all bufinefles, and make them to turn according to his own will 
 and pleafure s fo that being deprived of all ways of Law and Juftice, there was 
 no other means left, than to have recourfe unto Arms, and to repell force with 
 force •, and that a Judge who availed himfelf on violence and on law r , was to be 
 fet at defiance and openly refifted. The master being thus refolved 5 Gone ah Ptca*- 
 ro fet up his Standard , to which the Citizens flocked in great numbers , offering 
 both their perfbns and eftates and vowing to dye in maintenance of that quarrel. 
 
 Thus far are the words of Auguftine Carate in the fourth Chapter of the fifth 
 Book of his Hiftory of Peru. That which now follows, are the words of France 
 Lofez de Gomara in the 157th Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 675 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 The l)ijjentions and Troubles are increased. The four Cities 
 write to Gon^alo Picarro, and eleft him to be Procura- 
 tor or Agent General of all Peru. He raifes men to 
 march with him to the City of Los Reyes. 
 
 GOncalo Picarro living quietly and in retirement in the Charcot, was fo folicited 
 by the conftant Letters which came to him from particular perfons, who had 
 attained to confiderable eftates, that he was at length perfuaded after Vaca de Ca- 
 ftro was gone to Los Reyes, to leave his dwelling, and repair to Cozco. Many of 
 thofe who feared a deprivation both of their eftates and vaflalage of their Indi- 
 ans flocked to him •, which numbers were increafed by many who affe&ed no- 
 velty j howfoever liberty was pretended and protection from the violent defigns of 
 B/ofio Nmnez,, who refufed to incline to reafon, to admit appeals, or to hearken 
 unto any addrefles-, fo that they were forced to have recourfe to Arms, and to 
 make choice of Picarro for their Chief, whom they would follow and defend : 
 but Picarro, who was defirous to prove them and juftifie himfelf, told them, that 
 they would doe well to confider nrft, what they did, for to oppofe the Commands 
 and Ordinances of Regal Power , though by way of Petition , was to contradict 
 the Authority of the Emperour himfelf. That War was a matter of great mo* 
 ment, and not lightly to be undertaken •, that the management was laborious and 
 painfull, and the fuccefs doubtfull ; that he could not gratifie their defires in things 
 which were contrary and in oppofition to the King's fervice , or accept the charge 
 of Procuratour or Captain for them : but they on the other fide infifted on the 
 juftice of their caufe, and the lawfulnefs of the enterprize ■-, arguing that, if the 
 defign of conquering the Indians were juftifiable , then likewife it was lawfull to 
 bring them into vaflalage •, that it was not in the power of the Emperour to 
 deprive them of the people and flaves which he once had given them , or recall 
 his donation , having beftowed them on feveral perfons in confederation of 
 marriage. That it was as lawfull for them to defend the vaflals which they had 
 gained, and privileges-, as for the Gentlemen of Cafiik their liberties, which 
 were granted to them by the Kings , for having been aiding to them in the Wars 
 againft the Moors , and on the fame terms might they infift who had wrefted 
 thofe dominions out of the hands of Idolaters. In fine, they concluded, that 
 they were not refolved to trouble themfelves about thefe Laws , or fupplicate or 
 intreat againft them, for that they found no obligation in the leaft to acknowledge 
 or receive them •, notwithftanding all which, there were fome who maintained thei 
 honour and the Loyalty which was owing to the King , and declared the folly 
 of chtfe men, who, upon pretence of maintaining their own rights and immu- 
 nities, contradi&ed and oppofed that Loyalty to which they were all engaged, 
 and made themfelves Statef men in matters of which they were all ignorant : but 
 all this was to no purpofe , to inculcate matters unto men who were deaf, and 
 refolved not to hear or underftand : but this ram language flopped not here , but 
 proceeded to farther extravagances, and Souldiers began to fpeak ill of the Go- 
 vernment , and reflect upon the Emperour himfelf, imagining that fuch threats 
 would mollifie his difpleafure, and incline him to favour towards fuch brutes as 
 themfelves. To aggravate all which , they reported , that Blafio Nunnez was an 
 unexperienced perfon in affairs, obftinate, an enemieto the rich men, an Almagrian^ 
 who had hanged a Prieft in Tumbez,, and hanged and quartered a fervant of Gonfa- 
 h Picarro, becaufe he was an enernie to Diego de Almagro, for having brought the 
 command for putting Picarro to death, and for the punithment of thofe who had 
 pyned with him in the battel of Salines. And to accomplifh all the evil fayings 
 which could bealledged againft him, they reported, that he prohibited wine, and to 
 eat fpices ani fagar,and to wear filk cloaths, and to travail with Hamocks or Bedding. 
 And thus, with rhefe reports, fome true and fome falfe, Picarro made his ends 
 and advantages , being willing and ready to take hold of any pretence to ground 
 
 R r r 7. his 
 
6y6 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 his Title of Captain General or Procuratour General , fuppofing that he might , 
 according to our Proverb, be enabled hereby, To enter in at the fleeve, and come 
 out at the collar. 
 
 Thus was Pica-no chofen and elected Procuratour General of Cczto, which was 
 the Metropolis of Peru- 7 in like manner the Corporations of Guamanga, the Town 
 of Plate, and other places concurred in the fame choice, and the Souldiery gave 
 him the, Title of their Captain General , with full and ample Authority to be 
 their Agent and Plenipotentiary, promifing to ftand to uhatfoever he mould a- 
 gree and confent unto in their names : And on the other fide he took the ufual 
 Oath which is commonly adminiftred on fuch occafions. 
 
 After this Picarro fet up his Standard, beat up his Drums, and feized all the Gold 
 in the Exchequer belonging to the King : and there being a good Magazine of 
 Arms at Chupai , he made ufe of them , and armed 400 men therewith both of 
 Horfe and Foot. Thofe peribns who were concerned in the Government, name- 
 ly, Altamirano, Maldonado, Garplajfo de la Vega and others, considering farther of this 
 matter, did upon fecond thoughts begin to repent of the power they had paffed 
 over unto Gon$ah Piqano •-, knowing how faft he had them by the hand , when 
 they onely had hold of him by the finger 5 howfoever they thought not fit to 
 revoke their power, though privately, and in their hearts, they wimed that they 
 could handfomely have retracted it. 
 
 Thus far are the words of Frandfio Lopez extracted verbatim from his own Wri- 
 tings. But, to explain the meaning of thefe Authours, who write fomething con- 
 fufedly upon this point , and feem to defcribe the minds of thefe people , as if 
 they were overmuch prompted to rebellion , which afterwards too manifeftly ap- 
 peared by the fuccefs. Howfoever we are to underftand that when Gon$ak Piqar- 
 ro was by confent of the people elected and chofen Procuratour or Adjutant Gene- 
 ral, they entertained no imagination or thought of vindicating their rights and 
 privileges with the Sword 5 but their meaning onely was in an humble and plain 
 manner to make their Addrefs and lay their cafe before the Chief Governour, re- 
 presenting, as Loyal Subjects, their great merit in the conqueft of that Empire, 
 and annexing of it to the Crown of Spain •. fuppofing that in cafe the Vice- king 
 would onely vouchfafe to hear them 5 their caufe was lb juft as could not be rejec- 
 ted even at the Bar or Judicature of the moft barbarous Nations of the World. 
 
 This was certainly the true meaning and original intentions of the four Cities at 
 the beginning , when they difpatched their Agents with full and ample power to 
 fignifie their concurrence in the eleftion and choice of Gonqalo Piqano to be their 
 Reprefentative : but fuch was the rude and turbulent fpirit of the Vice-king, and 
 the rumours and reports which every day filled the City of Cozco, concerning the 
 extravagances which he afted ; that Gonqala Piqa.no thought it not fit to truft 
 the fafety of his perfon to bare Papers or the dead letter of Laws , though ne- 
 ver fo much in his favour -, but rather to provide in prudence to fecure his perfon 
 with Arms and a forcible defence , as we (hall underftand by the fequel of this 
 Story. 
 
 And indeed herein Gonqalo Piqa.no wifely confidered,that he had to doe with a wild 
 brute Beaft, rigorous and pofitive to execute the new Laws •■, againft whom there 
 was no defence but power , for the Vice-king had often declared, that he brought 
 with him a Command from the Emperour to take off his head-, to fecure which, 
 he refolved to goe attended with a company of about two hundred Souldiers ap- 
 pointed for a guard to his perfon 5 but that he would neither carry Enfigns or Co- 
 lours, or name Captains , left it mould look too much like a martial force, or fa- 
 vour of a rebellion. And this doctrine was notified and interpreted by the Jud- 
 ges of every City, declaring that their intention was nothing, but to aft by way of 
 Petition for confervation of their own rights, which being fo reafonable, they 
 could not doubt but to obtain favour from their King and Prince therein 5 and 
 upon this ground they advifed Piqa.no to difpofe himfelf to aft in form and man- 
 ner of one who was by way of Addrefs to reprefent the ftate and condition of the 
 peoples aggrievances j" in regard they entertained no other thoughts and intenti- 
 ons than tuch as became loyal and obedient Subjects. To which Piqano made an- 
 fwer, that fince they were well acquainted with the implacable fpirit of the Vice- 
 king , who had often boafted that he brought a Commiffion with him to take 
 off his head 5 he could not but wonder, that they (hould fend him bound to the 
 hands of the Executioner-, and with the glorious title of their Reprefentative to 
 
 ftand 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 6yy 
 
 ftand with his hands in his pockets untill the other fhould cut his throat. And 
 therefore rather than go in fuch manner on this errant, he would chufe to return 
 unto his own houfe and retirement, and there expecl his fate, than to anticipate 
 his death by going to the place of execution. 
 
 The Citizens feeing the refolution of Piurro, and confidering the reafons which 
 he alledged, could not but concurr with him in his opinioo as reafonable, and 
 therefore permitted him to raife Men, under notion onely of his Guard and to 
 defend him, as feveral Authours averr, in his paflage through thofe Mountains, 
 wherein the Prince Manco Ima had fortified himfelf. And with this licenfe, and 
 under this colour for raifing Men, he increafed his numbers to four hundred men, 
 zsGomara faith, both Horfe and Foot-, and as fome fay to many more: which 
 when the City obferved, they began to repent them of their Election and De- 
 fign, which put on the face of a Rebellion rather than the humble guife of Peti- 
 tioners ; againft which way of proceedings many made their protefts, and particu- 
 larly the three before named, as Gomara reports. Howfoever Goncah Pigarro pur- 
 fuing his defign, wrote very inftant and urging Letters unto all parts, where Spa- 
 niards inhabited, and not onely to the three Cities before mentioned, but to the 
 Plantations of Indians 5 addreffing himfelf to them all particularly with fuch en- 
 dearing terms as might beft affett them, offering to them his Life and Fortune to 
 fpend in their Service, either upon the prefent emergencies or upon any other oc- 
 casion which fhould occurr for the future : by which his defign was no longer un- 
 der a dubious fenfe or difguife, but became clear and evident, as the three Hifto- 
 i rians write, for that he fet up a claim and title to the fole Government of Peru., 
 \ by virtue of an ancient Patent from the Emperour to his Brother Frantifco Picarro, 
 conftituting and appointing him chief Governour, and after him whom he fhould 
 nominate to fucceed him during life 5 fo that the Government was given for two 
 (Lives, as was alfo the diftribution of Indians, and thofe held by vaflalage for two 
 Lives, according to the original Grants given to the firft Conquerours. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Gon^alo Picarro, having named a?id appointed bis feveral 
 Captains and Officers, departs from Cozco. The Vice- 
 king in like manner afembles his People, and appoints 
 Captains, and imprifons Vaca de Caftro, and other prin- 
 cipal men of note and quality. 
 
 "ITH this fpecious pretence Goncah Picarro proceeded in raifing Men, fo 
 that now it feemed rather an open War than an Addrefs by way of Pe- 
 ition for relief againft Oppreflions ; and to make his defigns yet more manifeft, 
 le fent Francifio de Almendrat (who was my Godfather) into the great Road lea- 
 iing to the City of Los Reyes, with a party of twenty Men befides Indians, care- 
 fully to intercept all perfons that paffed, not permitting any to travel thither, ei- 
 ther from Cozco or Rimac. All the Gold and Silver which was in the King's Trea- 
 fury he feifed, as alfo the Eftates of perfons deceafed, and Monies depofited •, 
 imich he took up by way of loan, and to re-pay the fame again with intereft 5 
 11 which he made ufe of for payment of his Souldiers, and carrying on his defign. 
 The Cannon which Gafpar Rodriguez, and his Companions tranfported from Hua- 
 manca to Cozco, and which were many and very good, he feifed upon, and took 
 with him for his Train of Artillery 5 for the fupply of which he gave order to 
 make great quantities of Gun-powder, for compounding which they wanted not 
 Salt-peter in abundance 5 for in the parts near Cozco the beft Salt-peter is digged 
 in all that Kingdom. The Captains named for his Army were Alonfo de Toro Cap- 
 tain of Horfe, who had formerly been Major General to Don Pedro Porto Carrero, 
 Pedro Cermenno was appointed Captain of the HarquebufierS, fobn Velez de Guevara, 
 
 and 
 
&n% Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 and Diego Gtimlel were made Captains of the Lances, and Hernando Bachkao was 
 made Mafter of the Ordnance, of which there were twenty excellent Pieces. 
 Moreover Carate, in the Fifth Chapter of his Eighth Book, tells us, that he pro- 
 vided both Ball and Powder, and all fort of Ammunition neceflary and required 
 to his Cannon : And having thus prepared every thing in order to his evil intent, 
 he then profeffed openly, that he and his Brothers having difcovered that great 
 and vaft Continent, and by their Adventures, Hazards and Atchievements redu- 
 ced the fame with the help and authority of his Majefty's Commiflion under his 
 Royal Power, in return whereof he had remitted vaft quantities both of Gold and 
 Silver to his Majefty's Exchequer, as might evidently appear upon the Lift and 
 Regifter. And that whereas after the death of the Marquifs, his Majefty was fo 
 far from fettling the Government upon his Son or himielf, as was confirmed by 
 the Letters latents, that in lieu thereof he tent to make feifure of their Eftates, 
 from which no perfon is exempted, who by one matter or the other is not con- 
 cerned and brought within the compafs of thefe Rules and new Regulations ; 
 and to mend the matter, an obftinate perfon, one Blafco Nmnez Vela, was em- 
 ployed to put them into execution, who would neither receive Petitions, nor 
 hearken to Reafon, treating the people with injurious and fevere terms, as might 
 be eafily proved by good and fufncient Witneffes ; and likewife that he had fent 
 a Commiflion to take off his Head, who had never differved his Majefty, but on 
 the contrary, as was manileftly known, had been loyal, faithfull and a good Sub- 
 ject, as was apparent to all the world. For which reafons as aforefaid he was re- 
 folved, with the confent and approbation of the City, to make a Journey to Los 
 Reyes, there to complain in the publick place of Judicature of the aggrievances of 
 his Majefty's good Subjects ; after which they would difpatch Meflengers to the 
 King in the name of the whole Kingdom, to inform his Majefty of the truth of 
 all that had paffed, with their humble offers for a redrefs, not doubting but his 
 Majefty would yield a gentle and a gratious ear thereunto $ and when they had 
 performed this their duty, and could receive no relief, they would then conten- 
 tedly acquiefce, and with humble refignation fubmit unto his Majefty's pleafure. 
 And whereas they could not efteem themfelves fafe and fecure from the defigns 
 and menaces of the Vice-king, who was marching againft them with a Body of 
 Men, they agreed, that this their Plenipotentiary mould likewife be attended 
 with a Body of Men, merely for the fecurity of his Perfon, and to remain onely 
 on the defenfive part. And with this defign onely and no other, he exhorted the 
 Souldiers that they would keep Order and Military Difcipline to avoid furprite, 
 and that he and the other Gentlemen who were his Aflbciates would maintain 
 and pay them as was reafonable, in regard they were employed for confervation 
 of their Lives and Eftates. And with fuch fair pretentions as thefe, he perfuaded 
 the people to joyn with him in the juftification he had made of his caufe, which 
 being generally approved, they freely offered their Services to defend him to the 
 laft drop of their bloud : and in this manner he departed from Coxxo, attended 
 with the Citizens and Inhabitants as before mentioned. Thus far are the words 
 
 of Curate. 
 
 With thefe preparations before- mentioned, which amounted unto five hundred 
 Souldiers, and twenty thoufand Indians to attend the Camp-, for twelve thoufand 
 onely were requisite to draw and manage the Cannon and Artillery, Goncalo Pi- 
 carro departed from Cezco to march unto the City of Los Reyes, giving out that his 
 defign was no other than onely to petition and to treat •, and being marched as far 
 as Sacfahuana, being four leagues diftant from the City, we (hall leave him there 
 a while and return to the Vice-king, to declare how matters paffed between him 
 and his Subjects in Los Reyes and other parts. 
 
 Though BLfco Nmnez, Vela was fettled in the feat of his Authority, and received 
 for Governour of that Empire, yet he was uneafie and unable to relilb the fweet- , 
 nefs of Power, by reafon of thole difcontents and jealoufies which the people con- 
 ceived in execution of the new Rules of Regulation 5 wherefore to fecure his Per- 
 fon from any treafonable attempt, and as a mark of his Authority and State, he 
 gave order to Captain Diego deVrbina to raife and arm fifty Archebufiers to be his 
 Life-guard, and attend his Perfon on all occafions, (as Gomara reports in the 1 jSth 
 Chapter of his Book.) And now none durft open his mouth to him, for fufpen- 
 ding the practice of the new Laws 5 as Carate faith in the Fifth Chapter of the 
 Fifth Book : And though a Petition had been preferred to him in open Court 
 
 from 
 
Book IV. ^ Royal C ommentaries. s 
 
 and ordained them wer here p refen" and bd Sfe£SS? J8 6 ? wh ° formed 
 veniences that attended them thev wouW nl.r L d tte Annuities and incon- 
 have contained or enaded le |W ™H rET* . f" W his Ma ' eft y *> 
 refoived to (end his Comm ^^ t^?«*W ^r thd f reaf ? ns he was 
 that he would be pleafed to recaS LS nil ' ■ t0 M 1 ^ his Majefty 
 
 of his People, ho^SS^^"S^^ to i^^i)oJ 
 having Mruclions and Commands from hi ^M^fTv ?n ,)| Ufpend the e ^ e , cution ' 
 are the words of cw,, who with ori^WrS y j 6 - 0011 ^- Thus far 
 . Daring this time the Road fro" 
 
 intercepted, fo that none was brought either bv £ K • f \ ? tel L , ^ e was 
 more than that Gmcuh fWj was come m r ^f" u° r ^ Meffengers, 
 fled from Z w ^«LdoSernarts faSriZV' vvhere the people, who were 
 like to be a Civil War. WnSSp ^V^S^aV^^ there was 
 rheir Orders to the Cit^enVof SS" g ving het^ufA^^ f pat 5 hed 
 was to receive Blafio Nmm*. for their V^cfrkingTnH ri ? "u r at th , eir du£ y 
 ters were to fummon them toTppSffiS^t^^" fiMSN Ler " 
 Arms And though thefe QtJS^Sl?^ * heir "«fe and 
 pies of them were brought to c«« bv few 2^1 if Road ' ? et fome C °- 
 guch fo wrought upoXeSl £*? aS£f tfS t^Tr" % $$*$ the 
 J* their appearance at L. Reyes t0 ^&^^Mm^ 
 
 of^tt to theVice-king 
 
 ders to increafe'his Army " o raife and ftStafr » h I £ gaVe immcdiate ° f 
 good fum of Money, he cau kd th ^n^ISS? 3 « ft 11 ? 1 !! 8 ? CCaf?on for a 
 Eight, laden by dflro /S f on board a Sh,n fn? * Undred ( hou * fand Pieces <* 
 brought a-ftore! and employdfo! ^ofe^ feg^ft^^ C ° be 
 
 Dugo dc UrhnaUmtetant General, and fob* de A?uWe Sareeant IvS u T i ' 
 
 he was Wo., rf the prfiCBrfSS^jSSSSBS atffe& 
 Ins Party to whom he had given the libertv of rh* r I,, ,% ' 2 others of 
 to exceed the bounds thereof ™e one da f about &*SlZ? 
 
 witri hs Army: upon which occafion he rave Orders to B,», ',/,„ . T 
 r«j. J, ^„„, USE . £ 1 and"i B » 0ther " n - &fe£ l ,f ° Q ? ai " *- 
 
 CHAR 
 
680 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Two of the Inhabitants of Arequepa revolt to the Vine-king, 
 with wo of the Ships belonging to Gon^alo Pi^arro, 
 and the Citizens of Cozco defert his Army. 
 
 WHilft the Vice-king Blafco Nutmeg was troubled with thefe thoughts and 
 fears, a lucky accident happened much to his advantage and fatisfa&ion 3 
 for two perfons which belonged to the City of Arequepa, one of which was cal- 
 led Jeronimo de Sema, and the other Alonfo de Carceres, feifed upon the two Ships in 
 that Port belonging to Gon$alo Pi^arro, which he had bought with his own money, 
 with intent to (hip his Ammunition and Provifions thereupon, and with them to 
 be Mafter of thole Seas, which was of great and high concernment to him : thefe 
 two perfons, as we have faid, corrupted the Mariners, and perfuaded them to fail 
 the Ships to Lot Reyes, where the Vice-king refided, w ho received them with 
 great joy and contentment •, for thereby perceiving that the Forces of his Enemy 
 were wavering, and enclining to his fide, he took it as a good Omen of his fol- 
 lowing fuccefs. 
 
 In the mean time it happened out in the Army of Goncalo Pi$arro, which we 
 left in Sacfahuana, that the Citizens which belonged to Cozco, reflecting within 
 themfelves upon rhe defign in which they were engaged, and considering how 
 unbefeeming and improper a matter it was to petition for Juftice with Arms in 
 their hands, which ought to be performed in a more humble and fubmiffive man- 
 ner 3 it was agreed amongft the principal men amongft them, (as was before pri- 
 vately difcourfed) to defert the caufe of Goncalo Pi$arro and return again to their 
 own habitations. 
 
 The chief and leading men in this defign were Graviel de Ro]m, Garcilajfo de U 
 
 Vega, John de Saavedra, Gomez, de Rojai, Jeronimo Coftilla, Pedro del Barco, Martin de 
 Florencia, Jeronimo de Soria, Gomez de Leon, DoctOUt Carvajal, Alonfo Perez de Ef- 
 quivcl, Pedro Picarro, and John Ramirez. 
 
 Thefe are all particularly mentioned by the two Authours, Car ate and Diego 
 Fernandez 3 but befides thefe, there were feveral others not named by them, as 
 
 John Julio de Hojeda, Diego de Silva, Thomas Bazquez, Pedro Alonfo Carrafco, John de 
 Pancorvo, Alonfo de Hinojofa, Antonio de Qtrinnones, Alonfo de Loyafa, Martin de Mene- 
 fes, Mancio Serra de Leguicamo, Francifco de Villa Fuerta, John de Figueroa, Pedro de 
 los Rios, with his Brother Diego, Alonfo de Soto, and Diego de Truxillo, Gafpar Jara, 
 
 and others whofe names I have forgotten, who were in all about forty in number, 
 with many of which I had a perfonal acquaintance. 
 
 All thefe having deferred the caufe of Gongalo Pi$arro, returned to their own 
 homes at Cozco 5 where having provided themfelves with fuch conveniences as 
 were neceffary for their Journey, they with all diligence took their Journey to 
 Arequepa, with defign to feife the two Ships belonging to Goncalo Picarro, which 
 they knew lay at that place, and embark themfelves thereon, and fail to Los Reyes, 
 efteeming it for a great piece of fervice to the King, and a means to ingratiate 
 themfelves with the Vice-king 3 but herein they were difappointed, for that the 
 
 Captains Alonfo de Carceres and Jeronimo de la Serna had forestalled them in their 
 
 defign, having carried the Ships away to Los Reyes before their arrival. 
 
 And being thus difappointed of their hopes, they confidered of the fecureft way 
 they were now to take to get to the Vice-king •, for they knew that Goncalo Pi- 
 carro had flopped all the Roads and Paffages over the Plains and Mountains 3 
 wherefore they agreed to build a great Boat or Vefiel, and thereon to rake their 
 paflage by Sea to Los Reyes -. the building of this Vefiel took up forty days time to 
 little purpofe 3 for the Carpenters being both unskilfull in building, and the Tim- 
 ber green and unfeafoned, no fooner was the Veffel lanched, and her Provifions 
 laden Upon her but me funk down to the bottom in the very Harbour. Where- 
 fore finding that there was no other way now left them, they refolved to hazard 
 themfelves on the Land, which fucceeded according to their defires, for the Road 
 
 being 
 
 nj's, 1 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 68 1 
 
 being dear'd of their Enemies, they arrived fafe at Los Reyes •, but when they came 
 thither, they found that the Vice-king was made a Prifoner, and embarked and 
 fent away into Spain. As we (hall understand more particularly in the fequel of 
 this Hiftory. 
 
 This delay of forty days in building the Veflel, was the caufe of all the mif- 
 chief which enfued-, for during that time the Vice-king was made a Prifoner, 
 which had otherwife been prevented had thofe Gentlemen opportunely arrived : 
 for had it been known that perfons of that Quality had revolted from Pierre, and 
 were come from Cozxo to joyn with the Vice-Ving, it would have brought fo great 
 a reputation to his affairs, that none would have dared to have touched the Vice- 
 king, or declared for the Party of Viyem, And as fome Authours report, the 
 people feifed on the Vice-king and put him on Ship-board, onely out of fear to 
 fccure him fiom Goncalo Picarro, who they heard was on his march with intention 
 to kill him. But thefe Gentlemen of Cozxo, finding, contrary to all expectation, 
 that the Vice-king was fent away, every man (hiked for himfelf as well as he 
 could •, fome of which remaining in the City, we (hall have occafion to difcourfe 
 of them hereafter. 
 
 On the other fide, Goncalo Picarro, perceiving that thofe who were men of the 
 greateft intereft and power in the Army had relinquifhed his intereft, he gave 
 nimfelf over for loft, and, as the Hiftorians report, refolved to return to the 
 Charcot, or to retire into Chile with about fifty of the moft faithfull of his Friends 
 and Comrades, who, he was aflured, would (land by him to the laft : but whilft 
 he was meditating of thefe matters, Pedro de PnelUs came to him, and brought the 
 news of the departure of the Vice-king, which was fo much to the advantage of 
 Picarro, that he with new courage and triumph returned to Coz.co. The Indians 
 which belonged to thofe who revolted he appropriated to his own fervice, onely 
 
 thofe who were in vaflalage tO Garcila(fo de la Veva he beftowed on Pedro de Puellet, 
 
 and gave up his Houfes to be plundred by the Souldiers, one of which afterwards 
 intended to have fet fire to them, having a fire-brand in his hand to that purpofe, 
 and had certainly effe&ed it, had he not been prevented by another of a better 
 and a more mild temper and difpofition, who faid to him, What hurt have thefe 
 Houfes done you ? if the Mafter were here we might revenge our felves upon 
 him, but what evil have thefe Walls deferved ? This word gave a (lop to his in- 
 tention and faved the Houfe , howfoever they plundred it from the top to the 
 bottom, not leaving any thing in it which was worth one farthing •, and turned out 
 the Indian Servants both Men and Women, charging them not to come within 
 :he Walls upon pain of death : howfoever they permitted eight perfons to remain 
 therein, namely my Mother, and Sifter, and a Maid-fervant, as alio my felf, 
 'for my Mother would rather have died than have been without me) and fdn 
 ie Alcobaca my Tutour, with his Son Diego, and his Brother, and an Indian Maid, 
 which they would not deny me the fervice of. 
 
 John Alcobaca, being a perfon of a good life and exemplary piety, void of paf- 
 (ion and worldly intereft, gained that refpe&and favour amongft them, that they 
 would not take away his life 5 the friendfhip we had amongft feveral of them, 
 faved us alfo •, for many of thofe who adhered to Picarro were yet Friends to my 
 Father, and would fay, turning to us, what have thefe Children and old People 
 done, or what punifliment have they deferved for the faults of another ? Howfo- 
 ever after this we had certainly perimed with hunger, had not the Ucas, and fome 
 Ladies of their Family, who were related to us, fent us fecretly and by private 
 ways, fome Food wherewith to fupport our felves •, but fuch v. as the fear and 
 dread they had of thefe Tyrants, that the Provifion was fo little as was fcarce able 
 to fuftain us. 
 
 A certain Cadque, who was under the command of my Father, called Don Gar- 
 cia Pauqui, who was Commander over two Plantations, which are fituated on the 
 Banks of the River Apurimac (even leagues diftant from the City, one of which is 
 called Hna)llari, was more kind and faithfull than all others relating to us •, for he, 
 not fearing the threats they had given, adventured with danger of his life to re- 
 lieve us, and came one night to our Houfe, to give us notice that we (hould fit up 
 and watch the night following, for that about fuch an hour he would fend us in 
 twenty five Bulhels q{ May*., which he accordingly did •, and about feven or eight 
 nights after he fent us in the like quantity, which was a fufficient provifion to 
 relieve us during the eight months of our famine and reftraint, until! the time 
 
 Sfff that 
 
i 
 
 6$z Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 that Diego Centem entred into Cozco, as we (hall relate hereafter. I have thought 
 fit to mention this particular paflage to (hew the faithfulnefs and loyalty of this 
 good Cttraca, and record the fame to the honour of him and thofe who defcend 
 From him. 
 
 But befides the Charities we received from this good man Pauqui, I received 
 fome other relief from a noble Perfon, called John Efiobar, who at that time had 
 no command over Indians, though fome years afterwards Dottour Capo bequea- 
 thed fome to him, upon an intermarriage between him and the Daughter of Vafio 
 de Guevara, begotten on the body of Maria Emiqnez., both Perfons of Honour and 
 Quality. 
 
 This worthy Gentleman John de Efcobar, who lodged in the Houfe of Alfinfo de 
 Afefa, in a certain Street built in the midft of my Father's Rents, very much com- 
 paflionating our wants and penury, defired my Tutour to give me leave to come 
 every day to dinner, and at night to fupper with him ; we accepted very kindly 
 the dinner, but as to the fupper, we thought it not convenient to keep our doors 
 open at that time of the night ; for we were hourly in fear of being maflacred, 
 for which we had good grounds, being always threatned by them , and none put 
 us into more fear than Hernando Bachkao, who was Matter of the Ordnance •, for 
 though he went not out with them, yet he mounted fome Cannon at his own '•• 
 Houfe and made a Battery upon ours, which, in the Map or defcription we made 
 of the Town, juft fronted with his, nothing being between us but onely the two r,c: 
 Market-places of the City, which he had certainly levelled to the ground, had 
 not fome Friends and Relations interceded for us : Nor did the Relations of thofe u 
 others who revolted fare better than we •, though they evidenced a more partial- '::::.. 
 kr malice and anger againft my Father, as one who had more fignally been con- :_•: 
 cerned in this revolt than any other. Graviel de Rojas was as deeply engaged as|*P*i 
 he, but having his Houfes and Poflefllons in Chuquifaca the City of Plate, they had t:;:. 
 not the fame opportunity to be revenged on him. - 
 
 Having thus vented their anger upon the Houfes of thofe Citizens of Cozco who C .-.■ 
 had revolted from their caufe, they returned again into the Road of Los Reyes to rrr 
 meet Pedro de Puelles and the people who followed him ; but they were very te- ;. 
 dious in their march to Huamanca, by reafon of the great Incumbrance of their .: 
 Cannon which followed the Camp. Jeronimo de la Serna, and Alonfo de Carceres, | But 
 who had revolted with the two Ships to Los Reyes, reported amongft other things ; 
 to the Vice-king, how that Gongalo Picarro was eleded General Representative of |tnw! 
 the whole Empire, and that he was railing Men, and providing Ammunition and Ica'ai 
 Artillery to march unto Los Reyes. :; ." 
 
 This report being brought to the Vice-king and the Juftices, which as yet was 
 news to them •, for ( as we have faid before ) the Roads being all ftopt, they had 
 received no other intelligence of Goncalo Pigarro than that he was come from Cozco 
 to the Charcot : but fo foon as they underftood that he was raifing Men, they ,, p" 
 immediately difpatched away Orders to the four Cities, requiring and comman- % 
 ding them to receive Blajco Nmnez, Vela for Vice-king by Commiflion from his 7- 
 Majefty. And that in cafe they had any aggrievances they mould fend their Com- 
 miflioners to the City of Los Reyes, there to reprefent their Complaints and de- 
 mand Juftice in thofe matters wherein they judged themfelves aggrieved. And 
 in order hereunto, as Gomara fays, the Vice-king fent Friar Thomas de San Martin 
 to allure Goncalo Picarro, that he had no Commiflion to his hurt or prejudice, but 
 rather Inftruftions from the Emperour to reward and gratifie him for his many "C 
 labours and fervices performed towards his Majefty : And therefore defired him, n tl 
 that laying all fears and jealoufies afide, he mould difmifs his people, and come •"' 
 freely and frankly to him to converfe and treat upon affairs. Thus far Gomara. 
 Now we will proceed to the Rebellion of Pedro de Puelles. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 582 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 If herein is related , how Pedro de Puelles rebelled again ft 
 Blafco Nunnez Vela , and revolted to Gon^alo Pi^ar- 
 ro ; and how others whom the Vice^kjng fent after them 
 to fetch them back,, did the like, and joined with the con- 
 trary Party. 
 
 BEfides the Orders which the Vice-king fent to the four Cities, and the Mef- 
 iage which he had difpatched to Goncalo Pfyarro ^ he likewife fent his Sum- 
 mons to Pedro dc Puelles to come and ferve his Majefty, the fuccefs of which we 
 may find written by Diego Fernandez , in the fixteenth Chapter of his Book, and 
 by Augufline de Carate , in the tenth Chapter of his fifth Book , who give a re- 
 lation thereof, almoft in the fame words. 
 
 When the Vice-king was firft received in the City of Los Reyes, Pedro de Puel- 
 les, a Native of Seville, came to kifs his hands, being at that time Deputy Gover- 
 nour for Vac a de Cafiro in the Town of Guanuco .- And having lived long in the In- 
 dies, he was highly efteemed by the Vice-king for his great experience ; fo that he 
 gave him a new Commiflion to be Deputy Governour of Guanuco , enjoyning 
 him to get the People of that City in a readinefs , that in cafe neceffity mould re- 
 quire, they might at an hour's warning appear with their Horfe and Arms. Pedro 
 de Puelles obeyed the Commands of the Vice-king ■-, and not onely put his own Ci- 
 tizens into a pofture to march, at the firft Summons-, but alfo retained feveral 
 other Souldiers , who came from the Province of Chapapoyas in company with 
 Gomes de Sola and Bonifaz , to attend the Commands of the Vice-king , for their 
 march : and accordingly upon his Orders difpatched by ferammo de Villegas , a Na- 
 tive of Burgos. Pedro de PueHes immediately marched away with intention to join 
 with him. 
 
 But being come as far as Guanuco, they began to lay their heads together and 
 confider of the ilTueand event of affairs, in cafe they mould fubdue and over- 
 throw Goncalo Picarro and his party 5 and having concluded moft certainly, that in 
 that cafe, the Vice-king would make ufe of his Victory, to put in execution the 
 new Laws without controll , to the great damage and ruine of the People •■, and 
 that no man, as well Souldiers as others mould be able to enjoy the fervice and 
 vaflalage of their Indians , which would difennable many from paying the taxes 
 for maintenance of the Army : they all unanimoufly refolved to revolt unto Geti- 
 calo Pimm's party -, and fo marched another way to join with him in fuch place 
 where it mould be their fortune to meet him. 
 
 The Vice-king, having fpeedy intelligence thereof by an Indian Captain called 
 Tllatopa, greatly refented the ill-fuccefs ; but howfoever, taking courage, he imme- 
 diately difpeeded his brother VeU Nunnez. with a Detachment of fourty light Horfe 
 and thirty Arquebufiers, under the command of Captain Goncalo Dlu, which for 
 better expedition were mounted upon fo many Mules , which coft twelve thou- 
 fand Ducats taken out of the King's treafury ; and to them were added ten other 
 Souldiers, who were the kindred, friends and relations of Vela Nunnez, fo that the 
 number of the Foot were made equal to the Horfe , and had Orders to intercept 
 Pedro de Puelles in his march, and to get before him, and difpute the firft pafs with 
 him. Being thus provided with all things neceffary, and being on their march as 
 far as Gmdachik ( which is about twenty Leagues from the City ■-,) it is faid, that 
 they agreed to kill Vela Nunnez and revolt to Goncalo Picarro ; and that fome of the 
 Scouts being advanced about four Leagues from GuadacWe happened to meet with 
 Frier Thomas, the Provincial of St. Domingo, whom the Vice-king had fent to Cozco, 
 with Commiffion to treat and accommodate matters with Goncalo Picarro .- and 
 being met , one of the Souldiers who was born at Avila , taking him afide , dil- 
 covered to him the defigns the Souldiers had to kill Vela Nunnez •, that fo he 
 might fore-warn him thereof, and advife him to take fome courfe for his fecuri- 
 ty, for otherwife he would be killed that night by the Souldiers. 
 
 Sfffa The 
 
584 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 The Provincial made great, halte in his journey , and with him the Scouts alfo 
 returned upon the advice he had given them , that Pedro de Puelles was two days 
 march before him, and had paffed the Xauxa, fo that it was impoffible for them 
 to overtake him : And being come to Guadachik, he told the People the fame 
 Story , and that it would be to no purpofe to goe in purfuit of him : and taking 
 Vela Nmm'z, on one fide, he privately whifpered to him the Danger in which he 
 was, advifing him to make ufe of this Information for his own fafety. Vela Nun- 
 nez, revealing the treachery againit him to four or five of his kinfmen who were 
 vvith him, they privately towards the glimps of the Evening, ftole on horfe-back, 
 as if they intended to give their horfes water, and having the Provincial for their 
 guide, they made their efcape under the protection of the night. So foon as their 
 
 flight was known, fobn de la Torre, Piedra- Hita, George a Grecian, and Other Soul- 
 
 diers who were concerned in the Confpiracy feized upon the Guard in the night, 
 and clapping their fire-locks to the breafls of the other Souldiers, fwearing to kill 
 them, if they refolved not to goe and join with them. Whereupon every one al- 
 moft freely declared , that they would be of their fide , and particularly Captain 
 Goncdo Blot ; and though they affrighted him with the fame terrour as did the 
 others, and bound his hands-behind him, and in appearance offered many other 
 affrighting things to him , yet it is believed that he was in the Confpiracy , and 
 the principal in the Plot ■-, and fo it was believed and went for currant amongft 
 all the People of the City 5 for it could not be imagined, that he who was a kinf- 
 man and fon-in-law to Pedro de Puelles, could be of a contrary party to him , there 
 having been no quarrel or caufe of difference between them. And thus all of 
 them getting up and mounting their Mules which hadcoft fo dear, they travailed 
 
 towards Goncalo Pifarro, whom they met near Guamanga, where Pedro de Puelles and 
 
 his men being arrived two days before them •-, found fuch difcouragement in the 
 Camp of Pi$arro, by reafon of the flow motion and coldnefs of Gaff or Rodriguez. 
 and his Aflociates ; that had Pedro de Puelles and his men flayed onely three days 
 longer before they had come up , the whole Camp of Picarro had moft cer- 
 tainly broken up and been diiperfed : but the arrival of Pedro de Puelles put fuch 
 life and fpirit again into them, both by his recruits and by his words ■-, that they 
 refolved to proceed in their enterprife -, for he told them, that in cafe Goncalo Plgar- 
 ro would retract , and not think fit to proceed , he notwithflanding was refolved 
 to undertake the defign , not doubting but to be able with his own men to take 
 the Vice- king and rid theCountrey of him, confidering that he was generally 
 hated, and that all the people were difaffe&ed to him. Pedro de Puelles had little 
 lefs than fourty Horfe with him, and about twenty Mufquetiers •, but when Gonga- 
 lo Bias and his men were come up and joyned with them, then all parts were en- 
 couraged, and refolved without any fear or doubt to proceed : by this time Vela 
 Nunnez. was arrived at Los Reyes, and had acquainted the Vice-king with all that 
 had palled •-, who , as we may believe with reafon , refented this ill beginning as 
 ominous, finding his affairs every day to fall into a worfe eftate. The next day 
 
 Rodrigo Ninno, who was fon of Hernando Ninno, Mayor of Toledo, returned to Tele- 
 do with three or four more who refufed to follow Goncalo Bias , nowithftanding 
 all the affronts and abufes they could put upon them -, for they took from them 
 their Arms and Horfes, and ftript them of their Cloaths •, fo that Rodrigo Ninno 
 came onely in querpo, with a pair of old Trunks, without Hofe, or Shoes, or any 
 thing on his Feet, unlefs a pair of pack-thread Sandals, walking all the way on foot 
 with a Cane in his hand. The Vice-king received him with all the kindnels 
 imaginable , and praifing his Loyalty and Conftancy , told him that , confidering 
 the Caufe for which he fuffered, the Habit in which he was, feemed more be- 
 coming than if he were vefted in Cloth of Gold. Thus far the two Authours 2- 
 gree in the fame fenfe, and almofl; in the fame words : To which Biego Fernan- 
 dez, Palentino adds , as follows : 
 
 When news was brought to the Vice-king of thefe ill Succefies , he greatly re- 
 lented them, clearly now perceiving that his Affairs went crofs, and that thfcaffec- 
 tions of the people were tainted with rebellion : Howfoever, that he might in fome 
 manner revenge the difloyalty of Captain Goncalo Biaz , who had fo ignominiouf- 
 ly broken his faith and word with him , and fince he could not inflict a punilh- 
 ment on his perfon , he caufed the Colours or Enfign of his Company to be trai- 
 led along through the Market-place in the fight and view of the Captains, Soul- 
 diers, and of all" the City v and commanded the Serjeants and Enfign of the Com- 
 pany 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 6$e 
 
 pany of Goncah Diaz, and of all the other Companies, to run the points of their 
 Lances into his Colours, and tear them in pieces in difhqnour.and to the ignominy 
 of the abfent Captain-, but Gomez Eftacio, who was Enlignto that Company, and 
 other the Affbciates , who were to fupport the Colours , were not a little net- 
 led at this Affront, as if it had in fome manner refle&ed upon themfelves : and 
 more particularly Gomez Eflacio found himfelf aggrieved , becaufe the Vice-king 
 had commanded him to trail the Colours with his own hand ; and from that time 
 he became difaffecled to the Vice-king, and a friend to the Caufe and Party of 
 Goncah Pi$arro. And though it be granted that many did approve the a&ion of 
 Goncah Diaz, and did agree that the difhonour fhewed to his Colours was but juft, 
 and' no more than what his infidelity deferved : Howfoever they were well e- 
 nough pleafed to fee the power of the Vice-king weakened , whofe ruine and 
 down-fall they defired by the better fortune and fuccefs of Goncah Picarro. Thus 
 did nothing thrive which the Vice-king adted, but all turned to his prejudice ; of 
 which he was fenfible , though he ftrove to conceal his inward trouble , and puc 
 the beft face upon it that he could. Thus far are the words of Diego Fernandez. 
 
 And now men who were difaffected began to blame the Council which was gi- 
 ven to the Vice-king , to fend Goncah Diaz againft his Father-in law ; and . 
 :as other Authours lay , it was much wondered that the Vice-king fhould be fo 
 much overfeen as not to confider the inconvenience of engaging the Son in-law 
 againft the Father , between whom there had been no quarrel or ground of dif- 
 ipleafure. And in like manner reflecting on the concernment of Gomez Efiacio, En- 
 •fign of Goncah , divers were of opinion , that it was an Affront given him with- 
 out any Caufe •, and that it was improperly done to command him who had in no 
 manner been engaged in the Treafon of his Captain, to be an Executioner of a dif* 
 grace which could not be acled without great reflexion on himfelf. Thus did the 
 hatred which men had conceived againft the Vice-king turn all the actions he did 
 ; to a bad interpietation. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 A Pardon and fafe ConduZl is given to Gafpar Rodriguez 
 and bit Friends. His death, and of divers others. 
 
 NO W to fet' forth what thefe Authours report otGafpar Rodriguez, whom Ca- 
 rate fometimes mentions by the name oiGafpar de Rojat ; we are to obferve 
 bat he was a brother of the good Capain Pcrancures de Campo rotondo, who was 
 lain in the-battel of Cbupa4,znd after his death he came to the inheritance and pof- 
 elfion of his Indians, which Vaca deCaftro beftowed upon him by fpecial Grant. 
 This was the Gentleman who rathly and withourconfideration feized upon the Can- 
 ion which were at Hmmanca, and carried them to Cozco, and was greatly engaged 
 n the defigns of Goncah Rtgatra : but obferving that many of the principal Citizens 
 •vho had taken part with Picarro, had relinquilhed his Caufe, and fled from him ; 
 le alfo refolved to follow their example, and revolt to the Vice-king : but being 
 zonfeious of his Crime in carrying away the Cannon , he thought it beft and moft 
 Secure to obtain a Pardon for the fame, both as to life and eftate, before he trufted 
 limielf in the hands of the Vice-king , whom he knew to be a man of a morofe 
 md fevere difpofition , and one who would not fpare him , in cafe he fell into 
 his hands, without fuch a Precaution : and to make hisaccefs and pardon the 
 more eafie by an appearance of fome fignal fervice , he treated with fome friends 
 Df his, perfuading them to pais over to the other party, following the example 
 nf thofe other noble Citizens who had lately done the like : and with them he 
 b prevailed , that they refolved on the point , and as a preparation thereunto, to 
 demand their Pardon firft , and to receive a Protection or Letter of fafe conduct 
 ieely to come and offer their fervice. 
 
 But 
 
6$6 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 But whilft thefe Matters were in agitation Pedro de PueUts ( as the Aathours re- 
 port ) arrived very opportunely j for , had his coming been delayed but three 
 days longer , it is the general opinion , that all the Army of G<m$ai Picarro had 
 of themfelves been difperfed and disbanded. Howfoever, thefe new recruits did 
 not alter and remove the intentions of Gafatr Rodriguez and his Companions' from 
 their former purpofe •■> in purfuance of which they communicated their defign 
 to a certain Prieft , a Native of Madrid , called Baltafar de Loayfa , with whom 
 after I was acquainted in Madrid, in the year 1563. I cannot fay that I knew 
 him before , being very young 5 though he knew me very well when I was a 
 child , being a friend of my father's , and one who had a general acquaintance 
 with all the noble families of that Empire. 
 
 Gafpar de Rodriguez and his friends treated with this Prieft ( who was more fit 
 for a Souldier than a Prieft ) and perfuaded him to take a journey in their behalf 
 to Los Reyes, and to obtain a Pardon for them, with a Letter of Licence for their 
 Security •-, and with that occafion , that he lhould give an account of the number 
 of thofe who were come lately to join with Picarro and of thofe who were gone 
 off 5 and to affure him, that the Affairs of Plgarro flood on that uncertain founda- 
 tion, that fo foon as he and his accomplices were gone off, that all the other For- 
 ces ofGongalo Picarro would fpeedily disband. 
 
 With this Meflage Bait afar de Loayfa privately departed from the Camp^ of 
 which lb foon as Picarro had notice, he immediately fent after him to fetch him 
 back ; but having taken a by-way out of the common road, they miffed of him, 
 and he got fafe to Rimac where the good news lie brought , made him welcome 
 to the Vice-king •, for the intention of Gafpar Rodriguez, and his Companions was 
 of great importance to him : the joy whereof the Vice-king not being able to fup- 
 prefs , and efteeming it necefTary to be divulged for the encouragement of his 
 people ■, the fecret took air and was made publick* which being with all expedi- 
 tion wrote back to Goncak Picarro, Gafpar Rodriguez was feized with his Compa- 
 nions, and were all afterwards "put to death. Howfoever, before that was known 
 Ba/tafar de Loayfa was difpatched with the Pardon and Letters of fafe-condu6t , 
 which he defired 5 which was no fooner done, but it was divulged over all the' 
 City ( as Curate reports, whofe authority we rather follow in thefe paflages, than 
 any other , becaufe he was prefent at thefe tranfaftions ) and thereupon the Ci- 
 tizens , and other perfons who were inclined and fecretly well-affedted to the 
 Caufe 0$ Goncak Picarro and his Party, did really imagine that in cafe he were de- 
 ferted by Gafpar Rodriguez and his Accomplices , it would ftrike fo great a damp 
 to Goncak Picarro and his Souldiers as would caufe them to difperfe and break up 
 their Camp, as defpairing of their defign •, and then the Vice-king would remain 
 triumphant, to execute his new Laws without any contradiction or reftraint upon 
 him : to prevent which fome of the Citizens and Souldiers refolved amongft them- 
 felves to fend a party of light Horfe after him , hoping fpeedily fo overtake him. 
 
 It was in the month of September 1 5-44, when Loayfa with one perfon onely in 
 his company called Hernando de Cavallos left the Town-, and the next night af- 
 terwards was purfued by twenty five light Horfemen, the principal of which were 
 
 Don Bait afar de Caflilla, the Son of Count Gomera, Lorenco Afexiu , Rodrigo deSa- 
 
 lazar , well known for his crouch-back , and was the perfon famous for taking 
 
 Bon Diego de Almagro Junior in Cozco 5 there were alfo with them Diego de Carvajal, 
 iurnamed the Gallant, and Francifco de Efccbedo, Francifco de Carvacal, Pedro Mar- 
 tin de Cicilia alias Pedro Martin de Don Benito, with others to the number of twen- 
 ty five, all which company together travailed with fo much expedition and dili- 
 gence, that in lefs than fourty Leagues diftance from Los Reyes they overtook Lo- 
 ayfa, and took all his papers and difpatches from him j and fent them away by a 
 Souldier, who croffmg the Countiey came by a fhorter cut than the common 
 road to the Camp of Picarro , and acquainted him with the whole matter , who 
 at firft fecretly communicated it to Francifco de Carvajal , who was lately made his 
 Major General in the place of Akr.fo de Poro, who was fallen fick : then he im- 
 parted it to other Captains and Perfons o^ quality , who were not privy nor 
 concerned in the Confederacy : and having confidered of the matter amongft 
 themfelves , they all generally agreed , lome from a principle o{ particular enmi- 
 ty , others from envy , others from covetoufnefs , fearing to lofe their Indium and 
 their Pofleffions ; that it was necefTary for example unto others , and to deter 
 them from the like perfidiouinefs, to punifh this ad of Treachery with the grea- 
 
 teft 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 6%j 
 
 teft feverity : and accordingly it was concluded amongft thofe who were unconcer- 
 ned in this fafe Conduct and Pardon; to kill Gafpar de Rojas , Philip de Gutierez, 
 the fon of Alonfo de Gutierez , who was Treafurer to his Majefty and born at Ma- 
 drid, and alfo Arias Mddwado a Gentleman of Galicia, who, With Philip Gutierez, 
 had loitered two or three days Journey behind in Guamanga, upon pretence of cer- 
 tain bufinefles to be done there in order to their Journey 5 but during their ftay at 
 that place Goncalo Picarro difpeeded Pedro de Puelles with a party of Horfe to take 
 off their Heads : but the execution of Gafpar Rodriguez was more difficult, for he 
 was then a Captain in the Field, and actually at the head of almoft two hundred 
 tances, and being a perfon very rich, of great intereft, and very popular, they 
 could not act their defign publickly upon him, and therefore they had recourfe to 
 tliis Strategeme. Goncalo Picarro commanded an hundred and fifty Harquebufiers 
 ; of Captain Cermermh Company to be in a readinefs, and having given out to each 
 of them private Arms, and placed the Artillery in good order, he called the Cap- 
 tains to come to him, telling them that he had certain advices, which he had late- 
 ly received from Los Reyes, to communicate to them. And being all come, and 
 amongft the reft Gafpar Rodriguez, Goncalo Picarro ftept OUt of his Tent, which Was 
 well guarded with Cannon, and pretending as it were fome other bufinefs, in the 
 mean time the Major-General Carvajal comes to Gafpar Rodriguez, and laying his 
 hand on the hilt of his Sword, drew it out of the Scabbard, advifing him to call 
 
 ■ for a Prieft and confefs, for that he was to die immediately : Gafpar Rodriguez re- 
 ; fifted a while, pretending to be innocent, and to clear himfelf of thofe accufations 
 : which were againft him •, but that would not ferve his turn, for immediately they 
 
 cut off his head. 
 
 The execution of thefe men terrified the whole Camp, and more particularly 
 , thofe who were confeious to themfelves of being Complices in the fame Action 
 i for which thofe were put to death •-, and thefe acls of feverity were the more af- 
 
 ■ frighting becaufe they were the firft which Goncalo Picarro had committed fince the 
 usurpation of his tyrannical Power. Some few days afterwards, Bon. Baltafan, and 
 his Comrades came to the Camp bringing Baltafar de Loayfa and Hernando Cavattos, 
 
 ' (as we have faid) Prifoners 5 but the day before he knew that they were to enter 
 into the Camp, he fent his Major General Carvajal before him, with orders that 
 whereibever he met them he mould put them to death : but fuch was the good 
 fortune of Loayfa and Cavallos, that they miftaking their way, the Major General 
 was difappointed of his prize, and the Prifoners were brought to the Camp, where 
 fo many interceflburs appeared in favour of the two Delinquents, that Loayfa was 
 releafed and fent away without any provifion made for him, but Hernando de Ca- 
 vallos was continued, and carried away with the reft of the Army. Thus far is 
 the account given by Carate in the fifth Book and the eleventh Chapter. 
 
 In fine, they killed Gafpar Rodriguez and his Accomplices, whofe death was ha- 
 
 ftened and occafioned by their applications to the Vice-king for a Pardon and a 
 
 fafe Conduct, which he and his adherents demanded for fafety of their lives, 
 
 : as Gomara confirms in the 164th Chapter of his Book 5 The Vice-king's Pardon 
 
 '. and a fafe Conduct was general for all, Picarro, Francifco de Carvajal, Benito de Car- 
 
 1 vajal and fome few others onely excepted •-, at which Picarro and his Major-General 
 
 were fo much offended, that they immediately hanged up Gafpar Rodriguez, Philip 
 
 Gutierez with the reft •, which are the words of Gomara. In this manner this poor 
 
 1 Gentleman Gafpar Rodriguez de Campo Rotondo ended his days 5 for being of an un- 
 
 i quiet fpirit, he was neither well with thofe who were called Tyrants and Rebels, 
 
 nor with thofe who were efteemed for Loyalifts. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 I 
 
688 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Vf the Death of Agent Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, and of 
 the great mutiny and difturbance he caitfed in Peru. 
 
 DUring all thefe troubles and (laughters in the Camp oiGoncalo Picarro, there 
 happened an accident fad and tragical in the City ofZw Reyes, which Go- 
 mar a in the ij^th Chapter of his Book relates to have been in this manner. 
 Lewis Garcia San Manes, who was Poftmafter in Xanxa, brought certain Letters 
 
 which were wrote in Cyphers by Benito de Carvajal to the Agent Yllen Suarez his 
 Brother : the Vice-king prefently took a jealoulie upon the Cypher, and a fufpi- 
 cion of the Agent's faithfulnefs, and (hewing them to the Judges, demanded their 
 opinion, whether they were not ground fufficient to put him to death : to which 
 the Judges replied, that it were convenient firft to know the contents of them. 
 Hereupon the Agent was called for, who coming, did not feem, as they fay, to 
 be ftartled or change his countenance, though he was feverely treated with (harp 
 words •, but took the paper and read it without hefitation, Doctour John Alvarez 
 noting the words which he read : the fum or fubftance of all the Cypher was, the 
 number of Souldiers that were with Picarro, and what his intentions were? who 
 were in his favour and who not , and in fine declared, that he would watch his 
 opportunity to flip away, and come to the fervice of the Vice-king fo foon as he 
 could difengage himfelf, according to the Counfel which the Agent had given 
 him. After which the Key of the Cypher was called for, and the matter being 
 thereby difclofed, it was found to agree with the interpretation given by the Agent, 
 and to verifie the truth thereof Benito Carvajal came to Lima two or three days after 
 Blafco Numez, was feifed, not knowing any thing of the death of the Agent. Thus 
 far are the words oiGomara. 
 
 Howfoever there (till remained upon the mind of the Vice-king fuch a jealoufie 
 of the Agent, that like an evil Spirit it (till haunted and followed him, never 
 fuffering him to be at reft untill at laft the direfull effects thereof broke out in the 
 very Chamber of the Vice-king, where the Agent was aflaffinated without any 
 caufe or reafon for it, which (truck a greater terrour into the minds of the people 
 on this fide than was the late confternation in the Camp of Gon$ah Picarro, fo 
 that neither Party was free from Tragedies of their own. And particularly here 
 happened out one the night following, occafioned by the flight of Bait afar de Ca~ 
 fti/la and others afore-mentioned. The three Authours report this Hiftory al- 
 moft in the fame manner : and firft we (hall repeat what the Accountant Augufiint 
 Carate fays upon this Subject, and then we (hall add that from the others which 
 he hath omitted. That which he relates in the eleventh Chapter of his fifth Book 
 is as follows, and herewith we will return to the Subject of our Hiftory. 
 
 Some few hours after Don Baltafar de Caftilla and his Companions were depar- 
 ted from the City of Los Reyes in purfuit of Loayfa as is before-mentioned, the 
 matter was not fo (ecretly carried but that it came to the knowledge of Captain 
 Diego de Vrbina , who was Major-General to the Vice-king •, for he going his 
 Rounds in the night through the City, and calling at the Houfes of fome of thele 
 who were fled, neither found them at home, nor their Arms, nor Horfes, nor the 
 menial Indian Servants which belonged to them -, upon which fufpecting what 
 was fain out, he directly went to the Vice-king's Lodgings, who was then in Bed, 
 and told him that he had reafon to believe that the greateft part of the people had 
 deferted the City. 
 
 The Vice-king was greatly troubled (as was reafon) at this report, and arifing 
 from his Bed gave immediate order to found an alarm, and that every man fhould 
 ftand to his arms 5 and calling his Captains, gave them order to go from Houfe 
 to Houfe and make enquiry who were abfent, that fo he might be informed of 
 the number of thofe who were departed. And having accordingly made fearch, 
 and found that Diego de. Carvajal, Jeronimo de Carvajal and Francifco de Efcobedo were 
 miffing, who were Kinfmen of Agent Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, it was inftantly be- 
 lieved that he was engaged in the Plot, and in favour of GWf ah picarro ; for it 
 
 could 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries, 6go 
 
 could not be imagined that his Kinfmen could have adted herein without his con- 
 lent, or at lead without his knowledge, in regard they all lodged under the fame 
 Roof, and onely had two different Doors to each Apartment : but for better af- 
 furance of what wis fufpedted, the Vice king fent his Brother Vela Nunnez. with a 
 guard of Mufquetiers to bring the Agent before him, and he being in Bed they 
 caufed him to rile and drefs himfelf, and fo carried him to the Lodgings of the 
 Yue-king, who having not llept all night, was laid upon his Bed with his Arms 
 on, to take iome little repofe. And the Agent being introduced by way of the 
 Court-yard-gate •, thofe who were then prefent report that the Vice-king prefent- 
 ]y arcle and faid, Is it fo, Traitour, that thou haft fent away thy Kinfmen to 
 ferve Qougalo Pica-no ? To which the Agent made anfwer, I befeech your Lord- 
 fhip not to cgll me- Traitour, for in reality I am not fo: then replied the Vice- 
 \ king, I fweau by God, that thou art a Traitour to the King. I {wear by God, 
 . ! faid the Agent, I am as good a Servant to the King as your Lordihip. At which 
 words the Vice-king became io enraged, that coming in his fury to him, he (tab- 
 bed him in the breaft with his Dagger 5 though the Vice-king denied to have 
 done it himfelf, but that his Servants and Halbardiers of his Guard, hearing how 
 infolently he anfwered, gave him fo many wounds with their Halbei ts and Par- 
 tifans, that he dyed upon the place without fo much time as to confefs or fpeak 
 I one word : And left, being a perfon generally well-beloved, the manner of his 
 ji death fhould caufe fome mutiny and difturbance amongft -the Souldiers, of which 
 an hundred every night kept watch within the yard of the Houfe -, the Vice king 
 gave order to have his Corpfe conveyed away by a certain private Gallery' leading 
 to the Market-place, where fome few Indians and Negroes received ic, and buried 
 it in a Church near thereunto, without other Shroud or Winding-iheet than one- 
 Ily his own Scarlet Cloak which he ufually wore. 
 
 Three days after which, when the Judges feifed on the perfon of the Vice-king 
 I (as we ihall relate hereafter) one of the firft things they laid to his charge was the 
 ' death of the Agent 5 and thePreamble to their Procefs was, that being carried 
 > about midnight into the Houfe of the Vice-king, he never fince that time appea- 
 red $ and it was proved, that they had wounded and buried him. So foon as 
 I this murther was made publick, it occafioned much talk and murmuring in the 
 Town ; for every one was allured that the Agent was a true Friend to the Vice- 
 king and his Caufe, having been the chief Inftrument to perfuade the Town of 
 Los Reyes to receive him, againft the fenfe and opinion of the major part of the 
 I Judges. Thefe matters happened out upon Sunday at night, being the thirteenth 
 day of September, 1 5-44. Thus far are the words of Car ate, which are confirmed 
 alio by Diego Fernandez who in the feventeenth Chapter of his Book, adds this 
 farther 5 
 
 They conveyed, fays he, his Corpfe by a certain Gallery, and buried them in 
 a corner or nook of the great Church near adjoining thereunto ; but fome few 
 hours after that his anger grew cool, and that the Vice-king began to reflect with 
 reafon upon what he had done in his paflion : it is moft certain that he repented 
 of this ra(h adt, and bewailed it with tears from his eyes. Howfoever fo foon as 
 the death of the Agent was made publick in the Town, the Vice- king lent to 
 ■call the principal Citizens to him, telling them, in excufe for what he had done, 
 ,that the infolent words of the Agent had drawn his death upon himfelf; adding, 
 ithat none ought to take offence thereat, for whether he had done well or ill, he 
 was accountable to none but God and the King ; which words more arsgred and 
 <difpleafed the people than before : fo that after the revolt of the ftveral men be- 
 fore-mentioned, which was followed by this bloudy Tragedy, which cannot be 
 excufed from the imputation of arbitrary Tyranny without any ground or founda- 
 tion for it, a refolution was taken to imprifon the Vice-king : though it is moft 
 certain that he much lamented this unhappy fate, faying, that the remembrance of 
 the deith of Tllen Suarez. made him often diftradted 5 and therefore curfed his Bro- 
 ther Vela Nunnez., 1 calling him fool and beaft, for that knowing his choler and paf- 
 \ ;{ion, he had yet brought him to his prefence at a time when he knew that he was 
 graving and inflamed therewith : for had he been, faid he, a man of difcretion, he 
 I would have deferred the execution of thofe commands, and not have fuffered 
 mSuarez, to appear untill he had feen his anger pacified. Thus far Diego Fernandez., 
 if to which Gomara adds, and fays, 
 
 I T 1 1 1 That 
 
6c}0 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 That the Agent going to juftifie himfelf, the Vice-king ftabb'd him twice, 
 crying out with a loud voice, kill him, kill him ; upon which his Servants came 
 in and difpatched him, though fome of them threw Clothes upon him to keep off 
 the blows: which are the words ofGomara in Chap. 1 59. with which he con- 
 cludes, and fays, that the death of the Agent, who was a principal perfon and of 
 great efteem, caufed great commotions and heart-burnings in thofe parts, and fuch 
 fear and apprehenfions that the Citizens of Lima were afraid to lie in their Houles 
 at night : and Blafco Nmnez himfelf confefled to the Judges, that he had commit- 
 ted a great errour in that Fad, and that he believed it would be an occafion of 
 his ruine, &c And fo indeed it proved to be the down-fall of the Vice-king 5 
 for his very Friends, and fuch as were really of his Party, did hereby conceive fuch 
 fear and dread of his paffionate and violent humour, that they fled and hid them- 
 felves, not daring to appear in his prefence ; at which his Enemies took great ad- 
 vantage and courage to maintain their caufe againft him. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 The -various resolutions which the Vice-king took. upon tfje 
 neves he received of the march of Gon^alo Picarro to- 
 wards Los Reyes 5 and how the Judges openly oppofed 
 the Vice-ki^g. 
 
 GOncdo Picarro being thus re-inforced by the coming in of Pedro de PuelUs and 
 others who were revolted to him from the Vice-king, proceeded forward 
 with greater affurances than formerly, though very flowly and with fliort marches, 
 by reafon of the great incumbrance of the Cannon, which being carried on the 
 fhoulders of the Indians and over rocky and fharp ways, it was not pofhble to make 
 greater hafte. The Vice-King in the mean time being alarm'd by the nearer ap- 
 proach daily of his Enemy, and confidering how much his own people were dif- 
 fatisfied, and that thofe who outwardly feemed moft affected to him, proceeded 
 faintly and coldly in his fervice, and that the general diflatisfaction of the people 
 was now plain and evident, and that his condition every day became worfe than 
 other •, he refolved, though too late, to change his Counfels, and to publilli at 
 length a fufpenfion of the new Laws untill his Majefty's pleaiure mould be farther 
 known thereupon, hoping that upon fuch a Declaration the minds of the people 
 would be quieted, and that Goncalo Picarro, having no farther fubjed of complaint, 
 his Army would confequently' disband, and every one return peaceably to his 
 own home. 
 
 Now let us hear what Gomara fays, Chap. 1 j8. 
 
 Blafco NttKxez,, fays he, was much troubled to underftand that Picarro was Co 
 well provided with Arms, Cannon and Souldiers fo well affected to his caufe 
 and intereft : wherefore, feeing no other remedy, he declared that he would fu- 
 fpend the execution of the new Laws for two years, untill they ihould receive 
 other Orders from the Emperour 5 though at the fame time he made his Proteft 
 againft it, and noted it in his Table-book that he was compelled to that fufpenfion 
 by force, and that fo foon as the Countrey was again in quietnefs, he would re- 
 aflume the old pretentions, and put them in practice as before 5 all which ferved 
 to inflame that hatred which the people conceived againft him. He alfo proclai- 
 med Picarro a Traitour and thofe alfo who were with him and of his Party ; 
 promifing to thofe that fhould kill him or them, to beftow their Houfes, Lands, 
 Riches and Eftates on them for a reward ■-, at which Declaration thofe of Cozco 
 took great offence, as did alfo thofe of Lima .• and in the mean time he actually 
 confiicated the Eftates of thofe who had revolted to Pigarro. Thus far Gomara. 
 
 Though this fufpenfion of the Laws came late, howfoever it would have 
 had fome good effect towards pacifying and quieting the minds of the people, 
 and have opened fuch overtures towards an accommodation, but that unluckily at 
 
 the 
 
■■—■ — — — i — ^™ m*^^^^^^^ i ■ ■» ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ i ■ ■ ■ ii i — ^— —— ^ MW ,^ ^ »„ 
 
 Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 5qi 
 
 fame time that the Sufpenfion was publiihed •, the News was, that the Vice-king 
 had made his Proteft againft it , as an A& to which he was compelled, and that 
 he would again return to the execution of the new Laws fo foon as the Countrey 
 was appeafed, and the difturbances allayed --, which more incenfed the minds of 
 the people than ever •, and confirmed them in a belief, that the Vice- king was 
 obftinate and a perfon inexorable , and not to be treated with , whence fo much 
 mifchief enfued, as by the fequel will appear 5 and which ferved to confirm the 
 people in their pretentions and refolutions either to dye or obtain their defires. 
 
 The Vice-king feeing that the means he ufed to pacifie the people inflamed 
 them the more , and that his own people became greatly difcouraged •, and many 
 of them inclined to favour Gon^lo Pi$arro for the Gallantry they obferved in him, 
 who had fo freely facrificed himfelf for the publick good ; he thereby measuring 
 the weaknefs of his force, thought it not fafe to meet Pi$arro in the field , but to 
 defend himfelf within the Walls of the City. 
 
 In purfuance of this defign he fortified the City , fet up Ports and Chains in 
 every Street , made loop-holes on the Walls for fmall ("hot , and laid in provisions 
 for a fiege : but News coming daily of the great force with which Pigarro mar- 
 ched againft them, and the refolved mind of his Souldiers •-, the Vice-king thought 
 it not fafe to confine himfelf within the Walls of Los Reyes ; but to retreat to 
 TruxiUo, which is about eighty Leagues diftant from thence. And contriving 
 how to difpofe of the Inhabitants, he defigned to tranfport the Citizens Wives by 
 Sea , in fuch Ships as were then in Port , and the Souldiers were to march by 
 Land along the Sea coaft : And for the City it felf , he refolved to dismantle it 
 and demolilh the Walls, break down the Mills, and carry all things away which 
 might be for fubfiftence of the Enemy , and drive the Indians from the Sea coaft 
 into the inland Countries •, fuppofing that Picarro coming thither with his Army, 
 and finding no fubfiftence , muft either disband , or his men periih. The Vice- 
 king having communicated thefe his Intentions to the Judges, they boldly and 
 openly oppofed him , telling him plainly, that the Royal Courts of Judicature 
 could not remove out of the City , for that their Commiffions from his Majefty 
 obliged them to aft in that places and therefore they defired to be excufed, if 
 they refufed to accompany his Lordlhip or to fuffer their houfes to be demolifhed. 
 Herewith an open quarrel arole between the Judges and the Vice-king, declaring 
 a different intereft to each other , the Inhabitants inclined to the fide of the Jud- 
 ges in oppofition to the Vice-king, pofitively refufing to commit their Wives and 
 Daughters into the hands of Seamen and Souldiers. Hereupon the Vice-king 
 arofe from the conference he held with the Judges , without any determination. 
 Howfoever , as to his own perfon, he refolved to embark himfelf, and to go by 
 Sea, and that his Brother Vela Nunnez, mould march away by Land •, and in order 
 thereunto he commanded Diego Alvarez, Cuero , as Curate reports in the eleventh 
 
 Chapter of his fifth Book , to. guard the Children of Marquis Don Francifco Pi ar- 
 
 ro with a Party of Horfe to the Sea- fide , and there to put them on board a fhipj 
 together with Vaca de Caflro, after which he was to remain Admiral of the Fleet, 
 and to take charge of them as his Prifoners •, for he was jealous that Antonio de Ri- 
 bera and his Wife , who had the Guardian-ihip of Don Gon$ak and his Brothers, 
 would convey them away. But this matter created a new difturbance amongft 
 the people , and the Judges much difliked it , efpecially Do&our Carate , who 
 made it his particular requeft to the Vice- king in behalf of the Lady Frawifca , 
 that he would be pleafed to caufe her to be again returned afhoar^ for that being 
 a young Maid marriageable, beautifull and rich •, it was not decent and agreeable 
 to her modefty to commit her into the hands of Seamen and Souldiers : but 
 nothing could avail with the Vice-king to difluade him from his purpofe 5 for 
 being ever obftinate in all his Refolutions, he declared his Intentions were to re- 
 tire and begon, contrary to the opinion of all others. Thus far Carate. 
 
 And now to abbreviate and fum up all that hath been faid by the aforefaid Au- 
 thours -, it is moft certain, that the Judges gave command to Martin de Robles^ 
 though one of the Vice-king's Captains , to make the Vice-king a Prifoner : but 
 he , defiring to be excufed by reafon of the ill confequences which might enfue -, 
 they aflured him , that it was for the Service of his Majefty and quiet of that 
 whole Empire •, and a means to fupprefs all thofe Mutinies and Troubles which 
 the ill Government of the Vice-king had caufed. Hereupon Martin de Robles prof- 
 fered to doe it, howfoever he required a Warrant under the hands and feals of 
 
 Tttt a the 
 
692 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 the Judges for his fecurity and difcharge , the which they readily granted , and 
 gave order to have it drawn up and kept as a Secret , untill the defign was ready 
 to be put in execution. And farther, they forbad the Citizens and Inhabitants to 
 obey the Vice-king in any of his Commands, or to deliver up their Wives and 
 Children to be tranfported , or to leave and abandon their Houfes , requiring all 
 perfons of what quality or condition foever ? to be aiding and affifting to Martin 
 de Robles in feizing the perfon of the Vice-king, and deteining him prilbner ; for 
 fo his Majefty's fervice required it, and the common good and welfare of the 
 publick. But whilft thefe Matters were contriving , the people were diftradted 
 and in confufion , not knowing which fide or what courfe to take 5 the duty and 
 obedience which they owecfto their Sovereign Lord the King inclined to take 
 part with the Vice-king ( but when they confidered their Interefts and Eftates 
 of which they ihould be deprived in cafe the Vice-king mould prevail, they 
 then refolved to adhere unto the Judges who oppofed Blafio Numez in execution 
 of the new Laws. Thus did the people remain a whole day in fufpence : and the 
 Vice-king, to fecure himfelf againft the attempts which the Judges might make 
 againft him, ordered his Captains and Souldiers to put themfelves in a pofture of 
 defence, in which they remained untill mid-night. The Judges, on the other fide 
 underft anding that the Vice-king had ordered his Souldiers to ftand to their Arms, 
 and that he had above four hundred men with him •■, and fearing that it was with 
 intention to feize and fecure them , they called many of their particular friends 
 to their afiiftence , but fo few appeared , that they efteemed their force unable to 
 avail againft the Vice-king , and therefore they fortified themfelves as well as 
 they could in the Houfe of Judge Cepeda, with intention to defend themfelves if 
 they were aflaulted. 
 
 Amidft this fear and confternation , a certain perfon whom Gomara calls Franci- 
 fco de Efcobar , a Native of Sahagun , made a Speech to them , and faid 5 what 
 
 make ive here ? Let us goe out in a body into the open Streets, where we may dye fighting 
 like men, and not cooped up like hens, &C 
 
 To this bold Propoial they all agreed, and the Judges in a defperate manner 
 fallyed forth into the Market-place, rather with defign to deliver up themfelves, 
 than with hopes, to prevail : howfoever matters fucceeded much contrary to their 
 expe&ation. For the Vice-king who had for a long time, untill the night came 
 on , remained in the Market-place , was perfuaded by his Friends and Captains 
 to retire to his Lodgings : which he had no fooner done, but the Souldiers and 
 Captains finding themfelves freed from that awe and refpedt which his prefence 
 obliged them unto -, revolted with their Companies to take part with the Judges, 
 
 the firft of which, who led the way were Martin de Robles and Pedro de Vergara 
 
 who were followed by others, and fo by others, untill there was not one perfon 
 remaining to keep guard at the gate of the Vice-king -, unlefs about a hundred 
 Souldiers who remained within the houfe and of whom he had made choice for 
 the Guard of his perfon. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 The Imprijonment of the Vice-kjng y and the various Succeffes 
 which happened thereupon both by Sea and Land. 
 
 T Hough the Judges had the good fortune to have the people revolt to their 
 fide , and that every hour more came in to join with them : yet howfo- 
 ever they wese fomewhat wary how they made feizure of the perfon of the 
 Vice-king •, for it was told them, that he was actually in the Market-place, with 
 a good force, and that he refolved to aflail them. Notwithftanding which they 
 fallied out into the Market-place, there to defend their caufe, and the better to 
 fummon people to their afliftence , they caufed the Commiffion given to Martin 
 dc Robles to be proclaimed, though by reafon of the noife and tumult of the people 
 little was underftood. Carat e in the eleventh Chapter of his fifth Book reports, that 
 
 he 
 
Book IV". Royal Commentaries. 693 
 
 he was prefent when the Vice-king was made a priibner 5 and that the Judges being 
 in the Market-place, upon break of day fome Musket-fhot were made upon 
 them from a Gallery of the Vice-king's houfe, at which theSouldiers who were 
 with the Vice-king were fo incenfed , that they refolved to enter his houfe by 
 force, and kill all thofe who oppofed them : but the Judges pacified them with 
 good words, and fent Father Gafpar de Carvajal, fuperiour of the Order of St. Do- 
 mimci-^, and Antonio de Robles , Brother of Martin de Robks , to let the Vice king 
 know that they had no other intention than onely to conferve themfelves from 
 being tranfported and (hipped away by force, againft the exprefs Command of his 
 Majefty. And that if he pleafed without farther conteft to come into the great 
 Church, they would there attend him ; otherwife he would put himfelf into ma- 
 nifeft danger, with all thofe who adhered to him. Whilft thefe Meffengers were 
 gon to the Vice-king , the hundred Souldiers who were of his Guard forfook 
 him , and revolted alio to the Judges ; and then the Souldiers , finding the en- 
 trance open and eafie , began to plunder the Servants Chambers which were in 
 the Court-yard. About this time Dr. Curate, coming out of his Chamber to 
 joyn with the Vice-king , met the Judges in the way , and feeing that he could 
 not have entrance, he went into the Church with them. The Vice-king, having 
 received his Meffage , and finding him abandoned by all thofe in whom he had 
 placed the greateft confidence , he went voluntarily into the Church , and there 
 delivered himfelf up into the hands of the Judges, who brought him to Licenciado 
 Cepeda's Houfe armed as he was with his Coat of Mail and Gantlet; and feeing 
 
 Car ate in Company With the reft; What, faid he, Carate, areyoualfo of this Party? 
 are you come alfo to take me , in whom I repofed fo much confidence ? To which he reply- 
 ed, Whofoever hath told you , that I am of that number lies ; for it is notorioufly known 
 who are the perfons who tookjou, and who keep you Prifoner. Then Orders' Were given, 
 
 that the Vice-king mould fpeedily be embarked upon one of the Ships, and 
 fent into Spain; left Gongah Pi^arro, coming thither, and finding him in cuftody, 
 fhould kill him, or that the Relations of Agent Suarez. mould defign the like in 
 revenge for the Murther of their Kinfman •, and that what mifchief befell him 
 of that kind , the fault of all would be objected unto them : and farther they 
 confidered, that in cafe they mould fend him away without fome force or re- 
 ftraint upon him, he might return alhore, and fall upon them again: what to doe 
 herein they knew not, or what to refolve, fo that they feemed to repent of what 
 they had already done. Howfoever there was no other remedy now but they 
 muft proceed •-, and fo they made Licenciado Cepeda their Captain General , who , 
 with a ftrong Guard , conducted the King to the Sea-fide , with intent to put 
 him aboard a Ship •, but herein they found fome difficulty : for Diego Alvarez Cu- 
 'ttro , who was at that time Admiral of the Fleet , feeing great numbers of peo- 
 ple on the (hoar, and that they were bringing the Vice-king prifoner, fent Cap- 
 tain Geronimo Curbano in his Long-boat armed with Small-fhot , and fome Petre- 
 ro's in the head , to command all the Boats belonging to the Fleet to come a- 
 board the Admiral •, and with them he went to require the Judges to kt the 
 Vice-King at liberty : but this action produced little effect , onely fome Shot 
 were interchanged between the Sea and the Town , and fo the Admiral returned 
 again to his Ship. After which the Judges fent off a Boat to Cuero, to require 
 him to furrender the Fleet to them , with the Children of the Marquis , and that 
 then they would deliver the Vice-king into his hands to be carried away with one 
 of the Ships; and if not, that he muft expecl: the fequel thereof! This Meffage 
 was carried with confent of the Vice-king by Friar Gajpar de Carvajal, who at 
 the Ship fide openly declared it , in the prefence of Vaca de Cafiro, who was then 
 a Priibner on board -, which when Diego Alvarez, Cuero heard ; and confidered the 
 danger the Vice-king was in, he prefently landed the Children of the Marquis in 
 the Boats belonging to the Fleet together with Don Antonio and his Wife ; which 
 being done , the Judges farther required a furrender of the whole Fleet , or other- 
 wife they threatned to cut off the Head of the Viceking. During this Treaty, 
 Vela Nunnez- , Brother of the Vice-king went to and fro with Mefiages between 
 the Admiral and the Judges •, and feeing that the Captains of the Ships refolved 
 not to abandon their Charge, they returned with the Vice-king to the City under 
 1 a very ftrong Guard. Two days after which, the Captains of the Fleet received 
 intelligence , that the Judges and Souldiers were contriving means how to fur- 
 prize the Fleet by fending a ftrong 'Party of Mufquetiers in Boats to attack them J 
 
 ■ 
 
5 94 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 for in regard they found that they could not prevail on Geronimo Cnrbano , nor cor- 
 rupt him by the great Offers they made to him •, and that the Seamen and Soul- 
 diers being Bifcayners were faithfull to Cuero their Commander •-, the Judges then 
 refolved to reduce them by force: which when the Captains underflood, they re- 
 folved to make fail out of the Port, and pafs their time upon the Coaft, untill his 
 Majefty's Orders came to direft fuch courfe as might tend to a Settlement, of thofe 
 disturbances. Farther they considered, that afwell in the City as over all the King- 
 dom there was a Party well affected to the Vice-king, who had not been concerned 
 in his imprifonment : and that many of the true and loyal Subjeds to his Majefty 
 came daily in to their tide , and flocked aboard the Ships. That the Fleet was 
 indifferently well provided, having ten or twelve rounds of Iron Shot and four of 
 Copper , and above fourty quintals of Gun-powder : moreover they had four 
 hundred quintals of Bisket, five hundred bufhels of Mayz, and a good flock of 
 fait Victuals, which Provifion would ferve for a long time ; and then of Water 
 they could not be hindred , that being to be had along the Coaft in all parts 
 and places: but then in regard their force was weak, not having above twenty 
 rive Souldiers on board, and that the number of their Mariners was not fufflcient 
 to manage ten fail of Ships , they fet fire to four of the lefler Veffels , and alfo to 
 two Filher-boats which lay on the (hoar, and fo with the fix remaining Ships 
 they made fail into the Sea. The four Ships burned down to the Water, be- 
 caufe there was no poflibility of going out to quench them •, but the two Boats 
 were in a. manner faved, for being taken in time, the Fire was put out, and they 
 received no damage but what was eafie to be repaired. The fix Ships failed 
 away , and made for Port Gnaura , about eighteen leagues to the lee-ward of Lot 
 Reyes , where they provided themfelves with Wood and Water , as their necessi- 
 ties required; and with them they carried LkendadoVaca de Caftro; and being at 
 Gnaura they attended to hear the News of what had been the Iffue of the Vice- 
 king's imprifonment. The Judges having advice hereof; and confidering that it 
 was not probable the Ships fhould fail at a far diftance whilft the Vice-king was 
 in fuch danger of his Life ; they refolved to fend Forces both by Sea and by Land 
 to furprize the Fleet by fome way or other ; in purfuance of which defign they 
 gave it in charge to Diego Garcia de Alfaro , an Inhabitant of that City , and who 
 was well experienced in maritime Affairs , to repair the Boats which were faved 
 on the Ihoar : which being accordingly fitted and lanched into the Water , they 
 armed them with thirty Miifquetiers, and failed with them along the Coaft to 
 lee ward : and in the mean time fob) de Mendo^a and Ventura Vehran were fent 
 away by Land with another Detachment , and both thefe Parties having an eye 
 to each other , they obferved that the Fleet was at an Anchor in Guaura , which 
 when Diego Garcia (aw , he privately in the night conveyed himfelf behind a 
 rock in the Port, not far diftant from the Ships , where they could not be feen •, 
 in the mean time thofe who were alnoar began to fire fome Guns -, which they on 
 board taking to be fome Signal alhoar which thofe of the Vice king's Party had 
 made who were fled , and were defirous to embark with them •, Vela. Nmnez, was 
 ordered in the Boat to go alhoar , to difcover what the matter was •, and being 
 ju(l at the (hoar fide , but not landed , he was purfued in the rere by Diego Garcia 
 and his men •, fo that being cut off from the reft of the Fleet, Vela Nunnez, was 
 forced to yield himfelf and Boat into the hands of the enemy -, after which they 
 fent to fummon Cuero , telling him, that unlefs he yielded, the Fleet into their 
 hands, they were refolved to kill both the Vice-king and Vela Ni/nnet, ■. which Ctt- 
 ero fearing, furrendred up his Ships againft the confent and opinion of Geronimo 
 Curbano , who , with the fingle Ship he had commanded , kt fail and made to- 
 wards the firm Land : for that two days before Diego Garcia came thither, Cuerohzi 
 commanded him to fail down the Coaft, and feize all the Ships they met, to pre- 
 vent them from falling into the hands of the Judges : who, from the very time that 
 the Fleet departed from Los Reyes, refolved to tranfport the Vice-king to a certain 
 Ifland about two Leagues diftant from that Port , there to fecure him from the 
 violence of the Agent's kindred who had attempted to kill him •, and therefore 
 they fent him away with a Guard of twenty men upon a fort of Boats made of 
 dry Rufhes, which the Indians call Henca. And, having advices of taking the Fleet, 
 they determined to fend the Vice-king to his Majefty, in the condition of a Pri- 
 foner, with all the Informations and Depofitions made againft him which Lken- 
 dado Alvarez, one of the Judges, was to carry •, and for his reward, and to bear his 
 
 charges, 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 695 
 
 charges eight thoufand Pieces of Eight were paid him 3 the which Depoutions 
 and Procefs againft the Vice-king were figned by all the Judges, Carate onely ex- 
 cepted. The Ships being then at Guaura the Vice-king was carried thither by 
 Boat, but Alvarez went by Land, where the Vice-king being committed to his 
 charge, he failed away with three of the Ships, and was fo much in hafte that he 
 would not ftay for the difpatches from the Judicature, but made Sail without 
 them •, and as to Vac a de Caftro he was carried back to Los Reyes upon one of the 
 Ships which were lately feifed. Thus far are the words of Carate fpecified in the 
 eleventh Chapter of the fifth Book, whofe authority in this relation we fhall more 
 particularly follow, in regard he was prefent and a party concerned in all thefe 
 tranfacYions •, fo we fhall omit the fayings of other Authours in this matter, unlels 
 fomething lingular occurs on which Carate doth not touch. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 The fad misfortunes of the Vice- king. A Conf piracy in Ri- 
 mac againft. th$ Judges, and what was done thereupon. 
 The Vice-king is fet at liberty. 
 
 ■ 
 
 ALL that is before declared is confirmed by Gomara, though in a confufed 
 manner , who farther proceeds in this manner in the 1 60th Chapter of his 
 Book, wherein he fets forth the fad misfortunes of the unhappy Vice-king. 
 
 When the Admiral, fays he, refufed to furrender up the Ships to fave the life 
 of the Vice-king, they then treated him with opprobrious words, telling him, that 
 a man who brought fuch Laws as thofe deferved the reward he now received 5 
 whereas if he had come without them he had been honoured and adored 5 but 
 now the Tyrant is taken and our liberty reftored : with fuch reproaches as thefe 
 they returned him again into the hands of Cepeda, where they kept him difarmed 
 in cuftody of Licenciade Ninno : howfoever he did always eat with Cepeda, and 
 lodged in the fame Bed with him : but Blafco Nunnez. fearing at this time to be 
 poilbned, asked Cepeda upon the word of a Gentleman, when they firft did eat 
 together, whether he might freely and without danger eat with him ? the which 
 
 queftion was put to him in prefence of Chriftopher de Barrientos, Martin de Robles^ 
 
 Ninm and other principal perions •, to which Cepeda returned anfwer, am I, faid he, 
 fo mean a lpirited Rafcal, that if I had a mind to kill you, I could not doe it 
 without fome fecret treachery ? Your Lordlbip, faid he, may eat as freely as if 
 pou were at the Table of my Lady Donna Brianda de Acamna, meaning his Wife; 
 and to free you from all jealoufie I will be your Tafter, the which he obferved all 
 the time that he remained in his Houle. 
 
 One day Friar Gafpar de Carvajal came to him and told him, that by order of 
 the Judges he was come to confefs him : the Vice-king asked whether Cepeda was 
 there, and it being anfwered that he was not, and that there was no others than 
 the three afore-mentioned, he caufed him to be called, and complained to him of 
 his hard fate •, but Cepeda comforted him, and allured him that there was none had 
 power to take away his life but himfelf onely, the which he fpake on afliirance 
 of what had been agreed amongft them •, and then Blafco Nunnez, embraced and 
 killed him on the Cheek in prefence of the Friar. Thus far are the words of Go- 
 mara, which we have extracted verbatim .• and indeed if we confider it, 'tis a fad 
 pafiage, That one ele&ed to be a Prince and Governour of an Empire fo great as 
 Peru, fhould be reduced to fuch miferies as he was by his own Creatures and 
 Confidents. 
 
 This Father Gafpar de Carvajal was the Friar of whom we made mention for- 
 merly in the ftory of Francifco Orellana, in what manner he oppofed him in his 
 treacherous defign againft Gon$alo Picarro, when they were upon the difcovery of 
 the Cinamon Countrey 3 and how he was left upon the Trinity Ifland, and retur- 
 ned 
 
596 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 ned afterwards to Peru, where he declared the many hardlhips they had fuftained 
 in that difcovery. 
 
 And upon this occafion I take leave to report a ftrange accident, which befell 
 
 a certain Gentleman named Don John de Mendoca, of whom me made mention in 
 
 a former Chapter, and whom I knew an Inhabitant in Cozco •, which ftory, be- 
 
 caufe it is curious, and perhaps not rarely happening in the world before, 'tis fie 
 
 it mould be know n, and the memory thereof conferved. This Gentleman, I fay, 
 
 Tirarcannos Q p 0n a folemn Feftival, throwing the Dart on Horfeback in the Market-place of 
 
 Spain°mucb Mexico -> before he paffed to Peru 5 for he was one of thefe Gallants who accom- 
 
 ufed onHwfe- panied the famous Don Pedro de Alvarado, and running with hi? Horfe full fpeed, 
 
 back, and juft as he was rifing on his ftirrups to throw his Dart With all his force, his Horfe 
 
 wbkh the on a f u jden made a full ftop, and he being a tall and a flimm man, and weak in 
 
 kaZdfro-n ^ e k nee? > was caft over ^ e H or ^ es h eac *> witn ' lis f eet hanging in the ftirrups, 
 the Moor?,' and his hands on the ground to lave his face ■-, in which condition he had ran great 
 ufed alfo by hazard of his life, had not fqme Friends who were near him, < amongft which 
 the Turks. mv L orc | anc j Mafter Garcilajfo de k Vega was one) come timely to his affiftance. 
 
 Pardon this lhort digreffion for the ftrangenefs of the accident ■■> and fo we (hall 
 
 return again to our Hiftory. 
 During the time that the Vice-king remained a Prifoner at the Ifland, which is 
 
 diftant about two leagues from the Port, Don Alonfo de Monte-mayor (as Augufline 
 
 de Carate reports in the twelfth Chapter of his fifth Book ) together with thofe 
 who were fent in purfuit of Father Leayfa returned, fome of which the Judges 
 feifed upon and imprifoned, and others of them thej difarmed, and imprifoned 
 them with feveral others who came from Cauo in the Houfes of Captain Martin 
 de Robles and of other Citizens •, and being thus ill-treated, they laid a Plot to kill 
 the Judges and fet the Vice-king at liberty, reftoring him to his power and au- 
 thority, which they contrived in this manner : It was ordered that in the night 
 fome Mufquets fhouki-be fired in the Houfe of Martin de Robles, which fhould 
 be a fignal to Serjeant Francis de AguWre, who then kept Guard in Lkenciado Ce- 
 feda's Houfe to kill him, and immediately to poflels and keep the avenues and 
 corners of every Stlieet with Souldiers, and fend a Party into the Market-place, 
 which giving an alarm to Dodtour Texada and Lkenciado Alvarez, 'tis probable 
 they would come forth to relieve Cepeda, when they would be ready to kill them, 
 and then they would immediately raife the City and declare for the King •-, the 
 which had certainly fucteeded accordingly, had hot one who was a Native of 
 Madrid, and appointed to ad in the Plot, difcovered all to Cepeda, about an hour 
 before the defign was to be put in execution. Immediately hereupon Cepeda iffu> 
 ed out Warrants to ieife the chief of thofe who were concerned in the Plot, name- 
 ly Don Alonfo de Monte-mayor, Paul de Menefes a Citizen of Talavera, Captain Car- 
 ceres, Alonfo de Barrionuevo, with others,' who were Servants to the Vice-king; 
 and having examined the matter Barrionuevo was condemned to die, but upon 
 farther consideration, his Sentence was to have his right Hand cat off, having 
 been the firft contriver in this Confpiracy 5 and thus this infurre&ion was fuppref- 
 fed. Thus far Carate. 
 
 To which we may farther add, That though the Judges found divers others 
 guilty of that mutiny, whom they might juftly have punifhed with death, yet not 
 to appear bloudy and tyrannical, which might be occa(ion of new Plots and Con- 
 fpiracies, and alfo upon the interceflion of divers principal Perfons of the City of 
 Los Reyes, they altered the Sentence againft Barrionuevo, as we have before declared, 
 and banilhed Alonfo de Monte-mayor and others his Complices from the City into 
 divers parts Northwards from thence. All which afterward joyned with the Vice- 
 king, and accompanied him in all his misfortunes, which proved the mine of ma- 
 ny of them. After which Carate proceeds on with the Hiftory in this manner, 
 
 The news of thefe paffages as they every day fucceeded were carried to Gon$alo 
 Pi$arro, fuppofing that upon intelligence of thefe matters he would prefently dif- 
 band his Army : but he was far from that intention, becaufe he imagined that 
 the rumour of the Vice-king's impiifonment was divulged with defign to difperfe 
 his People, that being abandoned and deferted by all, they might difpofe of his 
 own Perfon at their pleafure ; which caufed him to keep his Forces together, and 
 to march more orderly and cautioufly than before. But Lkenciado Alvarez, who 
 was embarked with the Vice-king, being confeious to himielf that he had been a 
 chief promoter and aftour in the defigns againft him, and in the punifhment 
 
 of 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 697 
 
 >f thofe who had plotted to fet him at liberty, and being defirous to reconcile 
 limfelf to him, went the fame day that he made Sail, andwas at Sea, unto the 
 3abbin of the Vice-king, and there, to excufe himfelf, told him, that the Office 
 ie had undertaken was with intent to doe him fervice, and to free him out of the 
 lands of Cefeda, and from the danger of falling into the power of Gon-Mo Pigarro, 
 vhofe arrival in thofe parts was fhortly expected •, and that he might be allured 
 >f his reality in this matter, he entirely refigned to him the command of the 
 ihip, together with his liberty, and that he himfelf was at his difpofal, and de : 
 •oted to his fervice, befeeching him to pardon his part errours and faults which 
 ie confeffed to have been great in his confederacy with others againft him, and 
 hat the merit of reftoring him to life and liberty might attone and fatisfie for his 
 brmer crimes •, and accordingly he gave Orders to the ten men, whom he brought 
 vith him for Guards to the Vice-king, that they mould henceforward obferve 
 nd follow the commands of his Lordlhip. The Vice-king returned him thanks, 
 nd told him that he accepted the proffer, and accordingly took the command of 
 he Ship and Arms, ar-d carried himfelf fair towards him for a while •, but this 
 ;ood humour lafted not long before he began to treat him with more rude terms, 
 ailing him Villain, Mutinier, and other opprobrious names, fwearing that he would 
 lang him, and though he reprieved him for the prefent, it was onely becaufe he 
 iad occafion for his fervice. And this kind of deportment he ufed towards him, 
 luring the time they were in company together, failing along the Coaft to the 
 City of Truxillo, where many things happened which we (hall hereafter relate. 
 Thus far Carate, whofe words we have repeated verbatim, and who proceeds far- 
 ther in this relation in the thirteenth Chapter of his Book. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 The Summons which the Judges [ent to Gon^alo Pigarro, 
 
 and the misfortunes which befell thofe who deferted his 
 Caufe. 
 
 Alvarez having fet Sail and at Sea, it was reported at Los Reyes that he and 
 the Vice-king were agreed, to which they gave the greater credit, by fome 
 irircumftances in his behaviour before he departed ; and more efpecially becaufe 
 he did not expect the difpatches which the Judges were preparing, and which Ca-. 
 rate had purpofely delayed with pretence that they fhould be forwarded the day 
 following. This matter much troubled the Judges, for that this Alvarez had been 
 the chief promoter and inftrument of the Vice-king's imprifonment, and had been 
 imore concerned therein than any of the others : but whilft they were doubtfull of 
 the meaning and intention of Alvarez, it was thought fit to fend a meffage to 
 Gon$alo Pi$arro, giving him information of what had fucceeded, and to require 
 :him, by virtue of their Commiffion from the King, whereby they were authori- 
 fed and impowered to adminifter Juftice, and to order and command fuch things 
 as tended to the peace and welfare of that Countrey, that he fhould immediately 
 disband his Army and repair to the City, in regard they had already fufpended 
 the execution of the new Laws, which was the fum of the Petition for which 
 they came, and had fent the Vice-king into Spain, which was a point of higher 
 fatisfa&ion than they had demanded or pretended unto before : wherefore in re- 
 gard all matters were appeafed, they required him to come in a peaceable manner 
 without an Army •, and in cafe he fhould defire to have a Guard for the fecurity 
 of his Perfon, he might, if he pleafed, come attended with fifteen or twenty Horfe* 
 This command being difpatched away, the Judges would have feconded it by fome 
 Citizens for the better countenance of the matter, but there was none that would 
 accept the Office, apprehending fome danger might be in it ; faying, that they 
 might be blamed by Gon$ah Pi$arro and his Party for taking "upon them fuch i 
 meffage to them, who pretended to come for the fecurity of their Eftates againft 
 
 U u u u fuch 
 
598 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 fuch as in general were enemies to them. Hereupon the Judges fent Inftru&ions , : 
 to Augttftine Carate, Accountant General of the Kingdom, that he together in 
 company with Don Antonio de Ribera, an inhabitant of that City, fhould go and 
 fignifie thefe matters, for which he was authorifed by the Credentials which were 
 given him : and accordingly they departed, and travelled as far as the Valley of 
 Xauxa, where Gon$ah Pica-no was encamped ■■, who being already informed of the 
 roeffige which they brought, which he knew would be unwelcome to his People, 
 for they apprehending that this melTage was brought with intention to disband 
 them, and thereby defeat them of the hopes they had to fack and plunder the Ci- 
 ty of Lima, might probably thereupon fall into a mutiny ■-, to prevent which ?e- 
 ronimo VtUegM, Captain of Pifarro's own Company , was difpeeded away with 
 thirty Mufquetiers mounted on Horfeback to intercept the mefiengers in their 
 way h and having met them coming, they fuffered Antonio de Ribera to pro- 
 ceed to the Camp ; but they flopped Angnfiine de Carate , and took his dif- 
 patches from him, and returned him back by the fame way that he came, as far 
 as the Province of Pariacaca, where they detained him Prifoner for the fpace of 
 ten days, with terrours and threats, unlefs he defifted from farther profecution of 
 his Meflage j and in this condition he remained untill fuch time as GoncaU Pi^am 
 arrived there with his Camp. Thus far are the words of Carate, which are again 
 confirmed by other Auqhours, who proceed and fay, That thofe of the Corpora- 
 tion of .the City of Los Reyes, made choice of Don Antonio de Ribera and Axgnftitie 
 
 de Carate Accountant General, becaufe they were both men acceptable to GoncaU 
 Pi^an-o, and the leaft fufped^ed by him •, for that Don Antonio was as it were his 
 Brother-in-law, having married the Widow of Framifco Martin de Alcantara, Ercn 
 ther to the Marquis Don Franci/co Picarro, and Carate was a Perfon, who being a 
 ftranger in the Countrey, had no engagements or obligations in any part of the 
 Countrey -, for which caufe, as we faid, they fuffered Don Antonio to pais, by rea- 
 fbn of his alliance, but the Accountant Carate was flopped by them. Thus much 
 is confirmed by Diego Fernandez, who adds farther in the. twenty fourth Chapter 
 of his Book. That at the Council held by Goncth Pkarro and his Captains, to 
 confider of the Anfwer which was to be returned to the Meflage fent by the 
 Judges, they onely touched upon one point thereof, to which Framifco de Carvajal 
 like a great Officer and Souldier made this reply, That whereas the Judges did re- ' 
 quire that Gon^alo Pigarro (hould come to them with a Guard onely of fifteen or 
 twenty Horfe, they underftood it to be fo many in a Rank, to which interpretation 
 all the Captains in the Council agreed, and concluded that.it was necefiary for the 
 welfare of the Publick to create Goncalo Picarro chief Governour, and in all other 
 things they would comply with the Judges, and that in cafe they (hould refufe to 
 accept thefe Propofals, they were refolved to put the City to Fire and Sword, &c. 
 
 Thus far Diego Fernandez. Palentino, 
 
 But now to return to Graviel de R6]M, and Garcilajfo de la Vega, and other Inha- 
 bitants and Gentlemen of Cozco, who deferted Goncalo Picarro and were fled to 
 Areqnepa, whence not finding paffage by Sea they travelled along by the Sea coaft, 
 and being at length arrived at Los Reyes, they found themfelves much at a lofs, for 
 that the Vice-king, whofe fortune they intended to follow, was already taken, 
 and embarked by force for Sfain $ and whereas the Judges had a chief hand in this 
 Confpiracy againft the Vice-king, and thereby feemed rather to incline to the 
 Faction of Goncalo Picarro than to Blafco Nmnez Vela, they were refolved not to 
 engage with them. Though if we impartially confider of thefe matters, we lhall 
 find that the intention of the Judges was not as ill Tongues fcandaloufly reported, 
 but was to prevent worfe and more dangerous confequences, proceeding from the 
 Vice-king, who was abhorred and hated by all men of Eftates and Intereft in that 
 Countrey, againft whom he came chiefly to put the new Laws in execution. 
 Howfoever thefe Gentlemen, looking with a prejudicial eye upon thofe things 
 which the Judges had a&ed, refufed to joyn with them whom they efleemed to 
 be favourers of the caufe of Picarro. And whereas no Party appeared to fet up 
 the Royal intereft, they knew not unto whom they might adhere -, for they found 
 themfelves in the power of their enemies, not being able to efcape from them 
 either by Sea or Land : for after the Vice-king's imprifonment all the Countrey 
 declared for Pifarro •, but the greateft number of the contrary party remained in 
 the City of Los R^es, not having any other place whereunto to repair; others 
 ab&onded themfelves amongft their Friends .and Relations-, for having been all 
 
 engaged 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 6yg 
 
 engaged in the conqueft of that Kingdom, their mutual concernment for each 
 other was fuel) as to favour one the other to their utmoft power 5 but others who 
 would not truft themfelves in the Town removed far from it, and lived amongft 
 the Indians, the which proved the more fecure courfe, for thereby they faved their 
 lives, whilft many others were put to death by the cruelty of the advers Party. 
 And indeed this was the misfortune of Lewis de Ribera, and of Antonio Alvarez, and 
 of twenty four or twenty five Gentlemen more, who were all Inhabitants of the 
 City of Plate , which is about thirty Leagues diftant from Los Reyes , who came 
 with delign to ferve the King : and having pafled and endured great hardihips in 
 their travails and difficulties to avoid falling into the hands of Pifarro and his peo- 
 ple , they came at length near to Los Reyes , where they received the unwelcome 
 News of the misfortunes of the Vice-king , how, and in what manner, he was im- 
 prifoned, embarked and fent to Sea $ with this fad intelligence they gave them- 
 felves for loft •, for neither durft they adventure into the City , becaufe all the 
 Countrey had declared for Pifarro , nor did they think it Prudence , voluntarily 
 to truft themfelves in the power of the enemy : Wherefore every one took his 
 proper courfe and fhifted for himfelf. The like many other Gentlemen did, who 
 :ame to ferve his Majefty under the Vice-king , fo that they were fcattered and 
 Jilperfed over all the Countrey. And fome not efteeming themfelves fafe in the 
 .^arts of Peru , fled to the Mountains of Amis , where they were famifhed or de- 
 roured by Tigers ; others were taken by the falvage Indians , not as yet conquered 
 md (acrificed to their Idols. Thus men out of fear of falling into the hands of 
 heir Enemies precipitated themfelves into defperate Courfes, efteeming Barbari- 
 ms and wild Beafts to have more Bowels of companion than Tyrants. This dire- 
 ull effed had the immoderate and ungovemed Paffion of the Vice-king, for had 
 ie been a man of any temper , he had furmounted all his difficulties , and had 
 teen defended by the powerful! fuccours of the Rich, Noble, and Perfons of thfe 
 jreateft Intereft , who were the Flower of Cozco, and the Chan as 5 when on the 
 : ontrary, both he and his party were loft, being expofed to the Cruelties of War 
 nd to the mercy of their Enemies, who put many of them to death. 
 
 I 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Gon$alo Pifarro comes to the City of Los Reyes. Several 
 Citizens of note are pit to death , becaufe the Judges 
 delayed to proclaim Pifarro Governour. 
 
 A ND now Pif arro , taking fhort marches towards the City of Los Reyes , by 
 £V reafon of the great Incumbrance of Cannon which he had with him, came 
 : length to the Province called Pariacaca, where Auguftin Carate was lately ftop- 
 sd and deteined $ and there called him before him to relate the Meffage which 
 e brought to him ■-, which Carate , in the thirteenth Chapter of his fifth Book , 
 'eclares in thefe words , I, faid he, knowing the danger I was in of my life, did 
 » the firft place communicate the bufinefs I had in charge to Pifarro in private ; 
 ■•ho afterwards caufed me to be introduced into the Tent, where all his Captains 
 rere affembled, and there commanded me to declare that which I had before Sm- 
 arted unto him. And Carate faith farther, that being informed of the mind of 
 i^arro , he made ufe of his Letters of Credence from the Judges , to declare in 
 leir behalf and in their names many things tending to his Majefty's Service and 
 yt the good and benefit of the Countrey : particularly, that fince the Vice-king 
 'as embarked , and fent away , whereby their defires were allowed and granted * 
 'hat they fhould make good unto his Majefty the Treafure which Blafto Nmnez 
 da, had confumed and fpent , as they had already made known by their Letters: 
 lat a Pardon ihould be granted to the Citizens of Cozco, who had revolted from 
 is Camp to ferve the Vice-king, which might eafily be granted, confidering the 
 aftice of their Caufe : And that Meflengers mould be fent to his Majefty, to in- 
 
 U. u u u 2 form 
 
yoo Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 form him of the ftate of Affairs, and of all the pafTages which had occurred, and 
 to excufe whatfoever had pafled , with many other things of this nature. To 
 which Particulars no other Anfwer was given, than that he mould tell the Judges, 
 that for the good of the Countrey , it was requifite to make Picarro Governour 
 thereof-, and when that was done, they would then take fuch other Meafures for 
 the publick good, as (hould be propofed by them-, and on the contrary, in cafe of 
 refufal, they would give up the City of Los Reyes to be plundred and facked by 
 the Souldiery. With this Anfwer Carate returned to the Judges, who were trou- 
 bled to receive a Meflage fo contrary to their expectations , and fo plain and pu- 
 blick a Declaration of the mind of Picarro , whom they once believed to be bet- 
 ter inclined, and to have no other defigns and pretentions, than onely the expulfion 
 of the Vice-king, and the fufpenfion of the new Laws -, wherefore in anfwer to 
 this demand they returned a meiTage to the Captains, giving them to underftand, 
 that having confidered of their Propofals, they knew not how to grant or treat on 
 " them , unlefs they were delivered in writing according to the ufual methods and 
 way of proceedings in thofe matters. When this matter was known, all the Re- 
 prefentatives of the feveral Cities which were going to the Camp returned back 
 again, and joining with thofe of other Corporations , who were then aflembled 
 at Los Reyes, gave in a Petition to the Judges fitting on the Bench, defiring a con- 
 ceflion of what was verbally required. The Judges confidered hereof, as a mat- 
 ter of great concernment and dangerous , for they had no Commiflion to warrant 
 them in this Declaration, nor had they liberty or power at maritime to refufe it: 
 for Pi$arro had made by this time a very near approach to the City, and had pof- 
 feiTed himfelf of all the ways and avenues thereunto: fo that in this ftrait and 
 difficulty they refolved to confult with the perfons of greateft power and authori- 
 ty in the City, and to defire their opinion and concurrence with them, a memorial 
 whereof they fent to Friar Geronimo de Loayfa Archbiihop of Los Reyes , to Friar 
 fohn Salano Archbifhop of Cozco , to Garcia Diaz Bifhop of Qmta , to Friar Tho- 
 mas de San Martin Provincial of the Dominicans , and to Auguftine Carate Accoun- 
 tant, Treafurer and Comptroller of his Majefty's revenue, defiring their opinion 
 and fenfe in this matter of high concernment •, not that they were to feek or 
 doubtfull in what could legally be done or required, or that they were at liberty to 
 grant or refufe what Gon$ah Picarro and his Captains required, but onely that thefe 
 perfons might bear their part in the burthen, and become Witnefles that what they 
 granted to Picarro was extorted by force, and not yielded by a voluntary confent. 
 Whilft thefe matters were debating Gon^alo Picarro advanced within a quarter 
 of a League of the City , where he pitched his Camp and planted his Batteries 
 of Cannon : and perceiving that they delayed to anfwer his Demands, he fent the 
 night following thirty Mufquetiers under the command of one of his chief Offi- 
 cers unto the City, who there feized upon twenty eight perfons who came from 
 Cozco , and others , againft whom he had a quarrel for taking part with the Vice- 
 king : amongft which Were Graviel de Rcjas, Garcilajfo de la Vega, Melchior Verdugo, 
 Dr. Carvajal and Peter del Barco , Martin de Florencia , Alonfo de Carceres , Peter de 
 Manjaires , Lewis de Leon , Anthony Ruys de Guevara , with feveral Other perfons of 
 
 quality in that Countrey, whom he committed to the common Prifon •, of which 
 taking the keys and pofleffion , they turned out the Alcade , and took the whole 
 power out of the hands of the Judges , who were not able to contradict or with- 
 stand the Power which was againft them -, for in the whole City there were not 
 fifty men of the Sword --, for thofe Parties which once declared for the Vice-king 
 and the Judges were now revolted to the Camp of Picarro, with which, and with 
 the men he brought with him, he made up twelve hundred men, all well equip- 
 ped and armed ; in confidence of which force , fome of the Captains came to the 
 City, and plainly told the Judges, that unlefs they fpeedily difpatched their bufi- 
 nefs and proclaimed Pic-arro Governour, they would put all the City to Fire and 
 Sword, and that they lhould be the firft with whom they would begin. 
 
 The Judges excufed themfelves afmuch as they were able, faying, That they 
 had no power to doe any fuch thing ; whereupon Carvajal, the Officer that was 
 fent , immediately took four perfons of thofe who were committed to Prifon •-, 
 
 three of which , namely , Peter de Barco, Martin de Florencia, and fohn de Saavedra , 
 
 and hanged them together on a Tree near to the City , reproaching them with 
 opprobrious and bitter language at the time of their death, not giving to thefe three 
 fo much as half an hour's time to make their confeflion and prepare their fouls for 
 
 death-, 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 70: 
 
 death ; telling Peter del Barco particularly , who was the laft of the three which he 
 hanged ; That in regard he had been a Captain , and one of the Conquerours of 
 that Countrey, and was a perfon of quality, and one of the richeft in thofe parts, 
 he would grant him this privilege at his death, to chufe which of the boughs he 
 pleafed for his gallows. But to Lewi* de Leon his Life was granted at the Inter- 
 cellion of a brother of his, who was a Souldier in Gon$ah Pi$arro\ Army, and 
 who begged it as a fpecial grace and favour unto him. 
 
 The judges being terrified with this piece of Cruelty , and fearing left the like 
 fentence mould be executed on all the others who were then in prifon , and that 
 the City (hould be given up for a prey to the Souldiery , in cafe they deferred 
 longer to perform their demands. They with all earneftnefs fent to the perfons to 
 whole Counfels they had referred themfelves in this matter , that they mould im- 
 mediately give in their opinions : whereupon every one, nemine contradicente, gave 
 their Votes , that the Government fliould be conferred on Gongalo Picarro - 7 which 
 the Judges inftantly made known to him , iurrendring up to him all the Power of 
 that Province untill fuch time as his Majefty's pleafure mould be known therein: 
 And hereupon they renounced their Commiflions of hearing and determining Cau- 
 fes , and religned all into the Governours hands , giving fecurity to refide in the 
 City, and fit on the Bench, and hear all Caufes and Actions of complaint which 
 {hould be brought before them. Thus far Auguftine de Carate. 
 
 And here we will cut Ihort the Thread of this Difcourfe , left we mould feem 
 over tedious in this Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Gon^alo Piqarro is proclaimed Governour of Peru, His En- 
 try into the City of Los Reyes. The death of Captain 
 Gunnel. The Citizens of Cozco are'fet at Liberty. 
 
 TH E execution of Pedro del Barco , Martin de Florencia , and fohn de Saavedra 
 made a great noife, and was occafion of much difcontent and murmurings 
 both in the City and in the Camp: for ( as Diego Fernandez de Carvajal reports in 
 the twenty fifth Chapter of his Book) the people apprehended, that as Francifio de 
 Carvajal had been fo bloudy as to kill thofe three, he would farther proceed in his 
 Tragedy to the death of all the others who were imprifoned for the like caufe : for 
 ■w hich reafon many of the Citizens of Rimac and Captains and Souldiers of the 
 Army made their Addrefles to Goncalo Picarro , befeeching him not to fuffer the 
 effufion of fo much Noble Bloud, and of perfons who had been Inftruments and 
 engaged in the Conqueft of the Empire ; for fuch an A<5t of Cruelty would render 
 him odious to the whole World. Whereupon Goncalo Picarro, who was a per- 
 fon of a tender and flexible nature , gave immediately a very rich Medal and a 
 Ring to be carried to Francifio Carvajal ( who well knew that both of them belon- 
 ged to Picarro) to ferve for a token and fign to him to defift from farther (pil- 
 ling of Bloud. 
 
 But as to the particulars of what is related farther concerning the death of thofe 
 men whom Carvajal put to death •, I have learned from thofe who were then pre- 
 fent, that thofe Citizens were put to death folely by the will and authority of Car- 
 ■ vaj'al, without the order, privity or knowledge of Goncalo Picarro. For all the 
 Commiflion which he had was this, that he (hould goe, and quiet the people; 
 for undemanding that all the City being in great confternation , were ready to a- 
 bandon the place ^ he fent him with Orders to pacifie them , that they might re- 
 joice at his Arrival. Carvajal, who well enough underftood his meaning replied 
 to him , faying, I promife your Lordfhip, that I will fo order Matters, that they 
 fhall be obliged to goe forth and meet you : to perform and make good his word, 
 ( according to the Martial way of exprefllon ) he hanged the three men in the way 
 where Picarro was to pafs, which he called the meeting of him, and faid, that this 
 
 was 
 
y 2 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 was the onely means to affright the Judges and the whole City, and to haffen them 
 in their Votes to proclaim Pl$ arro Governour , as all the Reprefentatives of the 
 Kingdom defired. But the truth is Goncah Plcarro was much troubled to under- 
 stand of the death of thefe three perfons , whom he caufed to be taken from the 
 Trees, before he paffed that way •, decking that he had no hand in that execution, 
 and that he neither commanded the fame , nor knew thereof. And it is farther 
 faid by Diego Fernandez in the twenty fifth Chapter of his Book , that the Decree 
 proclaiming Gon$alo Plcarro Governour was generally pleafing both to the City 
 and to, the Army ■■> becaufe it was the common opinion of all , that in that con- 
 juncture, nothing could tend more to the fettlement and quiet of the Kingdom 
 than that s And moreover , it was believed that his Majefty would confirm him 
 therein, in consideration of the great Cervices which his brother, the Marquis 
 had performed to the Gown •-, as alfo for other Caufes which they alledged in fa- 
 vour and honour of G<m$ah Plcarro himfelf : For now fortune being of his fide, 
 the people began to fpeak favourably of him j and he, carrying himfelf with pre- 
 tences of reftoring to them their Liberty , was generally cryed up and beloved of 
 all 5 and efpecially fucceeding the Vice-king , who was hated and detefted by all 
 mankind. Thus far are the words of Diego Fernandez, .- After which Carate, in the 
 thirteenth Chapter of his Book , proceeds, and fays : 
 
 The Inmument for constituting Plcarro Governour being paffed •-, he made his 
 Entry into the City in State and triumph. In the firft place, Captain Bachlcao led 
 the Van-guard with two and twenty Pieces of Cannon made for the field , which 
 were carried on the Shoulders of fix thoufand Indians (as we have mentioned be- 
 fore) with all the other train of Artillery and Ammunition thereunto belonging, 
 and as they marched they fired the Cannon in the Streets ■-, and for Guard to the 
 Artillery thirty Mufquetiers and fifty Gunners were appointed. 
 
 After which followed the Company under command of Captain* Diego Gumlel, . 
 which confirted of two hundred Pique-men , after which followed Captain Gue- 
 vara with a hundred and fifty Mufquetiers •-, and then came the Company of Pe- 
 dro Cermetmo confifting of two hundred Harquebufiers •-, immediately after which 
 followed Gon^alo Plcarro himfelf with three Companies of Foot , attending like 
 Foot-men by his (ide, and he mounted on a very fine Horfe, and cloathed with a 
 Coat of Mail, over which he wore a thin Coat of cloth of gold ; after him mar- 
 ched three Captains With their Troops of Horfe, in rnidSt of which Don Pedro 
 
 Porto Carrero (upported the Royal Standard ; On his right hand Antonio Altamlrano 
 
 carried the Enfign of Cozco , and on the left Pedro de Puelles carried the Colours in 
 which the Arms of Plcarro were painted =, after which all the Cavalry followed 
 armed in form and point of War. And in this order they marched to the houfe 
 of Licemlado Carate, where the other Judges were aflembled, ( which was a de- 
 fault on Carate's (ide , for he ought rather to have received him in the place of 
 publick Judicature ) but here Plcarro leaving his Forces drawn up in the open 
 Market-place, went up into the Chamber where the Judges attended, and received 
 him with due order and refpeft, and having taken the Oath, and given the Secu- 
 rity which is ufual ■-, he went to the Town-houfe, where the Mayor, Sheriffs and 
 other Officers received him with the accuft omary Solemnities •, and thence he 
 went to his own Lodgings ; and in the mean time the Officers quartered the Soul- 
 diers both Horfe and Foot in the private houfes of the Citizens, giving order that 
 they mould entertain them upon Free-quarter. 
 
 This entry of Plcarro into the City , and his reception there , happened to- 
 wards the end of the month ototlober i J44, being forty days after the imprifon- 
 ment of the Vice-king •, and from that time forward Plcarro attended wholly to 
 the management of his martial Affairs, and to matters relating thereunto, leaving 
 all civil Caufes and proceedings in Law to the Judges, who held their Courts in 
 the Houfe of the Treafurer Alonfo Rlqueime. And then he fent to Cozco for his De- 
 puty Alonfo de Tore, to Arequepa for Pedro de Tuentes, tO the Villa de Plata for Fran- 
 
 cifco de Almendras, and to other Cities for the principal Governours thereof. Thus 
 far are the words of Augnftl»e Carate. To which Fernandez Palentino in the Sixteenth 
 Chapter of his Book adds and fays, That Diego Cent em having accompanied Goncah 
 Plcarro in quality of Procuratour for the Town of Plate, as far as Los Reyes, he there 
 found that Plcarro had preferred his great Friend Frandfco deAlmendras to be Cap- 
 tain and chief Judiciary of that Town •, and therefore he defired him to move 
 Plcarro that he might be difmiffed and go along with him to the Villa de la Plata, 
 
 becaufe 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 703 
 
 becaufe his Houfe and Eftate was in thofe parts 5 which licenfe being obtained, 
 they travelled together to the Cbarcas, where forae time afterwards, when Diego 
 Centeno declared for the King, he lurprifed and killed him : and though in excufe 
 hereof it may be alledged that it was done for the King's fervice, yet he can 
 never wipe off that blot of Ingratitude; for during the time of the Conqueft, 
 when Diego Centeno came very young into the Countrey, he was fupported and 
 provided for in all his neceffities, and in the time of his ficknefs, by Francifco 
 tie Alweiidr*s, who was a rich, and a principal perfon of quality in thofe days, 
 and took the fame care of him as if he had been his Son --, the which benefits 
 and kindneffes Diego Centeno publickly owned, and when they were in private he 
 called him Father, as Almcndras called him Son : and therefore he ought for ever 
 to be branded with Ingratitude, unlefs the publick concernment for his Prince 
 be able to untie and abolifh all other private obligations and endearments what- 
 foever. 
 
 Gon$do Picarro, finding himfelf now inverted in his Power and Government, 
 which he held both by virtue of the Royal Grant given to his Brother the Mar- 
 quis, in whofe right lie pretended thereunto, and now by the confent and ele&i- 
 
 ; on of the Judges, began to give out his own Commiffion to Officers both Mili- 
 tary and Civil, and to fit and hear Caufes, which he difpatched with great readi- 
 nefs, adminiftring Juftice with Reputation and Authority, to the contentment 
 and fatisfa&ion of the whole City •, but thefe fmooth and chearfull proceedings 
 
 1 were mixed with their troubles and misfortunes. For Captain Diego Gumiel, who 
 untill this time had always (hewed himfelf zealous and paflionate in the caufe of 
 .Pifarro, began to alter his humour, and fpeak againft him, becaufe he had 
 refufed to grant him a piece of Land with a Command over Indians, which he 
 
 I asked of him in behalf of a certain Friend of his: and with that occafion he railed 
 againft the Judges, faying, that they had unjuftly taken away the Government 
 from the Son of Marquis Francifco Picarro to whom it appertained by lawfull in- 
 
 I heritance defcended from his Father, in virtue of a Grant from his Majefty, to 
 confer it upon one who had no right nor title thereunto •, and for that reafon he 
 declared, that he would ufe his utmoft endeavours that the Son of the Marquis 
 might recover his own Inheritance. Gumiel frankly difcourfing at this rate, with- 
 out regard to the place where, or the perfon to whom he vented his paffion, at 
 length the reports thereof coming to the ears of Picarro, he gave his immediate 
 Orders to his Major-General that he fhould examine this matter, and take fuch 
 courfe as might reftrain the licentious Tongue of that Captain for the future. It 
 is certain, that the meaning of Picarro was not to put Gumiel to death, though 
 Carvajal put that interpretation upon it, and having asked fome queftions about 
 the matter, and hearing them confirmed , went directly to Gumiel's Lodgings, 
 where without more to doe he ftrangled him, and drew his Body into the Mar- 
 ket-place, faying, give way, Gentlemen, for Captain Diego Gumiel, who hath pro- 
 tefted and fworn that he will never fay the like things again. And thus poor Gu- 
 miel ended his-days, having loft his life by the intemperance of his Tongue, which 
 hath been the ruine of many a man, but good to none. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 The Feflivah and Rejoycings which were made for Gonqalo 
 Picarro. A general Pardon given to all thofe who were 
 fled. away. The place where Gar$ilalTb de la Vega was 
 retired? and how he obtained his Pardon from Gon^alo 
 Picarro. 
 
 PI{ am and his Captains, being fwelled with the vanity and oftentation of be- 
 ing Governours and fupreme Lords of Peru, appointed days of Feftival to 
 slebrate their Triumphs, after the manner ois^aint, as namely the (port of bai- 
 ting 
 
704 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 ting Bulls, throwing the Dart, and Lotteries ; in which latter many drew inge- 
 nious Mottoes, or Sayings, and others fcurrilous Sentences, like Libels, of which 
 though I remember feveral, yet I think it not convenient to repeat any of them 
 in this place. 
 
 Upon the day of this folemn rejoycing, orders were given to fet thofe Gentle- 
 men at liberty who were the Citizens of Cozco, committed to Prifon by Carvajal, 
 as we mentioned before. Moreover he granted a general Pardon to thofe who 
 were not as yet come in, onely Lkenciado Carvajal was excepted, becaufe he ha- 
 ving been his intimate Friend, had deferted him, and alfo Garp'lafo de la Vega, as 
 
 Diego Fernandez Palentino reports in Chap. 17th of his firft Book, as alfo Augujline 
 
 de Carate, but we muft take leave to contradict thefe Authours, who have failed 
 in this particular paffage, of which we are able to give a more certain relation. 
 Goxfa/o Pifarro gave efpecial order that no man fhould go out of the City without 
 his licenfe 5 which Rodrigo Nmnez and Pedro de Prado demanding they were both 
 put to death, becaufe they gave evil example, and feemed to put jealoufies and 
 fears into the minds of the people : and in this manner, we fee, that there was no 
 joy without a mixture of forrow, nor (laughters, nor effufion of bloud without 
 rejoycings , which in Civil Wars take their turns and changes. 
 
 But to come to the particulars of what happened at that time in the City of 
 Los Reyes •■, we are to take notice, how that at that time Francifco de Carvajal feifed 
 all the Citizens of Cozco who had deferted his caufe, excepting onely Garcilajfo de 
 la Vega, who efcaped by a mere accident, as the Hiftorians relate : For that very 
 night when Carvajal knocked at the door to come in and take him, a certain Soul- 
 dier went forth to open the door, whofe name was Hernando Perez Tatiero, a Na- 
 tive of the Town of Almendrat in the Dukedom ofFeria, Fofter-brother with Don 
 Alonfo de Vargas my Uncle by the Father's fide. This Hernando Perez, who as well 
 for being of the fame Countrey, being all of Fflremennos, as alfo on fcore of Re- 
 lation, for both he and his Father and Grandfather had been Servants unto mine, 
 and he at that time actually in fervice otGarfilajfo de la Vega, my Lord and Father; 
 knowing Francifco Carvajal by his voice, without making any anfwer returned im- 
 mediately to my Father, and told him that Carvajal was at the Gate knocking to 
 come in : whereupon my Father made his efcape out of the Houfe as well as he 
 could, and fled to the Convent of St. Domingo, where the Friars received and 
 concealed him in a little private place, where he remained for the fpace of four 
 months. 
 
 Carvajal having fome intelligence that he was abfconded in the Monaftery, and 
 the rather fufpe&ing it, becaufe it was near to his Houie, took fome Souldiers 
 with him, and fearched every private place and corner, that no place feemed to 
 be undifcovered, unlefs the whole Houfe had been thrown down ; and herein 
 they ufed all the diligence imaginable, for Goncalo Picano conceived all the malice 
 ana defpight againft him that was poffible, and therefore endeavoured to take 
 him and put him to death : for he often complained of him, and faid, that they 
 had been Comrades together in the conqueft of Collao and the Charcot, had eaten 
 at the fame Table, and flept in the fame Chamber together, and by reafbn of 
 fuch obligations he fhould never have deferted and denied his caufe, much lefs 
 have been the Head of a Faction againft him, and a means to perfuade others to 
 forfake his Party. 
 
 Moreover Carvajal made four other fearches after Garcilajfo, and at one time he 
 lifted up the hanging on the fide of the High Altar, where was a nick or corner 
 where they lodged the moft Holy Sacrament, and there was a poor Souldier hid, 
 and crouched up in a dark hole 3 but Carvajal perceiving that it was not the per- 
 fon for whom he fought, let down the Hanging again, crying aloud, the perfon 
 is not here for whom we feek. A while after came another of his Souldiers, cal- 
 led Porrat, who being defirous to (hew himfelf more diligent and officious than 
 ordinary, lifted up the Hanging of the High Altar, and there difcovered the poor 
 Souldier whom Carvajal had purpofely over-feen i but Porrat, fo foon as he efpied 
 him, cried out, here is the Traitour, here is the Traitour. Carvajal was troubled 
 that he was found out, but in regard he was a principal Leader of the Faction 
 againft Picarro, he could not do lefs than take notice of him ■■> and fo drawing him 
 forth from his retirement, caufed him to be confefled by the Friars of the Con- 
 vent, and then hanged him up : but Porrat did not efcape the vengeance of Hea- 
 ven for this Fad, as we {hall underftand by the fequel. 
 
 At 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 705 
 
 At another time it happened out, That Qtrvtfal fo unexpectedly came into 
 the Monaftery to make another fearch, That Garcilajfo de la Vega was altogether 
 forprized , not knowing where to retire 5 but haltily ran into an empty Cell, 
 where was no Bed nor other furniture under which he might cover himfelf-, one- 
 ly fome Shelves of Books covered with a Curtain juft fronting to the Door, and a 
 little diftant from the Wall, fo that a man might creep between the Shelves and 
 that ; and there my Father thruft and crouded himfelf. Two or three of thofe 
 who came to fearch this Houfe came into this Cell \ and obferving it be void and 
 empty, and believing that the Shelves were faftned to the Wall, fo that nothing 
 could enter between, they went out again, faying, he is riot here : Many of thefe 
 hazardous Adventures my Father ran, whilft Goncalo Picarro was at Los Reyes, during 
 which time his Friends, (of which he had many) interceded for him with Goncalo 
 . Picarro to obtain his pardon, and at length prevailed to have him pardoned as to'his 
 Life, upon condition that he lhould not fee him nor come into his prefence j fay- 
 : ing, that he ought not to be admitted thereunto, who had violated all the Laws of 
 Friendlhip, Society and relation of Countrey-men : but having thus far obtained 
 his Pardon, he came out of the Monaftery, and retired privately into a Chamber, 
 : where he remained feveral days, untill the importunity of Friends fo far prevailed 
 with Picarro in his behalf to grant him a complete Pardon, and admittance to his 
 .prefence 5 after which he kept him always in his company, under the notion of a 
 , Prifoner, not fuffering him to go out of his Houfe or eat frorn his Table, and 
 when in the Field, not to lie out of his Tent ; and in this condition he continued 
 untill the day when the Battel diSacfahuana was fought. And for this caufe, in 
 regard he was always as a Prifoner with Goncalo Picarro, none of the three Authours 
 make any mention of him in their Hiftories 5 but I who was fo nearly concerned, 
 knew all thefe particulars with the fufferings of my Father, who being difpoflef- 
 ,fed of his Eftate for the fpace of three years, both he, and I, and the reft of my 
 Brethren, being eight in number, were forced to live upon the Charity and Alms 
 . of welWifpofed perfons. This nearnefs which caufed Goncalo Picarro to keep my 
 ; Father to him, was to fecure him that he mould not efcape from him 5 and the 
 reafon why he entertained him at his Table, becaufe he knew that he had not 
 wherewith to eat at any other place, and he was fo generous as not to fuffer him 
 to have the obligation to any but himfelf. And fuch was the necefllty and want 
 : which my Father laboured under at that time, that, after the death of the Vice- 
 . : king, being in the City of Peru, he bought a Horfe of a Souldier, who was called 
 Salinas, and therefore they called the Horfe SalinillM, which proved to be one of 
 the fineft Horfes in all Peru, and coft eight hundred pieces of Eight, which makes 
 nine hundred and fixty Ducats -, and though he had not one farthing of his own 
 ro pay for him, yet, trading to the kindnefs of his Friends, that they would ei- 
 • ther lend or give him fo much money, he adventured to buy him ; to which end 
 1 a Friend of his, who had not more in the whole world, lent him three hundred 
 : pieces of Eight, but when Goncalo Picarro underftood that he had bought this Horfe, 
 ■he immediately gave order to pay the fame out of his own Eftate, knowing that 
 Garfilajfo had not wherewith to make fatisfadtion. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 How and in what manner an irreverent impiety againft. the 
 moji Holy Sacrament, and other blajphejnom words were 
 punijhed. Picarro and his Party nominate Mejfengers 
 to be fent into Spain. 
 
 IT remains now for us to relate the Judgment which befell Porras, which was 
 this 5 Three months after the profanation he had made of the Holy Altar, he 
 was fent by Carvajal to Huamanca upon fome certain occafions, and patting a little 
 Brook of Water not above two foot deep, he guided his Horfe, being tired and 
 
 X x x x thirfty 
 
, £ Royal Commentaries Book IV. 
 
 thirfty, to a place where he might drink, and having drank he laid hirafelf down 
 in the Water, having one Leg of his Mafter under him, and lay on that fide 
 where the Water was deepeft •, Porras endeavoured to clear himfelf of his Horfe 
 but could not, and fo lay (till a while, untill the Horfe ftruggling to rife, and the 
 ftream running fwift upon him, he was at length drowned j but the Horfe keep- 
 ing his head above Water, made a fhift to keep himfelf from drowning, untill 
 fome Travellers parting that way helpt him out ■-, but for Porras they found him 
 dead, and buried him on the Bank of the ftream. The which was efteemed by 
 all the Kingdom to have been a Judgment of Heaven for his irreverence towards 
 the Holy Altar, as we have before mentioned. 
 
 We may here take notice of the Divine Judgments againft fuch, who were 
 common Swearers and Blafphemers of the Name of God in their ufual Conversa- 
 tion •■> who not contented with little petty Oaths, asGodsbodikins, or the like, but 
 would fay, God Damn me, or, God renounce me : fuch men as thefe, I fay, have 
 been obferved to die by wounds in their Mouths •, and not onely hath this happe- 
 ned in Batcels in Peru, but in fingle Duels between Man and Man, in which fuch 
 Blafphemers as thefe have been killed by ihot of a Carbine in their Mouths, 
 or the ftroke of a Lance, or a ftabb of a Dagger in that part. There is one 
 Inftance of this very remarkable in my time, which happened a year before I 
 came from Cozco, and it was this •-, A certain Souldier called Aguirre, an ill-con- 
 ditioned fellow, had a quarrel with John de Lira, a perfon of a far different temper, 
 being naturally of a peaceable and quiet dilpofition -, this Aguirre, to fight with 
 de Lira, armed himfelf with a Coat of Mail, Gantlet and Head-peace, and expec- 
 ted him near the Convent of St. Dominkk., as he palled to his Lodging from the 
 great Church, where, on a Friday in Lent, he went to hear a Sermon 5 de Lira 
 coming was met and affaulted by Aguirre, and they both ftruggled together for the 
 (pace of an hour by the Clock, none coming in to part them, at length John de Li- 
 ra, doling in with Aguirre, ftabb'd him in the Mouth with his Dagger, which 
 came out at the nape of his Neck, and Aguirre, with a flalh of his Sword ftroke 
 de Lira upon the Cloak which was folded on his left Arm, and cut eleven folds 
 of it, and glancing along cut off his middle Finger , the fame night Aguirre died of 
 his wound in the Prilbn, but John de Lira recovered and was cured, in the Mona- 
 ftery of St. Domimck. where he was lodged 5 and there I viifited him, and faw how 
 his Finger was cut off, and eleven folds his Cloak ait thorough. 
 
 The like Judgment befell other notorious Blafphemers at the Battel of Salinas, 
 where two or three were wounded in the Mouth, and dyed, as many in like 
 manner at Chupas, as alfo four at Huar'ma, one of which was called Alezquita, and 
 all of them incurred the fame fate •, which was fo apparent a Judgment upon com- 
 mon Swearers and Blafphemers, that many repented of that fin, and were converted, 
 and fo particularly did this Judgment operate on the minds of the Spaniards in Pe- 
 ru, that they generally acknowledge it to have been a mercy of God towards 
 them, and fo abftain from that fin, that it is a difparagement to any man to be 
 guilty thereof. And fo far hath this cuftome againft Blafphemy prevailed, as to 
 pafs from Peru into the Jurifdi&ion of Mexico, where it is accounted an infamous 
 crime for any man to fwear, efpecially Souldiers ; fo that when any one unadvi- 
 fedly fwears, the Captains or Officers then prefent, caufe him immediately to re- 
 call his Oath, and ask pardon for it, which indeed is a very laudable cuftome and 
 much to be commended in thofe Officers who were the occafion that the fame was 
 pra&ifed amongft the Souldiery. 
 
 I cannot tax any of my own Relations by the Mother fide with the fin of this 
 nature •, for to the contrary I have heard from one of my own Kindred, who (as 
 I believe) fpake impartially of them, That in the ftare of their very Gentilifme 
 they knew not what an Oath meant, nor to take the Name of God in vain, but 
 as a thing (as natural to them as their milk) they learned to pronounce the Name 
 of God on no other occafion than of Prayers and Praifes to him. 
 
 But whilft Goncalo Picarro was folemnizing the Feftival appointed in honour to 
 his new Title of Governour, he did not forget his dependence on Spain ; and 
 therefore propofed firft to his Captains and Friends in private, and afterwards 
 iublickly to the Citizens of Los Reyes, that it was neceflary to fend Meflengers to 
 lis Majefty to render an account of all that happened unto that time, befeeching 
 lis Majefty in behalf of that whole Empire to confer the Government thereof 
 upon Goncalo Picarro, representing it as a matter much conducing to the fervice of 
 
 his 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 707 
 
 his Majefty , and to the common peace and tranquillity both of Indians and Spa- 
 niards : And moreover , that Pi$arro (hould difpatch a private Agent , as from 
 himfelf , who ihould lay before his Majefty the many fervices and labours which 
 he had fuftained for the enlargement of the dominions of Spain in thofe parts: 
 this Propolal was approved by the common confent of all, and generally the 
 World was of opinion , that a Propofition of this nature , . tending fo much to 
 the welfare of the people, to the increafe of his Majefty's revenue and enrichment 
 
 of his Subjects, would not be refufed : Onely Francifco de Carvajal ( as Diego Fer- 
 nandez Valentino relates in the twenty eighth Chapter of his Book ) was of ano- 
 ther opinion -, and declared , that the beft Agents to perfuade in Affairs of this 
 kind were a good body of Mufquetiers , Horfe and Arms : And though it was 
 true that Subjects ought never to take up Arms againft their King 5 yet when 
 they had once drawn the Sword, they ought never to put it up again : and that for 
 ■ the prefent, if they would fend Meflengers, they fhould be the Judges themfelves -, 
 who having been the perfons that had imprifoned the Vice- king , they were the 
 moft able to render an account to his Majefty of the reafons and caufo which 
 moved them thereunto. 
 
 This opinion was feconded by Hernando Bachkao^ but the votes of two men 
 could not over-rule the fenfe of the w hole Court , who decreed to (end Doctour 
 'Texada and Francifco Maldonado (Ufher of the Hall to Gongalo Pifarro ) into Spain, 
 with inftructions to reprefent unto his Majefty the prefent ftate and condition of 
 their Affairs. It was alfo ordered, that thefe perfons fhould embark on a Ship 
 ;then in Port, befides which there was no other at that time, and whereon Lice* 
 ■ciadeVacadeCaftrowaszynfoxxx, and ftood committed by order from the Vice- 
 king-, and now remained in expectation, how the prefent Governours would dif- 
 : pofe of him 5 not judging it fit to fail for Spain without the Orders of fome 0- 
 ver-ruling power. I 
 
 Twas farther agreed, that Hernando Bachkao fhould have the Charge to provide 
 ) the Ship with Men and Guns, and thereon to tranfport their Agents to Panama , 
 ; of which Vac a de Cafiro being informed by a Friend and Kinfman of his called 
 i Garcia de Mont-aho, he prefently apprehended , that in cafe they brought him a- 
 fluar from the Ship , fome mifchief might enfue to him , or at leaft fome treat- 
 ment not befeeminghis quality and condition, he refolved , with the afllftence of 
 his Kinfman Mont-aho, and of the Servants then with him, to weigh Anchor, and 
 fet fail for Panama. The matter fucceeded as was expected and defired ■-, for there 
 was not one perfon of Pkarro's faction then aboard ; and the Mariners were all 
 ■ for Vaca de Caflro , who was very well beloved and efteemed by the people of the 
 1 Countrey : Picarre was greatly troubled at this difappointment •■, for the fending 
 ; of his Agents into Spain he efteemed to be the onely means to fet matters right , 
 and well underftood at that Court. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 How much Gon^alo Pi^arro was troubled for the Efcape of 
 Vaca de Caftro, and what dijlurbance it caufed. Her- 
 nando Bachicao goes to Panama. The Vke-kjng fends 
 abroad his Warrants to raife Men. 
 
 HEreupon ( as all the three Writers agree ) it was conceived, that this Efcape 
 of Vaca de Cafiro could not be contrived without a Confpiracy of feveral 
 perfons concerned therein : fo that immediately an Allarum was given over all the 
 Town •-, the Souldiers were put in Arms, and all thofe Gentlemen whom they fu- 
 fpected , as well fuch as were Natives or Citizens of Los Reyes, as thofe who had 
 fled from Cozco , and thofe who were of the Vice-king's party , were all feized 
 and committed to the publick prifon : and amongft them Licenciado Carvajal was 
 
 X x x x 2 one 
 
yo8 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 one •, to whom Major General Carvajal fent order , that he mould at that inftant 
 confefs and make his laft Will and Teftament 5 for that it was decreed he ihould 
 prefently be put to death. Carvajal with all readinefs fubmitted to the fentence $ 
 and began to prepare himfelf for the fame-, the Executioner ftood by him with 
 his Halter and Gibbet, and urged him to finilh his Affairs, howfoever he conti- 
 nued fomething long in his confeffion : no queftion but he expefted to dye with- 
 out any reprieve : howfoever fuch as confidered the quality of his perfon and con- 
 dition were of opinion , that he ought not to have been brought under thofe cir- 
 cumftances 5 but fince it had fo fallen out , it would be dangerous to fuffer him 
 to live : but then it was confidered , that in cafe Carvajal were put to death , ma- 
 ny of thofe who were now in cuftody would follow the fame fate, which would 
 be a great lofs to the Kingdom to be deprived of the moft principal perfons 
 thereof who had always been faithfull to the Intereftof his Majefty. 
 
 Whilft Lkenciado Carvajal remained under thefe fad apprehenfions, certain (b- 
 ber perfons went to Confab Pi cam, and told him that it were well to confider in 
 this cafe how great an Intereft the Llentiado Carvajal had in his Coutrey ; and 
 that the Agent Carvajal, who was his brother, was put to death by the Vice-king, 
 for no other caufe or reafon, than becaufe his man followed the party and fide of 
 Picarro, and therefore , for the very merit of his brother, and for the fervices of 
 this perfon, he mould fpare his life who was and might be of great ufe and be- 
 nefit to him for the future. And as to the efcape of Vac*, de Cafiro all the World 
 was well fatisfied, That neither Licenciado Carvajal nor the others who were impri- 
 foned upon fufpicion were concerned therein -, and that all this jealoulie did arife 
 from the vain cenfures of fome people, for which there was no juft caufe or ground. 
 
 To all which Declaration Gonga/o Picarro anfwered little, but feemed angry and 
 difturbed, commanding that none mould move him farther in that matter. Here- 
 upon Carvajal and his Friends refolved to proceed another way -, which was by 
 means of the Major General, to whom they fecretly prefented a Wedge of gold 
 to the value of two thoufand pieces of Eight , and promifed him much more 5 
 the which having accepted, he began to be a little backward and cold in the exe- 
 cution of the fentence 5 and went and came fo often, untill at length, both Carva- 
 jal and all the others who were imprifoned were fet at liberty : So this matter be- 
 ing over, they began to contrive the manner, how Hernando Bachicao might be 
 difpatched away , as was agreed : for which there now happened an opportunity 
 by the arrival of a Bregantine from Areaue^a , which being freighted for this pur- 
 pofe and armed with fome of the Cannon which Goncalo Picarro brought from 
 Cozxo -, Bachicao embarked thereupon , and with him Dodour Ttxada and Francifio 
 Maldonado, with about fixty Mufquetiers who offered themfelves voluntarily on that 
 voiage. And thus coafting along the ihoar, upon information that the Vice-king 
 was at Tumbez, ; he arrived early one morning in that Port •-, where being efpyed 
 by fome people belonging to the Vice-king an Allarum was prefently given, that 
 Goncalo Picarro with a ftrong force was coming by Sea •-, which put them all into 
 that affrightment and confternation , that the Vice-king with all his force, confi- 
 fting of about a hundred and fifty men fled away to Slmtu ; but fome of them 
 remained behind to receive Bachicao, who took two Ships which he found in the 
 Port , and with them failed to Puerto Viejo , where , and in other parts he raifed 
 about a hundred and fifty men whom he embarked aboard his Ships 5 but the 
 Vice- king without other flop or ftay haftened to Quitu, Thus far Augufiine Cu- 
 rate, who hath made clear ieveral Paflages which were confuled and obfcure in 
 other Writers. 
 
 But now to return to the Ingot of Gold which Francifio Carvajal received ; It is 
 certain that he made a Trade of fuch Bribes as thefe, where the Accufation was 
 falfe , and then he would fufpend the Execution of the Sentence , untill means 
 were made with Goncalo Picarro for a Pardon , and in this manner he got great 
 fums of money : but in cafe the crime objected were true , than nothing could 
 prevail with him , neither Prefents nor Intreaties , to delay the fpeedy execution 
 of Juftice: for he was zealous and faithfull to his Party, both in punifhment of 
 Enemies , and in the good treatment and reward of Friends and Abettours of his 
 Caufe : but Hiftorians give him the Character of a moft covetous and cruel per- 
 fon : 'tis true, he had both one and the other in his nature, but not in fo high 
 degree as is reported ; for though he was guilty of great effufions of bloud , yet 
 it was for the advancement and fecurity of his own party, which he acrked in pur- 
 
 fuance 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 700 
 
 fuance of his Office , being a Captain and a chief field Officer : of which here- 
 after in profecution of this Hiftory we (hall give fome inftances of my own know- 
 ledge, and (hall make fome remarks upon the behaviour of feveral Captains of 
 fiptnos party which I received from the report of thofe who were familiarly ac- 
 quainted with their actions and perfons. 
 
 We have mentioned before, how Licendado Alvarez, procured the Liberty of the 
 Vice-king Blafco Nunnez. Vela, and how another Ship joined with them, whereon 
 his brother Vela Nunnez was embarked , and that they failed together to the Port 
 of Txmpiz, where they landed, and ere&ed a Court of Juftice, for that as the 
 Hiftorians fay , he had a daufe in his Commiffion that he might hold a Court 
 with affiftance of one Judge or Co-aflefTour with him : by virtue whereof they 
 difpatched feveral Warrants, Orders and Manifefts into divers parts 5 fetting forth 
 in the Preamble thereunto a relation of his imprifonment and of his efcape , as 
 likewife of the coming of Gan^alo Picarro to Los Reyes , with all other particulars 
 which had happened untill that time •, and in fine concluded, that all his Maje- 
 fty's loving and loyal Subjects ihould come in and partake in this caufe. In pur- 
 iiiance hereof he fent divers Captains to Puerto Viep to raife men, as alfo to Saint 
 Michel and Truxillo ^ and upon the fame errand Captain Jeronimo de Prereyra was 
 fent as far as Pacamum, which the Spaniards call Bracamoros : And moreover he 
 direded his Warrants over all the Countrey , to bring in Provifions , and all the 
 Gold and Silver which was found in the Exchequer, for that his Majefty's fervice re- 
 quired to have it employed againft fo many Enemies who were in rebellion againfl 
 him : but in regard that in all the Cities and places to which thofe Commands 
 were fent, there were different parties, and men flood varioufly affe&ed - 7 fome 
 : whereof went to Pigam ; others, to fly from him, and not to join with his facti- 
 on, betook themfelves to the mountains , and by fecret and by-ways came at- 
 i length to the Vice- king equipped with Arms , Horfes and Provifions, according 
 ! to every man's ability -, which much rejoiced and comforted the Vice-king to fee 
 : the affection of the people to him in the time of his diftrefs : but this fatisfa&i- 
 on continued not long, for, as ill fortune would have it, he was forced by H<r- 
 ■nandoBachicao to retire into the In- land parts of the Countrey , by which means 
 ■his Friends left him , and he himfelf fuftained great inconveniences and hardfhips 
 : untill the time of his death % as we fhall fee in its due place. 
 
 Goncalo Picarro having intelligence that the Vice-king was in Tumpiz, he thought 
 it not convenient or fafe to fuffer him to reft there ^ and therefore fent fome 
 Captains with their forces to difturb him and caufe him to remove his quarters 
 from thence. The Orders and Warrants which the Vice-king iflued forth were 
 for the moft part betrayed into the hands of Picarro , being brought to him by 
 thofe with whom they were intrufted ; by means of which Picarro received in- 
 telligence of all the defigns of the Vice-king 5 which to prevent he difpatched his 
 
 Captains Jeronimo de Vi/legas, Goncalo Diaz, and Hernando de Alvarado, to fcOUre all 
 
 the Coaft along to the Northward , and intercept the people who were going 
 to join themfelves with the Vice-king : and thereby he fupprefled the forces of 
 the Vice-king before they could get head , and overcame them without a Battel. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Of the Anions performed by Bachicao in Panama. Licen- 
 ciado Vaca de Caftro comes to Spain , where an end is 
 ■put to all his negotiations. The Vice-king retires to 
 Qiiitu. 
 
 HErnando Bachicao , as we have faid , having furprized two Ships belonging. to 
 the Vice-king, and forced him to retire into the In-land parts of the Coun- 
 :rey, he purfued his Voiage to the Port of Panama; and in his way he met with 
 wo or three other Ships , but whofe they were , and with what they were laden, 
 
 for 
 
 
yio Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 for brevity fake we fhall omit to mention •, and becaufe Fernandez, Valentino, in the 
 twenty ninth Chapter of his Book, makes a long Difcourfe thereupon, we (hall 
 refer our felves to him , and onely fay , that he took thofe Ships with him and 
 failed from Port to Port , of which there are many in thofe Seas , taking refresh- 
 ments at his pleafure without fear or apprehenfion of any Enemies : when he ar- 
 rived at the Iflands of Pearles, which are about twenty Leagues diftant from Pana- 
 ma, whereof fo foon as the Inhabitants had notice ( as Auguftine Car ate faith , in 
 the fixteenth Chapter of his Book ) they fent two of their Citizens to know 
 of him with what intenfion and defign he came thither, requiring him not to en- 
 ter with his Souldiers within the precinds of their Jurifdidion. To which Bachi- 
 cao made anfwer, That in cafe he came attended with his Souldiers, it was onely 
 with intent to guard himielf from the attempts of the Vice-king , without other 
 defign, to the damage or prejudice of their Countrey ; for that his CommifTion 
 was onely to tranfport Dodour Texada, one of his Majefty's Juftices, into Spain, 
 who by Inftrudions received from the Courts of Judicature was fent to render an 
 account to his Majefty of all Matters which had palled of late in Peru; and that 
 he would onely fet him on (hoar, there to refrefh himfelf for a while, and make 
 fuch Provifions as were neceffary for his Voyage. 
 
 Upon this affurance admiffion was given him into the City : but fo foon as he 
 arrived, two Ships which were then in the Port, made fail into the Sea •, but one 
 of them was chafed by the Brigantine , and being taken , was brought back , and 
 both the Mafter and his Mate hanged at the Yard : arm 5 which much offended 
 the Town , and put them into a great confternation , but it was now too late to 
 defend themfelves , or repent of their folly , in trufting their eftates and lives to 
 the mercy of Badicao, who was now entered the City, and there being no hopes 
 of timely relief from Captain John Guzman, who was raifing men for afliftance of 
 the Vice-king 5 which men afterwards revolted to Bachicao , who alfo feized on 
 the Cannon which Vaca de Caftro had brought thither, with the Ship on which he 
 made his efcape. Thus did Bachicao tyrannize over the people, feizing their eftates 
 with an arbitrary power, for none durft to affert a right and title to what he pof- 
 fefied, in contradidion to his will and pleafure : and during the time of his aboad 
 here, he publickly put two of his Captains to death, who confpired againft him : 
 and moreover he aded other pieces of like feverity by virtue of his own abfo- 
 lute authority, caufing the Cryers to proclaim openly before thofe whom he put 
 to death : So is the will and command of Captain Hernando Bachicao. 
 
 At this time Vaca de Caftro was at Panama , where having intelligence that Ba- 
 chicao was coming , he fled to Nombre de Bios , and embarked for Spain in the 
 North-fea , as did alfo Diego Alvarez Cueto, and Jeronimo Curbano, who were Am- 
 bafladours from the Vice-king : likewife at the fame Port Dodour Texada, and 
 Francifco Mddonado took (hipping for Spain and failed friendly together, though of 
 three feveral Fadions. Dodour Texada dyed in the Voyage , in the Chanel of 
 
 Bahama : but Francifco Maldonado, and Diego Alvarez arrived fafe in Spain, and im- 
 mediately took poft for Germany, to render an account to his Majefty refpedive- 
 ly of the Affairs committed to their charge. Vaca de Caftro touched at the Ifles of 
 Tercera* , and thence failed to Lisbon , from whence he travailed to the Court ; 
 for he thought it not fafe to goe by the way of Seville , where the Brothers and 
 Relations of John Tello de Guzman lived, whom, as we faid before, he had caufed 
 to be put to death after the overthrow of Diego Almagro the younger , being arri- 
 ved at the Court , he was by Order of the Council of the indies confined to his 
 Houfe, and an Accufation brought againft him : after which he was imprifoned 
 in the Fort of Arevalo for the fpace of five years , during which time his caufe 
 was depending. After which they appointed him a Houfe in Simancas, and thence, 
 as the Court removed, they affigned him the Village of Pinto and the bounds there- 
 of for his confinement, untill his bufinefs was fully determined. Thus far are the 
 words of the Accountant General Auguftine de Carate. 
 
 And here he breaks off, without telling us farther , what fentence was given in 
 his cafe, becaufe he had ended his Hiftory before that time : And indeed by rea- 
 fon of the malicious informations and calumnies of his Enemies, which were all 
 falfe, the determination of his caufe was protraded for a long time 5 at which he 
 was not much troubled becaufe he knew, that at length he fhould come off with 
 the honour and reputation of a good Minifter and Governour of that Empire 
 which accordingly fucceeded ; for he was reftored to his former place in the 
 
 Royal 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries, 
 
 7 1 
 
 Royal Council of Caflile, from which he was fo long kept our, that when he 
 came to be reftored, he was then the moft ancient Member of all that Council, 
 and in this condition I found him when I was at the Court of Madrid in the year 
 ij<Ji. And befides this favour of his reftauration, he had other rewards given 
 him in recompence for his hard ufages and fervices performed in Peru in conferva- 
 tion of the Imperial Authority •, and to his Son Don Antonio Vaca de Cafiro, who al- 
 io was a Knight of the Habit of St. fago (as his Father was) there was a Rent given 
 him of twenty thoufand pieces of Eight, out of fuch Lots or Divifions as he 
 ihould chufe and efleem of that value. I remember to have feen this Gentleman 
 at Nombre de Bios, as he palled in the Retinue of the Count de Nieva (who was 
 fent for Vice-king of that Kingdom in the year i ^60.) and went then to take pof- 
 feffionofthatEftate, which was the reward of his Father, who, to (peak without 
 flattery or partiality, was generally reputed to have been the beft Governour that 
 ever had pafled into thofe parts •-, as is agreed by all the three Hiftorians in the 
 characters which they give of him, there being not one ill a&ion for which they 
 blame him. And now let us return again to Peru, and relate what the Vice-king 
 Blafio Nttnnez was contriving all this time. 
 
 The Vice-king being retired ( as Carate reports in the fixteenth Chapter of his 
 Book ) with about an hundred and fifty men, at the time that Bachkao furprifed 
 the Ships in Turnkey he marched with them as far as the City of Qmtu, where 
 he was chearfully received, and his Souldiers re-inforced to the number of about 
 two hundred men, refolving to remain in that Countrey which yielded plenty of 
 provifions for the fubfiftence of his men, untill fuch time as he received farther 
 Orders and Inftructions from his Majefty : And taking good information of all 
 things that pafled from Diego Alvarez, de Cuero, he kept ftrong Guards, and Spies 
 on all the high Roads to inform himfelf of all the actions that Gon^alo Pigarro was 
 doing, though it is three hundred leagues diftant from Los Reyes to £uitu •, during 
 .which time four Souldiers, who were diflatisfied upon fome occafion with Pi$arro, 
 ftoal a Boat, and coafted all along the fhore from Los Reyes, by the help of their 
 Oars, untill they came to a fhore which was the neareft Sea to £>uitu -, where being 
 arrived, they informed the Vice-king of all paflagess how the People of Los Reyes 
 and other places were difcontented with the Government o&Piqarro, and with the 
 tyranny which he ufed towards them, ejecting fome out of their Houfes and 
 Eftates, impofing Souldiers on free-quarter upon them, and other burthens which 
 they were not able to fupport 5 of which they were fo weary that upon the leaft 
 appearance of any perfon who carried an authority from his Majefty they would 
 be ready to joyn with him, to caft off the yoke of that tyranny with which they 
 were opprefled. By which intelligence, and many other things which the Soul- 
 diers faid to him, the Vice-king being encouraged, refolved with the Forces he 
 had with him, to march from Siuitu by the way of St. Michaels, and made Diego 
 de Ocampo chief Commander thereof, who had from the very time that the Vice- 
 king came to Tumbez adhered to his Party, and affifted him with his Perfon and 
 Eftate, fupplying him with all things convenient and neceflary for his fervice, 
 wherein he fpent above forty thoufand pieces of Eight. In all thefe Adventures 
 Licenciado Alvarez accompanied the Vice-king, and held Courts with him by vir- 
 tue of his Majefty's Commiflion, by which it was provided, that the Vice-king 
 might hold Courts with the afliftence of one Co-afleflour untill fuch time as the 
 other Judges mould aflemble and joyn with them 5 and it was thus provided by that 
 claufe in cafes of mortality or other accidents : and in purfuance hereof he caufed 
 a new Seal to be delivered to fohn Leon, one of the Juftices of Los Reyes, whom 
 the Marquis of Camarafa, Lord High Chancellour of Ca$orla, or of the Indies, had 
 nominated and elected to be Chancellour of that Court wherein the Vice-king 
 prefided, he being revolted to him from Pigarro •, fo that all Commiffions, War- 
 rants and Orders iflued out from thence under the Name and Title of Don Carlos 
 the Emperour, with the Royal Seal affixed to them, and counterfigned by Alv*- 
 rez, ; fo that now there being two Courts in Peru, one at Los Reyes and the other 
 with the Vice-king, it frequently happened that two different Orders for the fame 
 bufinefs came to be ferved at the fame time. Thus far is related by Carate. 
 
 CHAR 
 
jiz Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Two Captains o/~ Pi^arrCM Army kill three of tbofe belonging 
 to the Vice-kjng ; which is again revenged upon them, 
 Goncalo Picarro embarks for the City of Truxillo. 
 
 AVgufiine Car ate, proceeding forward in thecourfe of his Hiftory, faith, Thar 
 when the Vice-king was ready to depart from guitu he difpatched away his 
 Son-in-law, Diego Alvarez, de Cuero into Spain to inform his Majefty of all Affairs 
 that had palled, defiring him to fend him fome Succours whereby he might be 
 enabled to make War upon Goncalo Picarro ; and accordingly Cuero embarked on 
 the fame Fleet with Vaca de Caftro and Do&our Texada, as we have before declared- 
 In the mean time the Vice-king came to the City of St. Michael, which is about an 
 hundred and fifty leagues from Jguitu, where he refolved to remain, untill fuch 
 time as he received his Majefty's farther directions in thefe matters ; making ufe 
 of his Majefty's Name and Authority in the ftyle of all Letters and Orders 
 which he iflued : and this place be judged moft proper for his refidence, being 
 advantageoufly fituated in the common Road, through which all people muft go, 
 who come from Spain or other parts into Peru, and is a Pafs which cannot be avoi- 
 ded by fuch who travel with Horfes or other Beafts of burthen ■-, fo that by this 
 conftant concurrence or confluence of people his numbers every day increafed. 
 The Inhabitants of this Town were all very loyal and well-affeded to the Vice- 
 king, by which means, and by their kind reception and entertainment, his Soul- 
 diers increafed to the number of five hundred Horfe and Foot, moft of them in- 
 differently well armed, and fuch as wanted defenfive Arms made Corflets of Iron, 
 and Coats of Bulls Skins well dried and prefled. 
 
 At the fame time that Goncalo Picarro fent Captain Bachicao with his Brigan tine 
 to feife the Fleet of the Vice-king, he alfo difpatched two of his Captains by 
 
 Land Called Goncalo Diaz de Pinera and feronimo de Villegas to raife SouldierS in the 
 
 Cities of Truxtllo and St. Michael, where they remained with a Body of eight 
 hundred men, untill fuch time as being alarm'd with the approach of the Vice- 
 king, they quitted their Pofts and retreated within the Countrey, and quartered 
 in a Province called Collique, which is about forty leagues diftant from St. Michael, 
 from whence they gave intelligence to Pig arro of the Vice-king's march, and the 
 daily increafeof his Army, to which a flop ought fpeedily to be given before it pro- 
 ved too late. And whilft thefe Captains refided at that place, they had advice 
 that the Vice-king had fent a Captain called fohn de Prereyra to the Province of 
 Chachapoyof, to raife what men that Countrey afforded •, and by reafon that few 
 Spaniards inhabited in thofe parts, Picarro's Captains did imagine that Prereyra and 
 his men would remain fecure, and not dream of any danger , in confidence of 
 which they marched the very fame way after them, and one night feifed on their 
 Sentinels, and falling on them as they were deeping killed Prereyra and two 
 other principal Captains, whofe Heads they cut off j and then all thofe who were 
 with them, to the number of about fixty Horfemen, revolted for fear, and decla- 
 ring for Goncalo Picarro returned with his Captains to their Quarters. 
 
 The Vice-king/ greatly troubled for this difgrace and misfortune, refolved fpee- 
 dily to revenge it with the like return, and accordingly (allied privately out from 
 St. Michaeh with about an hundred and fifty Horfemen, and fell in upon the 
 Quarters of the Captains Goncalo Diaz and Villegas at Collique -, who having fome 
 few days before performed that late exploit, refted fecure from the apprehenfions 
 of any fuch return from their enemies. The affault which was made upon them 
 was fo fudden that they had no time to provide for their defence, or to put them- 
 felves in order to fight, but every one fhifted for himfelfas well as he could ■-, and 
 fo much were they fcattered abroad, that Goncalo' Diaz fled with very few into a 
 Province of the Indians, which was not conquered, where they arofe upagainft 
 
 him and killed him •-, Hernando de Alvarado incurred the like fate : but feronimo de 
 
 VillegM, rallying his people, marched into the Countrey 35 far as Truxillo, whilft 
 the Vice-king refided at St. Michael 
 
 Goncah 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 713 
 
 Gonfa/o Pifarro, having received advice of the defeat of his Captains, and that 
 the Vice-king daily increafed in numbers of his men, and ftrengthened in Arms 
 and Ammunition for War, concluded it neceflary with all poflible fpeed to de- 
 ftroy his Forces, before greater aid came to him from Spain and other parts of the 
 Indies, which would be landed at Tumpiz, or at the Ports thereabouts, towards which 
 places the Vice-king was drawing his Forces 5 and in the mean time he endeavou- 
 red to intercept all Packets of Advice from Spain, and from his Majefty, the want 
 of which would greatly difcourage the minds of the enemy : with this refolution, 
 he prepared all things for a Battel, on the fuccefs of which he intended to hazard 
 his fortune in cafe the enemy would (land to it ; and accordingly Orders were 
 iflued out to the Captains, the Souldieis received their pay, the Horfe were com- 
 manded to march before to Tmxillo, and Picarro himfelf with the chief of his 
 Commanders remained behind to bring up the Rere. 
 
 About this time a Brigantine from Arequepa arrived in the Port of Lima, which 
 brought an hundred thoufand pieces of Eight for account of Picarro .- at the fame 
 time alfo came in another Ship from the Continent, belonging to Gon^alo Manel, 
 and which brought his Wife, Children and. Family to be thence conveyed to Cozco 
 where his habitation was. This happy accident fo encouraged Picarro and his 
 Party, that they grew very high and infolent thereupon, and, as if' fortune had ' 
 been on their fide, they believed the whole world was their own. Thus far Au- 
 guftinc de Carate, to which Diego Fernandez adds, that they became fo proud, and 
 made fuch vain boaftings, that fome talked as if Goncak Picarro was to take upon 
 him the Title and Crown of a King •-, arguing in his favour, that all Kings and 
 Governours took their original and beginning by force =, that the Nobility of the 
 world defended from the haughty and unjuft Cain, and the poor and meek from 
 Abel : that it plainly appeared in Heraldry which blazes the Efcutcheons of great 
 men that their Arms contain nothing but Weapons of War and Tyranny. Fran- 
 cifio de Carvajal was much of this opinion, and in confirmation hereof, he defired 
 that the OldTeftament fhould be reviewed, and the laft Will of Adam there confu- 
 ted, whether therein he bequeathed the Kingdom of Peru to Charles the Emperour 
 or to the Kings of Cafiile. All which Goncak Picarro hearkned unto with much 
 fatisfaclion, being pleafed to hear the flatteries of his Abettors. Thefe are the 
 words of Diego Fernandez, which I have extra&ed verbatim out of the thirty fourth 
 Chapter of his firft Book. 
 
 On the Veflels which lately came into Lima Gongalo Picarro laded great quantities 
 of Arms and Ammunition, and thereon (hipped an hundred and fifty feled Soul- 
 diers. And to give the better countenance and authority to his Affairs, he<:ar- 
 ried Do&our Cepeda, one of the Judges, with him, as alfo John de Caceres the Ac- 
 countant General, fo that by the departure of Cepeda the Court of Juftice was dif- 
 iolved, there remaining no other Judge at Los Reyes befides Cepeda ; and farther 
 to prevent the coming forth of other Orders or Warrants, Picarro carried the Roy- 
 al Seal with him. And becaufe the City of Los Reyes was a place of great impor- 
 tance to him, he thought fit to confide it in the hands of fome faithfull perfon, 
 whom he could truft, and accordingly made choice of one Lorenzo de Aldana, to 
 whom he delegated the Government of the City, being a prudent, wife and dif- 
 creet Gentleman, and one who was very rich, having a great Eftate and intereft 
 in Arequepa, with whom he left eight hundred men for guard and fafety of the Ci- 
 ty •, and Picarro went attended with all the Inhabitants of the City, and Gentle- 
 men who had any command over the Indians, and took (hipping in the month of 
 March 1547, and failed to Port Santa, which is about fifteen leagues from Tru- 
 xillo, where he landed and remained fome days untill his other Forces could come 
 up, becaufe it was a time of the year when the paftnrage was green and well 
 grown •, but left he mould opprefs and burthen the Spaniards by his long abode 
 there, he removed his Camp to the Province of Collique, where he remained for 
 fome time, untill his Forces could come up to him •-, and then making a general 
 Mufter of his Men, it appeared on the Mufter-rolls that his numbers amounted 
 unto more than fix hundred men, Horfe and Foot : and though the Vice-king 
 was equal in number, yet Picarro had much the advantage both in his Arms and 
 preparations for War, and in his Men, who were for the moft part veterane Soul- 
 diers, trained up to War, had been in many Battels, and feen much of A&ion ; 
 and befides, they knew the Countrey and the difficult paflages of it, and were 
 accuftomed to the dangers and labours of War, and had been pra&ifed therein 
 
 Y y y y ever 
 
 
yiA Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 ever fince the Spaniards entred firft upon the conqueft of that Empire -, and on the 
 contrary, the Souldiers of the Vice-king were all nevv-raifed men, lately come 
 out of Spain, not trained to the War, poor, ill-habited and armed, and their pow- 
 der bad, belides other wants which were amongft them. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 The great preparations and provifions made by Gon^alo Pi- 
 carro to pafs a Vefart. He faces the Vice-kings Forces, 
 who retreated to Quitu. The good and prudent Conducl 
 of Lorenzo de Aldana. 
 
 GOng ah Pigarro, being in the Province of Co/Uque and in the parts thereabouts, 
 made all the provifions he could for the fubfiftence of his Army ; for he was 
 to travel over a hot, dry, fandy Defart of twenty leagues over, where was neither 
 Water nor any other refrefhment. And becaufe Water was the moft neceflary of 
 any thing in that hot and dry paflage, he fummoned in all the Indians of thofe. 
 parts round, to bring all their Pails, Buckets and Jarrs for Water, and commanded 
 that the Indians who were appointed for the Carriages of the Army, mould leave 
 all the Souldiers Clothes and other Baggage behind, to carry Water and Provifi- 
 ons which were neceflary for the fupport of Man and Beaft. In this manner the 
 Indians were laden without any other incumbrance than that of Water ; and twen- 
 ty five Horfemen were fent before by the common Road, who were to give our, 
 in cafe they met with the Scouts of the Vice-king's Army, that Gongalo Pigarro 
 was coming in perfon through the Defert that way, but that the reft of his Army 
 had taken the other Road. In this manner they travelled, every Horfeman carry- 
 ing the provision of his own Horfe behind him. The Vice-king, who had his 
 Spies upon both the Roads, received advice of the approach of the Enemy fome 
 time before they came $ upon which an alarm was given, and it was faid that they 
 would go out and give them Battel : but fo foon as his Forces were brought toge- 
 ther, they marched out of the City to the fide of a Hill called Caffa, from whence 
 they haftned away with all the fpeed they were able ■■, of which Gongalo Pigarro re- 
 ceiving intelligence about four hours after, he made no ftay at St. Michael's, not 
 fo much as to enter the Town or recruit his Provifions, but without ftop or delay 
 purfued after the Enemy, and that night travelled eight leagues, where overtaking 
 them he took many Prifoners, feifed all the Baggage of the Camp, hanged feveral 
 whom they thought fit ; and paffing over rocky and almoft unacceffible ways 
 without refrefhments, they took Prifoners every day, who for want of firength 
 lagged behind. 
 
 Then Letters were wrote and fent by Indians to feveral perfons of Quality in 
 the Vice-king's Camp, promifing Pardon and great Rewards to any perfon who 
 fhould kill him-, the which feived to create jealoufies and fufpicions amongft 
 thofe who were joyned with the Vice-king, every one being afraid of each other? 
 which fufpicions proved of fatal confequence, and (as we have mentioned before) 
 were the caufe of many a man's death-, for the Libels which were caft abroad, 
 which none would own or juftifie, feived howfoever to create jealoufies in the 
 mind of the Vice-king, and made him afraid of his own People, not knowing 
 whom to truft of thofe who were about him. And though it is certain, that 
 neither Gongalo Picarro, as all Authours agree, did ever give order to kill the Vice- 
 king, or that the Vice-king did plot in the like nature againft Picarro 5 yet in all 
 Civil Wars, jealoufies and fears are natural to the minds of men. ' And thus Gon- 
 calo Picarro having purfued the Vice- king through Mountains, Defarts and unin- 
 habited places without provifions or refrefhments (for we may believe, that rhe 
 Vice-king carried all away with him) he came at length to a Province called 
 Ajahmca, where he ftay'd to refrefh his men, who were much tired and harafled 
 wich their hard marches in want of all things neceflary, fo that here they gave i 
 
 over 
 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 715 
 
 over the purfuit of rhe Enemy, who were lb far advanced- before them, that it 
 was impoffible to overtake them. And having refrefhed his men in Ayahuaca as 
 well as he could, he marched away in good order by the fame way that the Vice- 
 king had pafled ; where in the way they picked up fome of the Vice-king's 
 people, who were tired, and not able, by weaknefs to follow his Camp, and 
 others, who out of fome difcontent had deferred his Party : but as to the Vice- 
 king, with fuch as were with him, he purfued his march towards the City of 
 Jguitu, which is fituated in a Countrey plentifull of all provifions for refremment 
 of his men, who were much tired and weakned for want of neceflary Food. Af- 
 ter fome little repofe and refreihment taken, Pigarro continued his purfuit, though 
 by his long flay he was far caft behind : howfoever as he pafled he took feveral of 
 the Vice-king's men, who lagged in the rere, which he refuted to entertain in his 
 fervice, either becaufe he was fufpicious of them, or becaufe he had more men 
 than provisions, and needed no additional forces againft the weaknefs of his Ene- 
 my : but fuch as he took of them he fent away either to Tmxilh, Los Reyes or 
 any other part, according to every man's choice -, but men of note and quality he 
 hanged up. The pt :>ple who were thus permitted to return unto their homes, 
 reported all things where they pafled in favour of the Vice-king, and in difparage- 
 ment of Pigarro, whom they reprefented as cruel and tyrannical 5 which moft per- 
 fons believed, becaufe they efteemed the caufe of the Vice-king to be juft and 
 loyal : And whereas the people who refide in that Province are more defirous of 
 news and changes than in other places, becaufe they are Souldiers, which are idle, 
 and give themfelves to no bufinefs or employment, and therefore entertain dif- 
 courfes of State Affairs with much variety and pleafure in their talk : And on the 
 contrary, Citizens and men of bufinefs are averfe from the War, becaufe they are 
 harafled therewith, and fubjecled to the infolence of Souldiers, and though they 
 intermeddle not in Affairs, yet they are liable upon every little occafion to be 
 queftioned by him who Governs, and be put to death, that their Eftates being 
 confifcated he may gratifie his Followers and Faction with them ; and therefore 
 having thefe fears, every one talked and difcourfed of news. Thefe rumours were 
 (b common and loud that they came to the ears of Pigarro and his Rulers in their 
 refpedtive Jurifdiftions ; to fupprefs which reports in all places, and more efpeci- 
 ally at Los Reyes, where the greateft confluence of people was, many were hanged 
 by Warrant from an ordinary Juftice, called Pedro Martin de Cicilia, who was ve- 
 ry zealous in the caufe o£ Gong ah Pigarro and for the fuccefs of his Affairs. For as 
 to Lorengo de Aldana, who was his chief Deputy there, he was cautious and wary 
 how he intermeddled in matters, for which he might be called into queftion in cafe 
 the tide of Affairs fhould turn 5 but behaved himfelf with that moderation as pre- 
 vented the effufion of bloud, and confifcation of Eftates 5 and for the whole time 
 of his Government he kept things in fuch order, that, though he afted by Com- 
 miffion under Picarro, yet, he never did any thing partial or againft Law in his 
 favour, but rather protected thofe who were inclined to the Vice-king's Party ; 
 who being fenfible of his favour, flocked from other Provinces to take refuge un- 
 der him ; of which the Zealots for Pigarro taking particular notice, efpecially the 
 High Conftable of the City called Chrifiopher de Burgos teftified great difpleafure 
 thereupon •, for which Lorengo de Aldana feverely reproved him, and gave him ve- 
 ry hard words publickly before the people, and on farther provocation clapt him 
 into Prifon. Of all which, though Gongah Pigarro received certain intelligence, 
 yet, he diflembled the matter, judging that, being far diftant, it would not be 
 convenient to revoke his Commiffion, becaufe he was ftrong in Souldiers, which 
 were with him, and had gained the affections and good will of the people in that 
 City. Thus far are the words oS. Auguftine Car ate. 
 
 Yyyy 2 CHAP. 
 
16 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 Goncjalo Pi$arro ft ill continuing to purfue the Vice- king , 
 both Armies fujlain great famine and hardjbip in their 
 jnarch. The violent death of the Vice-kings Major Ge- 
 neral and Captains. 
 
 GOn$alo Pifarro {till continuing to purfue the Vice-king , relblved totally to 
 defeat his whole Force 5 and accordingly , for better expedition , detached 
 about fifty fele& Horfemen under the command of Francifco de Carvajal, to fall 
 in upon the rere of the Enemy , whilft himfelf Tollowed the main body of the 
 Army. On the other fide, he lent Orders to Hernando Bachicao , who was then on 
 the Coaft, to leave his Ships at Tumpiz under a good Guard, and to march with 
 what Forces he had, to join with his at JJjhV ». And having given thefe Orders he 
 continued the purfuit , giving courage and fpirit to Carvajal 5 who knew that he 
 mould be well feconded in a very lhort time. In the mean time the Vice-king 
 encouraged his people, and having marched eight Leagues in one day, they difpo- 
 fed themfelves to reft , fuppofing that they were got far out of the reach of their 
 Enemies ■■, but Francifco de Carvajal who flept not , fell into their quarters about 
 four hours in the night ; and gave them the firft allarum with his own Trumpet. 
 The Vice-king immediately arofe , and rallying his people together as well as 
 he could, drew them into a poflure of defence, and fo marched away : Carvajal 
 following clofe upon their heels, took fome of the Foot, who lagged in the rere; 
 but (0 foori as it was day , that they could take a view of each other, the Vice- 
 king perceiving the fmall number , drew out his men to give them battel , and di- 
 vided his Body, confifting of a hundred and fifty men, into two divifions or fijua- 
 drons: but Carvajal, not being willing to engage on fach difadvantages, founded a 
 Retreat : upon which the Vice-king drew off his men , and proceeded on his 
 march •, bur, alas ! with little comfort, for his men were periming with travail 
 and famine , and their Horfes fo faint for want of grafs and provender , that they 
 were not fit for a march : wherefore the Vice king , commiferating the condition 
 of his men , told them , that if any one of them were defirous to remain behind, 
 he freely gave them their difcharge, but not a man of them accepted thereof, but 
 laid , that they would rather die with him, than defert him: fo they marched 
 day and night without deep, or repofe, or fuftenance, or any refreshment. In 
 the mean time intelligence was given to Gon^alo Pifarro of what had palled between 
 the Vice- king and Carvajal 3 of which fome who were Enemies to Carvajal made 
 ufe , to dilparage his Conduct , faying , that it was in his power to have defeated 
 the whole force of the Enemy at that time , having furprized them as they were 
 lleeping and at reft : and I find that fome Hillorians^ object this matter againft 
 him as a point of neglect : but I , who knew the peribn of the man , am of an- 
 other opinion , and have heard from many well experienced in the War , that 
 fince the time of Julius Cafar , there hath not been a greater Souldier than he , the 
 truth is , and fo all Hiftorians report , that the Vice-king being a hundred and fif- 
 ty to fifty, that is, three to one, it was prudence in him not to adventure on fuch 
 a difadvantageous undertaking, but rather to make a Bridge of Silver for defpe- 
 rate men to efcape over. Moreover fome fay he had no Commi(Iion to engage , 
 or to hazard his men •, but in military matters it is hard to cenfure great Captains, 
 who better underftand the lecret of their affairs than Strangers can do. Howfo- 
 ever the matter was, Goncalo Pic-arro reinforced him with two hundred men more, 
 which he lent under the command of Licenciado Carvajal, by which auxiliary force 
 they aliarum'd and purfued the Vice-king untill he came to the Province , and 
 people called Ayahuaca, feizing every day fome of their Men, Horfes and Baggage, 
 io that by tire time he came to Ayahuaca, he had fcarce eighty Men remaining of 
 all his number ; howfoever he proceeded forward to SZmtu , where he hoped 
 to find Provifion for his Men. In the like (traits alio was the Army of PUarro , 
 
 J who 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. yly 
 
 who being almoft famifhed with hunger , were forced to kill and eat their Horles 
 for want of luftenance, and indeed were in greater neceffities than the Vice-king's 
 Souldiers , becaufe Blafco Nunnez, , wherefoever he came , destroyed every thing 
 which he thought might be of benefit to the Enemy which followed him. In this 
 purfuit, the principal that were taken, were put to death by Carvajd -, namely , 
 
 Montoya an Inhabitant of Pisra, Brizenno of Puerto, Veiejo, Raphael Vela, and One 
 
 Baltafar. And farther to re- in force Caruajal, fixty Horfe were lent under the com- 
 mand of Captain foha Acofta, confifting of the moft felecl and choice Souldiers 
 that were in his Army, by which the Vice-king was ftraitned to the laft extremi- 
 ty =, which Diego Fernandez, , in the fourty firft Chapter of his Book , exprefles in 
 thefe words. 
 
 Thus did the Vice-king, fays he, march day and night with the fmall remainder 
 of his Forces; and rinding no other proviiions in many places, than onely a few 
 Herbs and Roots, did often , in defpair and fury, curfe the Countrey and the day 
 in which he entred into it ; and the people who were lent to him from Spain, that 
 had fo bafely deferred and betrayed him : but fohn de Acofta, who was lately come, 
 and his Men fielb prefled him fo hard, that he came clofe to him a little before 
 his arrival at his quarters of Calva ; where coming fomething late , and having 
 marched hard, he thought he had time enough to take fome little repofe. But 
 fohn de Acofta beating up his quarters about break of day, fell upon the Front with 
 fuch a furprize , that he took many of their Men and Baggage , onely the Vice- 
 king had time to make his efcape with about feventy of his beft Horfe. After 
 which fohn de Acofta made a retreat , and returned to the main Body , fuppofing 
 that there was little more to be done upon the Enemy. By which means the 
 poor Vice-king tyred and famiihed came to the Province and his quarters in Cal- 
 va. And in regard two of his Captains, namely, ferom'mo de la Sema and Gajpar 
 G7/ advanced with their Companies and Colours before him , he fanfied that they 
 went with intention to poffefs a certain pafs on the way •, which when he was at 
 Pittra , he had lent before , and caufed to be made of Timber with great labour , 
 upon a thick rock hanging over a river near fambo Blanco in the Province of Am- 
 boca ; which being broken down would require fqme time to repair , and having 
 a fufpicion that thefe Men went before to poflefe this Pafs , and by fuch a piece 
 of fervice to reconcile themfelves with Pigan • he refolved to prevent them by 
 taking away their lives , and accordingly he put it m execution , caufing their 
 throats to be cut during the little fpace e' lejfure which the Enemy had given 
 him : fo that now marching with a little more esfe and fecurity than before , he 
 came at length to Tomebamba 5 where having taken up bis quarters, he executed 
 another piece of cruelty on his Major Geneial Rodrigo de Ocairpo •, for though untill 
 that time he had efteemed him to be his intimate and faff friend ; yet the like 
 melancholy fancy of fufpicion and jealoufie entering into his head , as did of the 
 other two Captains , he incurred the fame deft iny as they did , though they had 
 followed and attended him in all his misfortunes. 
 
 The death of thefe perfons caufed various Di<courfes and Judgements in Peru, 
 fome condemning, and others excufing the Vice-king therein. From Tomebamba 
 Blafco Nunnez, proceeded till he came to Sjfttu, without interruption, and with- 
 out that want and fcarcity under which he formerly laboured. And having in his 
 way to jQuitfi received informations againft Francifco de Olmos , that he and others 
 who came from Puerto Vteja had been the Authours of falle reports, to the dilfer- 
 v\cz of his Majefty •, he no fooner came to the City, but he examined the truth 
 of thofe informations which were brought againft thole who came from Puerto Vi- 
 ejo ■, the which being proved, he confulted the matter with Licenciado Alvarez,,at\d 
 then immediately executed Juftice upon them, cutting off the heads of fome, and 
 hanging others , under the Notion of Tray tors to the King-, amongft thofe who 
 fuffcred were Ahiaro de Carvajal, Captain Hojeda and Gomez, Eftacio : but upon far- 
 ther proof of the innocence of Francifco de Olmos, he fpared his life. Thus far is 
 
 related by Diepo Fernandez. Palentino : but Lopez, de Gomarra, in chap. 1 68. writing 
 
 of the death of thofe Captains, gives us this account, which is extracted verbatim 
 out of his Book in t ! iefe words. 
 
 Pjptrro lent fdbe de Acofta with fixty light Horfemen in purfuit of Blafco Nunmz,, 
 
 to engage him, or force him to a hafty retreat, accordingly he marched to Tome- 
 bamba with fear and trouble , and in want of all things : and having a fufpicion , 
 that Jcronimo de h Sema and G.ifpar Gil , who were two Captains of his , kept a 
 
 private 
 
yi8 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 private correfpondence with Picarro , he caufed them to be run through with a 
 Lance : though it is faid for certain, that they were not guilty, at lead Plgarfo ne- 
 ver received Letters from them : and about the fame time alfo, and upon the like 
 fufpicion he caufed Rodrigo de Ocampo to be (tabbed with a Dagger ; though he 
 was innocent of that Treafon of which he was fufpeded ■-, and in reality deferved 
 highly from him, having adhered faithfully to him in all his Troubles : And be- 
 ing COme to Quitu, he gave Orders to Licenciado Alvarez, to hang up Gomez Ffia- 
 
 cio and Alvaro de Carvajal, who were Citizens of Guayaquil, pretending that they 
 had a Confpiracy to take away his life, &c. Thus far Gomara. 
 
 This great effufion of Bloud and Slaughter gave much caufe of offence to the 
 people of Peru , who every where fpoke againft the Vice-king and his Caufe 5 
 laying, that he was not a man to be dealt with , who thus upon every light occa- 
 fion, or the lead fufpicion could put men to deatli 5 and therefore many fell off 
 from his party , and denyed him the alfidence they otherwife defigned him , for 
 fear of incurring the like fate with others. 
 
 But now, leaving the Vice-king in J£uitu, zndGoncalo Picarro in purfuit of him, 
 we (hall relate the fucceffes of thofe Affairs which palled in the Kingdom of J2»i- 
 tu, with what happened in the Province of the Charcot, which are Coun treys above 
 feven hundred Leagues didant each from the other, and are the utmod confines 
 of Peru : which is wonderfull to confider that thefe quarrels mould extend fo far, 
 as to influence Affairs at fo far a didance. . 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 The death of Francifco de Almendras. The InfurreRion 
 of Diego Centeno. The Oppofition which Alonfo de 
 Toro made againft it : and the defeat he gave him. 
 
 WE have already mentioned, how that many of the Inhabitants of the City 
 of Plate, whom the Vice-king had fummoned to come in to his affidence, 
 were actually on their way to him, but hearing of his Imprifonment, they retur J 
 ned to their own homes. We have alfo faid, That Goncalo Picarro had fent Fran-- 
 cifio de Almendras with Commiffion to be his Deputy 5 knowing him to be a 
 perfon truely zealous and affectionate to his Caufe ; and indeed he (hewed him- 
 felf really fo to be 5 for having information, that a principal Gentleman of that 
 place called Don Gomez, de Luna , ihould fay in his houfe , that it was impoffible, 
 but that one day the Emperour would reign in Peru, he prefently took him , and 
 clapt him up in the common prifon, with a drong Guard upon him : but the Cor- 
 poration of the City made feveral Addrefles in his behalf which were reje&ed by 
 Francifco de AlmendrM-; with fome kind of ill language , which a certain perfon ta- 
 king notice of, boldly replyed, that if he would not releafe him, they would : at 
 which Almendras though highly offended, concealed his difpleafure for a while', and 
 at midnight, went in perfon to the prifon, and there drangled Bon Gomez, and draw- 
 ing his body to the Market-place, cut off his Head, and there left the Corpfe: The 
 Inhabitants were fo greatly offended hereat, as Carate in the ^th Chap, of his 20th 
 Book relates, that the fenle thereof was general, and edeemed to be a common con- 
 cernment -, and particularly one called Diego Centeno •, who was a Native of the Ci- 
 ty. Rodrigo took it much to heart, having had a particular friendfhip for Gomez. And 
 though this Centeno followed the party of Picarro when he made his fird Infurrec- 
 tion, and followed him from Cozco to Los Reyes, having great intered in the Army, 
 and a Plenipotentiary for the Province of the Cbarcas .- yet afterwards, difcovering 
 the evil deiigns and intentions of Picarro, he obtained leave from him to return 
 to his own edate, and his Command over Indians, where he quietly refided un- 
 till fuch time as this unhappy death of Gomez fell out, which fird moved him to 
 ufe the bed means he was able to free the Lives and Edates of that people from 
 the opprefllon and tyranny of Francifco de Almendras : in order whereunto he com- 
 municated his defign to the principal Inhabitants of that Countrey, namely, Lope 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. yio 
 
 de Mendoga, Alonfo Perez de Efquivel, Alonfo de Camargo, Hernan Nunnez de Sagura, 
 Lope de Mendiera , John Ortiz de Curate his Brother , with other perfons in whom 
 he repofed a confidence-, who being aflembled together, they agreed that the one- 
 ly way was to kill Francifco de Jlmendras, which accordingly they put in execu- 
 tion one Sunday morning at his own houfe , (tabbing him in divers places juft as 
 ne was going forth to hear Mafs 3 and being not quite dead , they drew him out 
 into the Market-place, and there cut off his Head. Nor was there much fear that 
 any great tumult would follow hereupon amongft the people , becaufe Almendras 
 was generally hated and ill fpoken of in all parts. In his place Diego Centeno was 
 named Captain General , who alfo gave Commiflions to feveral other Captains 
 both of Horfe and Foot, and with great diligence raifed Men, and provided Arms 
 and other things neceflary for War ■-, and to hinder all intelligence from coming 
 to the Enemy, he fet Watches and Guards upon the ways. And moreover he 
 
 fcnt Lcpe de Mendo^aXQ Arequepa, to feize, if pofllble, upon Pedro de Fuentes,who re- 
 mained there with Character of Lieutenant Governour to Goncalo Pifarro .- but 
 this matter was not carried fo covertly , but de Fnemes received timely Advices 
 thereof, by means of the Indians who were in the Charcot , upon which he aban- 
 doned the City , and Lope de Mendoca entred therein and poffeffed himfelf of the 
 People, Arms, Horfes, with what Money he could find 5 and fo he returned to 
 joyn with Diego Cemeno , who was then at the Villa de Plata, and there they made 
 up a Body of two hundred and fifty Men well armed and appointed in all refpecls. 
 And being now aflembled together, Diego Centeno made them a long Difcourfe of 
 all matters which had paffed from the beginning of the Troubles untill that time? 
 he condemned the proceedings of Goncalo Pifarro , putting them in mind of the 
 many Slaughters he was guilty , and of the Bloud he fpik of thofe who preten- 
 ded to doe fervice to the King : and now by menaces and force of Arms he had 
 caufed himfelf to be ftyled Governour of that Empire , and that he had poffef- 
 fed himfelf not onely of his Majefty's revenue , but of the Eftates of particular 
 Men , from whom he had taken away their Indian plantations , and appropriated 
 them to himfelf; and that he had encouraged men to fpeak things in derogation 
 of his Majefty's Authority ; to which he added many other things, which he ob- 
 jected againft Pigarro : and in the conclufion he put them in mind of the duty 
 which good Subjects ought to bear towards their Prince , and the danger of deny- 
 ing their allegiance : the which reafons Diego Centeno urged Co home that the peo- 
 ple unanimoufly agreed thereunto , and frankly offered to follow his Commands 
 in what enterprize foever he fljould employ them. 
 
 And to keep this matter the more fecret , care was taken to intercept all corre- 
 fpondences and intelligence which might pafs by the way to CSfee* , untill fuch 
 time as he had made his full recruit of Men , Horfe, Powder , and other ammu- 
 nition for War 3 and yet notwithftanding all this care and caution, it was impof- 
 fible to hinder or obftrudt the intelligence which by means of the Indian MefTen- 
 gers was difpatched to Cozco 3 and a hundred Leagues farther to the Northward 
 
 toward Los Reyes ; though Alonfo de Toro who was an Officer belonging to Goncalo 
 
 Picarro did all that he was able to intercept Advices 3 and to that end had lent 
 a hundred Men to poffefs the pafs and obftrucl: all intelligence, and the paffage 
 of the Vice-king towards Cozco. And here it was that Alonfo de Toro received the 
 
 frit news of the Infurredion of Diego Centeno and the death of Francifco de Almen- 
 
 dr.u 5 together with the number of Men, and Horfe, and Ammunition 5 and all 
 other matters which untill that time had palled ^ which the Indians in a particu- 
 lar manner related to him. So foon as Alonfo de Toro received thefe informations 
 he immediately repaired to Cozco, where having levied Men , he perfuaded the 
 Citizens and Governours of the City to engage themfelves in the Caufe of Picar- 
 ro againft Diego Centeno 3 telling them, that with the help and affiftence of thofe 
 Souldiers, Horfe and Arms, which were then in the City , he intended to go forth 
 ,nd fight him : And moreover to juftifie the righteoufnefs of his Caufe, he told 
 hem that this Diego Centeno was a mere Impoftor, who had no right, nor title, nor 
 authority on his fide-, and that being moved onely by his own intereft and pri- 
 vate advantage with colour and pretence of his Majefty's fervice, had inveigled 
 many people to follow his Colours 3 whenas in reality Goncalo Picarro was the 
 onely true and lawfull Governour of thofe Kingdoms 3 intending to keep them 
 n quietnefs, and peace, and fafety, untill fuch time onely as that his Majefty fhould 
 leclare his fenfe and pleafure in thefe matters: and therefore that the Infurredion 
 
 made 
 
 

 r 
 
 7 2 o Royal Commentaries, Bo o k I V. 
 
 made by Diego Centeno was not to be juftified , but rather oppofed by all good i i 
 men who withed well to the publick peace and fecurity of the people. And : 
 moreover , to juftifie the Caufe of Pkarro , he admonilhed them to call to mind j 
 the Merits of Gone, ah Pi$arro , and the good Services he had done for all the peo- 1 
 pie and Souldiers of the Empire , by refcuing them from the execution of thole 
 new Laws and Regulations which would have proved their mine 5 to perform 
 which he had adventured and expofed his perfon to the greateft dangers , for no 
 other reafon, than for the publick benefit and welfare of the people. For it was| 
 manifeft to all the World, that if the late new Statutes and Regulations had ta- 
 ken place , no Inhabitant could have enjoyed any Eftate , and fo have been dif- 
 abled from quartering Souldiers , and consequently they could never have fubfi- 
 fted, fo that both one and the other had obligations on them to favour the 
 Caufe and Intereft of Picarro .- for as to what concerned himfelf, he had never 
 oppofed his Majefty's Laws and Commands-, but in way of a Supplicant went 
 with his Petition to the Vice-king 5 but before he could come to him , finding 
 him to be imprifoned and banifhed by proceffes from the Court of Judicature, he 
 conceived he might juftly fet up his own title to be Governour during that va- 
 cancy. And in cafe he did at any time aft againft the Vice-king, it was by or- 
 der and warrant from the Royal Court of Juftice 5 an evidence whereof they 
 might fee before their eyes , if they were pleafed to caft them on Licenciado cv- 
 peda then prefent with Pigarro, and was the moft ancient Judge of that Court.: fr 
 Nor ought there to be any queftion, whether the Judges , as the cafe then ftood , 
 were able to confer this Power upon him or not; and if the matter be doubtfull, 
 men ought to expeft his Majefty's determination therein ; and in the mean time 
 acquiefce in the Government of ti^asra, who hath given fufficient proofs of his -.:,: 
 great abilities to fupport the burthen of fo important' a Charge, which he may ir? : 
 juftly challenge upon the fcore and merit of his brothers and himfelf, who have; Uu 
 gained the Empire with great labours and hazards of their lives 5 and indeed none \«. 
 feems more fit and proper for that emploiment than himfelf who is acquainted ser.e 
 with the Merits of all the Adventurers with him in the Conqueft 5 and accor- Ai 
 dingly knows in what manner to reward and gratifie every man according to his ^ i 
 deferts ■-, which is impoflible for others to doe , who are Strangers , and newly ,•< , 
 come from Spain. :_.., 
 
 With this and fuch kind of reafoning, delivered in his fierce and angry manner *•*■■ 
 of expreflion, he caufed himfelf to be obeyed ■-, for none daring to oppofe or con- .-, 
 tradid him , they all inclined to join with him againft Diego Centeno. Thus did ►;;■-, 
 Alonfo de Tore raife Forces and appoint Captains over them, and to mount his Men :;,- 
 he took all the Horfes in the City which belonged to perfons that were aged and • /?. 
 infirm •, fo that in a fhort time he had gathered almoft three hundred Men indiflfe- m-, 
 rently well armed •, and with them marched about fix Leagues from Cokco towards »;'-■ 
 the Southward : where he remained for the fpace of twenty days for want of In- £". 
 telligence of the Enemy's motion 3 at length, being impatient, and fearing that he »•-" 
 loft his time, he marched forwards , and came within twelve leagues of the place , 
 where Diego Centeno was quartered, who having divided his Forces into two parts, 
 made a retreat 5 howfoever Meffengers with Propofitions and Articles of peace 
 palled between both Parties with intention if poflible to bring matters to an ac- 
 commodation, but it foon appeared how great the difference was, and what little 
 hopes of compofition by the peaceable way of Treaty. 
 
 Wherefore Alonfo de Toro proceeded with intent to give battel to the Enemy : 
 but Diego Centeno and his Officers thought it not prudence to adventure fo confide- ; . '" 
 rable a ftake , and a matter of that high moment , wherein his Majefty's fervice \y'. 
 was concerned to be decided by fuch a doubtfull event •, for if they were worfted, 
 they (hould be irrecoverably loft^ wherefore makinga retreat, and marching a- 
 way , they laded whole droves of Sheep with provisions of the Countrey , and 
 taking with them the Curacu, or Lords, of the Countrey, they left all parts be 
 hind them defolate , and without provifions or inhabitants , for the diftance of a 
 bove fourty leagues round. Howfoever Alonfo de Toro purfued after them , as far 
 as to the City of Plate, which is diftant at leaft a hundred and eighty leagues from 
 Cozco : but finding the Countries entirely difpeopled, without fuftenance or food, 
 by reafon that the Curacas had caufed all their Subjects to attend them on the 
 part of Centeno , and not being able to fuftain themfelves longer ■■, they relblved to 
 return back again to Cozco •, in which march Alonfo de Toro was to lead the Van 
 
 with 
 
 t: 
 

 Book IV. Koyal Commentaries. 721 
 
 with fifty Horfe , and Alonfo di Mendo$a was to bring up the Rere , and to cover 
 the main Body in cafe they fhould be attacked by Diego Centeno, and in this order 
 they marched to Cotco, where they all met. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 Diego Centeno purfues after Alonfo de Toro : great Jea- 
 losies and Fears arife in the City of Los Reyes. Lo- 
 renzo de Aldana pacifies and fupprefes them. Gon^a- 
 lo Pi^arro [ends his Major General Francifco de Carva- 
 jal into the Charcasj with what happened in h'vs way 
 thither. 
 
 THE return of Alonfo de Two towards Cozco was fpeedily made known to Die- 
 go Centeno by the intelligence which the Indians brought him •, at which he 
 much admired - 7 and conceived that this fudden turn from his late purfuit and di- 
 vifion of his Forces into three parts muft neceflarily be cauied by fome extreme 
 want, defect or inability amongft his people , in confidence whereof he detached 
 fifty of his beft and lighted Horfe under the command of Captain Lope de Jiten- 
 do$a, to purfue the Enemy, and take up the ftraglers, and fuch as remained in the 
 Rere. And accordingly Mcndo$a had the fortune to overtake about fifty Horfe- 
 men of them who were in the fecond detachment, all which he difmounted, and 
 took their Horfes and Arms from them •, though afterwards he reftored them a- 
 gain, upon promife to take their fide and join with them •, which good fuccefs 
 was obtained during the time that Alonfo de Mendoca continued in the City of 
 Plate. Some Hiftorians who favoured the Caufe of Alonfo de Toro, fay that he han- 
 ged feveral of them, though the number is not fpecified. After which Lope de 
 Mendoca returned again, to fet upon Alonfo de Mendo^ foras yet he had not quit- 
 ted the City of Plate •, but he having received advice of the late fuccefs, took ano- 
 ther way, and fo avoided him : in the mean time Diego Centeno coming to the Ci- 
 ty of Plate-, it was agreed to continue there for fome time, that the people might 
 ■ have an opportunity to come in to them , and make provision of Aims and ne- 
 ceflaries of which they Itood in need. The unexpected return of Alonfo de Toro to 
 Cezco Unprized all the City with great amazement •, and the rather, becaufe no 
 juft caufe or reafon appeaerd for fuch a diforderly retreat --, which had given courage 
 to the Enemy , that was low , and a little before weak and affrighted , to become 
 bold and daring, and to make an attack upon chem. All chefe fuccefiies were 
 ^.particularly known and difcourfed at Los Reyes $ and in regard there were people 
 of both parties in that place, and fuch as favoured the fide of the Vice-king 
 talked publickly, that they would goe forth and join with Diego Centeno ; to all 
 which Lorenco de Aldana feeming to give little regard, or to punifh or fupprefs fuch 
 who gave out thefe Difcourfes ; Gon$alo Pkarro concluded that he was one of that 
 Plot, and a Ringleader of that Faction. 
 
 With thefe apprehenfions feveral perfons went to Gon$ab Pifarro, and gave him 
 an account how freely people difcourfed of his Affairs : but when News came of 
 the defeat of the Vice-king , and his ftraitned and unhappy condition , the hearts 
 of that Party who declared for him began to fink, and the Faction of Pifarro to 
 « -rife and take courage •, fo that the principal Inhabitants of that City thought they 
 9 'might not lately make their Complaints to Loreco de Aldana againft certain ill-af- 
 fected perfons who daily uttered feditious words and reports, to the diflurbance 
 of the City, whom chey offered particularly to name, and bring their informati- 
 liBi-ons againft rhe r n ■-, to the end that they might be punifhed by death or banifh- 
 menr, as fheir Crimes deferved •-, to which Lorenzo de Aldana gave for anfwer, that 
 he was not informed of thofe matters before, but that now he would feverely pu- 
 nifh them, as the Law did direct. 
 
 Z z z z The 
 
722 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 The Informers , encouraged with this Anfwer, feifed upon fifteen perfons , and 
 brought them before the Chief Juftice Peter Martin de Cecilia, otherwife called Don 
 Benito, for he was called by both thofe names, who would have put them on the 
 wrack, and pafled fentence of condemnation on the leaft word of confeffion , fo 
 paflionately zealous he was for the Caufe of Picarro, but Lorenco de Aldana, who 
 was a Man of much more moderation, freed them from his hands, and fent them 
 to his own Lodgings , on pretence of fafer cuftody , where having allowed them 
 all things neceflary , he afterwards , under pretence of banithment , conveighed 
 them away upon a Ship which he had provided for them ; and under the Seal of 
 fecrecy gave them aflurances of his good intentions, to which they formerly had 
 not been ftrangers. But the Party of Picarro was not contented with this eafie 
 way of puniihment , but rather highly offended thereat •-, and therefore reprefen- 
 ted Lorenzo de Aldana unto Picarro, as a perfon inclined to the contrary Party 5 but 
 Pifarro feemed not willing to give ear thereunto , either becaufe he would not 
 believe him to be other than his friend 5 or that being fo far diftant from him as 
 Sluitn, thought it imprudent to manifeft his difpleafure and refentments againft a 
 perfon fo well beloved and generally efteemed by the people. By this time the 
 News of the Infurrection of Diego Centeno, with what had fucceeded in the Charcot 
 was come to the knowledge of Goncalo Picarro, who conceived it a matter of high 
 importance , and of a more dangerous confequence than the troubles at Los Reyes , 
 and therefore after confultation held with his Officers, he gave an immediate Com- 
 miffion to Francifio Carvajal to go and fupprefs thofe commotions •, in which refo- 
 lution the generality of all the Officers concurred , as being the mod brave and 
 raoft experienced Captain of the Army 5 though in reality, being weary of his un- 
 eafie temper they were defirous to be rid of him , that they might have the grea- 
 ter hand in the rule of affairs. Thus Carvajal with a feleft number onely of twen- 
 ty Horfe in whom he repofed the greateft confidence departed from the Con- 
 fines of Quitu, and came to St. Mchaefs , where outwardly he was received with 
 high demonftrations of honour and refpeft from the People. Howfoever he took 
 fix of the Chief Governours , and having feverely reproved them for their perfi- 
 dy and falfenefs to Goncalo Picarro , and for their affection and zeal to the Vice- 
 king ; he told them that he retblved once to put all their City to fire, and fword, 
 and not to leave one Man, Woman or Child alive therein : but confidering that 
 this was not an a<5t of the generality or of the common people, but onely of thofe 
 who were their Headsand Rulers ; he therefore refolved to punifh the fault and 
 crime in them, whom he efteemed to be the principal Inftruments •, and having 
 ordered them to make their Confeffion to the Prieft, he caufed one of them, who 
 was a Clerk, and had fealed the Warrants and Orders which the Vice-king had 
 fent abroad to be executed , but the others , by the earned Addrefles and Solici- 
 tations of their Wives and other Relations efcaped, and by the Prayers of Friars 
 and Priefts who earneftly interceded in their favour, obtained their pardon : how- 
 foever he banifhed them from the Province, confifcated their Indians , and fined 
 them in four thoufand pieces of Eight a piece-, thence he marched to Truxillo ga- 
 thering in his way all the Men and Money he was able : he laid Taxes on the peo- 
 ple, and gathered them in hafte, and then he pafled to Los Reyes, where he formed 
 a Body of above two hundred Men , and took the road to Cozco by way of the 
 defart , and being come to Huamanca , as fome Authours fay , he brought that 
 place under Tribute, and made them pay the Impositions which he laid upon 
 them. 
 
 Whilft thefe Matters were in agitation, there were defigns plotting in Lot Reyei 
 to take away the Life of Lorenzo de Aldana : for at that time people were fo unea- 
 fie and unquiet , that upon every fmall occafion they were ready to fly into a mu- 
 tiny , and confpire againft their Governours , for which the principal Authours 
 were put to death. And this was the third Plot which was contrived in Los Reyes, 
 which ended with the death of three or four of the chief Confpiratours, and of 
 five or fix more than in Huamanca, with Francifco de Carvajal, who being accufed 
 by thofe in Los Reyes , were upon their confeffion put to death. It was in Huaman- 
 ca alfo where Carvajal received the News of the retreat of Diego Centeno, and the 
 Attacques which Ahnfo de Toro had made upon him, and that he was returned vic- 
 torious to Cozco : upon which intelligence Carvajal thought it not neceflary to pro- 
 ceed farther ; confidering that Diego Centeno was retired : for which caufe, and be- 
 caufe he was not willing to meet with Ahnfo de Toro , he refolved to return to Ut 
 
 Reyes, 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. yio 
 
 Rga, and the rather, becaufe thele two great men were at odds, on occafion that 
 GongMo Pi$arro had taken from Alonfo de Toro his Office of Major-General, and con- 
 ferred it on Frandfco de Carvajal, on pretence that the other was (ickiy and infirm 
 which rendred him uncapable of that Charge •, but Carvajal was tcarce come to Los 
 Reyes before the news overtook him that Diego Centeno had paffed the Mountains 
 in purfuit of Alonfo de Toro, and that he had taken fifty of his men Prifoners, and 
 that they had revolted and taken up Arms on the Enemy's fide, and that Alonfo 
 de Mendo^i was retreated another way : upon this intelligence he refolved to turn 
 againft Diego Centeno, as he accordingly did, and took his way by Arequepa to 
 avoid meeting with Alonfo de Toro : notwithftanding which both Alonfo de Toro and 
 the Government of Cozco receiving advices thereof, wrote a joint Letter to Car- 
 vaj.il, deliring him to take Cozco in his way, for that it would feein a difparage- 
 ment to that City, (which was the Head of that Empire) to be neglected, and 
 that his Forces deligned againft Diego Centeno fhould feem to ittue out of Areqaepa 
 than from Cokco. Carvaj.il confented to their defire, rather from hopes of increa- 
 sing and augmenting his Forces in that City thin a deiire of compliance with their 
 requeft •, and lo liailning to Cozco, he, and Alonfo de Toro had a meeting with un- 
 kind looks and jea'.oufirs each of other, though outwardly and in publick their 
 enmities were not manifefted : howfoever the day following Carvajal took four 
 of the Citizens of Cozco, and without any intimation thereof to Alonfo de Tero, 
 hanged them up, which ferved to foment the quarrel and differences which were 
 between them. And now Carvajal having increafed his numbers to three hundred 
 men, all well armed and appointed, one hundred of which were Horfe, and the 
 relt Foot, he marched with them to Collao, where Diego Centeno was quartered, 
 and being come within ten leagues thereof, Centeno grounding an opinion on a 
 report, that the Souldiers of Carvajal were difcontented and -would not fighc but 
 revolt to his fide •, took an affurance one night with a Party of eighty men to beat 
 up the quarters of Carvajal, and accordingly came fo near that they could hear 
 one another fpeak : but he foon found himfelf deceived, for Carvajal put himfelf 
 in fo good a pofture to receive him, that every perfon was in order of Battel, nor 
 were the difcontents amongft the Souldiery fo great as were reported $ for other- 
 wife it had been impolfible for one fingle Man to have contained three hundred 
 in due obedience to him. 
 
 Howfoever it is moft certain, as all Authours agree, that Carvajal was ill belo- 
 ved by the generality, for he was very ill-natured and fevere towards his Souldiers, 
 paid them ill, and perhaps with nothing but bad words, and vvorfe performances: 
 but howfoever the (lory goes, it is ftrange that he ihould perform fuch great ac- 
 tions with men fo much difcontented, and who had evil wills and inclinations 
 towards him. It is certain that he was very cruel in his own nature, but not to 
 thole of his own Party 5 but to fuch as were Traitours, and revolted from his to the 
 contrary Party, like the Weaver's Shuttle from one fide to the other \ for which 
 realbn they were called Weavers: but we (hall fpeak more at large hereafter of 
 Carvajal, who mod certainly was a very brave Souldier, having been bred up un- 
 der that great Captain Gon$alo Fernandez de Cordoua, Duke of Sefa, and other re- 
 nowned Commanders of thofe times : but as to Diego Centeno, he perceiving that 
 matters did not fucceed according to his expectation, made his retreat in good 
 order, and (till defended himfelf with fome lofs, untill by degrees his Forces be- 
 ing diminimed, he was totally defeated. 
 
 ZZZ 2 
 
 CHAP, 
 
724 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 Carvajal continues his purfuit after Diego Centeno. A 
 jirange piece of Cruelty committed by him upon a Souldier^ 
 and a trick, which another plaid upon him. 
 
 SO foon as it was day Carvajal purfued the Enemy with his Foot drawn up ia 
 form of Battel, the Horfe advancing before to fall on them in the Rere : bat 
 Diego Centeno made his retreat good, and the night following, and for three or four 
 nights following he continually alarm'd Carvajal, in expectation that fome parties 
 would fall off from the Enemy and revolt unto him •-, but finding his hopes decei- 
 ved in that point, he got his Forces into faft places, and a&ed on the defenfive 
 part 5 and at length began to march away with all fpeed, twelve, thirteen and 
 fometimes fifteen leagues a-day : and as fome Authours report, he fent away his 
 Baggage before, and what elfe was cumberfome, whilft he with a feledt number 
 of men well armed marched in the Rere. Howfoever the Enemy purfued fo clofe 
 after them, that notwithstanding the long marches which Diego Centeno took, rhey 
 fcarce loft fight of them ; for about two dozen of Pikes which marched always m 
 the Front, did continually gall them, untill at length they were utterly deftroyed: 
 whenfoever Diego Centeno came to any narrow Pafs, he then made a ftop and faced 
 the Enemy, and maintained it for three or four days, untill the Baggage and what- 
 soever was cumberfome had advanced twenty leagues before, and then he would 
 follow with all hafte to overtake them, and when he was come up to his Compa- 
 nions, they would all lay, We wifh to God that he would give a flop to the pro- 
 ceedings of this Tyrant, that we might take a little repofe for two or three days; 
 that in the mean time we might advance twenty leagues before him : but (o hot 
 a purfuit did they make after them (as 1 have heard from feveral of 'Diego Centeno's 
 own people,) that they had fcarce taken five or fix hours of repofe and reft, be- 
 fore they efpied a ftand of Pikes ftill following with fuch diligence as if not men 
 but the Devil had driven them \ upon appearance of which they inftantly put 
 themfelves upon the march, whilft Diego Centeno himfelf faced the Enemy and co- 
 vered the Rere. It happened one day that Diego Centeno and his Companions 
 maintained a narrow Pafs, which was fomething rocky, for the fpace of above 
 half a day together, untill fuch time as night caufed both parties to retire : during 
 which time one of that Company, who was mounted on a Mare, whofe name I 
 have forgotten, alighted from his Beaft, and with his Gun went to a Rock, on 
 the fide of which taking a flay for the better affurance of his (hot, he fired at the 
 Enemy, and did the execution to kill a Horfe by the fide of Carvajal ; which be- 
 ing done, the poor man returned to take his Mare, trufting to her Leggs, that u iri 
 her fwiftnefs he fhould both efcape the Enemy and overtake his own Party •, but 
 when he came to feek his Mare where he had tyed her, (lie had broke her Bridle 
 and was gone, having been affrighted with the report of the Gun and the noife 
 of the Horfes which pafled by her, fo that the poor man falling into the hands of 
 Carvajats Souldiers, they took him and prefented him to their Commander, who 
 being wearied with the purfuit, and angry at the refiftence which was made, and 
 morelncenfed at the particular action of this Souldier, he refolved to put him to 
 a lingring death, and in order thereunto he ftripped him naked, and tied his Arms 
 and Feet and threw him into a hollow Pit to die with cold ; for the colds in that 
 Countrey are fo extreme, that the Indians take care to carry their Pots and Jarrs 
 under covert and within the Walls of their Houfes by night, for otherwile they 
 would crack and burft with the intenfenefs of the Frofts. To this miferable tor- 
 ture was this poor Wretch expofed, crying out all night, lamenting and faying, 
 is there no good Chriftian who hath fo much mercy and compaffion for me as to 
 kill me, and rid me out of this miferable world, which will be fuch a piece of 
 charity as will be recompenfed by bleffings from God. 
 
 Having pafled the whole night with thefe fad lamentations, fo foon as it was 
 day, he was told, that Carvajal intended him that nights lodging for his puniih- 
 
 mect, 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 715 
 
 ment, and then, extending his mercy to him, he caufed him to be hanged 3 which 
 I believe was the greateft piece of cruelty that he ever committed : after, which he 
 proceeded forward in his march. The Party of Diego Centeno, not being able to 
 iuftain fuch perpetual labours and tedious travels, began to faint and fail, as well 
 Horfe as Foot, fo that feveral of them fell into the hands of Carvajal; fuch as 
 were principal men of note he put to death, without pardon or mercy to any one 
 of them, but as to the meaner fort, he fpared them at the interceflion of his own 
 Souldiers. But here we muft not omit the relation of a trick or jeft, which, at 
 this time, and in the midft of this purfuit, a certain Souldier put upon Carvajal, 
 as many had already done during this War. It happened that many poor Soul- 
 diers v, ent to Carvajal and complained, that during all the time that they had fer- 
 yed under him, and had marched fo many leagues on foot without (hoes or {lock- 
 ings in fervice of their Lord the Governour, he had never taken care to provide 
 them with things neceflary and convenient for them 5 upon which Carvajal fup- 
 plied many of them with Horfes, Arms, Clothes, and Money fo far as he was 
 able. The which gave encouragement to many of the Souldiers to be faithfull, 
 and ferve him to the end of the Wars •■, but others of loofer principles made ufe of 
 the Horfes and Arms which he had given them to revolt to the other Party. 
 Amongft the reft there was a certain Souldier whom Carvajal had mounted on a 
 Mare, and having an intention to revolt, he always came up in the Rere with his 
 Mare, ftill making his boafts and bravadoes, what he would doe, and how for- 
 ward he uould be, if he were well mounted. Carvajal being troubled to hear 
 thele conftant vapours and fayings of the Souldier, changed his Mare, and in place 
 thereof gave him an excellent Mule, and told him, look to it now, Gentleman 
 Souldier, for I have mounted you the beft of any man in this Troop 5 here, Sir, 
 faid he, take her and complain no more of me, for I fwear by the Life of our Go- 
 vernour, that unlefs you advance to morrow by break of day twelve leagues be- 
 fore us, I will pay you off according to your deferts. The Souldier received the 
 Mule, and heard the threats, but to avoid the effe&s of them, he took another 
 way, and travelled that night before Sun-rifing eleven leagues. About which 
 time meeting with a Souldier of his acquaintance, who went to feek for Cavajal, 
 he faid to him, pray recommend me to my Colonel, and tell him, that though 
 I have not been able this night to travel twelve leagues, yet I have travelled ele- 
 ven of them, and hope before noon to reach the full twelve, and four more. 
 The Souldier not knowing that the other was fled, but fuppofing he was fent by 
 him upon fome MeiTage with hafte and diligence, told Carvajal what the Soul- 
 dier had faid to him •, but Carvajal was more alhamed of this fecond cheat that • 
 was put upon him than angry at the unfaithfulnefs and treachery of the fellow $ 
 and in a niftion faid, Thefe weavers ( for fo he called all thofe who revolted from 
 his to the King's Party ) had need to live in a flate of Confejfion, and always prepared to 
 die, and to pardon me in cafe I make bold to hang at many of them a* lean meet with ; for I 
 have no need of fuch Cuflomers, who come and cheat me of my Horfes and Arms, and when 
 they are well provided and equipped, then to run from me and revolt to the Enemy. And as 
 to the Priefis and Friars, they are but fo many Spies, and fuch as come with a like defyn. 
 It is fit for Friars and religious men to remain in their Churches and Cells, and like good 
 men to pray for the peace of Chriflians, rather than under the fanbtity of their Habits to 
 cloaks treacherous defigns : Let them look t0 * f > f or tf ^ e y underfiand not the duty of their 
 Profeffion, let them not thinks it much, if 1 flrip them of their Habits, and make bold to 
 hang them : of which I have obferved feveral examples in the Wars where I have been a 
 Souldier, 
 
 This did Carvajal utter with much paffion and vehemence, and was as good as 
 his word, as well to Friars as others, according to the report of all Hiftorians 1 
 for fuch as he took who had revolted from him, he punifhed with the utmoft cru- 
 elty and torment ; but thofe who were onely Prifoners of War, and had kept 
 their fide, he ufed well and with fome kindnefs, endeavouring to bring them over 
 to his own Party. And now we fhall leave Carvajal in his purfuit of Diego Cen- 
 teno, and return to Gongalo Picarro who was alfo in the purfuit of the Vice-king at 
 the fame time, and almoft in the fame days, 
 
 CHAP. 
 
n%6 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. 
 
 Gon^alo Pi^arro purfues the Vice- king fo clofe that at 
 length he drove him out of Peru. Pedro de Hinojofa 
 fails to Panama, with a Fleet of Ships belonging to Pi- 
 c;arro. 
 
 WE have before mentioned how that the Vice-king marched into <£»itu, 
 and that Pi$ano purfued him at the heels, though nis Souldiers were noc 
 lets weary, nor wanting of provisions than the others, but rather more, becaufe 
 the Vice-king marching befoie, carried away all the provilions of the Countrey 
 wherefoever they came ; how foever fo eager was Picarro, and fo much concerned 
 to put an end to thefe labours, that he continued his purfuit day and night, as Ca- 
 rafe reports in the twenty ninth Chapter of his fifth Book in thefe words-, 
 
 Goncalo Picarro purfued the Vice king from the City of St. Michael's (which was 
 the place from whence he made his retreat.) as far as the City of J2*/7*, w hich are 
 an hundred and fifty leagues diftant from each other 5 and lb hotly did he carry 
 on this work, that there was fcarce a day but they few each other, and the Scouts 
 often dilcourfed together 5 and to be in greater readinefs, their Horfes remained al- 
 ways ladled : but if either Party was more vigilant than the other, it was the Vice- 
 king's, for his men flept always in their Clothes, holding their Horfes by the Halter, 
 without Tents or Horfe clothes to cover them •, but necellity made them ingenious, 
 and taught them a remedy, in that fandy Countrey where were no Trees to lhelter 
 them, which was this -, So foon as they came to the pkce where they intended 
 to quarter that nighr, they filled certain Baggs or S:cks, which they carried with 
 them, with Sand, and having made a great hole they threw them in, and covered 
 them with Sand, which they troad and trampled on and made it very firm, fo 
 that the Horfes could lie thereupon with much eafe. But befides all this, both 
 Armies fuffered much for want of provifions, and efpecially Pifarro's men who 
 came in the purfuit, for the Vice-king wherefoever he palled railed all the Indians 
 of the Countrey, and the Caciques or Governouis, and took them with him, that 
 fo the Fnemy coming after, might find all places difpeopled and unprovided : and 
 fuch was the great halte which the Vice-king made that he took with him eight 
 or ten of the belt Horfe which could be procured in that Countrey, which were 
 led by Indians, and in cafe any of his Horles happened to be tired on the way he 
 maimed or difabled him in fuch manner that the Enemy could make no ufe of him. 
 And now in the way Captain Bacbicao returned from the Voyage which we former- 
 ly mentioned, and joyned with Goncak Pifarro, bringing a recruit of three hundred 
 and fifty Men, twenty Ships and good (tore of Cannon, and failing along the coait 
 which is neareft to £&tg, he landed his Men in a place not far from the Forces 
 of Pi$arro ; with which additional auxiliaries Pifarro's Army amounted to eight 
 hundred men, of which many were principal perlbr.s of quality and note, as well 
 Inhabitants as Souldiers, who came in with fuch franknels as no ftory can paral- 
 lel under the Government of a Tyrant and an Ufurper. In that Province all 
 Provifions were very plentiful!, and therein not long before rhty had dilcovered 
 feveral rich Veins of Gold, out of which the Spaniards whole lots fell there, rai- 
 led valt fums, which they refufed to yield to Picarro, and alfo denied the fifths to 
 his Majelly, or to be accountable for the Treafures of dead perfons. And here it- 
 was that Pifarro received intelligence that the Vice-king was advanced forty leagues 
 from SluitH, and was entred into a certain Town called Pafto, within the Govern- 
 ment oi~Benalca$ar : And here he refolved to purfue him to that place, which he 
 accordingly did without delay or interruption-, for Goncalo P^arro Itaid but very 
 little in j£«<>», and having overtaken the Enemy, feveral skirmiihes happened 
 between parties on each lide in that place, which is called the Hot River. And 
 the Vice-king having advice that Picarro was near at hand, he quitted Pafto in 
 great hafle, and marched up into the Countrey untill he came to the City of Po- 
 payan, and Picarro having ftill purfued him for t\\ enty eight leagues farther, where 
 
 finding 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries, 727 
 
 finding a defart and defolate Countrey, and want of all provifions, herefolved to 
 return again to guitu -, which he accordingly did, after he had purfued the Vice- 
 king for fo long a time, and through fuch a vaft tract of Land, as is before men- 
 tioned : and we may confidently averrthat from the City of Plate (from which he 
 firft began his March) to the City of Pafio are feven hundred leagues, (o long as 
 may be computed to make a thoufand of our ordinary leagues of Caftile, &c. 
 Thus far are the words of Car ate, to which other Hiftorians add, That the Vice- 
 king having palled the River of Hot waters, did imagine that his Enemies would 
 have remained fatisfied therewith, and defifted from all farther purfuit, confidering 
 that they had driven him out of Peru, and from the confines of their Jurifdiciion, 
 and thac now he Ihould remain in peace and quiet, untill fome good opportunity 
 mould offer for his better advantage •, but he had not long pleafed himfelf with 
 thefe thoughts, and fcarce ended his difcourfe with his Captains concerning them, 
 before fome Parties of Pifarro's Army appeared to them, defcending a Hill to- 
 wards the River, with the fame hafte and fury that they had formerly praftifed : 
 at which farprife, the Vice-king lifted up his hands to Heaven and cried aloud, 
 
 and (aid, // it pofftble, or will it ever be believed in Ages to come, That men pretending to 
 be Spaniards fhould purfue the Royal Standard of their King (at they have done) for the 
 [fare of four hundred leagues, at it is from the City of Los Reyes to this place ? ana then 
 
 raifing his Camp with fpeed, he proceeded forward that his Enemies might have 
 no time to re pole : but Picarro proceeded no farther, but, as we have {aid, retur- 
 ned to jsj«tf«i where, as Car ate reports, he became fo elated with pride by reafon 
 of his many profperous fuccefles, that his infolence became infupportable, and then 
 oat of the fulnefs of his heart, he would vent many bold fayings derogatory to the 
 
 honour and Majefty of his King : The King, {aid he, mil be obliged whether he will 
 or not to grant me the Government of Peru, for he is fenjible of the obligations he hath to 
 
 me for this Conqueft : and though oftentimes he would pretend to great obedience 
 and refignation to his Majefty's pleafure, yet at other times, he would let fall 
 words feditious and rebellious \ and at the inftigation of his Captains, he publi- 
 shed his reafons, fetting forth his right and title to that Government. And being 
 now fettled in the City of Siaitu, he pafled his time in Feftivals, Sports and Ban- 
 
 Suets, without minding the adtions or proceedings of the Vice-king •, onely the 
 ifcourfes amongft themfelves were that he would go to Spain by way of Carta- 
 gena, others that he would pafs up farther towards the Continent to raife Men 
 and Arms, and there expert his Majefty's further Inftru&ions ■-, others were of 
 opinion, that he would remain in the Countrey of Papaya untill he received new 
 Orders -, but it was generally believed that he would not ftay long there, or at- 
 tempt any thing in thofe parts •-. but be his defign what it would, it was conclu- 
 ded neceflary to obftrud his paflage to the Continent •, to which end Hernando Ba- 
 chicao was remanded back again with his Fleet, of which Pedro de Hinojofa, Gentle- 
 man of his Bed-chamber, was made Admiral, with two hundred and fifty men 
 under his command, who departed with all expedition. Moreover Rodrigo de Car- 
 vajal was difpatched with his Ship to Panama, with a Pacquet of Letters from 
 Concalo Picarro, defiring the Inhabitants of that City to favour his caufe and de- 
 figns, alluring them, that whatever Spoils and Infolencies Bachicao had committed 
 on them were contrary to his will and pleafure, and againft his exprefs command. 
 Rodrigo de Carvajal arrived accordingly within three leagues of Panama, where he 
 received intelligence that two Captains fent from the Vice-king were there, the 
 one called fohn de Guzman, and the other fohn de Yllanez, who were raifing Forces 
 to carry to the Province of Belalca$ar to recruit the Vice-king's Army therewith, 
 and that they had already lifted about an hundred men, and had prepared good 
 quantities of Arms, with five or fix pieces of Cannon. And though thefe men 
 had been for fome time in a readinefs, they were not fent away 3 by reafon that 
 apprehending fome attempts from Goncalo Pi$arro, they thought fit to keep their 
 people in referve till they faw the danger over. Howfoever Rodrigo de Carvajal 
 adventured to fend a Souldier privately into the City with Letters to certain Ci- 
 tizens •, who upon receipt thereof communicated them to the Officers of the 
 Town, who feifed on the Souldier, and by him underftanding the defign of Hi- 
 tiojofa, put the City into Arms, and fent two Brigantines to leife the Ship of Car- 
 vajal ; but he fufpedting fome ill intention againft him by reafon of the long ab- 
 sence of his Meflenger, fet fail from thence, and fo the two Brigantines miffing 
 him returned back without fuccefs. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
2,8 .Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. 
 
 Pedro de Hinojofa takes Vela Nunnez in his voyage. The 
 great Preparations which were made in Panama. And 
 how tbofe Troubles were appeafed. 
 
 TH E Governour of Panama, called Pedro de Cafaos, born at Seville, went in hafte 
 co Nombre de Dins, where he railed all the Men he was able j with what 
 Arms he could find both offenfive and defenfive , which he carried with him to 
 Panama to oppofe Pedro de Hinojofa : the like diligence was ufed by the two Cap- 
 tains of Pifarro , between whom and Pedro de Cafaos , though there had formerly 
 rifen fome Difputes and Contefts about place or preference , yet all agreed to 
 chufe Cafaos for Commander in chief. Pedro de Hinojofa having difpatched Rodri- 
 go de Carvajal , proceeded on his Voyage to Panama , enquiring along the Coaft 
 concerning the Vice-king : and in the River and Port of St. John he put fome Men 
 alhoar , to receive what Intelligence and News was there ftirring , who took ten 
 Spaniards, and brought them on board ; by one of whom they were given to un- 
 derftand , that the Vice-king by reafon of the long ftay of two of his Captains , 
 7ohn de Guzman and fohn de Y/lanez in Panama , had lent alio his Brother Vela Nun- 
 nez thither to haften the Recruits , and to increafe the numbers , he fent great 
 fums of Money out of the King's Treafury, and delivered to him alfo the baftard 
 Son of Gon$alo Pi^arro -, and that Vela Nunnez had fent a Souldier before to dif- 
 cover what danger there was on the Coaft , whilft he remained a day's journey be- 
 hind , upon which Intelligence , Hinojofa fent two Captains with different Parties 
 by feveral ways •, both which lad good fuccefs ■■, the firft had the fortune to take 
 Vela Nunnez ; and the other Rodrigo Mexia , who was born in the City of Caftin, 
 and with whom was Goncalo Picarro's Son; and both of them got great booty 
 and riches-, all which came very acceptable to Hinojofa , who was much pleafed 
 with the taking of Vela Nunnez , who might oppofe and prevent his defign in 
 Panama : and with the refcue of the Son of Goncalo Picarro , whofe freedom 
 would be joyfuil to his Father. And encouraged with this happy fuccefs they fai- 
 led towand Panama , and being near the Place , Rodrigo de Carvajal came forth to 
 meet them , and gave them Intelligence of all Matters at Panama , and how the 
 City was prepared to oppofe thern.^ Hinojofa was rather pleafed than difcouraged 
 with this News •, and putting himfelf into a poftureof War, failed forward un- 
 till on a day in the month of October, which was in the year i s"4>. he came 
 wuhin fight of the City of Panama with a Fleet of eleven fail of Ships and a 
 hundred and fifty Men aboard : upon this appearance the City was in great conster- 
 nation -, all Souldiers repaired to their Colours, and Pedro de Cafaos who was chief 
 Orhcer, had above five hundred Men under his command-, but the moft of them 
 were Merchants, and the Officers fuch unexperienced Men in the War, that few 
 of them knew how to fire a Malquec, and all of them unwilling to engage in fight, 
 efpecially againft Men coming from Pern, with whom having formerly been aceo- 
 ftomed to deal in irafrtck and Merchandize , it feemed ftrange to contend with 
 the:r. at any other Weapon. And moreover they confidered, that a great part of 
 their Eftates, and effects were in Peru, which would all be confiscated by Goncalo 
 Pi* i>ro, in cafe they ihould apptar in Arms againft his Forces. Howfoever they 
 fonmed and joined in feveral Bodies commanded by their refpe&ive Officers, the 
 
 chief of which were firft Pedro de Cafaos , General j then Arias de Azebedo, who 
 
 c.'.me afterwards over, and lived at Cordoua, where at this time fome of his Grand- 
 children, inhabit: Other Captains and Officers wee fohn Fernandez de Reboledo, 
 foflr de Arayza, with the Vice King's two Captains, fohide Guzman andfobn 
 ..: T:U;:ez , with feveral other Noble Perfor.s then prtient, who refolved to de- 
 fend the City for the fervice of his Majefty -, and others being affrighted with 
 the lite Outrages and Infultsof Rachkao were inclined to preferve themfelves from 
 the like Tyrannies, which they feared from Hino%fa: but he, considering w-hat 
 fort of people he h^d to deal with , landed two hundred Men , all old and vete- 
 
 rane 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. jzg 
 
 rane Souldiers well appointed and armed , and fifty were left aboard , for defence 
 of their Ships. And fo he marched along the Coaft, being flanked with his Can- 
 non, carrying aboard the Boats belonging to the Ships, much to the annoyance 
 of the Enemy, in cafe they mould make an affault upon them. He gave farther 
 order aboard Ship, that fo foon as they ihould come to an Engagement, that they 
 mould prefently hang up Vela Nmnez, and the other Prifoners which they had ta- 
 ken. Pedro de Cafaos feeing the refolution of Pedro de Hinojofa, came out to meet 
 him, with intention either to overcome or dye : and both Parties being come 
 within Mufquet mot each of other ; all the Clergy-men and Friars came out of 
 the City carrying a Wood of Crofles before them, which ferved for Banners and 
 Colours, and being all clad in mourning with fadnefs in their countenances, cryed 
 out with loud voices to Heaven and to the People for Peace and Concord a- 
 mongft them $ faying, Is it not a great fhame and pity, that you who are Chri- 
 stians, and are come to preach the Gofpel to Infidels, ihould imbrue your hands 
 in the bloud of each other, to the common mint and calamity of all. Thefe 
 words being] uttered with great out-cries and exclamations, put both fides to a 
 ftand , and to look each on the other •, untill the religious Troops interpofed be- 
 tween both Parties, and began to treat of a Truce, and to create a right under- 
 standing. Accordingly Hinojofa fent in his behalf Don Balthafar de Caftilia, Son of 
 Count de Gomera, and the People of Panama employed Bon Pedro de Cabrera for 
 their Agent , both Natives of Seville. It was pleaded in behalf of Hinojofa , that 
 no reafon could "be given, why they fhould oppofe his landing, or free admittance 
 into the City : for that his meflage and bufinefs thither was to give fatisfa&ion 
 to the Inhabitants for the Tyrannies and Outrages which Bachkao had committed 
 on them, and to buy Cloths and Provifions of them for their Money, and fupply 
 themfelves with other neceflaries for their Voyage. That they had received 
 ff rift Commands and Orders from Goncalo Pkarro, not to give them the leaft caufe 
 of offence, nor to fight, unlefs they were compelled thereunto : And that fo foon 
 as they had made their provifions, and re- fitted their Ships, they would fpeedily 
 depart in queft of the Vice-king , and caufe him to embark for Spain , according 
 to the Sentence which the Judges had given concerning him : and thereby free 
 the Countries from thofe fears and moleftations which he had caufed by rowling 
 up and down in all quarters. And in regard he was not in Panama, they had no 
 bufinefs which could detein them long there , and therefore they entreated them 
 not to force them to an engagement with them ; which according to the Com- 
 mand ©f Pi$arro they would avoid by all means poffible ; but in cafe they were 
 forced to fight , they would then doe their beft not to be overcome. 
 
 On the other fide it was alledged in behalf of the Governour Pedro de Cafaos 5 
 that his entry into their Countrey in that hoftile manner could not be juftified , 
 though it were given for granted that Goncalo Pi^ano had a right to the Govern- 
 ment. That Bachkao had given the fame promifes, and made as fair pretences as 
 he did , and yet fo foon as he had gotten pofleffion , he then committed all thofe 
 fpoils and murthers for which they pretend now to give fatisfadion. The Com- 
 miffioners on both fides hearing thefe Allegations , and being defirous to make an 
 accommodation , did agree that Hinojofa fhould be received afhoar , and have free 
 admittance and entertainment in the City for the fpace of thirty days , with a 
 guard of fifty Men for fecurity of his perfon •, that his Fleet, with the reft of his 
 Souldiers mould in the mean time fail to the Ifles of Pearls , and take with them 
 Ship-carpenters, and cut fuch Timber as fhould be ufefull for repair of their Ve'f- 
 fels 5 and that at the end of thirty days they fhould return to Peru. Thefe Arti- 
 cles being agreed unto by both Parties, they were confirmed by Oath, and Hofta- 
 ges given. 
 
 Pedro de Hinojofa accordingly came to the City with his fifty Men % where he 
 took a houfe, and gave publick entertainment to all comers and goers •, and his 
 People fpoi ted and treated friendly and familiarly with all the Inhabitants. Augu- 
 fline de Car ate , in the thirty fecond Chapter of his fifth Book , faith ; for what 
 we have farther to add in this matter is upon his Authority ■-, That three days had 
 fcarce pafled before all thofe Souldiers who had been raifed by the Captains, 
 John Guzman and John de Wane*., revolted for the moft part to Hinojofa ; according 
 to whofe example the idle and vagrant perfons of the City , who were not Mer- 
 chants, and fuch as had no employment, lifted themfelves Souldiers with Hinojofa, 
 intending for Peru .- fo that the Captains of the Vice-king finding themfelves for- 
 
 A a a a a faken 
 
73 o Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 faken by their men , privately embarked with fourteen or fifteen men , and fai- 
 led away. In the mean time Hinojofa palled very peaceably, without intermedling 
 in the Government or matters of Juffice, or fuffering his People to commit the 
 leaft offence , or give occafion of complaint to the People : with thefe men he 
 fent Don Pedro de Cabrera, and Hernando Mexia de Guzman his Son-in-law to Nomhr 
 
 de Dios, with Orders to keep that Port, and intercept all Advices which fhould 
 come as well from Spain as from other parts. 
 
 
 C H A P. XXXII. 
 
 Of the Aftions of Melchior Verdugo in Truxillo , Nica- 
 ragua and in Nombre de Dios, and how he was forced 
 to leave that City. 
 
 A Bout the fame time there happened an odd Accident in the City of Truxillo, 
 which gave great offence, and railed the enmity and hatred of the People a- 
 gainft the perfon who occafioned the fame, whofe name was Melchior Verdugo, to 
 whom the Province of Cajfamarca was appointed by lor, a place famous for the 
 imprifonment of the King Atahualpa and other remarkable Succeffes which have 
 been mentioned before. 
 
 This perfon having been born in the City of Avila , and Countrey-man to the 
 Vice-king, was delirous to fignalize himfelf in doing fomething remarkable for 
 his lervice =, the Vice-king , before his imprifonment knowing of his Intenfions , 
 gave him a large Commirnon to doe many things of high importance, and parti- 
 cularly to deftroy or difpeople the City of Los Reyes , for which reafon Melchior 
 Verdugo, and his adherents fell under the hatred and difpleafure of Goncalo P'^arro, 
 and of fuch as were of his Party. Verdugo, being informed hereof, refolved to 
 efcape out of the Kingdom, fearing to fall into the hands of Pigano. Howfoever, 
 being delirous to perform fome A6t extraordinary, he engaged fome Soukliers to 
 him , bought Arms fecretly , and made Mufquet-iliot , Mannacles and Chains in 
 his own houfe, and fo bold he was in his matters, that his Neighbours and Com- 
 panions were greatly offended thereat : but fortune favoured his defign , for at 
 that time , a Ship arriving in the Port of Truxillo from Los Reyes , lie fent for the 
 Matter and the Mate of the VefTel , pretending that he had a parcel of Mtjz. and 
 other Goods to (hip upon him for Panama , which he defiied them to come and 
 fee 5 fo foon as the Mailer and the Mate were within his houfe, he put them in- 
 to a low cellar or dungeon, which he had made : then he pretended to be lame 
 of the Gout ; and fitting in that manner at his Window , he elpyed one of the 
 Governburs with his Clerk palling by -, and calling to them, he defired them to 
 come, to draw fome authentick Writings, which he had occafion for •, and defi- 
 red their excufe for not coming to them by reafon of the Indifpofition which was 
 upon him : when they were come in , he fairly led them to the place where the 
 Matter and Pilot were lodged , and there he took away their white Staves , and 
 clapt them in Chains , fetting a guard of fix Mufquetiers upon them. And re- 
 turning again to his Window, he efpied another Citizen pafling by, to whom he 
 called in the fame manner as before , pretending fome bufinefs with him •, and 
 him alio he put into his prifon , and in this manner he decoyed in at leaft twenty 
 perfons of the principal Citizens , which were all that remained at home , the 
 others being gone in Service of Pifarro. Then he (allied out into the Market- 
 place with twenty Souldiers whom, he judged to be faithfull to him •, he fummo- 
 ned all people in the King's-name to come in , and feized on thole who did not 
 readily obey , and then in hearing of all his prifoners , he told them plainly , that 
 his bufinefs was to carry men and arms to the Vice-king ; for which fervice he had 
 an occafion for money, which they muft fpeedily pay him, in cafe they expected 
 their liberty •, and that every one fhould pay his proportion according to his abili- 
 ty 5 and if not, he was refolved to carry them away with him to the Vice-king. 
 
 The 
 
Book IV. Koyal Commentaries. 72 
 
 The prifoners paid down their ready money, as was agreed 5 and taking what was 
 in the King's Treafury with his own Eftate 5 for he was a very rich-man, he amaf- 
 fed great quantities of Gold and Silver , all which he carried with him , and fo 
 embarked for Panama - 7 and that his paflage might not be interrupted, he brought 
 all his prifoners in their chains to the Sea-fide , and freed them as he was going off. 
 In his voyage he met with a Ship laden with goods, and fpoils, which Bachicao 
 had robbed at Panama , the which he took , and divided to nimfelf and amongrt 
 his Souldiers, and hearing that Goncalo Pkarro had a Fleet of Ships at that place, 
 he feared to go thither, and fo failed to Nicaragua. Pedro de Hinojofa having intel- 
 ligence of his going, fent two Ships in chafe of him, under the command of Cap- 
 tain John Aksfo Palomino with a hundred and twenty Mufquetiers : at his arrival 
 there he found that Verdugo was landed ; howfoever he took his Ship, but durft 
 not adventure afhoar ; becaufe the Inhabitants of Granada and Leon denyed him 
 admittance •, whereupon Palomino returned to Panama with the Ships which he had 
 taken on the coaft of Nicaragua , of which he referved luch as were ferviceable, 
 and burnt the reft , and being arrived at Panama , he gave to Hinojofa an account 
 of all that had palled. Thus was Mekhior Verdugo put out of all poflibility of do- 
 ing any farther feats againft Pkarro in the Sea of Zur , for he had loft his Ship , 
 and could not buy another, for 'Bachicao, and his men, had taken them all. Where- 
 fore confidering with himfelf what to doe , he imagined, that in cafe he went by 
 way of the North Sea to Nombre de Bios, he might be able to compafs fome ex- 
 ploit in that City ■■, for he conceived that Pedro de Hinojofa had few people in that 
 City, and thofe all fecure, and in no apprehenfion of furprize by an enemy : with 
 this fancy he built four Frigates, and (hipped a hundred ftout Souldiers upon them 
 in the Lake of Nicaragua, and pafled through that chanel which runnes into the 
 North Sea. In the River whim is called Chagre, it was his fortune to take a 
 Boat with certain Negroes who fpake good Spanijh, and by them he was informed 
 of all matters that had pafled in Nombre de Dios, both as to the Souldiers and Of- 
 ficers which were quartered there. And taking thofe Negroes for their Guides, 
 they came about midnight to the City , where being landed , they immediately 
 fet Upon the Houfe where Don Pedro de Cabre and Hernan Mexia, with fome Soul- 
 diers were lodged , who being allarum'd with the noife of the people , put them- 
 felves into a pofture to defend themfelves. Whereupon Verdugo's men fet fire to 
 the Houfe , fo that the Defendants perceiving the flame about their Ears , were 
 forced to goe forth and combat with their Enemies by the light thereof : but they 
 being Robbers, and more defirous of plunder and booty than of bloud, took their 
 heels and fled , and by help of a dark night fecured themfelves within the high 
 Mountains w hich are near to the City : of all which particulars Advices being 
 carried to Pedro de Hinojofa then refiding at Panama , he (hewed high refentments , 
 and complained thereof to Dottour Ribera , who was Governour of Nombre de 
 Dios , at that time refiding at Panama , before whom he accufed Verdugo for ha- 
 ving entred into his Government and Jurifdiction without Title or Commiffion 
 from his Superiour •■, but had by authority onely from himfelf prefumed to impri- 
 fon feveral Juftices of the Peace , and forced them and others to pay for their 
 ranfomes 5 that he had committed many Piracies in the South and North Seas , 
 and at length in a hoftile manner had entred into Nombre de Dios .- all which being 
 highly aggravated before Do&our Ribera , Pedro de Hinojofa offered him affiftence 
 both in peribn and with his forces •, the which Do&our Ribera accepting, admini- 
 ftred an Oath of fidelity to Pedro Hinojofa and his Captains to obey him as their 
 Captain General during the time of this a&ion, and not to doe any thing contrary 
 to his Command •■, which being agreed , they forthwith marched from Panama to 
 Nombre deDios. Mekhior Verdugo having notice hereof , drew out his men into 
 the field , with fuch others of the City as had joined with him. Hinojofa imme- 
 diately attacked them , and at the firft charge feveral fell both on one fide and 
 the other. But when the Inhabitants of Nombre de Dios faw their own Governour 
 at the head of the contrary party, they all retired to the Mountain near the City. 
 Verdun's men would have given a flop to the flight of the Inhabitants - 7 but their 
 di forder being fuch that they could not withftand the (hock of their Enemies, they 
 betook themfelves to their Frigates , with which they furprized a Ship in Port ; 
 and arming her with their Cannon , they made many (hot to the Town , but 
 with little or no damage, by reafon that the Veflel road at a diftance for want of 
 Water near the (hoar. Verdugo finding himfelf thus difappointed, and in no con- 
 
 Aaaaa 2 dition 
 
73 ^ Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 " — ' ■ j 
 
 dirion to deal wirh the Enemy, feveral of his men being killed and left afhoar, he 
 failed to Cartagena with his Ship and Frigats , attending an opportunity to incom- 
 mode the Enemy : but Do&our Ribera and Pedro de Hinojofa appeafed the people 
 the beft they could ; and leaving fome force and Captains for fecurity and defence 
 of the City, they returned to Panama. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. 
 
 Blafco Nunnez Vela recruits himjelf in Popayan. Gon- 
 $a!o Pigarro pretends to gee for Quitu , hoping by that 
 means to cauje his removal from thence. The Vice-king 
 goes in quefi of Pedro Puelles. 
 
 WE before mentioned that the Vice-king was in Popajan, where, to keep him- 
 felf in action, he engrailed all the Iron of that Province ■-, to work which 
 he compelled the Smiths to come in and fet up Forges, and in a ihort time made 
 above two hundred Fire-arms, with Croflets and Armour proportionable to them, 
 and then he wrote a Letter to Sebaflian, Governour of Belalca^ar, and to a certain 
 Captain of his called foha Cabreras , who was then by order of the faid Gover- 
 nour ernploied in a new Conqueft of the Indians?.)* herein he gave them a particu- 
 lar intelligence of all matters which had happened to him fince the time of his firil 
 entrance into Peru , in which was comprifed the Hiftory of the Infurrection of 
 Gon^alo Pifano, who had forced him to abandon the Countrey 5 and that now he 
 refolved to return again upon him -, to which end, that he might have a compe- 
 tent Army , he defired them to come and join with him , in which they would 
 doe moft fignal fervice to his Majefty : and that having overcome and killed that 
 Tyrant, they might largely (hare in the poffeffions of Peru, which would be much 
 better than all the Conquefts they were now ernploied in. Be/ides which pro- 
 mifes, the better to encourage them, he told them that Diego Centeno was a&ually 
 on the Confines of Peru in his Majefty's fervice ; that every day his forces encrea- 
 led; lb that now, in cafe the Tyrant were but attacked en the other fide , ic 
 would be impoffible for him to hold our. He alfo fent them Warrants to take 
 out of his Majeft y's Exchequer in feveral Towns and Villages near them the fum 
 of thirty thou land Pefos of Gold, for payment of the Souldiers. The Captains ha- 
 ving received thefe Orders, obeyed them with all readinefs % and with a hundred 
 Souldiers well armed , came , and killed the Vice-king's hand •, the which encou- 
 raged him to fend the like Orders to the new Kingdom of Granada, Cartagena and 
 other parts , demanding fuccour and afliftence from them •, fo that in a fhort time 
 he had got a Body of four hundred men, all reafonable well armed \ but this fuc- 
 cefs was again tempered with the ill News of the lofs of his Brother and of his 
 two Captains, John de Guzman and john de YUanez j at which he was much troubled, 
 becaufe he had great expectations from them. On the other fide, Goncalo Pi- 
 farro had nothing to trouble him , but onely the thoughts of the Vice-king , 
 'for he could not think himfelf fecure, whilft he lived, and was at the head of an 
 Army : And becaufe he could not come at the Vice-king, or march into the 
 Countrey where he was for want of Provifions , which were very fcarce in thole 
 parts j he gave out , that hewould march into the Charcot to fupprefs the Infur- 
 re&ion of Diego Centeno-^ and to leave Captain Pedro de PuHles with three hundred 
 men to guard that frontier againft the Vice-King, in cafe he lhould make an at- 
 tempt thereupon. And to put a better colour on this feigned deiign, and make ic 
 more publick , he named his Captains and Souldiers who were to goe with him, 
 and thofe who were to remain behind •, and made provifions for maintenance of 
 one and the other. Accordingly he marched out of £luitn , and took care that 
 information hereof fhould be difpatched to the Vice-king •-, to perform which, an 
 ill-man, whom the Vice-king had fent for his Spy into thofe parts, was very inllru- 
 mental ; for this Rogue had , in hopes of fome great reward from Pigarro, difco- 
 
 vered 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 722 
 
 vered the defign he was upon, and betrayed to him the Cypher which the Vice- 
 king had given him, by the help of which Goncalo Picarro caufed him to write all 
 that had palled, and caufed the Letter to be delivered to an Indian wholly igno- 
 rant of this treachery. On the other fide, he caufed Pedro de Puelks to write to 
 feveral of his Friends then in Popayan, that fie was quartered in JW» with three 
 hundred men 5 fo that if they thought fit to come thither and divertife thern- 
 felves with him for fome time, they fhould find fafety and a hearty welcome, in 
 regard that the Countrey was quiet by the abfence and retirement of Goncalo Pi- 
 carro from thence : and he delivered thefe Letters to certain Indians who were then 
 prefent at the departure of Goncalo Picarro, that they might thereby confirm the 
 contents of the intelligence which was fent ; and farther, he ordered Pedro de Pa. 
 tiles to feem as if he fent thefe Indians in a fecret manner, but yet fo as a difcovery 
 might be made, and that the Out-guards of the Vice-king might intercept the 
 Letters and carry them to him i the Plot being thus laid, Goncalo Picarro (as hath 
 been faid) departed from ®mtu y and having marched three or four 'days, he feig- 
 ned himfelf fick in excufe of his delay. The Vice-king having received the Let- 
 ters fromJnis treacherous Spy, and likewife feen the counterfeited intelligence 
 from Pedro de Puelks, to both which he gave undoubted belief; he imagined thac 
 with four hundred men, he might eafily deal with Pedro de Puelks, and after fuch 
 a Victory he might purfue Goncalo Picarro and overthrow him : And on this con- 
 fidence and belief building his defign (for he could receive no other intelligence, 
 the Roads being obftru&ed) he refolved to march to Quitu .• but on the contra- 
 ry, Gongalo Picarro was better informed, by way of the Indians of Cannaris, of all 
 the proceedings of the Vice- king, and of every days march which he made •, and 
 when he underftood that he was come within twelve days march of J^ujtu, he 
 then returned with all fpeed to the City to joyn with Pedro de Puelks, from whence 
 both the Camps proceeded with great joy, thinking that now they had entrapped 
 the Vice-king and mould be able to engage him in a Battel •, and though they 
 heard that he was eight hundred men ftrdng, yet Picarro confided in the valour 
 and experience of his Veterane Souldiers, and contemned the rawneis and unskil- 
 fulnefs of the adverfe party : For when he came to mufter and furvey his men, 
 he found that he had two hundred Fire-locks, three hundred and fifty Pike-men, 
 and an hundred and fifty Horfemen, all dexterous and able Souldiers, well provi- 
 ded and armed, with quantity of powder of the bell: and fineft fort. The Cap- 
 tains of the Fire-locks were John de Acofla and John Vekz, de Guevara, the Captain 
 of the Pike-men was Hernando de Bachicao, and the Captains of Horfe were Pedro 
 
 de Puelks and Gome £ de Alvarado, and the Standard was carried by Francis de Ampu- 
 
 ero, and fupported by feventy Horfe. Benito Snares de Carvajal, Brother of the 
 Agitant Tllen Suarez, took the fide of Picarro, and was there prefent with thirty 
 men under his command, all of his own Kindred and Relations •■, In this pofture 
 was the Army of Pigarro when news came that the Enemy was come within two 
 leagues of the Camp ; whereupon they marched and took poileffion of a Pafs on 
 the River where the Vice-king was to go over, for there was no other way ; and 
 being there Picarro polled and fortified himfelf very advantageoully •-, which 
 happened, as Auguftine Car ate reports, on Saturday the fifteenth day of January, 
 
 The Vice-king charged Pedro de Puelks with great courage, in hopes fpeedily to 
 rout him, and afterwards to deal in like manner with Picarro ^ for he always en- 
 tertained an opinion of the loyalty of the people, that they onely expected an op- 
 portunity to revolt and return to obedience and feivice of his Majefty. In confi- 
 dence whereof he approached fo near to trfie Forces of Pedro de Puelles, that the 
 Van-guards could fpeak and call each other Traitours and Rebels , for both Par- 
 ties pretended loyalty . and duty to his Majefty, and yet all this time, the Vice- 
 king was not informed that Goncalo Picarro was fo near, but believed all the time 
 that he had to deal with none but Pedro de Puelks. 
 
 The night following, about the glimpfe of the Evening, Car ate reports in the 
 thirty fifth Chapter of his fifth Book, That the Vice-king holding a Council of 
 War with his Commanders, it was there agreed, as moft advantageous and of 
 lefs danger to get pofleffion of the Town than to adventure a Battel in the open 
 Field 5 and accordingly before mid-night quietly and without noife they marched 
 away, leaving their Camp and Tents with the Indians who carried them •, and 
 taking the way on the left hand, they marched over a great Detart 1 and Fernanda 
 
 Patent i-rto 
 
jo 4 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 Valentino fays, that it rained all night, that they pafled many rocky places and 
 great Rivers, fo that many times their Horfts were forced to take a rounding way 
 by the fide of fteep Mountains, and coming to the bottom they plunged into Ri- 
 vers, in which manner having marched all the night, they loft feveral Men and 
 Horfes, who were fo difabled and left behind that they could not come time 
 enough to the Battel, and fo foon as it was day they found themfelves within a 
 league of JjW». Thus far are the words otPakntino. 
 
 The reafon which moved the Vice-king to take this troublefome march, was 
 in defign to charge the Enemy in the Rere ; but, as Carate fairh, he did not be- 
 lieve that either the way was fo bad nor fo long 5 for when he moved his Camp, 
 he was not then above three leagues from guitu, and yet with the compais they 
 took it proved at leaft eight leagues : this errour was fatal to the Vice-king 5 for 
 whereas he (hould rather have kept his Men and Horfe frefa and fit for engage- 
 ment, they were inftead thereof fo harafled and tired with their long march of 
 eight leagues over Defarts and unpaflable places, that they had need of long reft 
 and repofe to recover them •, but where a misfortune and deftiny is intended, the 
 Counfels which are defigned for good are converted to mine and deftru&ion. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. 
 
 The Battel o/Quitu, wherein the Vice- king Blafco Nunnez 
 was defeated and /lain. 
 
 TH E Vice-king entring into the City of Qwtu found no refiftance, and there 
 it was told him by a certain Woman that Picarro was marching againft him, 
 at which he wondred much, but was foon made to underftand the fraud and ftrate- 
 geme by which he was decoyed into that fnare. On the other fide Gone ah Picarro 
 knew nothing of the march of the Vice-king to Sls*itu, but believed all the time 
 that he had remained in his Camp ; but when in the morning the Scouts came 
 near the Tents , and hearing little or no noife , they adventured in , and under- 
 ftood from the Indians of all matters which had pafled, and accordingly gave in- 
 formation thereof to Gone ah Picarro, who was not wanting to fend the news to 
 his Captains, who immediately raifed their Camp, and marched in an orderly 
 pofture to £mtn , with intention to give Battel to the Vice-king , in what place 
 foever they lhould meet him. The Vice-king was not ignorant of all thefe mat- 
 ters, and confidering the great advantage which his Enemies had over him, and 
 that there was no fecurity but in his Arms, he refolved to hazard all upon the for- 
 tune of a Battel, hoping that fuch as were true Servants and faithfull Subiedsto 
 his Majefty would revolt over to his fide 5 and fo animating his people with, thefe 
 expectations, he marched with his Forces out of the City, and both fides were fo 
 full of courage as if they had been fecure of Victory •, and though Goncah Picarro 
 had the greater advantage in his numbers, yet the Vice-king was equal to him in 
 the Valour and Conduct of his Captains, all men of great fpirit and renown : 
 thofe who commanded the Infantry were Sancho Sanchez ctAvila, his Coufin John 
 Cabrera, and Francis Sanchez ; his Captains of Horfe were Admiral Sebaflian de 
 BeLlcacar Cefeda, and Pedro de Bajfan, and fo both Armies marched to meet each 
 other : At the firft a skirmifh was begun by two parties of Musketiers detached 
 from each Army 5 in which the people of Picarro had the advantage by the ftrength 
 and goodnefs of their Powder, and by the ufe of their Fire-arms, being the better 
 Marks-men : by this time both Armies were come fo near to each other, that 
 the detached Parties were forced to retreat to their refpective Colours •-, to make 
 which good on Picarro % fide, John de Acofla with another able Souldier called Paez 
 de Sottomayor came in to bring their Party off. Then Goncah Picarro commanded 
 Licenciado Carvajal to charge the right Wing of the Enemy, and he himfelf de- 
 figned to lead and bring up the Horfe in the Front ; but his Captains diftuaded 
 him from it, and rather defired him to place himfelf within a Squadron of Foot, 
 
 where, 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. nje 
 
 where, with feven or eight other Commanders, he might better overfee and go- 
 vern the battel. The Vice-king's Troops of Horfe confifting of about a hundred 
 and fourty men, obferving that the Troops of Carvajal were coming up to charge 
 them , they put themfelves on a Trot to meet them , but lb without rank or 
 order, that they feemed ( as Curate fays of them ) to be half routed before they 
 came to engage •, and a file of Mufquetiers fo galled them in the flank , that 
 though Carvajal's party was lefs in number , yet the Vice-king's Horfe were fo ha- 
 rafled and tyred , and the Enemy on the contrary frelh and in courage , that Car- 
 vajalhzd great advantage over them. Howfoever engaging firft with their Lan- 
 ces, many fell on both fides, and at length, fighting nearer with their Swords and 
 Daggers, Pole-axes and Hooks, the battel grew hot and bloudy : but then Picar- 
 ro'% Standard fupported with about a hundred men coming in quite turned the 
 fcale of the battel, and the Enemy routed and totally defeated. On the other fide, 
 the fight between the Fcot, was very fore and bloudy, with fuch noife, and out- 
 ayes, that the numbers feemed much greater than they were : In the firft charge 
 Captain John Cabrera was fiain, and foon after Captain Sancho Sanchez. d'Avila ; but 
 before he fell , he did great execution with his Sword , having cut down whole 
 files and ranks of the Enemy •, but being overwhelmed with numbers and advan- 
 tages of Arms , they were forced to yield to the greater power of the Enemy , 
 which ranging vi&orioufly on all fides , the chief Commanders were killed , with 
 raoft of the Souldiery. The Vice-king fought very ftoutly with his Horfe , and 
 in the firft Charge had the fortune to difmount Alonfo de Montalto, befides other 
 exploits which he performed with great refolution and courage : he was difguifed 
 in his habit, for over his Arms he wore an Indian Coat, which was the caufe of 
 his death: for when he faw his Forces totally defeated , he would then have fled, 
 but his efcape was prevented by an Inhabitant of Arequepa called Hernando de Tor- 
 res, who engaged with him; and not knowing who he was , gave him fuch a 
 blow with a Battle-ax on the head , with both his hands , that he knocked him 
 to the ground. And here Car ate , in the thirty fifth Chapter of his fifth Book, 
 gives relation of this paffage in thefe words 5 The Vice-king and his Horfe was 
 fo tired with the laft night's march, having neither refted, nor flept, nor eaten , 
 that to overthrow him and his horfe was not very difficult : howfoever the bat- 
 tel was obftinately difputed between the Foot •, but feeing the Vice-king fall , 
 their courages failed, and fubmitted to the Conquerour, moft of them being flain 
 upon the place. Thus far Carate. 
 
 If Hernando de Torres had known the perfon of the Vice- king, which he mighc 
 have done, had he difcovered who he was by the mark of his Order of St. fa- 
 go, he would certainly have fpared his life , and taken him prifoner : but fuppo- 
 fing him to be a common man , clothed in an Indian habit , he killed him with- 
 out diftin<5tion. The Vice-king might rather have been blamed for wearing a 
 difguife , but his intention was not to be fpared , but to fall amongft the reft , in 
 cafe he were overcome , and not to outlive his honour and power. So foon as 
 - Carvajal faw that the field was their own, and that they were fecure of victory, 
 he with great diligence fought out for the Vice-king , that he might wreak his 
 revenge \ipon him for the death of his Brother - ? and found that Pedro de Puelles 
 was giving him another mortal wound, though with his fall, and a (hot through his 
 body, he was then expiring his laft breath : a common Souldier was the firft who 
 difcovered the body of the Vice-king to Pedro de Puelles , otherwife it had remai- 
 ned unknown under the difguife. Licenciado Carvajal had a mind to have aligh- 
 ted from his Horfe , to have given him the laft fatal ftroak •, but Pedro de Pu- 
 elles told him, that it was too mean an action for him to lay his hands on a dying 
 man : howfoever he commanded his Negro to cut off his head , as he did , and 
 carried it with him to Siuitu , where it was fixed on the head of a Lance , untill 
 it was made known to Goncalo Pigarro, who in anger caufed it to be taken away 
 and buried together with the body. A certain Authour gives a relation hereof 
 in this manner •, The head of the Vice-king was carried to £mtu , and there for 
 fome time expofed on the common gallows; but this giving offence to fome 
 people, it was taken down and joined with the body, and enterred together with it. 
 And here it is remarkable with what nicenefs this Authour touches this point ; 
 for not to fay that Picarro gave order to have the Head removed from the gal- 
 lows, he fays, that fome taking offence thereat, caufed the Head to be remo- 
 ved , fo that he feems tacitly to accufe Goncalo Pkarro , as if by his order the 
 
 Head 
 
73.6 Royal Commentaries Book IV. 
 
 Head was expofed , or at leaft that he conferred thereunto : but the truth 
 is , he was troubled at the a&ion , and that fo foon as he was informed there- 
 of he gave immediate order to have it removed -, the which is confirmed by 
 the teftimony o{ Gomara: but flattery and partiality to a fide is always preva- 
 lent with Writers , who by adding or diminiftiing can make a ftory turn which 
 way foever they pleafe. Gomara, fpeaking of the death of the Vice-king, faith } 
 
 That when Hernando de Torres had with a blow ftunned Blafco Nttnnez and 
 
 knocked him from his Horfe, and (as many believe) unknown to him, by reafon 
 that he was under the difguife of an Indian habit , Herrcra the ConfeiTbur to PU 
 $arro, came to confefs him ; and firft asked, who he was, to which Blafco Nmnez 
 replied, that that queftion was not material ; for he was to doe his Office, which 
 he defired him without farther queries to perform •, for he was afraid of fome 
 torments and cruelties would be committed on his perfon. Thus far Gomara. 
 Then came the Executioners and cuff offhis head and expofed it on the gallows - 
 and fome rude and infolent Souldiers drew out fome hairs from his beard 5 and in 
 difdain and triumph faid, Your cruel and paflionate temper hath brought you to 
 this : a certain Captain of my acquaintance carried fome hairs of his beard about 
 him for feveral days , untill they were taken from him by order. Thus did this 
 unfortunate Gentleman end his days , for infilling too earneftly on thofe methods, 
 which were neither agreeable to the constitution of the Kingdom, nor yet to the 
 fervice of the King, whence that effufion of bloud enfued and thofe many com- 
 motions as have been related in the preceding Hiftory : and which proved fatal as 
 well to Indians as to Spaniards, as will alfo farther appear in the fequel of that Re- 
 lation which ftill remains. And though his obftinacy in this point is much bla- 
 med by many , yet certainly he is in part to be excufed on account of thofe pre- 
 cifeand fevere commands he brought from Court, and which he was by the fu- 
 preme power enjoined to execute , as will be proved by the teftimony of thofe 
 Authours whom we ihall hereafter have occafion to name 5 and as he himfelf did 
 often fay, as before mentioned. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. 
 
 The Funeral of the Vice- king. The AHions o/Gon^alo Pi- 
 $arro after the Battel. The Pardon he gave to Vela 
 Nunnez, and of the good Laws he enacled for the better 
 Government of that Kingdom. 
 
 GOngalo Picarre feeing that he had gained a clear Vidlory, caufed the Trumpets 
 to found a retreat : for he perceived that his people were greatly difperfed 
 in the purfuit , whereby much bloud was unneceflarily fpilt : on the fide of the 
 Vice-king two hundred men were {lain, and not above feven of the Souldiers of 
 Pi$arro, as Carate reports : becaufe the people of the Vice-king were (b tired and 
 weary with their long march the night before, that they feemed rather to fuffer 
 themfelves to be killed than to fight ; and herein they (hewed their great zeal to 
 hisMajefty, and their readinefs to die in his fervice. The bodies of the fiain 
 were buried promifcuoufly together in the field where they died, fix or feven 
 Corpfe being laid together in the Grave : but the bodies of the Vice-king, of 
 Sancho Sanchez d'Avila , of Licenciado Gallego , and of Captain Cefeda , a Native of 
 Plafencia, were brought to the City, and there folemnly interred -, and Gondii 
 Pi§arro, and the other chief Commanders attended the Corpfe, cloathed in mour- 
 ning, and carrying fadnefs in their countenances. The perfons wounded were Don 
 
 Jllonfo de Monte Mayor , Sebaftian GoveiTlOUr of Belalca$ar , Hernandez Giron : but 
 of Cacetes, Carate makes no mention , though Diego Fernandez fpeaks of him in 
 
 thefe words 5 
 
 Gonfa/a 
 
hooK IV. Royal Commentaries. 737 
 
 Gofi.ah Pirarro had an intention to have put Captain Hernandez, Giron to death, 
 and accordingly gave order for his execution (which would have (pared him much 
 trouble, and prevented the many Commotions which he caufed afterwards in 
 Tem ) but by the tnterceffion of friends, and becaufe he fought with much bra- 
 very, and was the Kinfmanof Larenca Aldana, Pi§arro was perfuaded to grant 
 him his life, &c Thus far Fernandez-, &c. Alvarez the Judge, whom the Vice-king 
 did always carry along with him, received many wounds, of which he died in a 
 few days afterwards. Some malitioully report , that by default of the Chirur- 
 geons , whom Pirarro had directed fo to doe , he was fuflfered to periih : but this 
 report hath gained no credit, being, as believed, malitioully charged by the contra- 
 ry faction, who in fuch occafions do always caft afperfions on their Adversaries. 
 Pi$arro did not onely pardon Sdafiian de Beklca^ar , but fent him away to his 
 Government with the Souldiers he brought to fight againft him, firft taking 
 Oath of fidelity to concern himfelf for ever afterwards in his fervice. But as to 
 
 Don Alonfo de Montt ■■mayor, Rodrigo Nnnnez, de Bonilla Treafurer of £luitn, with Other 
 
 Perfons of quality, he baniihed them intoGfoVi; though meeting with a Ship in 
 their way, they took her, and failed into new Spain. All the priibners that were 
 taken he affembled together, and having considered their feveral circumftances, 
 he hanged Pedro Bells and Pedro Amon, by reafon that they had in a Boat made 
 their efcape from, the City of Los Reyes. Then, as to the others, he laid their 
 Crimes before them , that without any reafon or caufe they had taken up Arms 
 againft him, or rather againft their own intereft •, lor that he was no otherwife con- 
 cerned than for their good , and for the maintenance of their liberties and privile- 
 ges-, howfoever he frankly pardoned them all, in confideration that many of them 
 were deceived by falie allurements, and others forced to take Arms •, howfoever 
 he promifed fuch as would return to their duty, not onely pardon, but to receive 
 them into his Camp, and into fuch places and offices as they exercifed under the 
 contrary party , and that he would efteem and treat them with the fame terms and 
 conditions as he did his own Souldiers 5 giving exprefs orders, that no man ihould 
 revile them, or provoke them either by words or actions. He alfo difpatched 
 Mellengers with News of the Victory into all parts and places of the Kingdom, 
 whereby his Friends might be encouraged and his Enemies difmayed, Pedro de A- 
 larcon was difpatched with his Ship to Panama, to carry the News of this Victory 
 to Pedro de Hinojofa - 7 and ordered at his return to bring Vela Nmnez and the other 
 prifoners. As to other matters great confideration was had touching the methods, 
 how things were to be carried on for the future : and it was agreed, that the Fleet 
 ftiould be fent along the Coaft of New Spain and Nicaragua , to take and burn . 
 all the Ships they ihould meet in thofe Seas, whereby all defigns might be preven- 
 ted, which might probably produce farther mifchiefs : __ after which the Fleet was 
 to repair to Los Reyes 1, that in cafe his Majefty ihould fend any Difpatches by that 
 way -, there being no conveyance for them nor means to difpeed them to Peru 3 
 it might occafion great delays and difappointments, which gave great advantage to- 
 wards the fettlement of affairs, as will hereafter appear. Goncalo Pl.arro confiding 
 much in the faithfulnefs of Pedro de Hinojofa , and in thofe who were with him 5 
 for that being perfons truly noble both by birth and virtue , and raifed by him 
 from poverty and a mean degree to riches and honour , he conceived' an opini- 
 on that by all the obligations of gratitude they would adhere with all fincerity 
 to his intereft 5 and therefore rejected the Council given him by his Friends 5 
 efteeming fuch cautions too mean for his great foul and fpirit, who was ufed to 
 furmount all difficulties with open force and a high hand. Captain Alarcon made 
 his voyage according to his InftruCtions, and returned with Picarro's Son, and Ve- 
 la Nuwez , and three other prifoners ; two of which he hanged for having uttered 
 fome opprobrious words againft him , lie defigned alfo to have hanged the third , 
 but that his Son interceded for him, alledging that he had many obligations to him 
 on the fcore of the civilities and good offices he had done him during the time of 
 his imprifonment. Vela Nnmez was fent to ®uiw, where Picarro granted him his 
 pardon, on condition that he ihould live quietly, and without caufing any Com- 
 motions or Plots againft him , for that in cafe any contrivances of that nature 
 were difcovered , he was to expect no pardon , of which he fairly admonilhed 
 him : and , for better fecurity , he took him with him to the City of Los Reyes , 
 and treated him with much franknefs all the way, and perhaps with more freedom 
 than in prudence lie ought to have mown to a declared Enemy : but Picano belie- 
 
 B b b b b ved 
 
 
 
738 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 ved of him, as he did of others, that he was a perfon noble and fincere. Lkentia- 
 do Cepeda the Judge, of whom we have been too filent, accompanied Pi$arro in all 
 this expedition, and was prefent at the Battel, and fought more like a Souldier 
 than a Lawyer. Whilft thefe matters were in agitation, Pi^arro held his Court at 
 £mtu, from whence he difpatched all Orders and Decrees which he had made for 
 the quiet and peaceable Government of the Empire ; for having defolved the 
 Court of Judicature, he adted fingly, and by his own authority : Judge Cepeda 
 was with him , Licenciado Alvarez, was dead , Doftour Texada was gone into Spain, 
 in quality of Ambafladour, Car ate was the onely Judge remaining at -Los Reyes, but 
 he was infirm, and fickly, and unable to aft any thing in the matters of Juftice : 
 wherefore Gon$alo Pigarrif, being the fole Adminiftratour of the Laws, took upon 
 him to acquit himfelf in the diipenfation of Juftice, for the quiet and peace of 
 the Land, to the benefit of Indians and Spaniards , and propagation of the Chrifti- 
 an Faith. As Francifco Lopez, de Gomara affirms in the 1 3 3th Chapter of his Hifto- 
 ry, the Title of which is this : 
 
 Of the good Government of Gon^alo PicarrO during the abfence of Francifco de Car- 
 vajal •, and how afterwards, at the Infiigation of fever al perfons, he would take up- 
 on him the Title of King. . 
 
 All the time that Carvajal was abfent from him Pigarro put no Spaniard to death 
 without the confent and concurrence of his Council, nor then neither without 
 due Procefs of Law and Confeffion of the Party. He ena&ed, that no man fhould 
 opprefs an Indian ; which was one of the new Ordinances, nor take his goods from 
 him without money, upon pein of death. He ordered and appointed that Priefts 
 and Scholars fhould be entertained in all inhabited places for to preach and in- 
 ftruft the Indians, at the charge of men who had Eftates in the refpe&ive Di- 
 ftri&s , and ordered the payment thereof upon penalty of forfeiture of their E- 
 ftates. He was very carefull and induftrious to gather in the King's fifths, accor- 
 ding ( as he faid ) to the example of his Brother Francifco Pi$arro. He ordained , 
 that Tithes fhould be or one out of Ten : and that now , fince Blafco Numez, was 
 fubdued and flain in the War , he commanded , that every one fhould induftri- 
 oufly apply himfelf to the fervice of the King, that fo his Majefty might gratiouf- 
 ly be pleafed to repeal the late Statutes, confirm to them their Eftates, and grant 
 them pardon for what was part. Thus all people praifed his prudence, and remained 
 contented and fatisfied under his Government 5 fo that Gafca himfelf, after he had 
 made experience , and feen the good and wholfome Laws which he eftablifhed , 
 gave this character of him, that, for a Tyrant, he governed very well. The which 
 happy Government, (as we have faid before) continued untill fuch time as 
 that the Fleet was refigned to the command of Gafca. Thus far Gomara. 
 
 And as to what he farther adds in that Chapter , we fhall leave untill a more 
 proper place , and in the mean time treat of feveral remarkable pafTages and fa- 
 mous exploits which pafled ; and leaving Goncalo Pi$arro in Sluitu, we fhall make 
 a tranfition of about feven hundred Leagues, to find out Francifco de Carvajal and 
 Diego Centeno, whom we left difputing their Matters, and doing all the hurt and 
 damage they could to each other , as will farther appear in the following Chap- 
 ter. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries: yjo 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. 
 
 Of a brave Strategeme of War which Diego Centeno per- 
 formed againjt Francifco Carvajal. Several other Suc- 
 cejjes and Pajfages are related, untill the end of that pur- 
 fute. 
 
 WE have formerly mentioned in what manner Francifco de Carvajal purfued 
 Diego Centeno, without lofing one moment of time ; and keeping him in 
 continual Allarums , he ever marched with a Squadron of Foot , in a pofture to 
 fight 5 and j following them juft at the heels, he daily fell in with their Baggage, 
 or fome other part of Centeno's Forces. In this hot purfute, it happened one day, 
 that they were to pafs a deep hole or valley between two hills ( as is ufual in that 
 Countrey ) the defcent whereunto was about a League to the bottom, where was 
 a fmall ftream of Water, and the riling again about the fame diftance •, and yet 
 from the top of one Hill to the other , it was not farther than a Mufquet-fhot 5 
 Francifco de Carvajal being well acquainted with this place , was confident that he 
 mould here take his Enemy in a Trap •, believing that whilft Centeno was defen- 
 ding to the bottom , he fhould be able to gain the Top of the Hill , and poflefs 
 himfelf of that advantageous place 5 from whence he might much annoy him and 
 his men 5 for they afcending the Hill , and he remaining on the top with fteddy 
 footing and refts for their Arms, they could fcare mifs doing fome execution with 
 every mot. And as Carvajal and his Souldiers contrived this defign , and were 
 confident of the fuccefs of it 5 fo Centeno was no lefs carefull to prevent the mif- 
 chief and fecure his men in the paffage, being well advertifed of the danger they 
 were to pafs : in order whereunto , about a League before he came to the bot- 
 tom, where the ftream of Water ran , he affembled his chief Commanders , and 
 told them that they were now to pafs a moft dangerous place •■, for whilft we are 
 mounting the Hill on the other fide , the Enemy will poflefs themfelves of the 
 eminency on this part , from whence they may with much advantage fire upon 
 us , fo as fcarce a mot can mifs of doing execution. To prevent which, I would 
 propofe , as the onely means of fecurity to us , that fix of you ,- who are the beft 
 mounted , mould fecretly retire behind this Mountain , on the right-hand 5 and 
 that when Carvajal and his Van-guard are paft , that then you (ally forth and fall 
 upon the Rere \ killing all the Negroes, Indians, Spaniards, Horfes, Mules, and 
 what elfe is in your way , making what noife and out-cry that is poflible , fo 
 that Carvajal, being allarum'd therewith , a Diverfion may be made, and Carva- 
 jal may be forced to return back to fuccour his own People , and in the mean 
 rime we may make our efcape over this dangerous paffage. To perform this ex- 
 ploit he nominated iix perfons, to avoid all contention amongft them, for every 
 one ouc of gallantry, was forward and ready to offer himfelf; there beiag fifteen 
 or fixteen whom he had called to this conference. Accordingly Diego Centeno mar- 
 ched forward , charging his people to make all the hafte they were able , whilft 
 he brought up the Rere. The fix Cavaliers alfo turned off to the fide of the 
 Mountain , where they remained concealed , untill Carvajal with the Van , 
 ( which confifted of his heft and feledt Souldiers) was paft , and then they Ralli- 
 ed forth , and with great fury fell in upon the Rere ; killing with their Lances 
 all the Indians, Negro's, Spaniards, Horfes, Mules, and whatfoever ftood in their 
 way; fo that an out- cry was made for help and fuccour. Carvajal though he 
 heard the noife, yet he ftill kept on his march, judging that the allarum was faife; 
 and that if it fhould prove fo , upon his return he mould lofe the opportunity of 
 a Victory , which he believed to be now fecure and in his own power ; in the 
 mean time the fix Cavaliers carried all before them •, and amongft the reft over- 
 threw a Mule which carried fome quintals of powder, to which they gave fire, 
 and blew it up , which made fuch a terrible noife that the Woods and Moun- 
 
 I tains refounded with the Echo ; and that was fufficient to convince Carvajal, that 
 the allarum was not falfe •, and thereupon he gave order to his Souldiers to face 
 ...... . 
 
740 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 about and fuccour the Rere : and then the fix Cavaliers gave over the Charge , 
 and fled , taking their way by guidance of fome Indians over crofs and by-paths , 
 and taking a large compais came at laft after fix or leven days travel to join with 
 their other Companions. Francifio de Carvajal having in this manner relieved hi? 
 Rere, was forced to continue all that day and the night following in the fame 
 place, and give over the purfuit of the Enemy - ? for the Ox Horfemen upon their 
 firft Charge having found no oppofition , killed and lanced all that flood in their 
 way ■-, by which means a flop being put to the proceedings of Carvajal 5 Centeno 
 found an opportunity to efcape that dangerous Pafs , which he greatly feared 
 would be deftrucYive to him. Carvajal was fo angry and difturbed at this affront, 
 and fo afriamed to fee himfelf difappointed of his expectation by the Strategeme 
 of Officers much inferiour to him in the Art of War , that he uttered not one 
 word all that day, unlefs it were to repair the lofles and damage he had fuftained; 
 nor would he eat any thing at flipper that night, faying , that the affront he had 
 received would ferve him for many meals to come : but after fome hours in the 
 night that his choler began to abate, he opened his mind to his Officers in this 
 
 manner, Sirs, faid he, In all the courfe of my military employment w Italy, which continu- 
 ed for the /face of fourty years, I have feen many Retreats made by the King of France and 
 
 another great Captain, by Antonio de Leyna, by Count Pedro Navarro, by Mark An- 
 tonio Colona, by FabriClO Colona, and by many other famopu Captains of my time, as well 
 Spaniards at Italians ', but in all my life I never fawfuch a Retreat made by this young Cap- 
 tain. Which were the very words of Carvajal , without adding thereunto or di- 
 minifhing therefrom ; and were repeated to me by one who heard them. The day 
 following he purfued the Enemy with more vigour and courage than before, fo 
 that in a (hort time overtaking him , he every day fell in with him , and feized 
 fome part of his Men, Horfe or Baggage, fo that after a purfuit of two hundred 
 Leagues, fometimes out of the common road, and fometimes in , he reduced Cen- 
 teno to that low condition , that he had not above eighty men remaining of all his 
 numbers , and thofe alfo harafled and tyred with long Marches , and difcouraged 
 by reafon that they knew not when , nor where to find a place of refuge or re- 
 pofe : wherefore it was agreed to march along the Coaft to Arequepa , and there 
 if poffible to embark and find a fecurity on the Seas for thofe who had no fhelter 
 on the Land : in order hereunto a Captain was fent before, called Ribadcneyra, to 
 hire a Veflel for money or by furprize, and bring her to Arequepa, that thereon 
 they might embark their Men and Baggage, and fo efcape the danger which pur- 
 fued them : by good fortune Ribadeneyra met a Veflel bound for Chili, which he and 
 his companions with help of a Float filently furprized in the night without much 
 difficulty, and being well provided with Sea-men and all other neceflaries, brought 
 her about to Arequepa, there to take in Diego Centeno and his Souldiers , as it was 
 before agreed : but it happened that Carvajal prefled fo hard upon Centeno, that he 
 came to the Port fooner than the Veflel arrived there ; and now finding an Ene- 
 my juft at his heels , and no farther place of Retreat •■, he refolved to disband all 
 his people , telling them that in regard Ribadeneyra did not appear , nor that any 
 Veflel did prefent in that Port , whereon to make their efcape , he advifed eve- 
 ry man to (hift for himfelf, and to efcape away by three or four or five or fix in 
 a company •, and being fo difperfed, it would be impoffible fo to purfue them, but 
 that moft would efcape their hands. As to Centeno himfelf, he abandoned all his 
 companions , and with one fingle perfon , called Lewis de Ribera , and one fervant, 
 he betook himfelf to the Rocks and high Mountains , and remained in a Cave 
 for the fpace of almoft eight months , untill the Prefident Gafia arrived in Peru ; 
 during all which time he was maintained by a Curaca who lived in the Plantation 
 of Michael Comejo , into whofe Countrey it was his fortune to come , where we 
 fliall leave him untill that time comes to pafs. Onely we muft not omit to declare, 
 That from the time that Centeno did firft fet up a Standard for his Majefty, Gonca/o 
 Silveftre , a Native of Ferrera de Alcantara , of whom we have made mention in 
 our Hiftory of Florida, was always prefent with him, and was an A&or in his 
 exploits, and a Sufferer in his perils. Carvajal, coming to Arequepa in purfuit of 
 Centeno, had there loft the track of his Enemies, and (6 gave over the chafe, up- 
 on intelligence given, that they were all difperfed, and that every man fhifted for 
 himfelf-, the next morning, by break of day Ribadeneyra appeared with his Veflel 
 in the Port, of which Carvajal being informed by one of thofe perfons whom he had 
 taken, endeavoured to feize both him and his Ship : but Ribadeneyra was (b cautious 
 
 that, 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 that defiring to fpeak with fome one or other whom he knew, and feeing none 
 come out or anfwer him, he fet Sail and left the Port. Carvajal was further ad- 
 vifed, that Lope de Mendo^a, with feven or eight others were fled up into the Coun- 
 trey, after whom he fenc a Captain with twenty Musketiers, who purfued them 
 almoft an hundred leagues, untill they drove them within the Government and 
 Countrey which was conquered by Captain Rojas 5 from whence they returned 
 again to render an account to Carvajal of all that had happened. And after this 
 defeat of Diego Centeno, and that none of his men appeared, he then marched to 
 the City of Plate, to collect fuch Moneys as belonged to Gon$aloPi$arro, and to 
 thofe who had denied a contribution. But to return to Lope de Mendoca, he efca- 
 ped into the Government of Diego de Rojas, who was one of thofe Captains to 
 whom Vaca de Caftro, late Govemour of Peru, had given a Commiffion to make 
 new Conquefts, after he had compofed and pacified the many difturbances and 
 commotions in Peru by the death of Don Diego de Almagro, Junior. And now in 
 the following Chapter we (hall (hew what enfued hereupon. 
 
 74 l 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. 
 
 The fuccefes of Lope de Mendoca. Of the nianner how the 
 Indians hifufe poifon into their Arrows ; and bow Lope 
 de Mendoca returned to Peru. 
 
 TH E defign of Lope de Mendoca and his Companions was onely to conceal 
 themfelves within thofe high and rugged Mountains ( which are fituated to- 
 wards the Eaftern part of Peru ) untill fuch time as the loud voice of the King 
 fhould call them from thence 5 and little imagining to meet Spaniards in that Coun- 
 trey, they unexpectedly fell into the company oiGraviel Bermudez, who was one 
 of thofe who followed Diego de Rojat, who with his fellow Souldiers had perfor- 
 med great exploits againft the Indians in that Conqueft, and having fuftainedhun- 
 ger, tedious marches and many other hardmips, had proceeded in their difcovery 
 as far as to the River of Plate, and to the Fortrefs which Sebaflian Gaboto had built 
 in that Countrey : but Diego de Rojas, who was their chief Commander, being 
 dead, difienfions arifing amongft them who mould be the perfon to govern that 
 Jktle but victorious Army, the difcord was fo highly carried on by the ambition 
 of Pretenders, that they killed each other, and divided themfelves into divers Par- 
 ' ties, a"s if they had no Enemy, and could not better employ their Arms than 
 againft themfelves. 
 
 The death of Diego de Rojas was caufed by a poifoned Arrow, which the indi- 
 (Wj-empoiibn with a fort of Herb which begins to operate within three days after 
 the wound is given, and performs its effect in feven days afterwards •-, in which 
 time die Patient raves, eats and gnaws his own flefli, and beats his brains againft 
 the Wall and To dies. The Spaniards were defirous to know a Remedy or Antidote 
 againft this Poifon, and perfuaded the Indians both by promifes and threats to 
 give them the Receipt of it, but could not prevail, untill fuch time as they woun- 
 ded one of thofe whom they had taken in the Thigh with this fort of poifoned 
 Arrow, and then giving him liberty to go abroad and feek his remedy, they ob- 
 ferved that he gathered two forts of Herbs , the which he ftamped and pounded 
 feverally, and then drank the juice of one of them, and the other he injected in- 
 to his Wound ■-, but firft he opened the Wound with a Knife, and drew out the 
 Barbs of the Arrow, which are very fine and thin, and are left within the flefh 
 after the Shaft is taken out •, for unlefs the wound be firft cleared thereof, the 
 Herb can have no effecT: 5 and in this manner the Indian cured himfelf. The Spa- 
 niards having made this difcovery cured themfelves by application of the fame 
 Antidote, though fome of them died, who had not the art to clear the Wound 
 of the Barb which remained therein. In the Iflands of Barlovento, and in all the 
 Countrey ofBra/il, in Santa Man a, and in the New Kingdom, and in other Coun- 
 tries, 
 
742, Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 tries, where a crael fort of Indians inhabited, they ufed another fort of poifon, and 
 of a different nature to what we have before mentioned-, for they would' take 
 the Leg of an Indian, whom they had killed, and hang it up in the Air againft the 
 Sun, and fill it with many Barbs of poifoned Arrows, which were taken out of 
 the fleih of an Indian, w hich after fome days they took out, and without clean- 
 fing of them they dried them in the Air where the Sun did not come, and then 
 they headed their Arrows with them 3 and that became the mod malevolent poi- 
 fon, and the mod hard to be cured in the world ; I have feen the experiment 
 thereof, and as an eye-witnefs will relate the eftecl in its due place. After the 
 Spaniards came into that Countrey, and waged War upon the Indians, they then 
 changed the nature of their poifon : for whereas before they compounded their 
 poifon with the fleih of Indians, they then made it with the fielli of Spaniards, 
 whom they killed or took •, but more particularly they detfred the flefh of fome 
 red-headed Spaniard, whole hairs were or a deep Saffron colour ; for they were of 
 opinion that there was more heat in that fleih, and consequently more virufency 
 in the poifon which it produced : but perhaps they may have heard it often faid 
 amongft the Spaniards themfelves, that red-headed men are fit to make a compo- 
 ficion of poifon. 
 
 But to return to thofe who had made their entrance into this Countrey, they 
 obferved fuch animoiities and quarrels which, they maintained one againft another, 
 that it was impollible to reconcile them ■, fo that many of them refolved to leave 
 that Countrey and go into Peru •, for that whilft they were fo divided there was 
 no hopes to fubdue thofe Indians, who were a rugged and a martial fort of people, 
 But of the nature of this poifon, and of what elie happened in this adventure, 
 
 and the great difcords and differences amongft the Spaniards, Diego Fernandez Paten- 
 
 tim recounts a long ftory, with many ftrange and various accidents, which for 
 brevity fake we omit, and refer the Reader to his relation. But befides thefe dif- 
 ferences amongft themfelves, the Spaniards were inclined to travel into Peru upon 
 the news which an Indian brought of commotions there •, without any other par- 
 ticulars, than onely that the Spaniards waged Civil Wars amongft themfelves. 
 
 Upon this news Graviel Brrmudez, was difpatched to the confines of Peru to in- 
 form himfelf of the ftate of matters, and to certifie to them the truth of things ; 
 after which they would refolve to take that fide to which they were moft inclined, 
 Graviel travelling on the way with this defign happily met with Lope de Mendo^ 
 who gave him a relation at large of all that had palled in Peru, fince the time that 
 Diego de Rojas departed thence ; and joyning his men with the party of Graviel 
 
 Bermudez., they by mutual COnfent difpatched MeflengerS to Kieholat de Eredia, 
 
 who was chief of another Band of Men 5 and he immediately came to them with 
 his Aflociates. Lope de Meadtca reconciled them and made them Friends, and all 
 by common confent made him their Captain-General, promifing to obey and fol- 
 low him. They were in all about an hundred and fifty men in number, almoft 
 all Horfe •, men of great bravery and inured to Sufferings, having for the fpace of 
 three years together undergone incredible hardihips both by Famine and long Tra- 
 vels 5 during which time they made a difcovery of fix hundred leagues of Land, 
 fcarce enjoying one day of repofe ; the relation of « hich is not to be exprefled by 
 the Pen of Writers. With this flout and brave Cavalry Lope de Mendo^a descen- 
 ded from the Mountains, either with intent to give a flop to the proceedings of 
 Franiifct de Carv.-yd, or to join with fome other Party which owned and declared 
 for obedience and loyalty to the King. Accordingly he marched as far as the Pro- 
 vince and People called Pucum, where he refted one day for the refreftiment of 
 his Men and Horfes, being much harafled with long marches and want of Provi- 
 sions. Framifco de Carpajal who omitted no point that concerned a good Com- 
 mander, received intelligence how that Lope de Mendo^a, with his Souldiers of the 
 Invafion, (for they gave the name of Invaders to that Party) were defcended 
 from the Mountains, and that they were not well at unity and in friendfhip one 
 with the other, and therefore not to lofe that advantage he refolved to engage 
 them before they were better reconciled. Lope de Mendo^a, having news of his 
 coming, fortified himfelf within Trenches, but when he heard that Carvajal ap- 
 proached nearer he then changed his mind, fearing a Siege , for which having 
 made no provilion, he concluded that he could not long hold out before he mould 
 be forced to a furrender : befides he considered, that his force confifting for the 
 ntoft part of Horfe, they would fight with more advantage in the open Field than 
 
 within 
 
JQook IV. Royal Commentaries. 742 
 
 vithva Trenches ; As to the opinion that Carvajal conceived of his People, that 
 they were difcontented and would leave their Colours with the firft occafion that 
 prefenter ;. it was believed that he would be as much miftaken in his imagination 
 concerning Lope de Mendoca as he had oft-times been of Diego Centeno ■. for on the 
 contrary Mendoca boldly tallied forth to meet Carvajal, who alfo marched againft 
 him with his Squadrons drawn forth in form of Battel , and fo foon as he percei- 
 ved that Lope de Mendoca had abandoned the Fortification, he then made, as if he 
 intended dire&ly to give him Battel, but his defign was onely to entice them out 
 of the Fort, which when he had done, and faw them in open Field, he made light 
 of all the reft •, and feeing their confidence and boldnefs, he drew near to them, 
 as they alfo did to him ; but when they were within Musket (hot, Carvajal drew 
 off in good order and entred into the Village, which Mendoca was not able to hin- 
 der 5 for the Enemy was double their number, and their Musketiers expert, and 
 well exercifed : fo that now their quarters were changed, for Carvajal was entred 
 into the Fortification, and Lope de Mendoca remained in the open Field. Carvajats 
 Souldiers had now time to plunder the Village where the Enemy had left their 
 Riches •, and where, befides their Clothes and Garments, they took fifty thoufand 
 pieces of Eight in Bars of Silver, which Lope de Mendoca, when firft he defcended 
 from the Mountains, had caufed to be brought from feveral parts, where he and 
 Diego Centeno had hid them, when they fled from Francifco de Carvajal : with this 
 money he intended to have paid the Souldiers, but they were fo generous that 
 very few or none would accept thereof =, that fo for the future, when they fhould 
 come to receive the reward of their fervices and fufferings for their loyalty to the 
 King, they might then have to alledge, that they had received no pay nor fubfi- 
 ftence from his Majefty, but had ferved him at their own charge, coft and ha- 
 zard 5 as they accordingly made known afterwards in their petitions. And this 
 became a common cuftome among the Souldiers, not onely of thofe (who were 
 called of the Invafion ) but of other noble and brave Souldiers of Peru, who fcor- 
 ned to receive any pay, and were angry when it was offered, ftanding much up- 
 on the honour of ferving without prefent intereft, but onely in hopes and expecta- 
 tion of a future reward : but if the neceflities of any particular perfon were fo 
 great as to enforce him to receive fubfiftence money, he would not accept it by 
 way of pay, but as money lent, giving his obligation to repay it again to his Ma- 
 jefty's Exchequer, when they were enabled fo to doe , which engagement they 
 performed with much punctuality, ftanding greatly on the honour of a Souldier's 
 promife. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. 
 
 The Adventures of Francifco de Carvajal, be overcomes and 
 kills Lope de Mendoca, and enters into the Charcas. 
 
 WHilft the Souldiers of Carvajal were difperfed and plundering the Village, 
 it feems as if Lope de Mendoca had loft an opportunity and the right time 
 of falling upon his Enemies 5 but Mendoca apprehended that Carvajal was fo vi- 
 gilant as to leave him no fuch advantage •■, which indeed fo appeared accordingly, 
 for no fooner did Carvajal obferve his men to be difperfed, but he immediately 
 founded an alarm, with which his men immediately repaired to their Colours, 
 and remained all night drawn up in pofture of Battel. And now to deceive the 
 Enemy, he feigned a Letter from one of his Souldiers, which he delivered to be 
 carried by an Indian, who fpake very good Spanish, inftru&ing him what to fay to 
 gain a belief: in that Letter he was advifed to fall in upon Carvajal that night, 
 and to charge him in two feveral places, and that he would then find many that 
 would revolt over to his fide, for moft were difcontented-, the which divers 
 would have done the day before, but that they feared the fhot in their paflage 
 over unto him. 
 
 Thus 
 
744 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 Thus did Carvajal avail himfelf of the opinion which Mendoca falSly conceived 
 of the difcontent of his men, and of their ufage which inclined them to revolt 
 when an opportunity lhould offer. So foon as Mendoca had read the Letter, he 
 gave full credence to it, though it had no hand or firm thereunto, becaufe it 
 agreed with the opinion he conceived of the inclinations of Carvajais men •, and 
 with thefe expectations having drawn out his men, he attached the Enemy in 
 two places according to the advices which were given him •-, but he was beaten off 
 in both, becaufe they were provided to receive him ; and finding that no man 
 joyned or came over to his fide, with much difcouragement he drew off, having 
 loft Seven or eight of his men killed, and as many wounded. And having under- 
 ftood from the Indians that about fix or feven leagues from that place Frar.cifco de 
 Carvajal had lodged all the Riches belonging to himfelf and to his Souldiers, he 
 refolved to play him die fame game, and to pay him in the fame coin ; according- 
 ly matters fucceeded, for marching thither he feifed on all the Spoils which Car- 
 vajal had made, with which he rewarded his men to their great Satisfaction-, for 
 befides clothing of all forts, they feifed quantities of Gold, Arms and Powder. 
 
 The three Hiftorians report that Carvajal was wounded that night by a Musket- 
 Shot in his Thigh •-, howfoever he would not own it, for, being privately dreSIed, 
 he went abroad and gave fuch Orders as were neceflary •, but if that were, it was 
 but a flight wound, considering that he went the Rounds, and was on the Guard 
 and Watch all that night, and the next day purfuing them to their Quarters, beat 
 them up, and fell upon them in the night ■■, and they being weary, and tired, and 
 afleep, were totally routed and defeated ■■, many of them were taken, but fuch of 
 them as efcaped by the darknefs of the night, ( amongft which Lope de Mm 
 was one ) were difperfed into divers parts. So foon as it was day, Carvajal per- 
 ceived that Mendoca was gone, but howfoever he followed him upon the track ; 
 and then it was that he hrft underftood in what manner he and his Companions 
 had been plundred of their Riches and Spoils by Mendoca. Upon which news, 
 turning to his Souldiers, Lope de Mendoca, laid he, hath been ill-advifed to carry 
 with him the infh ument of his death ; whereby he would give them to under- 
 stand that he would purfue them to the laft extremity, and untill fuch time as 
 they had retrieved their eftates. And according to this faying, he hotly purfued 
 Lope de Mendoca, who having travelled about eight or nine leagues, imagined that 
 Carvajal had So much to doe that it was impoffible for him to make purfuit after 
 him either that day, or the day following ; and in confidence hereof, he pallet! a 
 River, and laid himfelf down to repofe, and refrelh himfelf after the watchings of 
 feveral nights : but wliilft fome were fleeping, and others eating, Carvajal unex- 
 pectedly appeared defcending from the top of a Mountain direftly to the River; 
 upon which an alarm being given, every one Shifted for himfelf, and though Car* 
 vajal had no more than Sixty Horfe with him, of the choiceft of his Troops, 
 Which he fuppofed fufficient to purfue a flying Enemy, yet they believed him to 
 come with all his Force. In this place Carvajal took many Prifoners, and amongft 
 them two or three Files of Souldiers who were playing for the pieces of Gold 
 which they had robbed : upon which occafion Carvajal uttered fome very remar- 
 kable Sayings; which Diego Hernandez, mentions. And at this place taking one 
 days reft for his neceflary refreshment, Lope de Mendoca, with five or fix of his 
 Comrades, had the opportunity of flight, and to difperfe themfelves into divers 
 places, not knowing where to go, or where to take refuge and onely to fly from 
 the face of the Enemy; 
 
 Carvajal having recovered the greatest part of what he had loft, though not all, 
 followed the purfuit of his game, and it was his fortune to take the track which 
 was made by Mendoca, not that he had any certainty thereof, but onely feeing the 
 way to be larger and wider than the others, he followed that track fo clofely that 
 though the Enemy was gone five or fix hours before them, yet after the Second 
 night, by break of day, he arrived at the very place where Mendoca was lodged, 
 in a little Indian Village, having in lets than thirty hours, from the time when he 
 was laft disturbed in his Quarters, marched twenty two leagues •, and indeed had 
 he not been forced thereunto for want of fleep and repofe, he had yet proceeded far- 
 ther •, but lie and his people were fo overcome with long journies,_ and faint for 
 want of food and fuftenance that they laid themfelves to Sleep like So many loggs 
 of wood, and without fenfe like inanimate Creatures. In the mean time came 
 Carvajal to the Village with eight men onely, leaving the reSt behind, that he 
 
 might 
 
Book TV. Koyal Commentaries. 745 
 
 might give an alarm that night to Lope Mendo^a in what place lbever he found 
 him, being refolved fo to hunt and puifue him, that having no time given him 
 either for fleep or refrefhment, he mould perim in the chafe. The Indians gave 
 notice of the Houfe where Mendoca and his Comrades were lodged, to which he 
 went with greater affurance and feifed on both the doors of the room, which was 
 a great Hall belonging to the Cacique or' Lord of that Village ; and then to make 
 them believe that all his Captains and Forces were with him, he would call out 
 to them by their names, faying, You, fuch a one, go thither, and fuch a one 
 keep this door, and you this •■, and then he called to another by his name to fet 
 fire to the Hall : with this noife Carvajal, calling out in this manner, had charmed 
 all within the Houfe to a kind of aftoniiTiment, fo that he entred into it with 
 three perfons onely, and difarmed, and bound them all, excepting Lope de Mendo- 
 ca, to whom, in consideration of his Office and Title of Captain-General, they 
 lhevved a greater refpect ; and then they brought them out of the Houfe, that 
 they might fee the fmall number to which they were become Prifoners. In this 
 manner Lope de Mendoga was taken 5 the which Hiftorians relate in general with- 
 out the circumftances of the feveral ftrategems ufed by Carvajal. Lope de Men- 
 doca was immediately flrangled and his Head cut off, as alfo Nicholas de Eredia and 
 three others ■-, but the reft were all pardoned, as were all others (of the lnvafion as 
 they called them) to whom he reftored their Horfes and Arms and whatfoever 
 was taken from them •, and gave Money and Horfes to fuch as wanted them, en- 
 deavouring by all fair means to gain them to his Party. In like manner he par- 
 doned Lewis Pardomo and Alonco Camargo, who had joyned with Mendo^a after they 
 left Diego Centem ■. the which Pardon was granted in confideration of a difcovery 
 they made of fifty thoufand pieces of Eight in Silver, which were buried by him 
 in a certain place. After this Victory, no other action remaining to be perfor- 
 med, he marched into the Charcot with intention to recide fome days in the City 
 of Plate, and to amafs what Silver he could from the Mines of Potofi, which were 
 difcovered that year. And then he confifcated all the Indians, and Plantations 
 of thofe who were dead, and of thofe who flood out and were fled, unto the ufe 
 of Gonpalo Pi^arro, in recompenfe for the great charge and expence he had been ac 
 for maintenance of the War. When he was come near to the City of Plate, all the 
 Inhabitants thereof came forth to meet him, in hopes with that complement to 
 appeafe and foften his angry and fierce humour : amongft the reft came Alonfi Ra~ 
 mirez with his white Rod in his hand, having been made chief Governour of that 
 Town by Diego Centeno. Carvajal at fight hereof grew angry, and faid to him, 
 Mr. Ramirez, Take off the Crofs from the top of that white Staff, and then fhar- 
 pen it at the point, and dart it at a Dog, and I proteft that if you do not hit him 
 in the right eye I will hang you for it •, meaning thereby to declare his folly and 
 indifcretion in coming to meet him with that fignal of Authority in his hand, 
 which he had received from a Party which flood in defiance of him, and whole 
 Power he would not own. Hereupon Ramirez threw away his Staff, not reflec- 
 ing in due time on the indifcretion and imprudence of this Ad;. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. 
 
 Carvajal [ends the Head of Lope de Mendoca to Areque- 
 
 pa, and what was the jaying of a Woman thereupon. Of 
 a Mutiny which was made againft. Carvajal, and how the 
 Aut hours thereof were punijhed. 
 
 THE next day after Carvajal entred into the City of Plate, he fent the Head 
 of Lope de Mendo fa to the City of Arequepa by Dionyfio de Bobadilla, who was 
 
 afterwards made Serjeant-Major to Gon$alo Pi$arro, and with whom I was acquain- 
 ted ; and his inftru&ions were to fet it up upon the common Gallows of that Ci- 
 ty, that the Inhabitants might take notice and example thereby ; fpr in that Town 
 
 Ccccc Diego 
 
ja6 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 Diego Centeno had firft fet up his Standard. Bobadilla was the Meflenger hereofj 
 and upon this occafion it may be pertinent to our purpofe not to omit a particular 
 paffige which happened hereupon, that a matter fo remarkable may not be for- 
 gotten. There lived in Arequepa a vertuous and charitable Woman, called Joanna 
 of Leyton, who had been a Servant to the Lady Catalina Leyton, a Woman of as 
 noble a Family as any is of that name in the Kingdom of Portia/, and was the 
 Wife of Frandfco de Carvajal, though fome, to render her odious, will have her 
 to have been his Whore 3 but certainly (he was his Wife, and greatly efteemed 
 by her Husband, and all the Nobility of Very., and indeed her Perfon, and Vermes 
 and noble Birth did deierve no lefs. 
 
 This Lady bred up and maintained this foama Leyton for fo long a time, that at 
 length (lie took that name, and called her felf Leyton 3 and then afterwards mar- 
 ried her to a perfon of honour called Frandfco Vofi, and Ihe was a Perfon of fo 
 great honour that Frandfco Carvajal loved her as his own Daughter. During thefe 
 troubles and revolutions caufed by Gm$alo Picarro ihe always favoured the King's 
 fide, and often interceded for fome of them with her Matter Carvajal-, others 
 ihe aflifted with her Money, and fome (he concealed in her Houfe, and particu- 
 larly ihe hid three at that time when Goncalo Picarro firft entred into Rimac with 
 that daughter and imprifonment of people which we have before related. Fran- 
 cifco de Carvajal, whole knowledge nothing efcaped, took her afide, and asked her 
 where thoie three men were which (lie had hidden 5 (he denied to know of any, 
 but he confidently charging her with it, and naming one of them, whom he fu- 
 fpe&ed, (he was fo confounded, that (lie could not longer perfift in the denial ; 
 and therefore, taking a manly courage, it is true, faid ihe, they are' in fuch 3. 
 Chamber, and 1 will bring them to you with a Knife, that you may cut their 
 Throats and drink their Bloud, and eat their Fle(h, that fo you may be glutted 
 and fatiated with humane Bloud after which you are fo thirfty : and fo being juli 
 going away, Carvajal called her, and faid, let them alone, let them alone, and let 
 me alone alfo, and the Devil take thee : and thus foanna Leyton gained her point 
 and vi&ory over him. This relation I received from one of the greateft enemies 
 that Carvajal had, but a perfon of great probity, called Goncalo Silvefire, of whom 
 we have formerly made mention. 
 
 Some fhort time after this Joanna de Leyton went tO live at Arequepa,\\\\ZtZ Dionyfio 
 de Bobadilla brought the Heads of Lope de Mendoca, Nicholas de Eredia, and of three 
 
 or four o:hers-, and before he went to pay his refpects to Pedro de Fuentes, who 
 was Governour of that City under Goncalo Picarro , he made a vifit to this foanna 
 Leyton, believing that (he would gladly hear of the health of her Mafter Frandfco de 
 Carvajal. The Lady received him with a good welcome, and having firft pafled 
 the ufual complements at meeting, and made enquiry after the welfare of her 
 Lord, (he earneftly entreated Bobadilla to deliver the Head of Lope de Mendo$a into 
 her hands, that ihe might have the fatisfadtion to bury it in fuch manner as be- 
 came a perfon of his merit and loyalty to his King 3 but Bobadilla excufed himfelf, 
 faying, that he durft not doe it, for that Ihe well knew the fevere humour of 
 Carvajal his Lord, who would for fuch an offence hang him and quarter him 3 but 
 ihe (till continued her importunity, and defired him for God's fake to let her have 
 it, and that ihe would give him two hundred pieces of Eight, wherewith he might 
 oblige and help one of his indigent Souldiers, for what good, faid (he, can it doe 
 you, fince die Head is difmembred from the Body, to drag it through the Streets, 
 and fix it on the Gallows ? But Bobadilla ftill defired her excufe three or four times 
 with the fame words, and ihe continued to prefs him with the greateft earneftnefs 
 in the world 5 but at length, feeing that (he could not prevail with all her intrea- 
 ties and promifes, (lie grew angry, and then faid, Weil^ fet it up then. in the name of 
 
 God, but know that you had better have let it alone 3 and that the two hundred pieces of 
 Eight which I offered for it, 1 will employ in Maffes to be faid for his Soul; and I tell thee 
 farther, that he, whofoever he is, that is not contented to have that Head honourably bu- 
 ried, will not live long, and I hope jhortlj to fee tlry Head in the place of it. 
 
 This difcourfe pafling thus, Bobadilla ( as the Hiftorians fay ) was ready to die 
 with laughter, admiring much at the Dialogue he had with Joanna Leyton, and from 
 her went direftly to prefent the Heads to Pedro de Fmntes. And commanding the 
 Indians to unfold the Clothes wherein they were enwrapped, they did it fo aw- 
 kerdly, and were fo puzzled at it, that he was forced to come himfelf and lay them 
 open : fome of the Spaniards (landing by, faid that the Heads (tank, but Bobadilla 
 
 made 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. 747 
 
 made anfwer , No, Gentlemen , faid he ■-, the Heads of our Enemies cut off with 
 our own hands do never (link , but rather fmell fweet , by which he ihewed 
 himfelf a true Scholar and Servant to Carvajal, for all his Difciples were of the 
 fame (tamp. 
 
 Francifco de Carvajal having thus defeated Captain Diego Cent em, and killed Lo- 
 pe de Mendoca , Nicholas de Eredia , and others •, and having refreshed his Souldiers 
 and gratified thofe who revolted to him at the River of Plate, with Horfes, Arms 
 and Money ; the better to oblige them to him , he kept his head-quarters at the 
 City of Plate , making what Money he was able to fend to Pi cam. 
 
 About this time the Souldiers ( of the Invafion ) who were many of them 
 noble by birth, being afhamed to have been fo eafily overcome, and angry at the 
 death of Nicholas de Eredia their chief Commander, and other their Companions, 
 entered into a Confpiracy to revenge the fame with the bloud of Carvajal .- and that 
 truly in pure revenge , and not out of covetoufnefs , as fome report ; but that is 
 not probable , becaufe not long before they were fo generous as to refufe money 
 which was offered them for their Pay. The principal Confpiratours were Lewis 
 Pardomo, Alonfo Camargo, and others who had formerly been pardoned by Carvajal, as 
 we have mentioned before ; and with thefe thirty others were engaged in the Plot 
 whofe names are not known, and agreed to kill him on fuch a day, and all of them 
 took an Oath of Secrecy, laying their hands on a Crucifix. But Carvajal, who 
 was a fufpicious man , and carefull of his own perfon , and had many friends 
 who were very true to him came to a diicovery of the whole Confpiracy, to pre- 
 vent which, he feized upon the principal A&ours therein, and with great fury and 
 madnefs uttered in a raving manner thefe words, as Diego Fernandez reports ; Senior 
 \ Balmafeda , and other Cavaliers of the Invafion have confpired to kill me , not- 
 withstanding my kind treatment of them , and the refped I (hewed them abore 
 the true and loyal Servants of my Governour and Lord P'^arro, &c. 
 
 And thus having put tix or feven of the principal Plotters to death , he pardo- 
 ned all the reft - 7 but to fecure himfelf from them , knowing them to be defpe- 
 rate men •, he fent them in the nature of banifhment to Gon$alo Pi^am by diffe- 
 rent ways, to whom he had lately wrote a relation of all paflages, and how his 
 Enemies were totally routed and defeated •, and about the fame time Francifco de 
 Carvajal received in exchange of his relation an account of the Battel at £>mttt } 
 wherein the Vice-king was flain , with what elfe he had done after this fuccefs 5 
 and how he intended to goe to the City of Los Reyes , where he defired to meet 
 Carvajal, that they might there confult, and agree upon fuch meafures and methods 
 as were to be taken for the future. 
 
 CHAP. XL. 
 
 The fubjiance of Francifco de Carvajal's Letter to Gon^a- 
 lo Picarro , and of his Difcourfe by word of mouth , per- 
 fuading him to proclaim himfelf King of Peru. And 
 hew others encouraged him thereunto. 
 
 THIS fortunate News put Carvajal into a thoufand thoughts concerning the 
 ftate of Pigarro's affairs, contriving how it might be poffible for him to per- 
 tuate his power and rule •, not meaning under the Emperour, but by virtue of 
 5 own abfolute and independent authority, having with afliftence of his own 
 rother and his own Arms, won and gained that Empire. Diego Fernandez, in the 
 fourty ninth Chapter of his Book recites the whole Letter , wherein he advifes 
 him to take on himfelf the Title of King: And when afterwards he and Picarro 
 met at R'mac , he then made this Difcourfe to him , which we think fit to anti- 
 cipate and repeat out of its due place. 
 
 Ccccc s Sir, 
 
748 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 Sir, faid he, A Vice -king hath been killed in battel, and hit Head cut of by us , and 
 publickjy placed on the common Gibbet, After roe have waged War againft the Royal Stan- 
 dard of his Majefty , and have been the cattfe of the efujion of fo much blond , and co?n- 
 mittedfo many (foils , and robberies , and outrages upon the people 5 what place can we ex- 
 fpetlfor mercy and pardon from the King I Nay , if we Jhould come off upon Articles of 
 agreement , and that you could juftifityour felf, and jhew as clear an innocence as the child 
 which fucks at the breaft ; yet, what fecurity can there be to rely on the mofi folemn vows 
 and promifes that can be made you ? Wherefore , I conclude , that you have no fafety but 
 by taking upon you the authority of a King , by which you will better fecure your government 
 than by expetlations to receive it from another hand. Plant the Crown upon your own head 
 and divide the Lands amongfi your own friends and creatures: that which the King 
 hath granted for two lives onely , do you give them the fee-Jimple and inheritance of, with 
 Titles of Dukes , Mar queues , and Earls , as is ufual in all the Kingdoms of the World 
 who will be thereby engaged to defend you , whi/jt they fight in defence of their own Eftates 
 and Fortunes. Tou may alfo create new Orders of Knighthood, calling them with the fame 
 names as are ufed in Spain , or by the denomination of other Saints to whom you are more 
 particularly devoted , and you may frame other Badges as are mofi agreeable to your fancy $ 
 and fuch as you (hall make Knights of the Habit , you may ajjign them Rents and Penjions 
 to live upon and enjoy for a term of life , as is common every where to the Military Orders. 
 In this manner you will engage all the Gentry and Nobility of the Spaniards, who re fide in 
 this Empire , to your Party , and draw thofe in who are averfe. And to bring the Indi- 
 ans in likewife to your fervice and devotion , and to dye for you , as they do for their own 
 natural Prince. 1 would perfuade you to marry that Prince fs which is near eft of bloud to 
 the Royal Family : in order whereunto, I would have you fend Ambajfadours to the Moun- 
 tains, where the Inca, who is Heir to this Empire, doth now refide ; defiring him to quit his 
 folitary habitation, that foyou may reftore him to the Majefiy and Grandure of his Empire ; 
 and that he would with his own hand give his Sifter or Daughter in marriage to you. It is 
 not to be doubted but that he will be infinitely proud and overjoyed with this Alliance : and 
 fuch will be the univerfal fatisfallion and contentment of his Subjects in reftoring their 
 Inca to his power and dominion , that they will chearfully obey what fervil Offices foever 
 their Inca fhall command them for your fervice 5 as the carriage of your provtfions, depo- 
 pulating Towns where your Enemies are to pa(s , making ways and roads where you (hall di- 
 reil. And, in fine, you will hereby engage all the Indians to be of your fide : for it would 
 be a great inconvenience to an Enemy to want people to carry their baggage , without which 
 they can fear ce pafs in the Count rey. And as to the Inca, he will content himfelf with 
 the bare name and title of a King 5 and you many fujfer his Subjects to obey him in the times 
 of peace, as they did his Anceftours informer ages. And as to your felf, Tou and your Mi- 
 nifters and Captains may rule and govern the Spaniards, and require the Inca, when occa- 
 fion ferves, to command his Indians to perform fuch and fuch fervice s as you fhall appoint 5 
 and by thefe means you will fecure them to be faithfull to you , and engage them to be true, 
 and not falfe, and Spyes, as they have been to both fides. 
 
 Moreover , you will by this friend/hip of the Inca amafs all the Gold and Silver that the 
 Indians dig throughout the Empire , and feeing they efteem not of it as riches or treafure , 
 they will, in reward of the reftauration of their Prince and on the fcore of your alliance with 
 them, be eafily induced to difcover to you all the treafure which hath been hidden by their An- 
 ceftours : which will amount to that vaft riches, that ( as the faying is ) you may there- 
 with purchafe the whole World, in cafe you are ambitious to be the fole Monarch of it. And 
 let not that be any fcruple to you , that you hereby ufurp on the dominion of the King of 
 Spain ■-, for when you are a King ( as the faying is ) you can doe no wrong. This Conn- 
 trey did once belong to the Inca's , who were the natural Princes thereof , fo that it properly 
 belongs to them 5 and if any right may be claimed on the fcore of Conqueft , it belongs not to 
 the King of Caftile , but to you and your Brothers , who gained it at your own expence , 
 and with hardfhips and hazards of your Lives. 
 
 And now therefore to reftore again the Government to the Inca', the natural Lord there- 
 of , it is a piece of generofity founded on the Law of Nature •, and thereby alfo you will doe 
 right to your felf , for it is not reafon that you who are the Conquer our of an Empire Jhould 
 be a Slave and Subject in it ; or that he, who by the valour of his Arme hath made him- 
 felf a King , fhould out of a meannefs and pufi/lanimity of fpirit render himfelf a Vajfal or 
 a Subjell in it. The fuccefs of all thefe Aclions confifts in making good the fir ft fteps and 
 gradations to it ; And therefore I befeech you ferioufly to confider of what 1 have propofed, 
 which, if well purfued , will certainly tend to your eftablifhment in this Empire, and 
 
 make 
 
Book IV. Koyal Commentaries. jaq 
 
 make all people in this and in the ages to come acknowledge you and yours for their lawfuH 
 Sovereign. 
 
 And, to conclude all, be the event what it will, let me advifeyou to take the Crown and 
 Title of King •-, it is but what you have gained by your Arms and Valour; and no lefs 
 Title than that can become you .- and therefore I cannot but repeat it again and again to 
 you , Dye a King , and not a Subjetl 5 He that is contented in an ill condition , deferves 4 
 worfe. 
 
 I have in this Difcourfe of Carvajafs omitted feveral particulars which will 
 found ill in the ears of Loyal perfons , and gratifie the honour of ill-affected per- 
 fons. Thefe Difcourfes were not unpleafing to Gon$alo Picarro , who heard them 
 willingly, and took it fo kindly from him, that he would (b far concern him- 
 lelf for his eftablilhment in grandure , that he afterwards called him Father 5 the 
 feme Advices were in like manner confirmed by Pedro de Puelles, Licenciado Cepeda, 
 and Hernando Bachicao , with the concurrence of his intimate Friends , who as Go- 
 mara faith in Chap. 173. were very many •, and gives an account of that paflage 
 in thefe words. 
 
 Francifco de Carvajal and Pedro de Puelles wrote a Letter to Picarro to give him- 
 
 felf the Title of King-, and by that means to excufe the fending of Ambafladours 
 to the Emperour ■-, and in lieu thereof to provide good Horfes, Armour, Shot, 
 and Arms , which were the beft Advocates for juftification of his Caufe 5 and 
 that he mould apply thofe fifths, and rents and duties which Cobos, without de- 
 ferving any part thereof had carried away , unto his own ufe: fome were of opi- 
 nion not to yield the Countrey unto the King , but upon terms that he mould 
 grant likewife unto them the inheritance of their Lands 5 others faid that they 
 would make a King , as they thought fit , as had been pra&ifed in Spain , when 
 Pelayo and Garci Ximenez, were fet up. Others faid, that unlefs the Government of 
 Peru were given to Picarro , and his Brother Hernando Picarro fet at liberty , they 
 would all in the very lurks to their affiftence : And all of them concurred in that 
 general opinion , that the Countrey was their own , and that they might make a 
 Divifion thereof among!! themfelves , in regard they had won it by conqueft and 
 at the expence of their own bloud. Thus far Gomara , which Fernandez Palentino 
 confirms in the thirteenth Chapter of his fecond Book, in thefe words which I have 
 extracted from thence. 
 
 Thefe Actions being ended, they marched to the City of Los Reyes, difcourfing 
 on the way of the methods which were now to be purfued. Some were of opinion 
 that the King would overlook all things that were paft, and confirm Goncalo Picar- 
 ro in the Government : others, more impudently (aid, that it was no matter whe- 
 ther the King did approve of things or not , for that his Commands would find 
 little effect or compliance in thofe parts. Licenciado Cepeda, who was defirous to 
 flatter and pleafe Picarro in all things, approved of the faying of Hernando Bachicao 
 and others, that all the Kingdom and Dominion of Peru did by right and by juft 
 claim belong unto him : to prove which he produced many examples, whereby 
 it appeared that many Kingdoms , Provinces and Countreys which at firft were 
 gained by force of Arms, were afterward conferved, and after a long tract of time 
 were efteemed the hereditary Pofleflions, and devolved to pofterity by an Undeni- 
 able Title: witnefs the Kingdom of Navarre; and the reafon, form and manner 
 how thefe Kings were anointed, which he compared with the circumftances of Pi- 
 carro 5 and then he concluded, that never was any King upon the face of the Earth, 
 who at the beginning had ever a more fair and clear Title to a Kingdom , than 
 Goncalo Picarro had unto his : all which Picarro heard with great attention and de- 
 light •, for befides that humane nature is naturally ambitious of power and govern- 
 ment •, his affections were alfo for want of due confideration let loofe to the im- 
 moderate defires thereof-, for he was a man naturally of a dull capacity , and 
 knew not how to write or read -, and therefore made not thofe reflexions on the 
 confequences of things as thinking-men ufually do. And in regard that Cepeda, 
 was a learned and a well read man , and efteemed for his judgment and know- 
 ledge, everyone approved his fayings , and none did contradict or queftion any 
 thing that was faid by him , for this matter was the whole fubject of their dif- 
 courfe at all times when they were in converfation together. Thus far Palentino. 
 
 We have formerly mentioned what is reported by Gomara concerning the duties 
 which Cobos took without deferving or doing any thing for them: the truth of 
 
 which 
 
75o Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 which matter ftands thus : His Imperial Majefty was pleafed to grant unto his Se- 
 cretary Frmcifco de Cobos one and a half per Centum upon all the Gold and Silver 
 which was brought to the Mint and Treafury of his Majefty , where the Fifths 
 were deducted for the ufe and benefit of the King : but then Cobos was to be at the 
 whole charge to find Coals for melting, and to provide Say-mafters to refine and 
 aflay the Gold and Silver , to pay the Minters •, and in fine, to defray all charges 
 and expences thereof v hatfoever; which were (o great, that the Secretary, would 
 rather have been a Lofer than a Gainer thereby : but in regard that every one 
 who went to pay his Fifths might the better make up his accounts , and know 
 how much he was to pay and how much remained to him 5 the manner was to 
 bring the Gold and Silver ready melted , refined and affayed by the King's Aflay- 
 mafter, at the proper coft and expence of the perfon to whom it belonged : by 
 which means Cobos did not perform his obligation which he had given ; and for 
 that reafon Gomant faith that he took duties which he had not deferved. 
 
 
 CHAP. XL!. 
 
 Gon^alo Picarro declares his duty and allegiance to the 
 King , he departs from Quicu , and goes to Truxillo and 
 Los Reyes 5 and the great joy was made at his coming. 
 
 BUT notwithstanding all this difcoarfe and perfuafion, Gon$alo Picarro from a 
 principle of Loyalty to his Sovereign, could not relolve to take upon him- 
 felf the Title of King •, and more efpecially becaufe he cou!d not but believe that 
 his Majefty would confirm him in the Government of Peru, in consideration that 
 he and his Brothers had done great Services , having by the Conqueft of that 
 Kingdom annexed it to the Imperial Crown , and by virtue of the Commiffion 
 given to his Brother the Marquis he was to hold that Government during his life; 
 with liberty to name a Succefibur after his death •, and that his Brother had accor- 
 dingly nominated him. Then as to his proceedings and fuccelTes againft the 
 Vice' king 5 he fuppofed that his vigorous and unreafonable proceedings in execu- 
 tion of the new Laws might eafily juftifie his Actions. For that the Vice-king 
 refufed to hear the Addrefles and Petitions which were made to him by the 
 whole Kingdom, and for that reafon he was chofen and ele&ed by the unanimous 
 confent of all the People to reprefent their complaints and aggrievances, which he 
 had rejected and abfolutely refufed to receive. Then , as to the imprisonment of 
 the Vice-king , and defigning to embark and fend him away for Spain $ it was 
 not done by him, but by the Judges upon thefe confutations which he medita- 
 ted within himfelf 5 Picarro flattered himfelf with high expectations that helhould 
 not onely obtain pardon from the King , but a new confirmation and fettlemenc 
 of the Kingdom of Peru upon him : thus men of Arms and great Souldiers take 
 falfe meafures of their merits and the rewards which they exped for them. But 
 in regard Gon$alo Picarro did not accept of the offer, which his friends made him ; 
 his refufal was interpreted as the effed of a weak underftanding, and not procee- 
 ding from a principle of loyalty towards his Prince •, and perhaps upon this ground 
 it was, That all Hiftorians in the charader they give of him, reprefent him as a 
 perfon of a weak underftanding 5 though in reality thofe who have been famili- 
 arly acquainted with him have reported him to have been endued with a fuffici- 
 ent Talent of knowledge, to have been of a good nature, fincereand open, firm 
 to his promifes, without fraud and nicks •, but of a true, honeft and noble fpirir, 
 repofing too much confidence in his fiends, who afterv\ards betrayed and deflroy- 
 ed him, as all Hiftorians relate. Nor can we much blame the Writers for giving 
 a character of Picarro fo different to truth •-, becaule they compiled their Hiftories 
 out of thofe notes and particulars which were given them by perfbns who were 
 directed to temporize and comply with the humour of thofe times ; as Palemino 
 
 complains 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries'. 751 
 
 complains in his dedicatory EpiStle in thefe words: Being refolved to proceed , 
 fa) s he , my pen Raited with Fear , and a ftop was given to the courfe of my Hi- 
 ftory, upon consideration of Some inconveniences which might happen unto me 
 thereby. And remaining in this fufpenfe , I came to the Court of your MajeSty 
 where I prefenced before your Royal Council of the Indies the firSt part of the Hi- 
 story which I had flniihed. And in regard they conceived a good opinion of the 
 truth of what I had delivered therein •, they were pleafed to judge it not one- 
 ly beneficial and ulefull , but likewife neceftary for me to compleat the Hifto- 
 ry which I had begun : and being fo commanded to doe with promifes of a re- 
 ward for my labour ■-, I took new fpirit and courage again , and banifhed all that 
 fear and apprehenfions which formerly gave a ftop to the courfe of my Pen , &c. 
 And in this manner I little regarded the teftimony of Enemies, or what men faid, 
 who reported matters with a prejudice, knowing it to be the cuftom of mankind 
 to fay things by halves where they have no kindneSs for the Party. And now Gon- 
 fak Pifarro refolved to leave jQuitu, and goe to the City of Los Reyes, and to make 
 his refidence there , becaufe it was in the middle of the Empire , and the moSt ad- 
 vantageous fituation to feat himfelf for fuppreflion of disturbances and ftirrs which 
 might arlfe in any parts of Pem^as alfo to adminifter juftice in the times of peace. 
 In J2"itH he constituted Pedro de Puelles to be his Captain General and Deputy 
 with three hundred Souldiers-, for he repofed great truSl in him upon the experi- 
 ence he had of his faithfulnefs to him , and fuccour which he gave him at a time 
 when he looked on himfelf as ruined and finking : and being come to the City 
 of.fr. Michael, he received intelligence that a great number of Indian Souldiers 
 were gathered in a Body upon the frontiers of that Countrey ; to difperfe which, 
 he lent Captain Mercddllk with about a hundred and thirty men who therewith 
 afterwards peopled that City which is now called Laxa. Then he fent Captain 
 Porcel with a Party of fixty men to the ancient Conqueft which had been made 
 in the Province of Pacamura •, likewife Lkenciado Carvajal was ordered to goe by 
 Sea and embark with thofe Souldiers which fotm Alonfo Palamino had brought from 
 Nicaragua ; and that he Should order matters in every Port according to the Instruc- 
 tions which were given him. Lkenciado Carvajal performed every thing as he was 
 commanded, failing along the Coaft as far as Truxillo, whilst Goncalo Picarro mar- 
 ched all the way by Land ; and at length they met all together at that Place , 
 where orders were given to goe to Los Reyes •, Picarro was accompanied thither 
 with two hundred choice Souldiers, amongSt which were Llcendado Carvajal, John 
 de rlcofta, John de la Torro, Lkenciado Cefeda , Fernando Bachicao , Diego Gaillen, with 
 other l J orions of Quality. 
 
 Upon his entry into the City men were of different opinions concerning the 
 manner of it. Thofe who would have him take the Title of King , and to be 
 fpeeddy crowned , proposed that he Should enter under a Canopy of State. O- 
 thers, who were of a more moderate temper, would have the Gate and the new 
 Street enlarged and made more wide by laying open one of the Barriers of the 
 City, to make his Entrance the more Signal, according to the example of the Ro- 
 man Emperours, w hen they entred Rome in triumph : both fides earnestly contended 
 about this matter , but Picarro would yield to neither of them , but onely refer- 
 red himfelf to what Lkenciado Carvajal Should judge convenient and fit to be done. 
 And he accordingly directed, that he Should make his Entry on Horfe-back, and 
 his Captains all on Foot before him , with their Horfes led on the right-hand of 
 them, after which the Foot were to march in rank and file. The Horfemen dif- 
 mounted and inarched on foot, being intermixed with the Infantry } it not See- 
 ming decent that they Should ride whilst their Captains were on foot. Goncalo 
 Pican-o was mounted on a very fine Horfe , and came up in the Rere , fuppbrted 
 on each Side with four Bifliops •, on the right-hand by the Arch-biShop of Los Rey* 
 es and the Bit nop of gmtu 5 and on the left by the Bifhop of Cozco and the Bi- 
 Shop of Bogota , the latter of which came to Pern to be confecrated by the hands 
 of thofe other three Prelates. Then came another band of Souldiers for a Rere- 
 guard, all marching without Guns, or Pikes, or other Arms, than onely their 
 Swords and Daggers in token of peace. After all came Lorenco de Aldana who 
 was constituted chief Governour of that City by Picarro, together with the Alder- 
 men of the Corporation and other Inhabitants , who came out to welcome Picar- 
 ro •, and all the people, as he pafied, faluted him with loud acclamations and a 
 thoufand bleSfings , for having concerned himfelf for their welfare , and restored 
 
 their 
 
ncz Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 their Eftates to them with infinite labours and hardfhips, and the hazard of his 
 life ; in confederation of which they offered their lives and fortunes to remain at 
 his devotion. And being now entred within the City, he went directly to the Ca- 
 thedral Church there to adore the moft Holy Sacrament ; the Streets all along as 
 he palled refounded with vocal Mufick, Singing, Minftrels and Trumpets, which 
 were excellently good in that City ■-, and the Bells of the Churches and Monafte- 
 ries fpake his welcome, and added to the Solemnity of that day. ¥i$am having 
 performed his devotions to our Lord, went to his Houfe, which formerly belon- 
 ged to his Brother the Marquis, where, as the Hiftorians fay, he lived in greater 
 fplendour and ftate than ever he had done before. Some fay that he entertained 
 eighty Halberdiers for his Guard, and that no man was permitted to fit down in 
 his prefence$ feme fay he gave his hand to be kiffed : but many ftories of this 
 nature are framed out of envy and malice of enemies, who, as we have faid, raife 
 thefe reports : though to my certain knowledge, and I fpeak the fame on the 
 truth of a Chriftian, that there was not one Halberdier in all his Guard, nor have 
 I ever heard that he entertained any. And, as I have formerly mentioned, when 
 his Brother the Marquis returned into this Countrey, with a Commiflion from 
 his Majefty, and with the privilege to entertain twenty fen - Halberdiers for the 
 guard of his Perfon, he could by no means perfuade any to accept of the Office, 
 it being efteemed too low and inferiour to the quality of a Spaniard ; onely 1 knew 
 two men who vouchfafed to humble themfelves to that mean degree. And 
 therefore I know not how afterwards it could come to pafs in times of greater 
 pride and height, that eighty Spaniards fhould be found to ftoop or condefcend fo 
 low as to bear Halberds on their fhoulders, efpecially fince it hath been obferved, 
 that they were too proud to own the taking money on the notion of pay ; and 
 therefore I am of opinion, that the Authours who wrote of this matter did mif- 
 take the name of Halberdiers for Harquebufiers. Befides, I note it for a miftake 
 of the like nature in thofe who report, that Picarro made ufe of poifon to remove 
 thofe out of the world who flood in his way, for never any fuch thing was a&ed, 
 nor yet imagined to be done, for if it had been I fhould certainly have heard there- 
 of, fooner or later, as well as they - 7 and indeed, had he been guilty of fuch vani- 
 ties and crimes as thefe, he would have been detefted and abhorred by all the 
 world, whereas on the contrary (as all Authours agree) he was well beloved and 
 generally efteemed. And fo much I declare upon my faith and truth, as an eye- 
 witnefs of moft of thefe paffages; and I fpeak in fincerity without favour or af- 
 fection to any, having no engagements to either Party. 
 
 CHAP. XLII. 
 
 The Authour declares in what manner Gon^alo Picarro be- 
 haved himfelf towards his own People. The death of 
 Vela Nunnez. The arrival of Francifco de Carvajal 
 at Los Reyes, and the manner how he was received. 
 
 WHEN Gon$alo Pi$arro was at the City of Cozco, I had fome knowledge 
 of him by fight ; for foon after the Battel ofHuarha he came and refided 
 there untill the Battel of Sacfahuana, which was about fix months, during which 
 time I was frequently in his Houfe, and obferved his behaviour both within doors 
 and abroad. All people paid him the honour and refpecT: which was due to their 
 Superiour, attending and following him wherefoever he went, either on foot or 
 on Horfeback •, and he demeaned himfelf with that courtefie and affability to- 
 wards all, and fo like a fellow-fouldier, that no man could find caufe of com- 
 plaint : I never faw him give his hand to any man to be killed, though defired 
 in way of complement. He freely took offhis Hat to every man, and to perions 
 of Quality he gave them the Titles which were due to them : he conftantly, as 
 we have faid, called Francifco de Carvajal by the name of Father, as I once over- 
 heard 
 
Book IV. Royal Commentaries. nz-i 
 
 heard him fay •-, for when I was a Boy, or a young Lad, he would always have me 
 with him, and upon a certain time Carvajal came to fpeak to him, and though 
 there was none in the Room prefent with them befides my felf, yet Carvajal not 
 being willing that I lhould hear any thing which was between them whifpered 
 him in the ear ; what it was I could not hear, but Picarro anfwered in a few words, 
 which were, Look you Father. 
 
 1 have leen him fometimes at Dinner , for he always ate in publick - y his 
 Table was very long, and held at lead: an hundred people : at the upper end of 
 which he fate himfelf, and on each hand there was a void fpace left which might 
 contain two pertbns ; at which diftance all Souldiers fate down as they pleafcd •-, 
 onely the Captains and Citizens did not dine with him, unlefs it were in their 
 own Houfes. I dined with him twice at his own Table, by his command and 
 invitation ; one of which was on -Candlemas-day, and then his Son Don Fernando, 
 and Don Francifco his Nephew, who was Son to his Brother the Marquis, and I 
 ate (landing at the void place of his Table, and he carved for us all, and gave 
 from his own Plate ■-, all which I faw, being then about the age of nine years, 
 which I compleated on the twelfth day of. April following, and do certifie the 
 truth thereof, having been an eye-witne(s of what I have before mentioned •-, fo 
 that Hiftorians may yield more credit to. me herein than to thofe who (peak out 
 of prejudice, and with rancour and malice to his perfon. In like manner they ac- 
 cufe him, and fay that he took away all the Fifths and Revenue belonging to the 
 King, with the Tributes which were paid by the Indians, and the Eftates of thofe 
 who took up Arms againft him, which together amounted to above two third 
 parts of all the Income of Peru ; and yet for 'all this they fay that his Souldiers 
 were unpaid, at which they remained much unfatisfied ■-, but we may eafily refute 
 this errour and this miftake of Writers, when it is confidered, that for certain he 
 left no hidden Treafures at the time of his death. They alfo accufe him of Adul- 
 tery and Incontinence, with many aggravating circumftances, which are mod no- 
 torious in the lives of Governours and men in eminent places. 
 
 But to return to our Hiftory : We muft know, that during the time that Gon- 
 falo Pifarro refided at Los Reyes ; it happened that Vela Nunnez,, Brother to the late 
 Vice-king, came to an unfortunate end by means of Captain John de la Torre, who 
 fome years before had married an Indian Woman, who was Daughter to the C«- 
 raca of the Province of Puerto Viejo : The Indians, pleafing themfelves with the 
 honourable alliance of a Spaniard, whom they efteeming and preferring before 
 their Riches, difcovered unto him a Treafure of an hundred and fifty thoufand 
 Ducats in Gold and Emeralds, which were hidden within the Tombs of their 
 Anceftours. fohn de la Torre, having thus made his fortune, had a mind to leave Gon- 
 $alo Pi$arro, and return into Spain, and there to enjoy his Riches : but then consi- 
 dering with himfelf that his Rebellion and Actions againft the King were too 
 well known (for he was one of thofe who tore out the Hairs of the Vice-king's 
 Beard and put them into a Medall ) he feared he fhould be called in queftion, and 
 not live fecurely and in peace at home : wherefore to take off this blemifh from 
 him, and doe fome remarkable fervice, he pei fuaded Vela Nunnez. to make his 
 efcape with him, on one of the Ships then in Port, promifing to aflift him there- 
 in, in cafe he would engage his Relations to favour and protect him, for the good 
 fervices he had done in delivering him out of the hands of that Tyrant. Vela 
 Nunnez, hearkned to the propofals he had made him, but then (lories and rumours 
 flying about that the King had confirmed Gone alo Picarro in the Government, Vela 
 Nunnez, prefently changed his mind, and began to contrive in what manner he 
 
 might fix himfelf in the good Opinion of Goncalo Picarro. John de la Torre obfer- 
 
 ving this alteration, and fearing left he or fome others of his Confidents (hould 
 make a difcovery to Picarro of the Compact or Plot that was between them, 
 thought it to be his beft courfe to be before-hand with them in the difcovery 5 
 and fo went to Picarro and informed him of the defign of VeU Nunnez, to make his 
 efcape, for which they cut off his Head, and hanged and quartered another con- 
 cerned in the fame Plot : howfoever, it was the common talk that this piece of 
 cruelty was acted at the perfuafion onely of Licenaado Carvajal ; for Picarro had a 
 kindnefs for Vela Nunnez,, whom he loved for his good nature and fweet difpofiti- 
 on, and never inclined to put him to death. And this was the fate of this poor 
 Gentleman, by the falfe accufation of a treacherous fellow, who was a Villain of 
 the higheft nature. Francifco de Carvajal, having fome days before received in- 
 
 D d d d d relligence 
 
754 Royal Commentaries. Book IV. 
 
 telligence of Picarro's march to Los Reyes, and his orders to meet him there, he 
 came to the Charcot with intention to joyn his Forces with him at the City it ielf : 
 Picarro upon the news of his approach went a great way to meet him, and caufed 
 a triumphal reception to be made for him, as due to a Captain of his merit, who 
 had defeated fo many Enemies and gained fo many Victories. Carvajal left Ahnfo 
 de Mendoca for Governour of the Ciry of Plate under Gon^alo Picarro, and brought 
 with him about a million of pieces of Eight, which he had digged from the Mines 
 of Potocji, and from the Indians who are free and not under fubje&ion of any Lord, 
 fo that Picarro was now^ furniihed with plenty of money ; and then Carvajal took 
 his opportunity to prefs him farther upon the Subjecl of making himfelf King, 
 repeating the fame arguments, which he had ufed in his Letter. And here let us 
 leave them, their Officers, and their Friends, and particularly the inhabitants of 
 the feveral Cities of that Empire, employed in keeping all things peaceable, and 
 in quiet condition to the fecurity and prote&ion as well of Indians as Spaniards, and 
 to the increafe and propagation of the Holy Catholick Faith by catechifing and 
 preaching to the Natives ; and to the advantage of Trade and of every private 
 man's concernment, which was fo diminifhed and impoverifhed by the late Wars 
 and Revolutions, that no man durft pretend to an Eftate, for fear that it mould be 
 taken away, either by the violent force of Tyrants, who bare-faced plundred and 
 pillaged all they could feife and lay their hands on •-, or elfe by thofe who preten- 
 ded to borrow it for the fervice of his Majefty. And now (as the Proverb is) That 
 it is good fi/hing upon turn of the Tide , let us pals over into Spain, and let us fee 
 what his Imperial Majefty is there defigning for reducing to obedience the Rebels 
 in. Peru> and to fet at liberty the Vice-king BUfco Nunmz. 
 
 The End of the Fourth Book, 
 
 Royal 
 
(755) 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 book v. 
 
 CHAP. L 
 
 Licen^iado Pedro de la Gafca is chofen by the Emperour 
 Charles the Fifth to reduce Peru. 
 
 WHilft matters were tranfacted in Peru in the manner before related, 
 Diego Albaret, Cucto and Francifco Maldonado arrived in Spain in Quali- 
 ty of Ambafladours, the firft of which was fait from the Vice-king, 
 and die latter from Gtn^ah Picarro, and both went to Valladolid, where the Court 
 then ^elided, under the Government of the Prince Don Philip, who ruled that 
 Kingdom in the abfence of the Emperour his Father \ who, like a Catholick 
 Prince, \i at at that time actually employed in the Wars in Germany againft the 
 Lutherans, labouring to reduce them to the obedience of the Holy Mother the 
 Church of Rome. Thefe Ambafladours did feverally inform the Prince s High- 
 nefs and the Royal Council of the Indies, in the beft manner they were able, of all 
 the tranfa&ions and fuccefles which had happened in Peru, untill the time of their 
 departure from thence •, for then the Vice-king was ftill living. The ill news of 
 thefe great revolutions and troubles of that Kingdom caufed many thoughts in 
 the mind of the Prince ; for remedy of which his Highnefs fummoned a Coun- 
 cil of the moft wife and grave perfons, and ofmoft experience, then refiding at 
 the Court, which were the Cardinal Don fohn Tavern Archbifhop of Toledo, Car- 
 dinal Don Pray Garcia de Loajfa Archbifhop of Seville, Don Francifco de B aides Prefi- 
 Jent of the Royal Council and Bifhop ofCiguencs, the Duke of Aha, the Count 
 
 if Oforno, Francifco de Los Cobos Lord Lieutenant of Leon, Don fohn Cunniga Lord 
 
 Jeueenant of Caflik, Ramirez, Bifhop otCuenca and President of the King's Bench 
 in Valladolid -, all the Judges of the Royal Council of the Indies, befides feveral 
 other perfons of great Quality ; all which, as well as the Court in general, 
 did admire that thofe Laws and Ordinances which were made and defigned for 
 he univerfal good, as well of the Indians as of the Spaniards of Peru, fhould have 
 jch a different effedt, and prove the caufe of the deftruc-tion both of one and of 
 die other, and fo to endanger the Kingdom as even to put it in hazard of being 
 ilienated from the Crown of the Emperour. To prevent which, many confut- 
 ations were held, and great debates did arife thereupon •, fome were of opinion, 
 :hat it was to be done onely by force of Arms, and that immediately Souldiers 
 vere to be lent thither under the command of feveral experienced Captains $ 
 DUt this opinion was oppofed by the difficulty of fuch an enterprife •, for that the 
 rhnrge of (hipping Souldiers, Arms, Ammunition, Horfes and Provifion would 
 x very great, the Voyage was long, the Navigation difficult and fubje& to a 
 houfand hazards, being to pafs two Seas. Other Counfels there were of the more 
 noderate and grave fort of men, who were of opinion, that, fince all thofe di« 
 
 Ddddd z fturban- 
 
7 ^6 Royal Commentaries, Book V. 
 
 fturbances were caufed by the rigour of the new Laws, and the fevere and indis- 
 creet manner of putting them in execution by the Vice-king, the remedy thereof 
 ought to be by contrary applications •-, which was, that the new Laws mould be 
 absolutely abrogated and declared invalid, and that to declare and pubiilh them 
 forikcLaptYlon lliould.be fenc of a rrJJd, gentle and affable temper and ooe of 
 exgenenjaof the v.ogldl $f prudence, and capable of Government in the times of 
 Peace, Km? yet a Sotflcfier Knowing how to manage a War if ocoiion mould re-. 
 
 ?aiie. The Perfon elected for this employment was Licenpado Pedro de U Gafia, a 
 'resbyter of the Church, and a Member of the General Council of the Inquifiti- 
 on, and one in whom all the fore-mentioned qualities did concurr ; and being thus 
 ele&ed, he was offered tt>his Majefty for his approbation : upon receipt of thefe 
 Letters of recommendation, Orders were given in fuch manner as Gomara writes 
 in the 175th Chapter of his Book, which I have thought fit to repeat word for 
 word, becaufe he feem$rto be more plain and clear herein than any other Authour 
 whatsoever. •«■ 
 
 When the Emperour, faith he, had received the news of the great diiturbances 
 in Van, and of the imprifonment of Blafco Numez., -he highly refented the infb- 
 lence of the Judges, who durft attempt fo daring a piece of injuftice againff their 
 allegiance, and aifo condemned the proceedings oiGoncalo Picarro, as not tending 
 to his fervice. Howfoever, when it was considered that Appeal was made to 
 him in reference to the new Laws, that the Letters of Infl ruction which were gi- 
 ven herein and fent by Framtpb Maldhiado were mifcarried, and that Texada died 
 at Sea ; the fault was caft upon the Vice-king, who with too much rigour execu- 
 ted- the new-Laws, without admitting of any Petitions, or hearkening to the Rea- 
 fons which w ere offered to the contrary : but then he feemed again to be excufed 
 by the pofitive commands in his Infractions not to admit of any appeal or delay, 
 for that thofe methods were looked upon as certainly conducing to the fervice of 
 God, to the welfare- and confervatioaof the Indians, to the difcharge of a good 
 Conlcierjce, and tp the increafe of die King's Revenue : when thefe things, as we 
 faid, were/ confidered^the anger of the Emperour much abated, but his trouble 
 increafed by this unfeafbnable news, which came to him at a time when he wast 
 engagedJn a War in Germaty, and in thofe difturbances which were caufed by the 
 Lutherans. ) Howfoever, confidering how much it concerned him to relieve his 
 Subjects- in Pern, and provide remedies wherewith to pacifie the commotions rai- 
 led in thofe Kingdoms, which yielded him a vaft Income and Revenue $ he con- 
 curred in the opinion of his Council, which was to fend a perfon of a gentle and 
 peaceable difppfition, and of experience and practice in affairs, and different to 
 the humour of Blafco Nunne*,, who was violent, open in his Counfels, and neither 
 under/landing. Men nor Bufinels: and laftly, confidering that fince a Lion could 
 not prevail* the gentle fpirit of a Lamb might be much more mollifying and win- 
 ning. 06 the, people : fuch a perfqn as this was Lkenciado Pedro Gafca efteemed to 
 be, a man of a much better underftanding than the other, and one who had gai- 
 ned a reputation in management of the Commotions and Treaties with the Moors 
 in VakritiA .- And accordingly a Cotnmiffion was given him, with Letters and Or- 
 ders in Blank, to infert what Names he fhould think fit 5 and all the late Ordi- 
 nances and new Laws were cancelled and repealed 5 and Letters were wrote to 
 G 'on pah, Picarro all dated at Vienna in Germany in the year 1 546. 
 
 Thus Gafca was difpatched away, and though he departed with a fmall number 
 of tferifonsv and a mean Retinue, and with the Title onely of Prefident, yet he 
 was high in^efteem, and great hopes were* conceived of the fuccefs of his negotia- 
 tions. The Ihipping which attended him was meanly provided with Mariners, 
 and onely what was neceifary, that he might put the Emperour to as little charge 
 as was poliible, and fliew plainnefs to the people of Peru without affectation of 
 ftate in all his proceedings 5 the Judges he carried with him were Andreo de Cianca 
 and Renteria, being perfons in whom he greatly confided. When he arrived at 
 NombredeDios, he communicated his bufmefs to no man, but treated with every 
 man in fuch manner as agreed with the Character which was given of him, fay- 
 ing, tfct-he was to go to Picarro, and that in cafe he would not receive him he 
 would return again to the Emperour •, for that his profeffion was not to be a Soul- 
 dier, nor was he acquainted with the Art of War, his bufinefs being onely to recall 
 the late Ordinances, and to prefide in the Council. And whereas Mclchior Vedugo 
 fent to let him know, that he was coming to ferve him with fome other Compa- 
 nions, 
 
 +**- 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. n&n 
 
 nions, he deftred him to forbear a while, and to attend his farther Orders. And 
 leaving his directions here he went to Panama, where he conftituted Garcia de 
 Paredes Governour, and appointed him a Garrifon of thofe Souldiers which* fifer- 
 
 nando Mexia, and Don Pedro de Cabrera, who were Captains belonging to Pifarrtt 
 
 had brought to him, to defend that Town from the French, who committed Pira- 
 cies along that Coaft; and their coming thither was expe&ed alfo, but their 
 Voyage was ihortned by the Governour of Santa Maura who killed them all at a 
 Banquet to which he had given them an invitation. Thus far Gomara. 
 
 Chap. ii. 
 
 Of the fubfiance of the Commiffion which Licenciado Gafca 
 brought. His arrival at Santa Marta and Nombre de 
 Dios, the manner of his reception ihere, and of the vari- 
 ous Succejjes and Lreaties which paffed there. 
 
 > 
 
 NOW that we may add to what was omitted by this Authour relating to the- 
 Commiffion which Lkendado Gafca carried with him, and in which he comes 
 fhoit, for though in general he lays, that the Emperoor granted him a power as 
 Lrge as he could defire, yet not mentioning the particulars thereof, we are to add, 
 that he g<ive him an unlimited and an abfolute power in all things in fuch full 
 a - ; .'"pie manner as His Majefty could grant \ commanding all people upon his 
 Shoo mnfc to„come in to his afliftance with Men, and Horfe, and Arms, and Mo- 
 ney 5 wok dipping, Provifion,.and whatever elfe he mould require for his Ma- 
 joj t) fe Sa vice. He alio carried with him a general. Aft of Pardon for all Crimes 
 wimfoever, and that no action ihould be brought againft any perfon by reafon 
 thereof- and that every man's Eftate and F^ee-hold mould be conferved to hirrh 
 And* that. he fhoulc caufe rhe Vice king to be embarked and tranfported into 
 Spaing irvcafe he believed it conducing to the fervice of his Majefty and the quiet- 
 nefs of the. Kingdom.- He had alfo a Licence and Authority to make ufe of the 
 Royal Revenue, lb far as he judged it neceflary for reducing the Rebels, for qui- 
 eting, the minr' 1 ; of the People, and for due adminiftration of Juftice by the Go- 
 vernment. He had alfo Power and Authority to difpofe of fuch Lands and Eftates 
 which belonged to hdians, which were not already granted or given away -, and 
 alfo of all Offices and Governments 'through the whole Empire, as well thofe 
 which - were already gained and conquered as thofe which fhould be acquired 
 and d Hoovered hereafter. And to himfelf there was no fixed or fettled Sum 
 appointed 'for his Salary or Entertainment-, but a liberty and privilege to fpead 
 fo much as he judged convenient for his Majefty's Service, of which the Au- 
 ditor- General'' was to take- an account, and fend the fame to the Officers of 
 his Majefty's Treafory. All which particulars were fet down, and required by 
 LicenciadbiGafia, who, like a wife man, provided as well for the future as for 
 the prefeht, and alfo that malitious men might not fay, that Intereft and a 
 great Salary was the motive to incite him to laborious and difficult undertakings, 
 which- at every ftep offered themfelves, but a true zeal onely to his Majefty's Ser- 
 vice was his higheff inducement ; to which he facriflced all his peace and quiet- 
 ne6, and preferred it even before his own life. And Gomara farther defcribing 
 this LkenwMA Gafca, faith, that as he was of much more iblid underftanding and 
 better temper than the Vice-king, fo alio he was of little ftature, and of a ftrange 
 fnape, for from rhe girdle downwards he was as long as any tall man whatfoever, 
 and then frorrothe girdle upwards to his Shoulders he was not one third fo high, 
 and without' any proportion to his other parts : when he was on Horfe-back he 
 teemed much -Ids than he was, for he was all Thighs and Leggs-, and his Coun- 
 tenance was very ill-favoured and unpleafant: but what nature had denied to him 
 in his Body, was largely recompenfed to him in the endowments of his Mind-, 
 for he had not onely all thofe which this Authour declares of him, but many 
 
 more 
 
5 8 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 more, considering that he regained his Empire again co hisMajefty, which wasal- 
 moft totally ruined, and revolted from its allegiance. I my lelf knew him , and 
 particularly one evening I was with him when he ftood in the Court-yard of my 
 Father's houfe, leading to the open place from whence he faw the Feafts of Bulls and 
 Sports on Horfe-back with their Darts •, but he lodged then in the houfes of Thomas 
 ■ fafquez,, nowmthepofieffionofhisSon/W™r*/2««<$ where alio Goncalo Pi^arro 
 lodged when he was in that Town 5 and iituate on the outlide of the Street which 
 is in the middle between our houfe and the Convent of our Lady of the Mercedes: 
 and though thofe Houfes have at one corner Windows which look out into the 
 Market-place, from whence Licenciado Gafca might have feen all thofe Sports, 
 howfoever he chofe rather to fee them from my Father's Court-yard, which more 
 immediately fronts with the Market-place. 
 
 And now we fhall proceed to declare his Actions 'which were not performed 
 by the Sword or Lance, but by the force of his reafon and council, which carried 
 him on with fuch fuccefs as obtained all the points he defired both in Peace and 
 War, and at length conducted him out of the Countrey without any Complaints 
 or Accufations againft him of violence or oppreflion. His weapons were, Pati- 
 ence to bear and undergo all the labours and difficulties which prefented, and mild- 
 ly to fufter the infolences and affronts of the Souldiery 5 he alfo had a great ftock 
 of fubtlety > and craft", and good management to penetrate into the Plots and 
 Defigns of his Enemies, and to circumvent and difappoint them -, from all which 
 we have arguments fufficient to prove the difficulty of his undertaking, efpecially 
 if we coniider the condition of this Empire, when this worthy perfon undertook 
 to fettle and reduce it to obedience. And here we (hall omit to give an account 
 of the. particulars of the Voyage which the President made to Nombre de Dios ( to 
 whom hereafter we fhall give that Title ) referring the Reader to Diego Fernandez, 
 for that relation, and fo fhall proceed to what fucceeded after his arrival there. 
 The Prefident received the firft News of the death of the Vice-king in Sam* 
 ALtrta , from Licenciado Almandarez, , who was then Governour of that Province 
 and.of that new Kingdom •, from whence both Gafca and thofe with him appre- 
 hended great difficulties in their defign •-, judging it almoft impoflible to reduce a 
 People without Arms who had proceeded fo far in their Rebellion, as to kill the 
 Vice-king in a pitched Battel. But the Prefident, not to difcourage his People, 
 concealed the opinion and apprehenfion he conceived thereof 5 and to prevent 
 farther difturbances which might arife, he publickly declared, that he had fuffici- 
 ent power and authority to pardon all the Crimes of what nature foever which 
 were already committed , fo that no man ought to doubt of pardon or of a gene- 
 ral Ad of Oblivion. Moreover he confidered , that by the death of the Vice- 
 king, that general hatred was removed from the People, which they conceived 
 againft his perverfe and untraceable humour , and that thereby they might more 
 ealily be reduced to the fervice of his Majefty : Beiides which another difficulty 
 w r as obviated in cafe it fhould be thought neceffary for quieting the People, to 
 fend the Vice-king out of that Countrey •-, who might object the injuftice of fuch 
 proceedings againft a perfon, who for no other reafon than the Service of his Ma- 
 jefty againft Rebels and Tyrants, was banilhed the Countrey, and deprived of his 
 Authority. The Prefident Gafca comforting himfelf with fuch Confederations as 
 thefe failed to Nombre de Dios, where he was received by the Souldiers of Hernan 
 Alexia and by the Inhabitants all well armed ■-, but they (hewed him very little 
 refpect and lefs affection , fpeaking contemptibly of his perfon with affronting 
 words •, of all which ( as Diego Fernandez, faith ) he took no notice , but fpake 
 kindly and chearfully to all forts of People. But the Clergy of the City, like 
 true Servants of God, went in proceffion w ith the Crofs to meet and receive the 
 Prefident, whom they conducted to the Church to fing the Te Deum Laudamtu, 
 with which kindnefs the Prefident was much pleafed , and thanked God , that 
 fome People were remaining , who were acquainted with their duty and good 
 manners, and in fome kind made amends for the difrefpects of others: but that 
 which added moft to his fatisfaction was, that the night following, Hernan AfexU 
 who was one of the Captains diGon$alo Pigarro, and much obliged to him for fe- 
 veral favours, came privately to fpeak with him, offering himfelf to the fervice of 
 his Majefty, and to ufe his utmoft endeavours to engage other Captains and Soul- 
 diers to return unto their Loyalty and duty towards their Prince : Moreover he 
 gave him a large Narrative of the State of the Countrey and of the Fleet which 
 
 was 
 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 was at Panama, and of the Condition of the Captains and Souldiers which were 
 embarked thereupon, and how that Pedro de Hinojofa was Admiral thereof: for all 
 which Advices and Promiles the Prefident returned him thanks , and promifed 
 him in the name of his Majefty a fuitable reward, defiring his fecrecy in the whole 
 matter : And thus Peace and Friendlliip being agreed between them, they pri- 
 vately difcourfed every night together, and Hernan Mexla gave him an account of 
 all matters, which they wrote to him from Panama. Thus did the Prefident gain 
 every day upon the good wills and affections of the People and Souldiery, fb that 
 many of them went to dine and converfe with him 3 and in all his difcourfes , he 
 told them plainly that he came thither to no other end and intention , than onely 
 to reduce them to their obedience and loyalty due to his Majefty by terms of peace 
 and friendlliip, and with promifes of reward : That the King had given him full 
 power and authority to promife them a general Pardon for all crimes and faults 
 which were already part -, and that if People would not be contented herewith 
 on fair terms, he for his part was ready, without farther force, to return Ipeedily into 
 Spain. This was his common difcourfe and declaration at all times, when he was 
 in publick, with intention that the report hereof might be fpread in all parts of 
 the Empire : fome few days after the arrival of the Prefident at Nombre de Dks\ 
 Melchior de Verdugo, of whom we have formerly made mention appeared before the 
 City of Panama, with intention to enter with his two Ships into the Port : But 
 the Citizens were in great combuftion hereupon , by reafon that they feared and 
 hated the perfon of Verdugo , and believed that he was commanded thither by the 
 order of the Prefident : but to clear himfelf of this fufpicion, he wrote a Letter 
 himfelf to Verdugo, and fent it by the hand of an intimate friend of his, who was 
 a Church-man, ordering Verdugo, upon no terms whatfoever to come to Nombre de 
 Dks , but to go to any other place , which mould be more convenient , and that 
 he mould reftore the Ships and Goods which he had taken to the true Proprietors. 
 This was the Contents of what was wrote in the Letter •, but then privately 
 and by word of mouth •, he gave him orders to return to Nicaragua, and there 
 to expect fuch farther directions which (hould be fent him, the which would tend 
 greatly to his Majefty's Service. But Melchior Verdugo, inftead of returning to Ni- 
 caragua , failed into Spain , much doubting his fecurity in that Countrey K for that 
 he had rendred himfelf fo odious to the People, that he thought hirnlelf in no 
 place fecure or fafe. And being in Spain, his Imperial Majefty honoured him w ith 
 the habit of Santiago. I fa\v him once in the Anti-chamber of rhe moft Carho- 
 lick King Philip the Second, in the year 1 J63. But foon after Informations came 
 againft him of all the Pyracies he had committed in Peru , and the other Vio- 
 lences and Mifchiefs he had done in Nicaragua and Nombre de Dm ; which wtre 
 fuch great and crying fins , that he was in danger of being deprived of the honour 
 of his habit, with which he became fo fad and deje&ed , that his counten.n ice 
 changed and fhewed the inward forrow of his mind : but afterwards , at rhe In- 
 terceflion of Friends he obtained his Majefty's Pardon, and returned into Peru. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 The Prefident fends Hernan Mexia to Panama to quiet the 
 Vifiurbances which were made by Pedro Hinojola , and 
 difpatches an Ambaffadour to Gon^ilo Pi^arro ; who ha- 
 ving Intelligence of the coming of the Prefident , fends 
 Meffengers to the Emperour. 
 
 HE Prefident made preparations to return again to Panama , where he ho- 
 ped by means of his good conduct to reduce Pedro de Hinojofa , with the 
 other Captains which were there quartered , to due allegiance unto their Empe- 
 rour: for according to the relation which Hernando Mexia de Guzman had given 
 
 him 
 
 T 
 
-760 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 him , their inclinations were very well difpofed thereunto ; and accordingly he 
 conceived great hopes of fuccets. In order to which he went with all fpeed pof- 
 iible to Panama, taking the Marefchall Aharado into his company, and to his afli- 
 itance (as Diego Fernandez Valentino in the thirty eighth Chapter of his Book af- 
 firms ) for whom he had obtained a Licence from the Council of the Indies, that 
 he might be ipared for fome time from the Regifter's Office to attend unto the 
 affairs of Peru , and be an Affiftent and a Companion to him. This Gentleman 
 having been in the Battel of Chupas againft Don Diego de Almagto Junior , returned 
 •afterwards into Spain •, and by reafon that he was well verted in the tranfadion of 
 affairs between the Picarrifts and Almagrians , he was entertained in the fervice of 
 the Council of the Indies. But let us leave both him and the Prefident in their 
 journey •, to relate what Pedro de Hinojofa aded in the mean time at Panama, upon 
 the News, that Heman Mexia had received the Prefident with figns and demon- 
 ftrations of peace and friendlhip, rather than of enmity and oppofition : and he 
 was the more difiatisfied, becaufe he was ignorant of the Commiffion and Con- 
 tents of the Infhudions which the Prefident brought ^ And becaufe he had con- 
 cluded and agreed without any communication or correfpondence with him: 
 wherefore Hinojofa wrote to very angrily to him upon that matter , that feveral 
 friends of Heman de Mexia advifed him not to go to Panama : Howfoever ( as 
 Auguftine Carate faith ) after fome conference had with the Prefident thereupon 
 it was concluded , that Heman Mexia fhould fpeedily depart for Panama , and lay- 
 ing afide all fears and jealoufies fhould boldly communicate the whole matter to 
 Hmojofi ; which Mexia accordingly performed in confidence of the friendlhip 
 which was between them, and the knowledge he had of his humour and difpofi- 
 tion. After fome conference together Mexia fo well acquitted himfelf and gave 
 fuch reafons for receiving the Prefident ; fhewing that , let the butinefs go how 
 it would , his actions hitherto could bring no prejudice to their caufe ; that Hino- 
 jofa appeared well fatisfied : thereupon Heman Mexia returned to Nombre de Dios, 
 and the Prefident went to Panama , where he perfonally treated with Hinojofa and 
 with all his Captains-, declaring to them the caufe and reafons of his coming; 
 And managed matters with fuch fecrecy and prudence , that none knew what he 
 had communicated to the other ■■, which fo fecured their affedions and good will 
 towards him , that he adventured publickly to declare his defign , and to allure 
 them that his negotiations tended to the publick welfare 1 and at the fame time 
 took care to provide for the necelTities and conveniences of the Souldiery ; the 
 which he aded with fuch fweetnefs of behaviour and refped towards all , as 
 feeds the vanity of that Souldiery, and prevails moft in that Countrey. Thus far 
 Augtfftine de Carate in his feventh Chapter. 
 
 So foon as Pedro de Hinojofa had notice of the coming of the Prefident to Nombre 
 de Dios , he gave immediate intelligence thereof to Gon$ak Picarro, as did all his 
 Captains, giving him afiurance, that they would never luffer him to pafs into Pe- 
 ru. But notwithftanding all their refolutions , after fome conferences which they 
 held with the Prefident at Panama, they changed their minds, and then wrote in a 
 different manner : for the Prefident had to dealt with every fingle perfbn in pri- 
 vate, as had much engaged them and inclined their good-wills and affedions to 
 him. Whereupon they confented , and gave permiffion that he might fend one 
 of thofe perfons whom he brought from Cafiile with Letters from Gon$alo Picitrrd 
 to advife him of his arrival in thofe parts ; the Gentleman whom the Prefident 
 refolved to fend was called Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, who was an Inhabitant and 
 Governour of the City ofPlafencia, a perfon well qualified for fuch a negotiati- 
 on 5 for, Betides that he was a Gentleman of good extraction, he had left his 
 Wife and Children a competent Eftate in Spain , for which he not onely merited 
 efteem and refped of Picarro , but alfo for his Countreys fake , and for the fake 
 of his kindred and relations, who were engaged in his fadion. Thus did Pania- 
 gua fet fail for Peru , upon a frigate appointed for him , all the Letters he carried 
 with him were one from the King to Gon^alo Picarro,^ and another to him from the 
 Prefident, betides fome other private Letters to perfons of quality, as namely, to 
 
 the Bithop of Lugo , and another tO Licenciado Benito de Carvajal , to whom the 
 
 Prefident wrote amicably, and as became a kinfman, direding him in what man- 
 ner to ad for the fervice of his Majefly. And here we will leave Paniagua in his 
 voyage, and relate what Gmfalo Picarro was ading in the mean rime. 
 
 Whilft 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 761 
 
 Whilft Picarro was arrived at the top of all his hopes and expected a confirma- 
 tion in his Government , and to be made perpetual Dictatour in that Empire , he 
 received Letters from Pedro de Hinojofa his General, which gave him advice of the 
 arrival of the Prefident in thofe parts. Picarro and all his Captains were greatly 
 furprized and troubled at this unexpected News, and thereupon with fome of the 
 Citizens entred into confutation how and in what manner they were to behave 
 themfelves in this bufinefs ■-, the Debates were many and long , and the opinions 
 different to each other •, but at length they were reduced to two : fome were of 
 opinion that either publickly or fecretly the Prefident was to be killed. Others 
 were of opinion that they lhould invite him to Peru , where having difcove- 
 red all his Papers , Inftruciions and Commiflion , that then they lhould endea- 
 vour to perfuade or force him to concur with them , and grant whatfoever they 
 defired : and in cafe they could not prevail , it was but to put him off then with 
 delays, pretending that they had not power to conclude alone, without the confeht 
 and concurrence of all the other Cities of that Kingdom, with that of Los Reyes: 
 and in regard the Places and Cities were fardiftant each from the other, there 
 would be good caufe of excufe and means to deferr the Affembly for two years : 
 And in the mean time the Prefident would be deteined a Prifoner in the Ifland 
 dfPuna , under a Guard of faithfull Souldiers, who were to be carefull to inter- 
 cept all Letters which he (hould write for information of his Majefty, by default of 
 which they might ftill continue under the notion of obedient and loyal Subjects. 
 Others were of opinion , that the beft and moft expedite way was , to caufe him 
 to return again into Spain , and to perfuade him thereunto with money and 
 provifions for his voyage 5 by which it would appear l , that they had treated him 
 like a good Servant and Officer of his Majefty. Thele Debates continued with 
 great difference and heat for many days : but at length it was by common confent 
 agreed, That Meflengers (hould be fent from them to his Majefty to negotiate the 
 Grant of fuch Particulars as were moft conducing to the welfare of that Empire : 
 That they mould give an account of all things which had been lately transacted 5 
 and efpecially to infift in juftification of their caufe , that they were compelled to 
 the engagement of ^mtu , where the Vice-king was ilain : and in all their Dif- 
 courfes they were to charge the Vice-king as the Aggreflour, who had perfued 
 them through all places , and at length forced them to kill him in their own de- 
 fence : And in fine, the Prayer of their Petition was, That his Majefty would be 
 pleafed to confer the Government of that Empire on Gongak Picarro , who by his 
 own bravery and merit of his Relations had gained that Empire to the Crown ; 
 and that farther , he pretended a Title thereunto on the Commiflion his Majefty 
 had given to his Brother to nominate a Succeffbur thereunto after his death : and v 
 in the mean time they defired, that the Prefident might be ordered to refide in Pa- 
 nama, and not to proceed farther into Pem untill his Majefty (hould give new di- 
 rections. This matter being agreed upon, Ambaffadours were chofen who were 
 to negotiate thofe great Points in Spain ; and to give the better countenance there- 
 unto, Bon Tray Gerommo de Loayfa, Ardl-bilhop of Los Reyes, who was a great Pre- 
 late , Father and Paftour of that City , was entreated to accept of that Charge , 
 who being a Perfon of great efteem and intereft in Spain , it was prefumed that he 
 would be heard with the more favour •, the like alfo was defired of the Bilhop of 
 Santa Mana, and Friar Thomas de St. Martin, who was Provincial of the Order of 
 
 St. Dominicky, and Lorenzo de Aldana and Gomez, de Soils were pitched upon to join 
 
 with them in the Commiflion. Money was ordered for their Voyage fufficient 
 to defray all their charges •, and pirticularly it was ordered , that Gomez, de Sola , 
 who was chief Gentleman-ulher to Goncalo Picarro , (hould have thirty thouland 
 pieces of Eight paid to him apart , out of the which he was to give unto Pedro de 
 Hinojofa fo much as he judged neceffary : but as to Lorengo de Aldana, he fuppofed 
 that he had fo many endearments towards him on account of his Countrey and 
 mutual friendflrip which was between them , that he did not doubt but that he 
 would prove a faithfull correfpondent , and with all fidelity advife him of the ac- 
 cidents and fuccefles of his Voyage , but more particularly to acquaint him from 
 Panama of the import and contents of the Commiflion , and Instructions which 
 the Prefident had brought with him : Accordingly thefe perfons embarked in the 
 month of Oftober, 1 ^46. with Title of Ambaffadours from the Empire of Peru, 
 unto his M°.jefty ; in whofe Voyage nothing occurred worthy the Relation. 
 
 Eeee« CHAP. 
 
762 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 The Ambajfadours arrive at Panama, and both they and 
 the People of that City revolt from Gon^alo Pi^arro , 
 and deliver up their Fleet into the power of the Prefi- 
 dent. Paniagua comes to Los Reyes. 
 
 SO foon as the Ambafladours arrived at Panama , Lorenzo de Aldana went to 
 take up his Lodgings with Pedro de Hmojofa : and having firft burnt the Com- 
 miffion and Inftrudtions which he brought from Gon^alo Pl^arro, relating to mat- 
 ters which he had to aft in Panama and Spain •, he made his Addrefles to the 
 Prefident , giving him in few words to underftand his intentions: and in a (hort 
 time becoming better acquainted , Aldana, Heman Mexia and Pedro de Hinojoja en- 
 gaged to employ themfelves in the Service of the Prefident ; onely they preten- 
 ded to make fome difficulties for the firft three days, untill they had well dige- 
 fted their matter : and then finding themfelves all of an opinion , they began to 
 publifh their intentions , and on the fourth day they and all the Captains went 
 to the Prefident and profefled their allegiance to his Majefty : and in token there- 
 of delivered up the whole Fleet into his pofieflion and command, together with 
 the Arms, Ammunition and Appurtenances thereunto belonging, engaging upon 
 Oath to doe homage to him, and to ferve and obey him in whatsoever he mould 
 command. And in the mean time thefe Relblutions were kept as a Secret untill 
 it was known how Gon^alo Picarro received Paniagua and the meflage which he 
 brought him. The principal motives which incited thefe perfons to revolt from 
 Picarro to the Service of his Majefty were , impartially fpeaking , the fenfe of 
 true allegiance and duty which they owed to his Majefty. In the next place, it 
 was fecretly agreed , that fo foon as thefe Commotions were fupprefled and the 
 Countrey in peace and quietnefs , that the Army mould receive their full arrears 
 of Pay : the which was afterwards complied with in a more ample manner than 
 they themfelves had propofed , of which we (hall fpeak in its due place. But no- 
 thing more prevailed and facilitated this matter than the Repeal of the late Or- 
 dinances and new Laws , and the general Pardon for what was already paft : for 
 when they faw themfelves fecured in their pofleflions a nd commands over the 
 Indians 3 and abfolved of the murthers , fpoils and robberies 'hey had commit- 
 ted in the late Civil Wars •, they refolved to dole with this opportunity to fave 
 themfelves, though thereby they facrificed and furrendred him to deftru&ion who 
 had promoted them to the Titles of Captains and Ambafladours of that Empire, 
 rather in expectation of future fervices from them , than in reward of former 
 merit ; for though they were Perfons of Quality, yet none of them had been 
 Conquerours , unlels A/onfi Palamino. This Secret was concealed for fome few 
 days, which the Prefident efteemed, as no lofs of time, confidering his great fuc- 
 cefs in fo (hort a time. In fine, at a general Rendezvous the feveral Colours were 
 furrendred up into the hands of the Prefident , and the Captains publickly decla- 
 red for the Prefident •,. who accepted the furrender in the name of his Majefty and 
 reftored every man to his Office by Commiflion from the Emperour : as is confir- 
 med by Gomara, Chapter 179. in thefe words: 
 
 By the prudent and dexterous negotiations of Gafia, and by the promifes of re- 
 ward which he made to Himjofa, for there could be no force or compulfion in the 
 cafe, a voluntary furrender was made of the whole Fleet unto the Prefident : and 
 here the firft ftep was made to the ruine of Goncalo Picarro. Gafia accepted of the 
 Fleet, and confirmed Hinojofa in his Office of Admiraf, and all the Captains in the 
 commands of their refpective Ships , rhereby converting Traitors to a condition 
 of loyal and faithfull Subjects. The Prefident having gained the Fleet, began 
 to conceive great hopes of thefe his negotiations 5 and indeed he had reafon fo to 
 believe, for without the Fleet he could never have fucceeded in his enterprife ; by 
 Sea it had been impoffible to have found (hipping to tranfport him to Peru .• and 
 to go by Land, ( as it was once defigned ) the journey had been difficult and at- 
 tended 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries, 763 
 
 tended with the fufferings of hunger, cold and other dangers. Thus much Goma* 
 ra. reports of this matter, and in the fame place touches upon the induftry and di- 
 ligence ufed by the Prelident in all his aclions, and the mutual Promifes and En- 
 gagements which patted between both Parties. This accord being made, and the 
 account of the Arrears of pay being made up and ftated, Gafca thought it time 
 publickly to Own the command of all, and to chufe Pedro de Hmojofa Captain- 
 General of all the Forces both by Sea and Land. Then he commanded and orde- 
 red four Ships to be prepared and fitted, under the command of Lorenzo deAldana, 
 
 fohttAlonfo Palomino, Hernan Mexia and John Tllanes. Lorenzo de Aldana was appoin- 
 ted Admiral of the four Ships, which were to carry three hundred men of the beft 
 Seamen and Souldiers fele&ed out of the Fleet and provided with all things necef- 
 {ary for their Voyage. 
 
 They were moreover ordered to carry with them many Copies or Tranfcripts 
 of his Majefty's moft gratious revocation of the late Ordinances, and of the gene- 
 ral Pardon, which was extended and indulged to all perfons without exception, 
 the which were in the beft manner they could contrive to be difperfed in all pla- 
 ces of the inland Countries. Thefe four Captains being accordingly difpatched, 
 the Prefident wrote a Letter to Don Antonio de Mendo$a, Vice-king at that time of 
 Mexico, informing him of all particulars which had Succeeded to that time, and 
 defiring his affiftence with Men and Arms to forward his Majefty's Service. In 
 like manner Difpatches were fent to Bon Bait afar de Cafiilla at Guatimala, and Ni~ 
 caragua, and to other perfons of St. Domingo and Popoyan, and the like unto other 
 parts, for it was believed that all was little enough to reduce the Rebels to their 
 duty and allegiance : but no force was fo prevalent as the revocation of the late 
 Ordinances, and the general Pardon, which operated on the minds of men, and 
 contributed more to theruine oiGoncalo Pi$arro, and confignation of the Empire 
 to Gafca. than all the preparations did which were made for War. 
 
 But now, returning to fpeak of Paniagua, whom we left on his Voyage to Los 
 Reyes, we (hall pafs by the Journal of what happened in his paflage, to relate mat- 
 ters more eflential to this Hiftory. Paniagua being arrived at Los Reyes, he deli- 
 vered the Letters which he brought from his Majefty and from the Prefident to 
 the hands olPicarro, as alfo his general Letter of Credence, fignifying that he was 
 fent by order of the Prefident, and that entire belief was to be yielded to whatfo- 
 ever he (liould deliver in the name of his Majefty and of the Prefident. Goncalo 
 Pi$ano feemingly gave him a fair reception, and having heard his Meflage, he dif- 
 mift him for the pfefent, charging and forewarning him not to meddle or treat 
 with any about the affairs of the Prefident at his peril. He then called for Lken- 
 ciado Cepeda and Francifco de Carvajal, and" in prefence of thofe three onely were 
 the King's Letters read, as Auguftine Car ate writes. 
 
 The Subftance of his Majefty s Letter. 
 The K I N G. 
 
 BY your Letters (Goncalo Picarro) and by other relations, we have been informed 
 of the many troubles and commotions -which have happened in the Provinces of 
 Peru, fince the time that BlafcO NunnezVela Our Vice-king arrived there, together 
 with the fudges of our Courts of Juftice ; and which were raifed by putting thofe new Laws 
 and Ordinances into execution, though contrived and framed for the better Government of 
 thofe parts, and for the eafe and relief of the Natives thereof And we are well ajfured, 
 that neither you nor any of thofe who have followed your Party, did all intentionally to doe 
 us a dif-fervice, but onely to put a flop to the feverity which the faid Vice-king ufed in the 
 violent and indifcreet execution thereof, without receiving or admitting any reafons or peti- 
 tions to the contrary. Of all which being well informed, and having heard whatfoever Fran- 
 cifco Maldonado had to communicate to us on your behalf, and from the Inhabitants of 
 thofe Provinces ; we have thought fit to fend Licenciado de la Gafca, one of the Counfel- 
 kttrs of the Holy ana General inquifition, with Title ana in Quality of our Prefident, to whom 
 
 Eeeee a we 
 
764 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 We have given a Commijfwn and fuch Inftrutlions at will undoubtedly put an end to all the 
 troubles and commotions of that Count rey. And farther we have given him a general autho- 
 rity to aft and doe whatfoever he (hall judge may moft redound to the fervice and honour of 
 God, to the improvement of thofe Provinces, to the benefit and welfare of Our Subjetts, who 
 are Planters, and of the Natives thereof. Wherefore we do command and require you to be 
 aiding and affifling to oUrfaid Prefldent in whatfoever he fhall demand of you in Our Name 
 towards the performance and accomplifhment of thofe rules and diretlions which have been 
 given him. And herein relying upon you with much confidence, We fhall ever be mindfull of 
 the Services which your Brother the Marquis hath done for Vs, and which fhall ever be re- 
 membred to the advantage of his Sons and Brothers. Given at Venloe the 1 6th day ef the 
 Month ef February, 1 546. 
 
 I the KING. 
 
 By command of his Majefiy, 
 
 Francifco de Erato. 
 
 The Letter which the Prefident wrote to Gon^alo Pi^arro 
 
 was to this effeft. 
 
 Uluftrious Sir, 
 
 SVppofing that my flay would not have been fo long in this Countrey I deteined the Empe- 
 rour's Letter by me, intending to deliver it with my own hand - y nor did I thinly fit in 
 the mean time to acquaint you of my arrival, out of refpel~l to his Majefiy s Letter, which 
 ought to have come firfi unto your hands before mine. But confidering that the A fairs of 
 his Majefiy would require my prefence here for fame time, and hearing that you had 
 convened an Affembly of the People to meet you at the City o/Lima, to conjider of Affairs 
 •which depend on things already pafi $ / judged it neceffary to employ an exprefs Mejfenger 
 ■with his Majefiy s Letter, and with the fame occafion alfo to fend you mine, the bearer 
 •whereof, named Hernandez Paniagua, is a Perfon of Quality, and one confiderable in 
 your Countrey, and very much your Friend and humble Servant, what I have now to fay to 
 you farther, is to acquaint you, That in Spain there have been great Confutations concer- 
 ning the manner how the commotions and difiurbances, which have been raifed in P&ufince 
 the Vice-king Blafco NunneZ (whom God forgive) came into thofe parts, were to be taken 
 and refented. And after his Majefiy had well weighed and confidered the feveral Debates 
 and Opinions thereupon, there hath no caufe appeared hitherto to believe, that the fame did 
 proceed from any motive of difobedience or dif fervice to his Majefiy, but merely from a prin- 
 ciple of felf-prefervation, which induced them to oppofe that feverity which the Vice-king ufed 
 in the execution of the new Laws againfi the privileges and rights of that Countrey : And 
 farther his Majefiy hath confidered the obfiinacy of the Vice-king, who would admit of no 
 Petition or Appeal, or fufpenfion of the new Laws untill fuch time as his Majefiy was ac- 
 quainted with the inconveniences thereof '5 all which appears at large in your Letter to his 
 Majefiy, and which gives a farther relation, that you had taken upon you the Government 
 at the in fiance and dejire of the Court of fufiice, and which they bad delivered unto yon by 
 Commiffion under his Majefiy s Broad Seal •-, in virtue whereof you promife to ferve his Ada- 
 jefiy, and profefs, that to have refufed the Government at that time would have been a dif- 
 fervice to his Majefiy, and that you accepted it on no other terms than fuch as became a 
 good and a loyal Subject, and with intention to refign it at the command and will of 
 his Majefiy. All which being thus underfiood by his Adajefiy, he hath fent me to quiet the 
 minds of the People by a revocation of thofe Laws, according to the prayer of your Petition ; 
 with power to publifh a general Pardon for all Faults, Crimes and Mifdemeanours already 
 committed : and lafily, to take the opinion and diretlion of the People of this Countrey con- 
 cerning the methods which are to be ufed for the advancement and promotion of the fervice 
 of God, and for the common good and welfare of the Inhabitants : And in regard there are 
 many Spaniards in thofe parts, who are unemployed, and have no poffefftons, it is thought 
 
 . fa 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 765 
 
 — — — ' — i ' " -■ 
 
 fit, that they fhould be provided out of new difcorveries, which is the onely way for them to 
 gain honour and riches according to the example of the ancient Conqucrours, wherefore I 
 heartily defire you to confider thefe matters with the under -/landing of a good Chrijlian, and 
 the worthy mind and intention of a Gentleman, and of a wife and prudent Perfon, and with 
 that affection and good will which you have alway fheveed to the happinefs and we/fare of this 
 Countrey, and charity towards the Inhabitants thereof y giving God and our Lady thanks, 
 (to whom you are a zealous Votary) that this great and important Affair, in which you have 
 fo deeply concerned your felf, hath been fo favourably interpreted by his Ma]efly and by the 
 Grandees of Spain '■> who were pie a fed to acquit your ail ions of rebellion and difloyalty, and 
 tofiyle them with the more foft terms of defending his Majefty s fuftice, to which his Subjeils 
 ■were denied accefs, or to be heard by way of Petition. And now in regard your King, who 
 is a Catholick^and a juft Prince, hath reft or ed you and every perfon to the enjoyment of his 
 own Eft ate and Pojfefiions in as full and as ample a manner as they de fired in their Petition 5 
 It is but reafon that you deal as fincerely and juft ly with your King, by yielding due obedience 
 to him, and compliance with all his commands : the which is a duty incumbent on us, not 
 onely by the Laws of Nature, which oblige every Subject to be loyal to his King, but alfo by 
 the Laws of Scripture and Grace, which injoyn Us, on the penalty of eternal damnation, to 
 render unto every man his due, and efpecially obedience unto Kings. And fine e your Ance- 
 ftours have made themfehes illuftrious by their loyalty and by tlxir fervices to the Crown, 
 which have gained them the Title of Nobles - 7 it will now be your part to Copy out this lejfon 
 in the largeft char all ers, rather than to degenerate from their lineage and cafi a blemifl? on 
 all their atchievements by your demerits and defection from their vertues. The great eft con- 
 cernment we have in this world, next to the falvation of our Souls, is our honour, which is 
 mo ft refplendent in perfons who move in your high fphere, in which you are capable to brighten 
 the luftre of your Anceftours glories, or otherwife by irregular actions to cafi a blemijh and 
 an eternal obfeurity upon them. For whofoever falls from God by infidelity, or from his 
 King by t reafon and difloyalty, doth not onely difhonour himfe/f but likewife cafts a blemifh 
 and infamy on his whole Family : wherefore let me advife you to reflect hereupon with a wife 
 and a prudent fpirit, weighing well the power of your King, whofe Forces you are very unable 
 to with (land : but left your want of knowledge and experience in his Court, not having view- 
 ed his Armies, or fathomed the depth of his Counfels, fhould betray you to an over-weening 
 opinion of your own ftrength ; be pleafed to figure unto your felf the mighty power andpuif- 
 fance of the Great Turl^, who marched in Perfon at the head of above three hundred thou- 
 fand fighting men, which he brought into the Field again ft him, be fides Pioniers and other at- 
 tendants on the Camp, notwithftanding which, when he met his Majefty near Vienna he 
 Aurft not adventure to joyn Battel with him, but rather endeavoured a retreat, facing the 
 Enemy with his Horfe whilft the Infantry marched away and made their efcape, &C. 
 
 This Letter is writ more at large by divers Authours, which we have thought 
 fit to abbreviate, becaufe it relates the many Vi&ories which the Emperour gai- 
 ned upon the Turk_, from whence he frames divers Arguments to prove how 
 unable Gon$ah Picarro was to contend with fo formidable a Force, but that ra- 
 ther he mould incline his mind to fubmulion and obedience : but what his con- 
 futations and reflexions were on this Lester, we (hall declare in the following 
 Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
j66 Royal Comment arte r. Book V. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Confutations and Opinions concerning the Revocation 
 of the New Laws : ami of the General Tar don of all 
 faults and crimes paft. What private biftruilions had 
 been given to Paniagua j and Gon^alo Pi^arro's An- 
 fvcer thereunto. 
 
 THESE Letters having at the firft confutation been read three or four times 
 in prefence of Gon$alo Pi$arro, and Of Licenciado Cefeda and Francifco de Car- 
 ved -, pi^arro demanded their opinion thereof: Cefeda defired Carvajal, becaufe 
 he was the oldeft man of the company , that he would firft lpeak to the matter 
 in queftion, and though^ there were fome little Replies between them, each defi- 
 ring the other to begin firft : yet at length Carvajal gave his opinion as followeth : 
 Thefe are, Sir, in reality great offers -, Let us not neglect to accept thefe fail Con- 
 ditions. What fair Conditions , anfwered Cefeda. What good or benefit can 
 they bring to us ? Why, faid Carvajal, they are, Sir, both good and cheap ; for 
 they propofe a revocation of the late Ordinances which gave us fo much caufe of 
 difcontent , together with a General Pardon for all that is paft. And that for 
 other matters a general Aflembly fhall be held confuting of Members of the 
 feveral Cities, by whofe Votes and. Directions, Rules fhall be given to order all 
 matters tending to the fervice of God, to the wellfare of the Countrey and bene- 
 fit of the Inhabitants and Planters thereof 5 which is as much as we ever defired 
 or can poflibly expect: : for by annulling or revoking thofe new Ordinances, we 
 fecure our Indians •, our properties in which was the chief caufe which moved us 
 to take up Arms, and to adventure our lives in the defence thereof. The Gene- 
 ral Pardon exempts us from all future Reckonings for what is paft , and ftill we 
 conferve the Government in our own hands •-, fince that all the Laws and Rules 
 which are to be made , are to proceed and to be enacted from and by the refpec- 
 tive Corporations of Cities of which we are principal members. Wherefore up- 
 on the whole matter my opinion is, that we lhould accept of thefe gracious Of- 
 fers, and in anfwer thereunto return Ambafladours to the Prefident , fignifying 
 our acceptance of the terms propofed : and to engratiate our felves with him , 
 let him be invited to this place, and carried on mens fboulders into the Ciry $ let 
 his way hither be paved with Plates of Silver and Ingots of Gold, and treated 
 in the moft magnificent manner imaginable , for having been the Meflenger of 
 fo general a good to us : let us find fome farther way to oblige him to deal w ith 
 us as Friends , and treat in confidence with us : I do not doubt but fince he 
 hath begun thus generoufly to open himfelf , but that he hath yet a larger Com- 
 miflion , and a power to confer on you the Government of this Empire : but let 
 the matter go how it will , I am of opinion , that he fhould be brought to this 
 place ; and if afterwards his proceedings do not pleafe us, it will remain ftill in 
 our hands to difpofe of him as we fhall think fit. 
 
 Cefeda was abfolutely of another opinion, and oppofed all that Carvajal had de- 
 clared •-, faying, that thefe fair promifes were words without fecurity ; which 
 powerfull men could eafily avoid , as they faw occafion. That if the President 
 were once admitted in , he would fo draw the hearts of all people to him , as to 
 order and difpofe every thing according to his own will and pleafure : that the 
 perfon who was fent with thefe Letters, was not one of that plain and fimple fort 
 as was pretended , but a man of great fubtlety and underftanding, and full of In- 
 trigues and Policies to delude and affect the minds of the People : and in fum 
 his conclufion was, that they ought not to receive the Prefident amongft them ; 
 for that his admittance would prove the ruine and deftruction of them all. This 
 was in fhort the opinion of thefe two Councellours, though the reafons Pro and 
 Con were more large 5 and though Pi$arro did not declare himfelf at that time ei- 
 ther one way or other, yet in his own thoughts he inclined more to the opinion 
 
 of o- 
 
 k 
 ti 
 \ 
 
 .; 
 
 I 
 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries:. n£j 
 
 of Cepeda, than to the fenfe of Carvajal -^ believing that fo foon as he aftented 
 thereunto, he immediately devefted him of all the power and authority which he 
 had in that Countrey. Cepeda alfo, blinded with his own ambition and intereft, 
 ftiffly adhered to his own opinion , well knowing , that in cafe the Prefident were 
 received , his authority would fail , and that he mould lofe his Seal , and perhaps 
 his life , for his crimes were of a deep ftain 3 he had once been an Officer and Mi- 
 nifter of the King's •, whofe Laws and Ordinances he ought to have fuftained -, 
 and inftead thereof he had oppofed the execution of them , and born Arms in 
 that Battel where the Vice-king was flain. Howfoever Picarro not being fully 
 refolved what courfe to take, fummoned a general Aflembly of all the principal 
 Inhabitants of the City, of the Captains, Nobility, and of the mod knowing per- 
 forms in thofe parts, to deliberate upon the Anfwer which was to be given to the 
 Letters from his Majefty and the Prefident ; which being of common concern- 
 ment would beft fuit with the general authority and confent of the whole Coun- 
 trey. The Aflembly being met, confifted of eighty perfons, amongft whom were 
 many ftrange and different opinions. Some were delivered with great gravity 
 aid prudence , tending to the common good of the Indians and Spaniards, and to 
 the advancement of God's glory and fervice : others were of a different ftrain , 
 every one fpeaking according to his own fancy and talent, and as it is ufual where 
 many are there are different imaginations and fancies according to the Proverb , 
 So many men, fo many minds : men of the moft folid judgments did concur in 
 opinion with Francifto de Carvajal, but ambition and the defire of rule thwarted 
 all to the other fide. Howfoever Francifco de Carvajal boldly declared in publick, 
 that the Offers were fatisfactory , and ought not to be rem fed: to which Cepeda 
 prefently reply'd , that the Major General was afraid , the like was faid by other 
 rath and defperate men •■, which Carvajal hearing, cryed out aloud ■■, Gentlemen , 
 I am as affectionate a Servant to my Lord the Governour as any man living, and as 
 much deiire his profperity, quiet and increafe of honour ■-, and as fuch I deliver my 
 opinion fincerely and really as I believe to be beft and moft convenient for him, 
 and from the abundance of my heart and affe&ion I fpeak it. You may, if you 
 pleafe, follow other Counfels which lead you into misfortunes •, for my part, it 
 cannot much concern me, who have already lived many years in the World, and 
 have as long a neck for a halter as any of your Wordiips. Fernandez Palentino re- 
 lates fomething of diis opinion of Carvajal in his Hiftory , but touches it not in 
 this place, but in another fome time after h perhaps he that gave this information 
 gave it to him late and defective , fo that he delivered it more fully in another 
 place. Neither Lopez de Gomara nor Auguftine de Car ate make any mention of this 
 particular, which is very ftrange, becaufe after the War was ended, all people ge- 
 nerally applauded the wife and politick counfel of Carvajal, which had undoubted- 
 ly preferved Goncalo Picarro , had he had Grace and wifedom enough to have re- 
 ' ceived it. 
 
 Thefe Confutations and Debates were publick --, but the Cabals of the other 
 fide were more private in the Chamber of Paniagua where many People volunta- 
 rily reforted the very night that he arrived there and every night afterwards du- 
 ring the time that he refided at Los Reyes ; all of them protefting that they were Ser- 
 vants to the King, and obeyed Goncalo Pigarro againft their inclinations and will ; 
 which they would make appear fo foon as the Prefident arrived in thole parts 5 
 for then they would revolt from Picarro to his party ; and in the mean time they 
 intreated him to inroll their names in a Lift , and offer them to the Prefident , 
 alluring him of their faithfull fervice, as opportunity fhould offer. Thefe were 
 the affurances which were fecretly given to Paniagua by the moft principal Citi- 
 zens, and by thofe who were moft deeply engaged with Picarro, and of fuch who 
 moft defperately declared againft the Prefident , vowing that they would ftab 
 him or poifon him, or caufe the Ship which fhould carry him to Peru to founder 
 in the Sea, as Hiftorians write. And this fecret intelligence was given in the 
 night, partly to prevent the full declaration of his Commiffion in favour of Gon- 
 calo Pica-no ■. for we muft know that juft as Paniagua was about to take his leave 
 of the Prelident, the laft and moft fecret Inftru&ion was given him to be fure to 
 be very referved , and with much art and induftry to difcover the inclinations of 
 the People to Goncalo Picarro •, and that in cafe he found them all of one piece 
 • and unanimoufly to adhere unto him 5 that then he fhould publickly declare, how 
 that the Prefident brought a Commiffion with him to confirm Goncalo Picarro in 
 
 the Go- 
 
n6$ Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 the Government of Peru. And the truth is, it was concluded in Spain by his Ma- 
 jefty's Council juft at the departure of the Preiiden<-, that, as the laft and ultimate 
 remedy of all, he fhould have power to confirm Picarro in the Government: for 
 it was faid and concluded, that provided the Countrey were the Emperour's, 'twas 
 no matter, though the Devil governed it. 
 
 This fecrer, (faid the Preiident to Paniagua) I entruft to you in as much confi- 
 dence as it was committed to me, and in all things ad as becomes a Gentleman, 
 and as one obliged in duty to ferve the King. 
 
 After the Countrey was quieted and fettled, and the Prefident returned to Spain, 
 Paniagua himfelf revealed this ftory, for he remained behind with a good Eftate, 
 and a large proportion of Lands and Indians which were given to him. And he 
 confeffed, that he was often refolved to have revealed the fecret to Picarro, whilft 
 he remained in a doubtfull condition amidit the various humours and opinions of 
 the Commonalty ; and he faid, that he often repented that he had not done it. 
 
 But to return to our Hiftory. Paniagua obtained an anfwer to his Meffage 5 
 the difpatch unto which was chiefly procured by the intereft and favour of Lken- 
 ciad» Carvajal : whi«h was a matter of high importance to him, being in continual 
 fear and danger of his life -, for had Pifarro known that he had fecretly admitted 
 accefs to him, and Cabals in the night, he would certainly have been as good as 
 his word in putting him to death, as he threatned him at his firft coming to the 
 City. Paniagua, having received his difpatch, departed from Los Reyes in the 
 month of January, i J47. being furnifhed wiih money for his Journey, he carried 
 onely a fingle Letter for the Preiident , c( which Auguftine Carate takes no notice, 
 but Fernandez Palentino rehearles it in this manner, 
 
 Moft Honoured and moft Reverend Sir, 
 
 YOVR Letter dated from Panama of the 1 6th of September of the year laft pafi, I 
 have received, and return you many thanks, and kifs your hands for the advices yon 
 have given me therein, knowing well that they proceed from an affectionate and a fincere 
 heart, agreeable to the quality of your Perfon, endowed with much learning and confidence. 
 As for my part, 1 defire you would confider me as a perfon naturally inclined to the Service 
 of his Majefty, the which you feem to acknowledge -without any tefiimony of my own : And 
 indeed thofe onely can properly be faid to ferve his Majefiy wbofe actions and not their words 
 declare their works. Men who ferve the King at his charge and cofi, may be faid to ferve 
 him ; yet howfoever, they are not to be compared and fet in the ballance with them, who, 
 like my Brothers and Relations, and like my felf, who have for the fpace of fix teen years fer- 
 ved his Majefty in my Perfon without any charge or expence to the Crown ; to which I have 
 gained and acquired greater and better Countries, and a v after quantity of Gold and Silver 
 than ever any man hath done which was born ; and all this at my own charge, without putting 
 his A4ajefiy to the expence fo much as of five Shillings towards all my acqui/itions and la- 
 bours. And now at lajl there remains nothing either to me or to try Brothers but onely the 
 bare and naked reputation of having ferved his A4ajefiy, in which we have confumed all that 
 we have gained. When Blafco Nunnez firft arrived in this Countrey, there were then 
 living of our flocks the Sons of the Marquis, Hernando Picarro and my felf, amongfl 
 which there was fcarce the value of a crown remaining cither in Gold or Silver, notwith- 
 ftanding all thofe immtnfe Sums we had fent to his Majefiy ; nor had we one Acre of Land 
 amongfl us all, notwithftanding that vaft tract of Empire we bad annexed to the Imperial 
 Crown : and yet notwithftanding all thefe neglects which have been put upon us, we remain 
 firm and immovable in our Allegiance, to which duty we have no need to be incited from Ar- 
 guments of his Power, or to be informed of his prowefs and puijfance of his Arms, unlefs it be 
 to give us occafion to praife God who hath beftowed fuch a Prince upon us, who is gratious 
 to his Subjects and fo formidable to his Enemies, that as well Chriftian Princes as Infidels 
 fear and envy his greatnefs. And though I have not fpent fo much time in his Majefiy s 
 Court as 1 have done in the JVars for his Service, yet I would ha ve you to know, that 1 have 
 been as curious to hear and under ft and the Affairs of his Afajefiy, efpecially the fuccejfes of 
 the late Wars, as any perfon whatfoever that is converfant in his Court, who perhaps are not 
 well acquainted with all the occurrences fo particularly and truly as I am; for thofe who 
 come from thence give me informations of what hath pafi, and fome Friends who live upon 
 the place con ft ant ly write to me from the Camp, and give me as good intelligence as they arc 
 able \ for they knowing me to be a man of truth, and delighted with a real and exalt ac- 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. ngy 
 
 count of all fuccejfes, do endeavour to gratifie my curiofity and affection to his Majefly's in- 
 terefi by faithfull and true informations, which my zeal to the Crown fettles and fixes in 
 my memory, &C. 
 
 The remainder of this Letter, for brevity fake, we omit, as impertinent and 
 little to our purpofe, for it refle&s chiefly on the Vice-king Blafio Nunnez. Vela, 
 and cafts the blame of all the mifchiefs pall; on his mifcarriages •-, and to juftifie 
 himfelf he fays, that all the Cities of that Empire chofe him for their Agent- 
 General 5 in which capacity he was empowered by Commifllon from the Judges 
 under the great Seal, to drive out and expell Blafco Nunnez, Vela from the limits of 
 that Kingdom •, and that he a&ed nothing all that time but by their Warrant, and 
 by virtue of their commands. 
 
 With this Letter Paniagua was difpatched by Sea, where we mail leave him 
 for a while to difcourfe of other matters which intervened ; onely before we con- 
 clude this Chapter, we muft reflect a little on that paflage of his Letter wherein 
 he (ays, that of that vaft tradt of Empire which he and his Kindred had acquired 
 to the Crown, not one Acre thereof was appropriated to his Family •, he means, 
 by inheritance for ever, as the Lords in Spain hold their Lands, which were gran- 
 ted to them by former Kings in reward of the Services they had done in the Wars 
 againft the Moors, helping to fubdue and drive them out of the Land : for though 
 Gon$alo Pigarro and Hernando Picarro were feifed of much Land, with command 
 over Indians , yet they held them onely for their lives, as did alfo the Marquis 
 Bon Francifco picarro whofe Eftate was onely for Life, and never defended to his 
 Children. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 The death of Alonfo de Toro. Diego Centeno and the 
 
 other Captains come out of their Caves and places of re- 
 tirement , and appear for the fervice of his Maje/ly. 
 Goncalo Picarro fets all his Ships on fire, and what 
 was the faying of Carvajal thereupon. 
 
 FErnandez Paniagua having received his difpatches and departed, Goncalo Picarro 
 began to be troubled that he had received no advices or intelligences from 
 Lorenzo de Aldana either in relation to his Voyage, or to the Fleet then at Panama, 
 nor of any other matter concerning Pedro de la Gafca •-, fo that he fufpe&ed lbme- 
 thing amifs,in regard the time did well admit of a return. Wherefore he difpatch- 
 ed Letters to Captain Pedro de Puelles his Deputy at JJg»V*, and to Captain Merca- 
 dillo Governour of the City of St. Michael, to Captain Porcel in Paccamurus, and 
 to Captain Diego de Mora at Truxilk, advifing them to be in a readinefs in cafe he 
 mould have occafion to call upon them for their affiftance, which he believed 
 would be very fpeedy; but when the Meflengers came to thofe places, they 
 found all the People already poflefled with the news of a general Pardon, and of 
 the revocation of the late Ordinances (for the Prefident had taken care to difperfe 
 Copies in all parts) upon publication of which there was a general defection in 
 all places from Goncalo Picarro : the like Meflage was alfo fent to Captain Antonio 
 de Robles, then in the City of Cozco, to prepare and keep his People in a readinefs 
 to be employed in any future fervice which might offer : this Meflage was fent to 
 Antonio de Robles, becaufe Picarro was informed, that Diego Goncales de Vargas (with 
 whom I had acquaintance) Irad killed Captain Alonfo de Toro, who was Governour 
 under him in that City : the truth is, the matter was fudden, and neither contri- 
 ved by him who killed him, nor fufpe&ed by the perfon who was flain •-, for 
 Alonfo de Toro was Son-in-law to Diego Goncales, and lodged in the fame Houfe to- 
 
 Fffff gether: 
 
yyo Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 gether : Alonfo de Tm was of a proud, cholerick difpofition, and very loud in his 
 ipeech ; Diego Gon$aks being in the Hall, which yeas next to his Daughter's Apart- 
 ment, he heard Alonfo de Toro fcold and quarrel with his Daughter, who was a ve- 
 ry good and vertuous Wife, and in his fury coming out into the Hall, he met 
 with his Father-in-law , and fanfying that he came to take part with his Daugh- 
 ter, he prefently brufled up to the good old man, who was above fixty five years 
 of age, and with a loud voice gave him bafe and foul language •, but Gonzales de 
 Vargas, rather with intention to defend himfelf than with defign to hurt his Son- 
 in-law, laid hold on an old Dagger which hung by a firing at his fide, and drew 
 it in his own defence, with which Alonfo de Two being more provoked, came up fo 
 clofe to the old Man that he received a wound from the Dagger, which when De 
 Varg.u perceived, and confidered that there was now no other way, he gave him 
 three or four fbbbs more in the Belly, and then fled, fearing left de Toro ibould by 
 his ftrength wrefi the Dagger from him, and kill him with it •, but he had ftrength 
 onely to purfue him about fifty paces to the foot of the Stairs, where he fell down 
 and died. This was the fate of poor Alonfo de Tore, which his own fury and cho- 
 lerick difpofition had brought upon him, his Father-in-law being forced there- 
 unto merely to fave and defend himfelf. 
 
 Diego Gonzales was afterwards tried for the fad, and acquitted, and I knew him 
 feveral years after •, he had a Son named Diego de V*rg**, who went to School 
 with me whilft we learned to reade and write, and were afterwards in our Latin : 
 we were alfo neighbours, and lived next door but one to them when this unfortu 
 nate mifchief happened. After the death of Alonfo de Toro the Corporation of the 
 City made choice of Alonfo de Hin^ofa to be Governour and Captain thereof un- 
 der Gonga/o Picarro ; but he was foon fuperfeded by Antonio de Robles, who received 
 a Commiflion for the place from Picarro .- by which though Hincjofa efteemed 
 himfelf much difobliged, yet he diflembled his pleafure untill a fair opportunity 
 offered to make known his refentments, as will appear more plainly hereafter. 
 
 The Letters and Advices alfo of the arrival of the Prefident were carried to 
 Arequepa, and to the City of Plate, and flew over all Collao, where many of thofe 
 people were concealed who had been difperfed by Francifio de Carvajal when he 
 purfued Diego Centeno. This news caufed great fermentation in the minds of the 
 People, and particularly an inhabitant ofArequepa called Diego Alvarez, being then 
 near the Sea-coaft with nine or ten Companions, made himfelf Captain of them, 
 and taking Colours of a Linen Cloth, they went in fearch of Diego Centeno, who 
 had by this time quitted his Cave, and gotten together about five rf.en, who una- 
 nimoufly chofe Centeno for General of the new Enterprife. At firft they confulted 
 whether it would be moft advantageous for them to march to the City ofArequep* 
 or to Cozxo, where they knew that Antonio de Robles refided with three hundred men 
 well fitted and appointed; but as yet they knew not what to refblve upon, for it 
 feemed a hazardous matter to attack a body of men with fo much difadvantage 
 of numbers 5 but afterwards, confidering that they carried with them the fpecious 
 colour of the King's Authority, and the powerfull name of Loyalty, they refolved 
 on the quefiion, and to march directly to Cozco. But let us leave them here on 
 their Journey to relate other actions and fucceffes which were carried on and paf- 
 fed in divers parts, and at the fame time in thofe Countries, which were fo many 
 and various, that I feem to be entred into a Labyrinth, from whence I ihall en- 
 deavour to extricate my felf in the beft manner I am able, hoping for the Reader's 
 pardon and acceptance, in cafe I fall ihort in the relation where fuch great variety 
 of affairs hath happened. 
 
 We have mentioned before, how that Lorenzo de Aldana, Hernan Alexia de Guz- 
 man, fohn Alonfo Palomino, and fohn de Tllanes were, by order of the Prefident, fent 
 by Sea to Pern -, thefe by the way came to Tumpiz,, where Banolmeo Ae Jlllalobot 
 was Governour under Goncalo Picarro, who obferving that their four Ships had re- 
 mained four days before the Port and had not entred, he fufpe&ed that they had 
 changed their Copy, and were revolted to the other Party •, upon which fuppofiti- 
 on, without other grounds, he difpatched a Mefienger to Picarro with this informa- 
 tion. The news was firft carried to Captain Diego de Mora, who was then in 
 Truxillo, above a hundred leagues diftance from Tumpiz, who was from thence to 
 forward it with all expedition to Goncalo Picarro. Diego de Mora, upon receipt of 
 this Advice, difpeeded the Meflenger to Los Reyes, but he himfelf remained doubt- 
 full which fide to take, whether he fhould adhere to Picarro, or revolt from him : 
 
 but 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. nn 
 
 but whilft he was thus confidering within himfelf, the news came that the new 
 Ordinances were repealed, and a general Pardon granted by his Majefty for all 
 Treafons and Crimes which were part : wherefore, remaining no longer in fu- 
 fpenfe, he packed up all his Houlhold-ftuff, took what Gold and Silver he had, 
 and therewith embarked his Wife and Family on a Ship, and with forty of his 
 Souldiers (of which fome were Inhabitants of Truxillo) he failed to Panama .• the 
 news of thefe four Ships being come to Los Reyes, though the particulars thereof 
 were confufed and obfcure, it being not known who or what they were, yet it 
 ferved to put the People into a great conffernation, and caufed every one to pre- 
 jare for a War. At the fame time news coming of the revolt of Diego de Mora, 
 lis place was immediately iupplied by a Commiffion given to Lkenciado Leon, and 
 le lent by Sea to Truxillo .• but meeting a few days after with Lorenzo de Aldana, and 
 lis Aflbciates in his way, he turned to their fide •, the like alfo did Diego deMora, 
 and all of them returned together to the Port of Truxillo, where Diego de Mora 
 landed with his forty men, to recover them of the ficknefs into which they were 
 fallen at Sea ■-, but he marched farther into the Countrey, as far as Cajfamarca, 
 publifhing in all places, how that the late Ordinances were repealed, and a gene- 
 ral Pardon given for all Treafons and Crimes already committed : upon this news 
 all people generally came in and offered themfelves for his Majefty's Service, 
 
 amongU which were John de Saavedra, a Native of Sevil, Gomez de Alvarado, John 
 
 Parcel, to whom Picarro had lately wrote, advifing him to prepare matters in a 
 readinefs for War. In fhort, all the people of thoie places and Provinces coming 
 in they formed a Body of about three hundred men, under the command of Diego 
 de Mora, and declared for the Emperour : of which Bartolmeo de Villakbos then 
 quartering at Tumbiz receiving intelligence, he gathered what Forces he could and 
 marched into the inland Countries, intending by way of the Defart to pais over 
 to Goncalo picarro : but his men gave a ftop to his Journey, perfuading him to 
 change his way and his intention, and return to Piura, and keep that Town for 
 the Emperour, as he had done before for Goncalo Picarro, to which he affented, 
 though much againft his will. The like happened in Puerto Viejo, which Francifco 
 de Olmos held for Picarro 5 who, upon news of the many revolts, and of people 
 turning to the fervice of the Emperour, went with fome perfbns, in whom he 
 much confided, unto Huay/lqui, which was a place governed by Manuel Eftatio 
 with Commiffion from Picarro ; and there, without farther ceremony, taking him 
 by the hand, he ftabbed Him to the heart with his Dagger, and immediately fet 
 up his Majefty's Standard. And thus, with the news onely of a general Pardon, 
 and revocation of the late Ordinances, without other perfuafions or forces, the 
 
 xains, chief Commanders and People were 
 
 lis Majefty. 
 
 lis Party were not ignorant ^ for they recei- 
 ved intelligence daily how matters fiicceeded, at which they were much troubled, 
 and with great reafon •-, for feeing how people daily fell from their Party, they 
 feared that many others would follow the fame example : whereupon they entred 
 into frequent confultations, but with fuch confufion and diforder that nothing 
 was concluded , onely it was agreed to burn the five Ships then in Port, together 
 with all the Boats and Veffels which were there. This Counfel was faid to be 
 
 given by Lkenciado Cepeda, and Lkenciado Benito de Carvajal, men W'llO were bet- 
 ter Lawyers than Souldiers, and better skilled in Books than in the Politicks 5 
 for they believed that the Ships and Veflels then in Port would give people op- 
 portunity to efcape and turn to the Enemy, and for want thereof they would .be 
 forced, though againft their wills, to fide with their Party. 
 
 The burning of the Ships was ordered during the abfence of Carvajal, who 
 was gone for a weeks time about twenty leagues from Los Reyes, to direct fome 
 important; affairs then in hand $ but when Carvajal returned, and heard of the bur- 
 ning of thofe Ships, he grievoufly lamented the iffue of that fatal Counfel, and 
 
 amongft Other things he faid to Goncalo Picarro, Sir, Ton have ordered five Guardian- 
 Angels, appointed for the defence of the Coaft of Peru and defiruElion of your Enemies, to 
 be confumcd with fire 5 had you referved but one for me, I Jbould therewith have given you 
 fuch an account of my aEiions at (bould have furpaffed all my former fervkes, and have gi- 
 ven the world caufe to envy my great fuccejfes : for with fome Musketiers which I would 
 have put aboard, 1 would have undertaken to engage all the Fleet of the Enemy ; for ac- 
 cording to the intelligence we have from Panama, all the people they bring from thence, as 
 
 Fffffa alfi 
 
 hearts and inclinations of all the Ca 
 turned and reduced to the fervice of 
 
 Of all which Goncalo Picarro and 
 
772 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 alfo thofe who come into them from the Coafi, are all weak^, and ficklj, and HI armed, and 
 their powder is moifl and wet, and of little ftrength •-, for which reafon one of your Ships is 
 
 worth four of theirs. But the two Lawyers, who were no Friends to Carvajal, 
 whifpered to Gon$ah Picarro that they much fufpedted Carvajal, and feared, that 
 the trouble and concernment he fhewed for burning the Ships, was becaufe he 
 thereby loft his means to efcape and fly to the Enemy. But hereafter we mail 
 fee the advice of Carvajal verified by experience, and how much the Lawyers 
 were miftaken in their meafures; 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 The Prefident departs from Panama, and goes to Tumpiz, 
 as alfo Lorenzo de Aldana to the Valley de Santa, from 
 whence he [ends Spyes againft Gon^alo Picarro ; who 
 ?iames Captains, pays all his Souldiers, and frames a Pro- 
 cefs againjl the Prefident. 
 
 PEdro de la Gafca, Prefident for his Majefty, having difpatched Lorenco de Alda- 
 na and his Companions upon the four Ships which were bound for Peru, he 
 applied himfelf wholly to raife Men and Horfe, and to get what Arms and Pro- 
 vifions the adjacent Countries did afford him, that therewith he might follow and 
 fecond the Forces which were gone before him. Amongft thofe which came to 
 his affiftence, was a very famous Souldier called, Pedro Bernardo de Sluhos, born at 
 Anduxar, who fome years paft came into the Indies, and had ferved his Majefty 
 in the Ifles of Barlovento, Cartagena and the Continent, in quality onely of an F£n- 
 fign 5 in which ftation he ftill contented himfelf, becaufe no better preferment 
 did offer at that time, in which capacity he acquitted himfelf well during all the 
 Wars with Gon^ak Pi$arro •, and afterwards ferved with title of Captain in the 
 Wars of Don Sebafiian de Caftilla, and ot Francifco Hernandez Giron, fo that he 
 well deferved to have been rewarded with Lands, and an Indian Plantation, which 
 in the City of Cozco was called Cacha, together with a provifion to maintain Lan- 
 ces for defence of that Kingdom. Several Gentlemen and Noble Souldiers, and 
 the beft Nobility of that Maritime Coaft, put themfelves under the command of 
 this worthy Officer for fervice of his Majefty to the number of five hundred per- 
 ibns ; which when the Prefident had feen, and accounted his Forces in other parts, 
 he believed that he mould have no farther need of any relief or recruits from 
 Mexico, as he formerly defired 5 of which he gave notice to the Vice-king Don 
 Antonio de Mendoca, and the other Governours, with informations of whatsoever 
 had hitherto paft. Having fent thefe advices, and left neceflary inftru&ions for 
 fecuring the Government of Panama and Nombre de Dios, he difpatched a full rela- 
 tion of all that paffed untill that time unto his Majefty, and in what manner he 
 had afted for his fervice, and then fet Sail for Pern with all his Fleet •-, and though 
 when he firft fet out he met fome ftorms and bad weather within the Bays and 
 Gulfs between Lands, yet they gave him no ftop in profecution of his Voyage, 
 in which on his way he happily encountred with Fernandez, Paniagua, who brought 
 an anfwer from Gon$alo Picarro. Their joy was very great at meeting, and increa- 
 sed, efpecially when he underftood the good will and affedtion which the people 
 then actually with Vicirro exprefied towards his Majefty 's fervice, which they 
 promifed to manifeft fo foon as occafion offered : and fo much was the Prefident 
 tranfported with the news, that he refufed to reade Picarro's Letters left he mould 
 make fome Proportions which he would not gladly hear 5 and therefore without 
 reading he burnt them, and continued his Voyage with a favourable gale untill 
 he came to Tumpiz, where we will leave him for a while, to fee what Lorenco de 
 Aldana. was doing, who was gone with his four Ships to the City of Los Reyes, and 
 to relate the great trouble Pi cam conceived at the news of this revolt. 
 
 Lorenco 
 
Book ,V. Royal Commentaries. 77, 
 
 Lorenzo de Aldana, proceeding on his Voyage, loofed from Truxillo and failed 
 along the Coaft, and, having fome lick people aboard, he came for refrelhment 
 to the River called de Santa, where they took in frefh water, from whence he lent 
 a certain Friar of the Merceds, called Friar Pedro de Vlloa, to carry to Pivm-o the 
 news of his arrival in thole parts, and with this occalion to advife all perfons 
 whom he knew to be well affected, to efcape out of the City of Los Reyes upon 
 any Boats or Veflels they could get, promihng that, with the Pinnaces and Skirls 
 belonging to the Ships, he would gather and take them up, and bring them aboard 
 their Ships. So foon as Piearrs heard that this Friar was come, he prelently cau- 
 fed him to be brought to him without permiflion to difcourfe with any perfon 
 either in publick or private: and upon the news of the revolt of his Fleet, he 
 highly inveighed againft Lorenzo de Aldana, accufing him of falfity, and betraying 
 his Countrey, and of ingratitude for the friendibip he had ever Ihewed him 5 bla- 
 ming himfelf very much for not having followed the counfel and perfuafions of 
 his Officers, who long iince would have had him hanged, and punifhed for his de- 
 merit as jultice required. 
 
 But matters could not be carried fo fecretly, but that the revolt of the Fleet 
 under command of Lorenzo de Aldana unto the Prefident was publilhed and talked 
 of over all the Town \ fo that Pi earn being forced to own it, he prelently proclai- 
 med a War, and beat up Drums for lilting Souldiers 5 Captains alio were named 
 and appointed, and pay advanced to every private Souldier 5 and fome Souldiers 
 of nore received a thouland or two thoufand pieces of Eight upon advance accor- 
 ding to their quality and deferts. A general Rendezvous was appointed, to which 
 place Piparro marched on foot as General of the Infantry, which (as Carate, in the 
 eleventh Chapter of his lixth Book, fays) conlifted of a thoufand men, all as well 
 armed and clothed as any Companies in Italy in the times of peace ; for, befides 
 their armour, every man had good Shoes and Stockins, and a Silk Doublet •, and 
 fome of Cloth of Gold or Silver, or embroideries upon their Cloaks, with Hats 
 turned up with Gold Buckles 5 and the Stocks of their Guns plated and embolTed 
 With Gold. The Captains of Horfe were Licenciado Cepeda, and Licenciado de Car- 
 vajal, being great confidents and highly in favour. The Captains which comman- 
 ded the HarquebufierS were John de Acofia, John Velez de Guevara and John de la Torre. 
 The Captains of the Pikes were Hernando Bachicao, Martin de Almendras and Mar- ■ 
 tin de Robles : but the Lieutenant-General of all was Francifco de Carvajal, who kept 
 his former ftation, and commanded his. own Company of Harquebufiers which 
 had always followed him. The Standard was carried by Antonio Altamirano, and 
 guarded by eighty Horfe. Some Captains in their Colours made a Cypher with 
 the name of Goncalo Picam, that is with the G. and P. with a Crown over it ; 
 another Captain brought that Cypher into the form of a Heart •, all their Enfigns 
 and Colours were made new of divers colours, and a new falbion came up by di- 
 rection of Carvajal ( which I have not obferved in any other Army ) for every 
 Souldier to tye a knot of Ribbon of the colour of the Enlign of that Company to 
 which he belonged within the plume of Feathers which he wore in his Hat, and 
 fuch as had no Feathers wore them in a bunch on their Hats, by which every man 
 was diftinguiihed and known unto what Company he belonged •, onely Carvajal 
 thought not fit to make new Colours, but told his Souldiers that the old one 
 was their honour, under which having had great fucceffes, they might ftill hope 
 to be fortunate and add new Victories to their ancient Glories. And now Pifarro 
 fhewed himfelt open-handed to his Souldiers, giving them large pay, and money 
 upon advance -, to fome Captains he gave forty, to fome fifty or lixty thoufand 
 pieces of Eight for their Souldiers, according to their numbers, or as they were 
 Horfe or Foot, which confequently required more expence. He alfo bought all 
 the Horfes, Mares and Mules he could find, to mount his people, for which he 
 paid with ready money : but for fome (as a certain Authour fays) he did not pay, 
 the reafon for which was this : Several Merchants of the City of Los Reyes lifted 
 themlelves for Souldiers, not to fhew themfelves Cowards or difaffe&ed, but af- 
 ter fome days march, growing weary, they procured a difcharge by furrender of 
 their Horfe and Arms, and thofe who had neither, gave money by way of com- 
 penfation : for Goncalo Pi$arro and his Officers thought not fit to conftrain any man 
 againft his will, knowing that preft men never made good Souldiers. 
 
 In this manner was the Army fitted and prepared with Weapons of War - 7 and 
 now to ftrengthen the good Caufe with Reafons and Arguments to pleafe Picam, 
 
 Licen- 
 
774 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 Licendado Cepeda carried with him a whole Library of Law-books, out of which 
 with the help of certain Lawyers who lived in thofe parts, he drew up an En- 
 diftment of High Treafon againft the Prefident Gafia, and againft Pedro de Hinojofa 
 and all the other Captains, for having betrayed the Fleet into the hands of the 
 Prefident. And to make the bufinefs more formal, Witnefles were examined, 
 and the treachery and robbery made by the Captains proved upon Oath, and that 
 Gafia hsd accepted of the Ships, and appropriated them to his own ufe, which 
 coft Pifarro about a hundred thoufand pieces of Eight : upon thisProcefs Sentence 
 of Death was pafled upon them all to be hanged, drawn and quartered. Cepeda 
 was the firft who figned the Sentence, and defired Goncalo Pifarro and all his Offi- 
 cers to fubfcribe it in like manner ; but when Cepeda came to Francifio Carvajal for 
 his hand, telling him that his firm was of great confequence, Carvcj.U imiled and 
 made a jeft of the Sentence. I warrant you, laid he, fo foon as this Writing is 
 figned by this learned Council in the Law, execution will immediately follow 
 thereupon, and the condemned perfons dye upon the fpot. No, Sir, laid Cepeda, 
 but it is good to have them fentenced by courfe of Law, that when we take them 
 execution may prefently follow without delay or lots of time. At which anfwer 
 Carvajal laughed aloud •, As I am a Souldier, faid he, I thought that fo foon as I 
 had figned the Sentence, fome certain blow of Thunder-bolt would have knocked 
 them all dead on a fudden •, but if it be not (o, for my part I would not give a 
 farthing for all your Sentence nor Subfcriptions •, for had I them but here, without 
 fuch formalities, I would find a way to execute your Sentence with more expedi- 
 tion ; to which he added many other pleafant Sayings to (hew the impertinence of 
 fuch a Sentence. 
 
 Lkenpado Polo ( of whom we have formerly made mention ) was prefent at this 
 Aflembly, where he gave fome reafons againft the Sentence : the firft was, Be- 
 caule Gafia was a Prieft, and in Holy Orders, and therefore no Sentence of Death 
 could be palled upon him in that nature, under pein of excommunication : ano- 
 ther reafon was, that this Sentence ought not to be precipitated in fuch manner, 
 becaufe it might probably be hoped, that fome of thofe Captains, who for fear 
 of Hinojofa had betrayed their Ships to Gafia, might yet repent of thisaclion, and 
 return again to their duty, whereas on the contrary, they will become defperate 
 if the door be {hut, and they excluded from Pardon by a Sentence. Upon 
 thefe reafons a flop was given to the Decree, and the Writing figned by none 
 
 but Cepeda. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Goncalo Pifarro fends John de Acofta againft Lorenzo 
 de Aldana. Spyes are fent from both fides. The death 
 of Pedro de Puelles. 
 
 WHilft matters were thus in confultation, and the Lawyers bulled in draw- 
 ing up their ridiculous and impertinent Procels, Gon^ah Ptcarro received 
 Advice, that the four Ships under the command of Lorenzo de Aldana, and the 
 other Captains were making their way towards the City of Los Reyes, that they 
 had already been at Truxillo, and were failing along the Coaft : whereupon he de- 
 tached fifty Horfemen armed with Carbines, under the command of Captain John 
 de Acofia, to march to the Sea-(hore, and hinder them from taking Wood, or 
 Water, or landing in any of the Ports, John de Acofia proceeded as far as Truxilk, 
 but durft not ftay above one day there, for fear of Diego de Mora, who was then 
 in Cajfamarca ; wherefore he returned again to the Sea-coaft, and lay in wait ex- 
 pecting to take fome of Aldana's men in cafe any of them fhould adventure to 
 come afhore. Aldana on the other fide had Spyes abroad who gave him notice of 
 all the motions of John de Acofia •, upon knowledge of which he laid an ambufli of a 
 hundred Musketiers in a certairfWood through which Acofia was to puis : but he 
 receiving intelligence thereof turned another way, and fell upon a party of thofe 
 
 which 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 77 r 
 
 which Aldana had employed to fill water and cut wood, of which he killed three 
 or four , and took as many Prifoners , befides fourteen or fifteen of them who of 
 their own accord revolted to his party , and gave notice and caution of the Am- 
 buih. And though the Forces q{ Aldana were much more in number , yet they 
 durft not adventure to refcue the Prifoners , for they were all Foot , and the Ene- 
 my Horfe, and their Powder not half fo good, nor their Guns fo well fixed, and 
 the Countrey a deep and dead Sand. Acofia fent the perfons which were taken to 
 Pi$arro, who received them very kindly, and furnithed them with Arms, Horfes 
 and Money : they acquainted him with the ill condition of the Fleet , how ill 
 they were provided with men and victuals ■-, and moft of their people being fick 
 and difeafed were put alhoar , and fome were dead and thrown into the Sea 5 
 thofe that remained aboard were fickly and ill provided, and wanted both Arms 
 and Ammunition ■-, that they had received no late News of the Prefident , nor 
 did they know where he was , nor when he would come , nor did they expeft 
 him for this whole year. And though this was great good News to him , yet 
 when he considered the weaknefs of the four Ships , then he began to be fenfible 
 of the evil Counfel which fome of his Confidents had given him , to burn his 
 own five Ships, and how much Fnacifio Carvajal was in the right , when he con- 
 demned that counfel , and faid , one of thefe five Ships was able to fight with 
 all the other four which Aldana commanded. After this Acofia failed to the Pore 
 of Huaura , where PaUnthto faith there is excellent good Salt, and in fuch abun- 
 dance as is fufficieilt to fupply all Italy, France and Spain, 
 
 Goncalo Pkarro having received intelligence of what Acofia had performed at 
 Los Rnes, and what Diego de Mora had done at Truxillo, he refolved to fend Licen- 
 ciado Carvajal with three hundred men under his command to hinder Acofia from 
 landing his men, or taking water or cutting wood, and likewife to keep Diego de 
 Mora in fome awe , and aft other matters as occafion fhould ferve. Lkenciado 
 Carvajal having accordingly provided all things neceffary for his march , the Lieu- 
 tenant General Carvajal gave a flop to his proceedings, condemning the Counfell 
 as not good, for he was perfuaded within himfelf that he would revolt with all his 
 men to the other party : that which hath fixed him, faid he, fo long with us was 
 nothing but a defire to revenge the murther of his brother the Agent : and now 
 fince that is over, and the late Ordinances repealed, and a general Pardon given for 
 all Crimes part, there is no doubr, but he will pais over to the King's party, with 
 whom all his Kindred and Relations are engaged, and are men of quality, and emi- 
 nent in their Offices , nor can he forget, how without any fault, the halter was 
 about his rftck , and the fentence ready to be executed. John de Acofia was of 
 the fame mind, and earneftly perfuaded Pi$ arro not. to fend him •, upon which the 
 defign was altered, and Acofia was fent in his place with the three hundred men 
 formerly ordered for Lkenciado Carvajal : but when Acofia was on his march, he 
 obferved a kind of backwardnefs in fome of his Souldiers , and an inclination to 
 revolt unto the other party : the which was verified by the flight of twelve Soul- 
 diers , men of note and great reputation. And fome of his friends allured him 
 ( whether true or falfe it is not certain) that feveral others had the fame intention, 
 
 and that the chief Leader of them was Lorenco Mexia de Tigueroa , the Conde de 
 
 Gomera's Son-in-law ; on which information, without farther proof or teftimony 
 he put him to death : This Gentleman was married to Donna Leonor de Bobadilla y 
 the Widow of Nmno fovar, who was Lieutenant General to Governour Hernando 
 de Soto, in that enterprize which was defigned for the Conqueft of Florida, as we 
 have at large related in that Hiftory: he left one Son and a Daughter called Ma- 
 ria Sarmiento , who was married in Coz.co to Alonfo de Loayfa an Inhabitant of that 
 City : the very night that they were married, happened the infurreclion of Fran- 
 cifio Hernandez Giron, as we (hall relate, God willing, in its due place. The Son 
 was called Goncalo Mexia de Figueroa, a very hopefull youth, he went with me to 
 the Grammar'School , but he died very young , to the grief of all thofe who 
 were acquainted with him. But let us leave Acofia upon his march , and the 
 others upon the coaft, to relate the difafter which befell Pedro de Puelles in Quitu • 
 ■ for he , having received advice that the late Ordinances were repealed , and a ge- 
 neral Pardon given for all Crimes and Treafons already part, he refolved to accept 
 the benefit of that gratious Proclamation, and return to his allegiance and duty 
 towards his Majefty, and thereby renounce Pkarro and his Caufe, for whom and 
 for which he had zealoufly engaged himfelf in former times. 
 
 To 
 
776 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 To cotnpafs the Plot intended , Pedro de Puelles made a folemn invitation to all 
 his Souidiers and Captains; and then amidft the entertainment , he refolved to 
 propofe what was fit in order to his Majefty's fervice, and for a motive thereunto 
 he defigned to make known to them that a general Pardon was granted, and the 
 late Ordinances repealed. Pedro de Puelles had in private communicated this his 
 intention to a certain Souldier of note, called Diego de Vrbha, who alfo entrufted 
 the fecret to one Rodrigo de Salafar, a fellow as crooked in his conditions as in his 
 body : this Rodrigo, efteeming the matter eafie and already well prepared to take 
 effect , refolved, that Pedro de Puelles mould not have the honour to himfelf , but 
 that his Majefty and the Prefident mould own the fignal fervice of reducing three 
 hundred men to their allegiance folely to his management and valour. This pur- 
 pofe of his he made known to four of his friends , whofe furnames were Baftida , 
 Firado, Hermofilla and Morillo, which were the names by which they were known : 
 giving them to underftand what the intent of Pedro de Puelles was, and therefore to 
 wreft fo fignal a fervice out of his hands , and appropriate it to their own merit, 
 he propoied to kill Pedro de Puelles : to which they all afiented and agreed, as they 
 accordingly did, and went next morning, being Sonday, all five together to the 
 houfe of Pedro de Puelles, and tent him up word, that Captain Salazar was come 
 to make him a vifit, and to attend him to Church to hear Mafs. Pedro de Puelles 
 took the vifit kindly from them, and defired them to walk up into his chamber, 
 for he was not as yet out of bed. It is reported that four of them entred in, and 
 that Rodrigo de Salafar remained at the door , to fee firft how matters fucceeded , 
 though fome fay he did goe in •, but I have heard the ftory related often in the 
 manner before mentioned. Thefe four Villains killed Pedro de Puelles with their 
 Swords and Daggers , and then with Rodrigo de Salazar they ran out into the Mar- 
 ket-place and declared for the King, to which all the City inclined and concurred 
 . with the greateft cheerfulnefs in the World. 
 
 C H A P. IX. 
 
 A Challenge j& fent to Salazar to fight a Vuell , on occafion 
 of the Murther of Pedro de Puelles. Diegc^de Cen- 
 teno fights with Pedro Maldonado, and enters into 
 Cozco. 
 
 Rodrigo de Salazar and his Complices , having performed this Exploit , went 
 with all expedition to join with the Prefident Gafca , and happily met 
 him in the Valley ofSaufa.- where he received them with all the kindnefs imagi- 
 nable, and praifed them highly for their Loyalty and Demonftrations of Alle- 
 giance to his Majefty, which he took notice of, and fhould be rewarded in its 
 due feafon : but Diego de Vrbina, who was a friend to Pedro de Puelles, confidered 
 that the Difcovery he had made of his Friend's fecret was the caufe of his unhap- 
 py fate, and that Rodrigo de Salazar enjoyed all that honour and applaufe which 
 was juftly due to his dead Friend : wherefore being fenfibly touched in confci- 
 ence for the fad , he publifhed in all places the truth of the whole matter , and 
 of the loyal intentions of Pedro de Puelles , as before related. He alfo threw all 
 the infamy he could heap up againft this Salazar .• he declared that he was a falfe, 
 treacherous perfon , that he had betrayed the Vice-king Blafco Nunnez Vela , and 
 revolted to Picarro, and had followed and fided with him in all his actions: that 
 he was acquainted and informed of the loyal intentions of Pedro de Puelles ; and 
 that to gain the glory thereof to himfelf, he had perpetrated that bloudy Mur- 
 ther : the like he had done by Almagro the younger, whofe Servant he was, and yet 
 he betrayed and delivered him up. And with fuch faithlefs practices as thefe , he 
 had ever lived, and to the fhame of the world was well efteemed , as the Proverb 
 (ays , Who is profperous and overcomes , is always commended. Wherefore upon the 
 
 whole matter Diego de Vrbha publickly declared, that he challenged him to a fingle 
 
 duel 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. nyj 
 
 duell in the field •, where he would make him confefs with his own mouth, and 
 acknowledge that all which he had faid was true. 
 
 Rodrigo de s*lazar, who trufted more to his own fubtilties and craft, than to his 
 Sword, chofe rather to confefs all which Diego de Vrbina required of him to be true, 
 than to enter the Lifts with a perfon fo much renowned for his valour and expe- 
 rience in Arms, as was Vrbina. And therefore after fuch confeffion made, he 
 added, that in regard Pedro de Puellcs had elapfed the day appointed for fuch de- 
 claration, as before mentioned , he fufpe&ed that he had repented of the defign, 
 and therefore killed him, knowing that delays of that kind are commonly dange- 
 rous : upon which confeffion approved by the Prefident to be fatisfa&ory ; Diego 
 de Vrbina, and his Companions, who were men of note, and engaged with him 
 in the quarrel, accepted of the confeffion, and put an end to any farther difpute 
 thereupon : though fome were of opinion, that the reafons were of fome fmall 
 moment , and not valid enough to put up fuch a challenge : but as the Proverb 
 
 fays , Dead men and abfent have but few friends. 
 
 But to return now to Captain Diego Centeno, whom we left on his march to Coz- 
 co, with refolution to engage Captain Antonio de Robks , who with a good force 
 kept that City for Gon$alo Pi^arro : and though it might feem a very rafh adtion 
 to attack three hundred men well difciplined and armed with fourty eight men 
 onely, and thofe ill provided with Arms and Ammunition, and lately come out 
 from their Caves and Mountains to which they were driven by Francifco de Car- 
 vajal. Howfoever he was encouraged to proceed upon the advice he received 
 how that Alonfo de Hinojofa being offended with Gon^alo Picarro for having advan- 
 ced Antonio de Robles before him in the command of Cozxo, had wrote to the 
 principal Inhabitants of that City, to return to their duty and to his Majefty's fer- 
 vice : to which mofl of them aflenting wrote Letters to Diego Centeno to profecute 
 his journey towards them with all diligence , prorrifing to join with him , and 
 afford him all the affiftence they could at his arrival. So foon as Antonio de Robles 
 received News that the Enemy was near at hand, he confulted with his Captains 
 in what manner they mould oppofe him : and in the mean time he ordered 
 Francifco de Agttitrc , a perfon in whom he much confided , to fcout abroad , and 
 ride untill he met with Diego Centeno, as he did about fix Leagues diftant from the 
 City, where he informed him of the intention of Antonio de Robles to oppofe 
 his entrance into the City, and in what manner he defigned to order and draw up 
 his own men : upon which intelligence Diego Centeno and the Commanders then 
 
 with him , the chief of which were Pedro Ortiz, de Carate, Francifco Negral, Luys 
 de Ribera , J)iego Alvarez. , Alonfo Perez, de Efquivel , agreed at a Council of War 
 
 to make their attempt in the night, which would be more terrible to the Town, 
 and give a better advantage to thofe who were well affe&ed to pafs over to their 
 fide. 
 
 They alfo ufed this ingenious ftrategem of War-, they took off the Bridles from 
 
 their Mules and Beafts of burthen, and tied lighted matches upon the pomels of 
 
 the Sadies, and ordered the Indians who attended them to lead them to fuch a 
 
 place , and then whip them in fuch a manner , as that they might come running 
 
 into the Town •, the way by which they were to enter was by the Street of the 
 
 Sun , which , as we have mentioned in the defcription of the City , leads direct- 
 
 , ly to the Marketplace : the Indians followed the Orders which were given them, 
 
 \ and in the mean time Diego Centeno and his Souldiers entred by another Street to the 
 
 . Weft fide, which comes out at a corner of the Market-place. Antonio de Robles 
 
 being thus alarmed about the beginning of the night, drew up his three hundred 
 
 i men into a body in the Market-place , and faced towards the Street of the Sun , 
 
 knowing that there was no other way for them to enter the Town but that, unlefs 
 
 they took a great compafs to come about. The Indian fervantsdid their parts, and 
 
 made a great noife and out-cry with their Horfes and Mules , as if they had with 
 
 them a multitude of People , and broke in upon the Squadron of Antonio de Ro- 
 
 iles, before he or his Souldiers knew againft whom they were engaged-, and 
 
 w hen they found them to be Horfes and Mules onely without Riders, they were 
 
 more aftonithed and troubled than before. At the fame inftant Diego Centeno and 
 
 his men appeared at the corner of the Market-place and charged the Enemy on the 
 
 right-wing, with loud (houts and crys, firing thofe few Muskets which werea- 
 
 mongft them. At that time there was a certain perfon called Pedro Maldonado, who 
 
 was lodged in the Houfe of Hernando Picarro, which is now turned into the fefif- 
 
 G g g g g - its Col- 
 
77§ Royal Commentaries. B 
 
 OOK 
 
 its College, he was a perfon of a quiet and mild difpofition , he was no Soul- 
 dier, nor pretended to the War, and was then repeating his Office of our Lady, 
 to whom he was entirely devoted; but he being alarm'd with this noife, clapt 
 up his Breviary into his bofom , and laying hold of a rufty Sword and a Halbert , 
 which came next to hand , he ran into the Market-place , and the firft perfon he 
 met with happened to be Diego Center, and not knowing with whom he engaged, 
 without farther ceremony, he took him over the left hand with a good blow, and 
 with the next he thruft him into the thigh with the point of his Halbert , which 
 did not pafs through, becaufe there was a crofs bar to that weapon in form of a 
 Flower-de-luce; and endeavouring to difengage his Halbert, and pull it out, that 
 fo he might give him another thruft, the barbes were faftned to his breeches of Vel- 
 vet, fo that pulling at them, Centeno fell to the ground : at which time a Page of 
 his, who is grown up to be a man ( whofe name I have forgot ) came in to the 
 affiftence of his Mafter , and (hot Maldonado with a Carbine , with which he fell 
 foon ; but riling again to fight with Centeno, more Company came in, and feifed 
 on Maldonado , and difarmed him , and then purfued their Victory , which was ea- 
 fily gained ; for by this time moft of the Enemy's party had declared for the King, 
 and the reft had conveyed themfelves away. In all which Engagement nothing 
 happened fo remarkable as the Combat between Pedro Maldonado and Diego Centem t 
 with both whom, I was acquainted , nor was there one drop of bloud Ihed, but 
 Onely that of Centeno. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 A grange Accident which happened upon this Combat of 
 Pedro Maldonado. The death of Antonio de Ro- 
 bles. Diego Centeno is chofen Commander in chief. 
 Lucas Martin is reduced to his Maje/i/s [ervice. An 
 Agreement is made between Alonfo de Mendoca and 
 Diego Centeno. 
 
 
 - 
 
 PEdra Maldcnado was one of the fatteft and moft corpulent men that ever I have 
 feen : and though the (hot which was given him knocked him to the ground, 
 yet he received no wound •, for the bullet happened to ftrike on the Breviary 
 which was in his bofom •-, and fo by the miraculous Providence of the B. Virgin 
 (to whom he was zealoufly devoted) his life was preferved. I my felf faw the Bre- 
 viary fome years after •■, for happening to be on a Saturday at Mais with Pedro de 
 Maldonado , for on that day in the Church of Merceds , they always fing Mais to 
 the Mother of God •, I defired him to let me fee that Office or Breviary which is 
 now called the Office of Miracle, for I told him, that I was very defirous and cu- 
 rious to fay , I had feen it : he was pleafed to comply with my requeft , and I 
 opened the Book , and found that the Bullet had palled the cover , and entered 
 the firft thirty or fourty pages, and fome twelve or fifteen leaves farther it had 
 rumpled up together , and had imprefted the bignefs and form of the Bullet , as 
 far as to that leaf where the Mafs of our Lady begins-, and which in thofe days 
 they bound up with our Lady's Office and with other Offices of Devotion, as the 
 Bookfellers pleafed ; for then there was not that care taken of Books as hath been 
 fince that time ordered by the Council of Trent-, for then the Breviaries were of 
 that fize as the Prayers are now for daily Devotions. 
 
 That night there was no other encounter than this which happened between 
 Maldonado and Centeno , though fome Authours make a long relation of men kil- 
 led and wounded ; but certainly it was not true, of which I have as much cer- 
 tainty 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 779 
 
 tainty as a man can have that was not an eye-witnefs 5 for fix days after this mat- 
 ter happened, I came to the City with my Uncle fan de Vargas and with Captain 
 Rodngo de Pantoja, aau ith abonr r ,ie Spaniards mo-e, who came from a Planta- 
 tion about thirty Leagues dHtent from Gkco, as did alio all my family, who fled 
 from Pifarros party, an-i cam - for refuse to that City, with intent to be lifted in 
 his Majefty 's fa vice • but | am ! my brother followed them, and the next day af- 
 ter I came thither 1 was rought to ki& Diego Centeno's hands * and I remember 
 his left-hand was bound up i-i a piece of black Taffety , and though he was 
 wounded in the Thigh, yet he feemed not ve.y lame vuth it; for, I obferved, he 
 was (landing upon his Legs: he was lodged in the Hooie of Fernando Bachicao, 
 which now belongs to Don Lewis P.- 1 . miru i All which happened fome few days 
 after the Feaft of the moft Holy Sacramenr in the year 1 547. And we have n~- 
 ni "icd the Hiftory hereof abort the fame mol th, in the year itfoj. and do con- 
 firm the truth thereof, which I faw "ith my own eyes. ^ 
 
 Ali the Fight was friendly, and rather in words than actions, for hadthey been 
 in earneft, as Hiftorians lay , forty eight men fo ill armed as thefe were, whofe 
 chief .Arms wereonely Daggers faftned to the end of Staves, would have had a 
 difficult task, to' have engaged againft three hundred men all well armed and 
 difciplined, as thofe were under the command of Antonio de Robles. 
 
 Captain Antonio de Robles, being thus defeated and abandoned by his Souldiers, 
 fled for Sanctuary into the Convent of Saint Francis, which in thofe days was on 
 the Ea/l Vide of the- City , and not where it now is : from whence Diego Centeno 
 fent the next day to brin^ de Robles to him, not with defign to kill him, for he 
 was a perfon )f a gentle temper, and not bloudy, but to perfuade him to ferve his 
 Majefty. But A- tonio de Robles (as Caraie reports of him) was a Youth, and of 
 no great rinderftanding, and behaved himfelf as if he had been ftill Commander in 
 Chief of the City, uttering many infolent Sayings in favour ofPifarro's Party, and 
 reflecting with fome difgracefull terms on the fervice of his Majefty : at which 
 Diego Centej§ being greatly offended, fent to take off his Head - 7 and though he 
 was fufficiently provoked to have hanged him, (as it was generally believed he 
 would) yet being a Gentleman, he was fentenced to a more honourable death. 
 
 Thole who we r e well affected to Picarro's Party, conveyed themfelves away in 
 the night, and with great expedition travelled to Rimac, where they brought the 
 
 firft news to Picarro of the lofs of Antonio de Robles and his men at Cozco : which 
 
 though ill news,' and deeply refented by Picarro, yet he covered and diflembled 
 his trouble for a time, and ga - e out his Orders and Commands in fuch manner 
 as vve lhall declare hereafter : but fo foon as the news of the Victory which Diego 
 Centeno had gained had fpread it felf in the Countries, all thofe people who were 
 abfeonded, and had hid themfelves in parts about forty or fifty leagues round, re- 
 turned to Ozxo in great numbers, amongft which were divers perfons of quality, 
 and Souldiers of honour and f ime, who, joyning with thofe in CWo. formed a 
 Body of five hundred men, who with common confent freely chofe Diego Centeno 
 to be their Commander in Chief-, who accordingly gave out Commiffions both 
 for Horfe and Foot to feveral Captains, whofe names we fhall mention when vve 
 come to relate the Battel of Huarina. 
 
 So foon as General Centeno had reformed his Forces, he returned to Co/lao with 
 defign to fall upon Alonco de Mcndoca ( who was appointed Governour of the Ci- 
 ty of Plate by Goncalo Picarro) and'to reduce him to obedience of his Majefty ei- 
 ther by fair or foul means. 
 
 The news o{ Centeno s fuccefs at Cozco reached to the City of Arequepa in a very 
 fhort time, where a certain Captain refided, called Lucas Martin Vegajfo an inhabi- 
 tant of that City, and fent thither by Goncalo Picarro after the Battel of S>mtK for 
 Governour of the place. This Captain having not as yet received intelligence of 
 what had paffed at Co^co, refolved to bring an hundred and thirty men with him 
 to Picarro to ferve him in his Camp ■■, but being on his march fome few leagues 
 from' the City, his own men who went unwillingly upon that fervice, defired 
 him to turn to the King's Party, but he (hewing an averfion thereunto they feifed 
 upon him, and kept him prifoner, that he (hould not fly from them, nor leave 
 them. 
 
 So foon as they were returned to Areqmpa they received news of all that Diego 
 Centeno had done, and being all Friends and intimately acquainted, they perfuaded 
 Lmas Martin to change his mind and Party, and to ferve his Majefty, and to doe 
 
 Ggggg 2 that 
 
7 8o Koyd Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 that willingly to which he would be compelled by force •, and that then they 
 would reftore him to his command as formerly, and efteem him for their Captain, 
 and would write word to Diego Centeno that they had all devoted themfelves to his 
 Majefty 's fervice. At length Lucas Martin complied, but by compullion and not 
 with a good will, as he afterwards acknowledged. 
 
 In Arequepa the Souldiers found thirty or forty thoufand pieces of Eight, which 
 Lucas Martin was fending to Pi$arro, which they took and divided amongft them- 
 felves, and then marched to Diego Centeno, who gave them a very kind reception, 
 and thanked them for the fervice and duty they had (hewn to his Majefty j and 
 afterwards they all marched in a Body to the Chares in purfuitof Alonco de Mbn- 
 do$a, who was newly gone out of that Province with three hundred men to joyn 
 With Goncalo Picarro. 
 
 When both Parties were come near to each other, General Centeno being defi- 
 rous nofttp put matters to the extremity of a Battel, wrote a Letter to him, per- 
 fuading him to put up and forget all the ancient grudges and enmities which had 
 happened in the time of Alwfo de Toro and Frandfio de Carvajal, and that lie ihould 
 now efpoufe his Majefty 's caule, and abandon the intereft of Picarro, who had re- 
 nounced all allegftnce to his Majefty, and that he could not longer continue in 
 fuch a ftate of Rebellion without incurring the infamous name of a Traitour to his 
 natural King. One of the Prebendaries of the Cathedral Church of Couco was 
 difpatched upon this Meffage ■-, he was a School-matter, but Pedro Gonzales de Ca- 
 rate had taken him from thence to be an inttrument of this happy agreement ; 
 for indeed he was a man of authority and prudence, and one fit for any employ- 
 ment. 
 
 In the mean time, whilft this School- matter was thus employed, and treating 
 with Alonfo de Mendo$a, endeavouring to reduce him to his duty towards his Ma- 
 jefty, which he found to be a difficult task, becaufe he thought it diihonourable 
 to renounce Picarro .- General Centeno received Letters from the Prefident, where- 
 in he informed him, how his Majefty had given him the Governmentf)f that Em- 
 pire, that the late Ordinances were repealed and made null, and that a general Par- 
 don was granted for all crimes and faults already committed. The which Advice 
 he difpatched away with all expedition to his Agent the School-mafter, ordering 
 him to make ufe thereof for inducements herewith to perfuade Alonfo de Mendopa, 
 believing that thofe arguments would be moft prevalent with him, though he had 
 been much more obftinate than he was. The matter operated and fucceeded ac- 
 cording to defire ■-, for fo foon as Mendo^a faw the Letters and the news he altered 
 his mind, and refolved to declare for his Majetty j onely he made this condition, 
 that in cafe he joyned with Diego Centeno, he would command his own Forces and 
 remain chief Captain of them, as he had formerly been : his Souldiers were three 
 hundred in number, all choice men, well armed and well mounted. Diego Cen- 
 teno affented to the condition, not being willing to break off for the inconvenience 
 of two Generals commanding one Army of the fame Nation •-, fo that both Par- 
 ties met and joyned with all the rejoycing and triumph imaginable. And now 
 (as Carate reports) they finding themfelves a thoufand men ftrong, refolved to 
 attack Goncalo Picarro, and in their way to feife upon a certain advantageous Pafs, 
 and to proceed no farther for want of provifion, but there to exped him. And 
 at this Pafs we will leave them, being near Haarina, where that bloudy Battel 
 was afterwards fought, and return to the Prefident Gafca, whom we left in his 
 Voyage, failing on the fouth Sea. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 781 
 
 C H A P. XI. 
 
 The Frefident arrives at Tumpiz ; the Orders he ijfued ouf 
 there. Gongalo Picarro fe?ids John de Acofta againfi 
 Diego Centeno. Lorcnco de Aldana comes near to 
 Los Reyes ; and Gon^alo Picarro adminifters an Oath 
 of Fidelity to his Souldiers. 
 
 THE Prefident having overcome many difficulties in his Voyag^fc length 
 arrived fafe in the Port of Tumpiz with all his Fleet, excepting one Ship, 
 which being a dull Tailor upon a wind, was left behind : the name of the Captain 
 was Pedro Cabrera, who finding it impoflible to turn to windward with his lee- 
 wardly Ship, he entred into Port Buena Ventura, and travelled over Land with his 
 fmall Company, and came to the Prefident at Tumpiz, whom he found there em- 
 
 f)loyed in giving out Orders, and making neceflary provifions for the fubfiftence of 
 lis Army, which confifted now of about five hundred men. At this place he re- 
 ceived many Letters from confiderable perfons, as well Citizens as Captains and 
 Souldiers, to all which he returned civil and obliging anfvvers, promifing them re- 
 compence and rewards in the name of his Majefty. He gave Orders to Pedro de 
 Hinojofa, whom he had made Captain-General, to march before with the Forces 
 to Cajfamarca, and to joyn with the Party which was there. Paulo de Menefes was 
 appointed with the Fleet to coaft all along by the fhore; and he himfelf with a 
 convenient Guard for the fecurity of his perfon travelled by way of the Plains, as 
 far as Truxilk, where he received the news of thofe Captains and Souldiers, who 
 had declared for his Majefty, and in what places and Countries they remained in 
 expectation of his coming, he difpatched Meflengers into all parts, with directi- 
 ons to pafs by way of the Defart untill they came to the Valley of Caftamarca, 
 where they were to attend farther Orders. After which he travelled by way of 
 the Plains, and fent Scouts before to fee that the way was clear before him. 
 
 Whilft things fucceeded thus with the Prefident and his Army, Picarro received 
 news from Cozco of the Vi&ory obtained there by Diego Centeno, of 'the death of 
 Antonio de Robks, and of the imprifonment of Lucas Martin Vegaflo, at which he 
 was very much troubled, and feeing that fabrick of Empire which he had eredted 
 for himfelf, to fall and become daily ruinous, for want of a good foundation, he 
 began to doubt his condition, and fear that he fhould never attain to that height 
 of Government which he had long fanfied to himfelf. Hereupon in all hafte he 
 fent to recall Captain fohn de Acofia, whom, (as we have faid before) he had fent 
 with fome Souldiers to Truxilk to fupprefs Come difturbances which began to ap- 
 pear in thofe parts. At this time alfo Francifio de Carvajal cut off the Head of 
 Antonio Altamirano, who carried the Standard in Pi$arro's Army, for no other rea- 
 fon than that he fanfied, that Altamirano was plealed with the newsofc<w«7o's 
 fuccefs, and that he of late carried himfelf coldly and unconcerned in the fervice 
 of Picarro, which was caufe enough for Carvajal to take away any man's life -, the 
 Standard was afterwards conferred on Antonio de Ribera. So foon.as Acofta was re- 
 turned, he ordered him with three hundred men t:> fall upon Diego Centeno .- Mar- 
 tin de Olmos was appointed to command the Horfe, and Diego Gumiel the Foot, 
 wich both which perfons I was acquainted : Martin de Almendras commanded the 
 Pikes, Martin de Alarcon carried the Standard, Paez de Sotomayor was Lieutenant- 
 General, and fohn deAcofia was Commander in Chief. Thefe Forces were orde- 
 red to march to Cozco by way of the Mountains, and in a few days afterwards to 
 defcend into the Plains, and on all fides to make War upon Diego Centeno •, for 
 above all men living he refented his carriage towards him, and had moft caufe to 
 complain of him, becaufe he had been the firft and the mod: importunate of any 
 to advife and perfuade him to accept and take upon him the Title and Office of 
 Procurator-General of that Kingdom-, and afterwards upon a report onely of a 
 general Pardon, and repeal of the late Ordinances ( whether true or falfe no man 
 knows) he poorly and meanly deferted that caufe which he himfelf had owned 
 
 and 
 
782, Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 tt -r 1 - J 1 - 
 
 and promoted fo far untill he faw him nominated and chofen Governour of JP«fc; 
 the fame complaint he made againft all thofe who had been inftruments of his ad- 
 vancement, whom he hoped God would punilh and avenge his caufe againft their 
 falfenefs and treachery. 
 
 Thefe and fuch like complaints Gon$ ah Picarro often uttered in the prefence of 
 his intimate Friends, though in publick he carried it with good courage, and a 
 chearfull countenance, as he ever did in all his troubles and difficulties ; which all 
 Hiftorians confefs and report of him when they come to fpeak of his misfortunes. 
 
 To thefe ill fuccefles Fortune yet added worfe, for when (he begins once to 
 fhew her disfavours me contents not her felf with a fingle mifchief. For now it 
 happened in this unlucky conjuncture that Lorenzo de Aldana came with his four 
 Ships within fifteen leagues of Los Reyes •, and though he was ill provided with 
 Men andAmmunition, and was in want of all Provifions and things neceflary, 
 yet he flffpined fecurely enough and well fatisfied upon the news he received that 
 Picarro fiad burnt all his Ships which were in that Port : upon which aflurance he 
 took courage, and with confidence came boldly to the Port of Los Reyes, not with 
 intention to fight with any, but onely to take up fuch perfons who fhould efcape 
 and revolt from Picarro and his Party. The news of the arrival of thefe four Ships 
 at Huaura, from whence there was no means now left to remove them, was re- 
 fented as a common difgrace and dilhonour to the whole Town : but Goncalo Pi- 
 farro, confidering how his people fell daily from him, and that there was a general 
 defection in all parts, thought it neceflary to fecure them to him by way of Religi- 
 on ; which counfel was given him by the Lawyer Cepeda, who formed an Oath of 
 Fidelity to be adminiftred to all people , and thereupon the Citizens and Lords 
 who had commands over the Indians, and the principal Inhabitants in all Cities 
 near, and Captains and Souldiers were all fummoned to take this Oath : upon ad- 
 ministration of which the Lawyer made a fpeech to the People, telling them how 
 great obligations they had to Picarro for having fuftained thofe labours and diffi- 
 culties, and endured Famine and Wars, and parted through infinite dangers onely 
 for their fakes, to fecure their Lives, Liberties and Eftates to them, in which they 
 were inverted, and now peaceably poffefled by the favour of his Brother the Mar- 
 quis Framifco Pigarro. And to evidence unto the world the juftice of his Caufe, 
 he had difpatched Meflengers to his Majefty with an impartial Narrative of all the 
 tranfaclions in thefe Countries, but were intercepted by contrivance of the Prefi- 
 dent, who corrupting the Commanders of his Fleet, deprived him of his own pro- 
 per Ships, which had coft him an immenfe Treafure 5 and laftly, had entred with- 
 in his Dominions, and difperfed feditious Papers in all parts of the Kingdom, to 
 debauch the minds of the People, and feduce them from their affections towards 
 him, with intent to raife Wars in the Empire : but that Picarro for his part refol- 
 ved to oppofe them, and he hoped that they would all joyn with him in defence 
 of their Privileges and Eftates, well knowing, that notwithftanding the fair pre- 
 tences of the Prefident, he will, fo foon as he hath gained pofieflion of the Coun- 
 trey, follow the Example of Blafco Nunwz,Vela in execution of the late Ordinan- 
 ces, and feverely punifh all fuch who {hall oppofe him : wherefore to know and 
 difcover the mind of every man, how he flood afle&ed to him, he defired every 
 perfon freely and clearly to declare himfelf 5 afluring them that he would force no 
 man, but leave them all to their own liberty, either to return to their own PoP 
 feflions, or to go to the Prefident, as every one inclined : but as for thofe who re- 
 folved to flay with him, he expected an engagement from them never to defert 
 or forfake his Caufe or Intereft, upon the word of Gentlemen, and under the fa- 
 cred aflurance of an Oath, which fhould be adminiftred to them according to the 
 Chriftian Rites. So foon as thefe words were ended, they all cried out, that they 
 were refolved to dye with Picarro, and fuffer a hundred deaths rather than aban- 
 don him ; in confirmation whereof they took the Oath, and figned an Engage- 
 ment to which a long Roll of hands were underwritten ; the Subscriptions were 
 
 taken by Licenciado Cepeda, who was the firft that figned the Lift : but Francifco de 
 
 ■ Carvajal, who was a wife and a knowing man in the affairs of the world, did often 
 lau£h and jeft at thefe matters in private with his Friends, and would fay, you fhall 
 fee how thefe promifes will be performed, and what Confcience will be made of 
 this^ foiemn Oath , and uttered likewife many other witty Sayings, of which had 
 a Collection been made, perhaps they would have been efteemed the beft Apo- . 
 thegms, and the wifeft Sentences in the world. 
 
 CHAR 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 78? 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Hoft ages are mutually [ent from one fide to the other, in 
 which much caution and fubtilty was pratlijed by both 
 Parties. Many principal men of Quality abandon and 
 leave Gon^alo Picarro. 
 
 TW O days after this Oath was adminiftred , the four Ships under the com- 
 mand of Lorenzo de Aldana appeared in the Port of Los Reyes, upon a&ch die 
 City was in a great Confternation 5 and Picarro ordered the Souldiereto puc 
 themfelves into Arms , and appear in the Market-place, being then about the 
 number of fix hundred men •-, but afterwards caufed them all to draw up in the 
 field 5 where, being in publick view, it would be more difficult for any perfon 
 to revolt or forfake his Colours : the Camp was pitched about a League from the 
 City , and about two from the Port •, and , to prevent all efcapes , he kept con- 
 ftant Guards and Petrolls of Horfe between the Camp and the Sea , to intercept 
 thole who inclined towards the Enemy : but to quiet the minds of the people, 
 and to know and understand the pretenlions of Lorenzo de Aldana , an Inhabitant 
 of Los Reyes, named John Fernandez, was fent to remain with Aldana, in nature of 
 a Hoftage , with intent that he Ihould fend another in the like quality to make 
 known the defign of his coming into that Port , and what his pretentions were. 
 Accordingly Captain Penna was fent from the Ships, and carried to Goncah Picar- 
 ro a Copy of the Prefident's commiffion from his Majefty, and the general Pardon 
 of all part Crimes , with a Revocation of the late Ordinances , which had cau- 
 fed all the difturbances : And in regard his Majefty was not pleafed to commie 
 the Government into the hands o(Pi$arro , Penna had Orders to perfuade him by 
 word of mouth to obey his King, and fubmit to his Commands. And here Pa- 
 kutim relates what we formerly touched, about fending Commiffions •, but he is 
 miftaken in his Difcourle , for matters were now much altered , and it was too 
 late to treat of Commiffions or Delegation of Powers as they were called ; for 
 there was nothing now but noile and confufion , and endeavours to efcape , as 
 will appear by the fequel of this Hiftory. Picarro anfwered fomething warmly to 
 the Meflage which Penna had brought him : and bid him tell Lorenzo de Aldana 
 and Pedro de Hinojofa and the reft who had been fworn friends to him, that they 
 had falily betrayed him, and been the occalion to have him branded with the in- 
 famous name of a Traytour, whereas he had never deferved to be fo efteemed ■-, 
 having fent Ambaffadours to his Majefty to render him an account of all the tranf- 
 actions of thofe parts ■■, that his intentions were never to offend the King, but to 
 quiet and compofe the difturbances of the Countrey , and order every thing for 
 his Majefty's better fervice. He added_ many other things like a troubled and an 
 angry man complaining of the falfenefs of friends and ingratitude of men whom 
 he had railed and preferred to offices and places of Truft , in requital of which 
 they had unjuftly and bafely fold him ; He ordered that Captain Penna fhould be 
 lodged in the Tent of Antonio de Ribera, without liberty toconverfe with any per- 
 fon , that fo the dil patches and orders he brought might not be divulged amongft 
 the people-, tome Authours fay, that the fame night Picarro tryed if he could cor- 
 rupt him with money to (how him a way how Aldana s Ship might be betrayed 
 to him, and for that fervice, he promifed a reward of a hundred thcufand pieces 
 of Eight, believing, that if he could gain that Ship, the others would of courfe 
 fall into his hands : but Penna made anfvver, that he was not the perfon they took 
 him for ■■, for that all the advantage and intereft in the world could never prevail 
 with him to be guilty of a Treachery fo mean and manifeft as that ; and therefore 
 it was an affront to propofe it to him : the day following Picarro ordered him to 
 be returned fafe to the Ships, which was performed according to the faith and 
 pledges which were given : but on the other tide , the Propofals made to John Fer- 
 nandez had better effect y for Lorenco de Aldana having underftood from Captain 
 Penna, that Picarro concealed and (mothered the Letters and Papers which were 
 
 fent 
 
 
«gj. Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 fent him 5 in the publication whereof the fuccefs df his negotiation confided ; 
 there being no other means whereby the Inhabitants and Souldiers could come to 
 the knowledge of his Majefty's gratious Pardon for all crimes and faults already 
 committed, and of the Repeal of the late Ordinances, than by thefe Papers and 
 Letters •, to difperfe which he treated with Fernandez , and obtained his promife 
 to be inftrumental therein : to which purpofe two Copies were drawn both of 
 of the Pardon and of the Repeal of the Ordinances, as alfo of the Letters which 
 were wrote to particular perfons •-, all which were delivered into the hands of Fer- 
 nandez, and he fafely returned afhoar. So foon as he was landed, he went dire&Iy to 
 Pifarro, and taking him apart from the company, he told him fecretly, that Aldan* 
 had made him great promifes, in cafe he would difperfe amongft the people thofe 
 Papers and Letters which contained the pardon and revocation of the late Laws: 
 and to amufe Aldan* with vain hopes, I gave him ( faid he ) my promife fo to 
 doe, and received the Papers, which I here faithfully deliver into your hand : for 
 fince yoirhave been pleafed to entruft me with your perfon, your fafety, and 
 your eftate, having had fo great a confidence in me as to adventure me for a Ho- 
 ftage amongft your Enemies 5 I refolve to be faithfull and true to you, and with 
 my other vertues to bequeath that of faithfulnefs and truth to my pofterity : be- 
 fides thefe he uttered many other flattering exprefllons wherewith to delude Pi farm 
 and fettle him in an allured confidence of his integrity and reality towards him. 
 Gonfalo Pi$ano who was naturally in himfelf of a frank and noble difpofition, be- 
 lieved every word that Fernandez had told him 5 and taking the Papers from him, 
 repofed an entire confidence in all his a&ions and dealings : upon which Fernandez, 
 gained an opportunity with better fecurity to publifli and difperfe his Papers ; 
 thofe which were for particular friends , in whom he could confide , he delivered 
 with his own hand, and the others he threw in at Windows and put under Doors; 
 fo that the Contents thereof were foon known and divulged over all the Town, 
 which had the effecT: and iflue for which they were defigned, as we {hall hereafter 
 fee in the fequel of thefe matters. 
 
 For no fooner was the fubftance of thefe Papers publilhed, with a particular 
 claufe , That whofoever was defirous to gain the benefit of his Majefty's gratious 
 Declaration , and. efcape to the Ships , ihould find Boats ready in the River to re- 
 ceive them and carry them on board , but great Difturbance arofe in the minds 
 of the people 5 fcr no man knew whom he could truft, every one growing jealous 
 and fufpicious each of other : and' indeed there was juft caufe for it , becaufe 
 thofe who had entred into the moft folemn engagements were the firft who broke 
 them and fled to the Enemy. And though the Camp was pitched at fome di- 
 ftance in the fields, and Orders given out for the Army to march by way of the 
 plains 5 yet feveral principal perfons having obtained licence to goe to the Town, 
 under colour of making provifion of neceflaries for their march , returned not a- 
 gain to the Camp, as they had promifed to Ptfarro, but renouncing his caufe and 
 intereft, marched away to IruxMo. The moft considerable of thefe perfons were 
 
 Vafco de Guevara , Martin de Aienefes , Nicholas de Ribera , Hernan Bravo de Laguna , 
 Diego de Efcobar , Francifco de Barlovento , Diego Tinoco , Francifco de Ampuero , Alonfa 
 
 Ramires de Sofa , all which had Poflelhons of Lands and Eftates in Los Reyes and 
 Cozco; and befides them, feveral private Souldiers quitted the Service. Of which 
 Pifarro having received intelligence by the Out-guards, he immediately ordered 
 Captain de la Tone with twenty Mulquetiers to goe in purfuit of them and kill 
 them in cafe they refufed to return. Accordingly Captain de la Torre followed 
 them about eight leagues , and not overtaking them , he turned back , and in his 
 way met with Hernan Bravo, who had for fome time abfconded himfelf in a Kinf- 
 man's houfe in Los Reyes , where fearing to be difcovered, and confidering the 
 trouble he mould thereby bring upon his friends, he refolved to adventure abroad 
 and follow the reft of his Companions , but being unhappily met by Captain de 
 la Torre, he was brought back and delivered to Francifco de Carvajal, to be hanged 
 for a Runagate. 
 
 But it happened that a certain Lady of Quality , named Tnes Bravo , Wife of 
 Nicholas de Ribera, who was one of thofe lately revolted, was informed that Hernan 
 Bravo , who was her Cofin german , was taken, and would certainly be executed; 
 flie with her own mother fpeedily went to Pifarro's Tent 5 and though (he was 
 confcious to her felf of having perfuaded both her Husband and Kinfman to make 
 their efcapes-, yet being allured of the generous and merciful! nature of Pifarro , 
 
 (he 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 785 
 
 (he confidently cart herfelf upon her knees at his ket , and with many tears asked 
 the life of her Kinfman : PUarro, like a Gentleman, prefently lifted her from the 
 ground •, and though at firft he feemed averfe and hardly perfuaded to grant him 
 mercy -■> yet at length fuffering himlelf to be overcome with the Prayers and Tears 
 of the Lady, and with the Intreaties of thqfe who flood by and joined in the Peti- 
 tion , he granted her requeft -, and as a fignal of the Pardon ( according as his 
 cuftom was in the like cafes ) his took off his Cap with the Medal on it, and de- 
 livered it to her to be fhown to Carvajal •, the which was brought to him juft at the 
 moment of are when Hernando Bravo was at the foot of the Tree with the halter 
 about his Neck and ready to be trufled up : the which fignal from Gonc-ak Pj$arro 
 ferved for a fufhcient Warrant to Francifco de Carvajal, who was alfo mollified by 
 the Intreaties of thofe then prefent , who efteemed themfelves concerned to pro* 
 mote and favour the Lady's Petition. And thus Heman Bravo de Laguna efcaped 
 death, whom I knew a long time, and left him living in Cozco, poflefs-d of a fmall 
 Plantation. 
 
 Augtiflhede Car ate in the feventh Book of hisHiftory Chapter the fixteenth ha- 
 ying related this Paffage, farther adds a particular which happened upon this Par- 
 don very remarkable, which was this •, A certain Captain called Alonfo de Caneres, 
 being then prefent when Gon^alo Pi$arro pardoned Hernan Bravo, killed him upon 
 the Cheek, and cryed out with a loud voice , Oh Prince of the World , curfed 
 be he who for fear of death lhall deny thee : notwithftanding which, before three 
 hours were ended, both he and Heman Bravo, and feveral others revolted, which 
 was the more ftrange, in regard that an honeft and a confidering perfon might be- 
 lieve that a man who had the halter about his Neck could not in fo fhort a time 
 have recovered from the agonies and ecftafies of death, &c 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Martin de Robles contrives a Plot for his Efcape. 
 
 WHEN fo many noble and principal Perfons had deferted Gonfalo Pigarra 
 who had been the chief Inlhuments to incite him to appear in defence of 
 their Lives and Effaces, a great murmuring and trouble was raifed in the Camp: 
 for as Carate relates , many perfons were amongfl: them , who had from the begin- 
 ning followed PUarro , and given him fuch aiTurance of their faith and fidelity , 
 that no man could reasonably imagin that they could abandon or betray him : at 
 which PUarro was fo enraged and put into that ill humour, that no man durft to 
 appear inhis prefence 5 and inhispaffion gave Orders to the Out-guards to kill any 
 man whom they found without the Precin&s of the Camp : foon after which a 
 poor Souldier happened to fall into their hands, upon no other evidence, or pre- 
 emption rather, than becaufe he carried two Shirts with him. But nothing could 
 be more infamous and dilhonourable than what happened the night following , 
 when Man'm de Robles, pretending to be fick, that he might have leave to return 
 to the City, fent fecret intelligence to Diego Maldmado, who was a rich man, and 
 a Citizen, and the High-conftable of Cozco, that Goncalo PUarro, by advice of his 
 Captains intended to kill him •-, and therefore out ofthe fenfe of friendfhip which 
 was between them, he could not give him better Counfel than exhort him to take 
 care of his own fafety. Diego Maldonado gave entire credence thereunto, becaufe 
 he remembred that he was once under an ill opinion with Pigarro, when he fer- 
 ved the Vice-king againft him , as hath been formerly mentioned. After which 
 they put him to the torture, upon certain Libells which were fcattered in Picarro's 
 Tent, at the time when the Battel at QmtH was ready to begin •■, of all which 
 though he was afterwards found innocent , yet the actions of his friend Antoni* 
 Altamirano ferved afterwards to render him the more fufpected. 
 
 Thefe imaginations and the apprehenfions of a tormenting death, which was 
 praclifed in thofe days, fo operated on the mind of Diego Maldonado, that believing 
 every word that Martin de Robles had told him, he, without making a difcovery 
 to any of his Servants, or giving order to faddle his Horfes, of which he had ma- 
 
 H h h h h ny good 
 
H6 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 ny good ones in his Stables, went out of his Tent with*>word and Cloak onely ; 
 and though he was a man of fixty eight years of age, yet he walked all that 
 night , until he came to certain Cains or Oilers about three leagues diftant from 
 the Sea, where the Ships were at Anchor, and there he fecredy abfconded him- 
 felf for that time : but then fearing that the day following he mould be purfued 
 and taken by them, or at leaft perifli there with thirft and famine •, lie came from 
 thence, and happily met with an Indian, to whom he revealed the great neceflity 
 and danger he was in. The poor Indian compafiionating his condition (that Nati- 
 on being generally of a mercifull nature ) concluded him to the Sea, where on the 
 (hoar he presently vvoave a float of Rulhes in the manner we have before defcri- 
 bed , and with which the Indians pafs over the Rivers •, and thereupon both of 
 them mounting, the Indian brought him fafe to the Ships, though not without great 
 danger of being drowned, efpecially Diego Maldonado, for when they came to the 
 Ships, the Rulhes began to be all untied, and for want of good tackle and work- 
 manlhip the Veflel had like to have mifcarried. And thus the good man Diegt 
 Maldonado efcaped, who was one of the firft Conquerours, and whom Meft living 
 in Cozco y when I departed from thence •-, next day very early in the morning Mar- 
 tut de Robles went to the Tent of Diego Mtldonado, to fee what operation his advi- 
 ces had worked in him : and underftanding that he was gone from thence the 
 night before , he went immediately to Picarro , and feigning much concernment 
 for his fervices, he told him , Sir , Maldonado is fled •, and fince it is vifible how 
 your forces diminilh daily, my opinion is, that you mould raife your Camp from 
 hence, and march towards Areauefa •, and farther, to prevent Fugitives in their 
 intentions, I would advife you upon no pretence whatsoever to permit any perfon 
 to return to the City. And as to my own Company, I am fecure enough of them, 
 for there is not one of them who demands leave to goe to the City, but give 
 good example unto others •, onely with your permiflion, I would goe to the Ci- 
 ty with fome few of my Souldiers in whom I repofe the greateft confidence, and 
 whom I know to ftand in want of feveral neceflaries , with which having provi- 
 ded themfelves in my prefence , I (hall then return with them : and with the fame 
 occafion I will make fearch for Diego Maldonado, who, as I hear, is fled to the 
 Monaftery of St. Domingo, from whence I will endeavour to bring him to you, by 
 whofe exemplary punimment men may for the future be afraid to fly, and aban- 
 don your caufe and intereft. Picarro repofing great confidence in the faithfulneis 
 of Martin de Robles, who was deeply engaged with him in all matters •■, for it was 
 he who had taken the Vice-king and profecuted him to death, and performed o- 
 ther pieces of notorious fervice ? he gave him his permiflion with all readinefs to 
 goe to the City : hereupon Martin de Robles in the firft place made bold with the 
 Horles belonging to Maldonado, as the confifcated goods of a Tray tor, arid calling 
 thole to him of his Company, for whom he had moft kindnefs and in whom he 
 mod confided, who were about thirty in all, he immediately went to the City of 
 Los Reyes, and thence took the dire&roadto Trnxillo, publickly declaring : , that 
 they were going to the Prelident , and had renounced Pic arro , who was a Tyrant. 
 
 When this News came to the Camp no man would hardly believe it; thinking 
 it impoflible for Martin de Robles, who was a perfon fo deeply concerned with Pi- 
 carro in all matters, to forfake him at the laft. But when the truth was confirmed, 
 it was the common opinion , that that very day the Camp would break up, and 
 every man (hift for himfelf, or that they would kill Picarro, aqd make an end of 
 the difpute at one blow : but fueh was the gentlenefs and generality of Pifarro's 
 dilpolition , that it entred into no man's thoughts to perpetrate fo execrable a vil- 
 lar.y upon his perfon, all their defigns being onely to leave and revolt from him. 
 
 Howfoever Picarro put a good countenance upon all his misfortunes , preten- 
 ding to efteem lightly of thofe who had denyed him , and faying , that if he had 
 onely ten good friends , who would ftick by him , he mould not deipair of ma- 
 king a new Conqueft of all Pcm , as Palrmno fays in the fixty fourth Chapter of 
 his Book. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 787 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Licenciado Carvajal, Gravid de Rojas, and feveral other 
 Citizens and Sou/diers of note fly from Pi^arro. 
 
 BUT thefe frequent revolts did not end with the flight of Martin de Robles, 
 but rather a general defection was feared ; for the night following Lope Mar- 
 tin Prereyra of the Portugal Nation made his efcape : he was one of the firft Con- 
 querours, and one with whom I was well acquainted : whereupon Gon$alo Pi$arro, 
 to prevent other efcapes, at leaft on that fide of the City, he ordered Lkenciado 
 Carvajal with a party of Horfe to guard that part, and not to fuffer any perfon to 
 pafs that way. One would have thought that this Carvajal had given fufficient 
 alTurances and pledges of his Fidelity, that his faithfulnefs to the Caufe ought not 
 to be fufpe&ed - 7 and yet for all this he fled away and revolted, and by his example 
 opened a door for every man to efcape away and be gone •, for he was followed 
 by all his Troop of Horfe, as alfo by Pedro Sttarez, de Efcobedo, Francifco de Efcobedo 
 and JeronitKo Efcobedo, who were his Kinfmen, and all took the great Road to Trst- 
 xilio ; thefe alfo were accompanied with Lkenciado Polo, Marcos de Retamogo an En- 
 fign of good efteem, Francifco de Miranda and Hernando de Vargas, with many Soul- 
 diers of chief renown. The flight of thefe perfons could not be fo concealed but 
 that it was quickly made known to the next Quarter, from whence Graviel de Ro- 
 jas followed the fame example, who was the perfon on whom Pi§arro had not 
 long before conferred the honour of carrying the Standard, which he had taken 
 from Don Antonio de Ribera, whom he had left in Los Reyes to govern the City, be- 
 caufe he was a perfon of great abilities, and related to him by kindred, and enga- 
 ged with him as deeply as any in all his defigns. Graviel de Rojas was followed by 
 many others, amongft whom were his two Kinfmen Graviel Vermudez and Gomez, 
 de Rojas, both Perfons of Quality : the flight of thefe Officers was not prefently 
 known abroad, becaufe the Quarters of Lkenciado Carvajal were in the Out-guards, 
 which Gon^alo Picarro and his Souldiers efteemed to be well fecured by them, and 
 repofed all confidence imaginable in their fidelity : but fo foon as it was divulged, 
 itcaufed great noife and rumour in the Camp^ and Picarro himfelf was particu- 
 larly concerned for Lkenciado Carvajal , and was grieved that he of all the men 
 in the world mould forfake him : and considering what could be the caufe of his 
 difcontent or difguft , he was forry that he had not married him to Donna Frand- 
 fia Picarro his Cofin-german,fuppofing that if he had fo done, he had obliged him 
 by perpetual bonds of alliance 5 and again he fanfied that he muft have been dif- 
 obliged, becaufe having nominated him to have commanded fome Forces, he had 
 afterwards put John de Acofta over his head : of all which he complained to Franci- 
 fco Carvajal, his Lieutenant General, blaming him for giving him the ill counfel 
 which had difobliged his Kinfman : to which Carvajal made anfwer , that fince 
 the Lkenciado had been fo bold and daring as to forfake and abandon his caufe 
 even in his prefence, and was lb refolved upon it as to adventure his life in the 
 Aft •, it was better to be rid of him than to entertain him in his fervice, fince he 
 might have carried three hundred men away with him , in cafe he had employed 
 him in the place cf Acofta. In the like manner ( faid he ) fuch men as thefe tur- 
 ned to your fide and party, at a time when their occafions required your affiftence 
 to help them to their Eftates, and to conferve their Lives and Honours-, and at 
 that time they denyed and renounced the Emperour , they perfecuted his Vice- 
 king to the death : and now the tide being turned, they deny, and fell you, and 
 1 entirely abandon you : and, why ? for no other caufe certainly, than that they 
 think they have no farther need of you •, their Eftates and Lives being now fecu- 
 red to them : fuch men as thefe , both here and in all other parts of the World , 
 adore no other God than the Idol of their own intereft : and having paid you like 
 men of that ftamp, their deferts will be recompenfed to them in their own coin. 
 This was the faying of the Lieutenant General , and he proved a rrue Prophec 
 in it •, for I faw many of thefe things verified in my time •, for none of thefe peo- 
 
 H h h h h 2 pie, 
 
-,^8 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 pie, at Ieaft very few of them , died in their beds , but were afterwards killed in 
 thofe insurrections which fucceeded thefe troubles. The whole party of Picarro 
 began now to defpair and to faint in their courages by this defection of Carvajal 
 and fo many perfons of note : for fince fuch a Gentleman as he was fo deeply en- 
 gaged in this caufe, having cut off the head of the Vice-king , and who had gi- 
 ven other evidences of his zeal for it , had revolted and fled , what could be jud- 
 ged of the affeftions of others who had neither the guilt nor thofe engagements 
 upon them? for the day following, when the Army was on their march, as many 
 as could privately convey themfelves away made their efcape ; and at length the 
 defedion became general, and Souldiers openly and in the fight of Picarro and 
 his Camp turned their Colours and marched away : amongft which, two Horfe- 
 men of good reputation , named Pedro ViUadan and John Lopez,, declared openly for 
 his M:ijefty, and that Goncalo Picarro might be confounded, who was a Tray tor 
 and a Tyrant : thefe were quickly followed by two others, called Frantifco Gmlla- 
 da and John Paez de Soriano : Picarro intended to have fent after them, but he had 
 none whom he could truft or be allured that they would not have born them 
 company in their defign of revolt : Wherefore he haftned his march as faff as he 
 could to Arequepa by way of the Plains, and yet many of his Infantry forfook 
 him, leaving their Mufquets behind them •, with which they fuppoiVd the Picar- 
 rifts would be contented and not purfue them. In fine , as Augufiine Carate laith 
 in the fixth Book, Chapter the feventeenth, fo many had left him that his whole 
 number was reduced to two hundred men, as appeared at the Muffer taken in the 
 
 Province of Nanafa:, which is not above fixty leagues from Los Reyes. Francifco 
 
 de Carvajal, who was an experienced Captain , got all the Am s of the Fugitives 
 together , intending to arm other Souldiers with them , in cafe any would come 
 in to their Party. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 The City tf Los Reyes declare for bk Majefty , and fet up 
 bis Standard: Lorenzo de Aldana comes ajboar : A 
 great Confufion and Difturbance in Los Reyes. 
 
 NOR did the ill fortune of Picarro flop here with the general revolt of his 
 Army , which was now reduced from 3 thoufand unto two hundred men: 
 but all things turning contrary •, thofe forces which he left in the City of Los Rey- 
 es for the guard and defence of it, and in whom he confided as his beft and moll 
 faithfull friends, who were obliged to him on the fcore of alliance and many other 
 arguments, did now renounce him and declared for the King : for Picarro had not 
 gone above two days march on his way to Arequepa, and not above fifteen 
 
 leagues ditlant from the City , when Don Antonio de Ribera , whom Picarro had 
 
 made Governour of the City , joining with the Juflices Martin Picarro and An- 
 tonio de Leon and other Inhabitants , who upon pretence of licknefs or infirmities 
 of old age, had obtained licence from Goncalo Picarro to remain behind, (to whom 
 they religned up their Arms and Hqrfes) fpread the Standard of the City , and 
 let fly the Colours in the open Market-place , and gathering what people they 
 could declared for his Majefty, publifhing by out-cry the general Pardon, and the 
 revocation of the late Ordinances as delivered by the Prefident. 
 
 Palemino relating this paflage, fays, that it was done by order of Goncalo Picarro, 
 and that he had left inftru&ions with his Governour fo to doe; that thofe \vho 
 had forlaken his Party might not gain the honour they pretended unto and expec- 
 ted by their revolt : and yet Pakntino contradi&s himfelf again in it, and fays, that 
 it was not to be believed, and that it was onely a report of fome di&ffecled per- 
 fons •, though in truth Picarro did leave fuch inftru&ions with Bon Antonio de Ribe- 
 
 ra ', for his fake onely, that he might fave himfelf, and gain favour with the Pre- 
 fident Gafca .- for Picarro was well ailured, that fo foon as he was out of fight he 
 fhould be out of mind , and that after his departure the City would throw offall 
 
 refpeel 
 
 
Ijook V. Rova! Commentaries. n$g 
 
 refpeft and fidelity to him , and follow the example of his Captains and Gover- 
 nors in other phces: and therefore that Antonio de Ribera, whom he entirely lo- 
 ved both on the fcore of alliance and of pad: fervices which he had done ro the 
 Marquis Bon Francifco Picitrm his brother , he gave him fecretly his confent to 
 make a furrender of the City 5 that thereby he might conferve himfelf and his 
 Niece Donna Francifca P'nano , Daughter of the Marquis, who remained under 
 his Guardianfhip. 
 
 The News of this Change in the City was foon carried to Lorenzo de Aldana, 
 who was furprized with extraordinary joy to hear it, for he did not expert fo fud- 
 den an alteration ■-, and was riding at anchor at a good diftance from the (hoar , 
 looking out with his Boats to take up fuch as made their efcapes from the City , 
 to fee ire which he ordered Captain John Alonfo Palomino with fifty Souldiers to row 
 along the (hoar •-, fu I petting that Gon^alo Pi$arro would return again to the City to 
 prevent Plots which might be there contriving againft him : and to have the bet- 
 ter and more fpeedy intelligence of the proceedings of Picarro, he ordered twelve 
 of thofe perfons who had revolted to him, and who hereby had given undeny- 
 able proofs of their fidelity •, to be mounted on Horfe-back, to fcout abroad and 
 travers all the ways and roads near the City. He alfo gave Orders to Captain John 
 Ylhies, >vho was Commander of a fmall Frigate, to cord along the ihoar of the 
 South-lea-, and at fome convenient place to land a Friar and a Souldier-, who 
 were to carry Letters and Difpatches from the Prefident diredted to Captain Die- 
 goCenuno, and feveral Letters to particular perfons then in company with Di- 
 ego Centeno , and others ro perfons of great reputation and efteem then engaged 
 with John de Acofla , the Contents of which were chiefly to inform them of the 
 State and Succefles of the Empire •-, the which were difperfed abroad over all the 
 Countrey by the Indians, and by their means came to the hands of thofe to whom 
 they were directed, which produced many ill effe&s, to the prejudice and de- 
 fliudtion of Acofia, as will appear in the fequel. 
 
 We lhall now touch upon fome matters particularly relating to Lorenzo Aldana, 
 who was a perfon with whom I was acquainted. For both Sea and Land being 
 disturbed and moved with inteftine troubles, Aldana afted, and fent all his dif- 
 patches and orders from aboard his Ship, being unwilling to truft himfelf afhoar 5 
 for fear left fome treacherous perfon fhould defign to kill him , and fly to Gon^alo. 
 Pi$arro-, for ( as Hiftorians report ) there were people who revolted to Picarro, 
 as well as from him to the King ; with which apprehenfions and j-aloufies he re- 
 mained aboard untill he received certain intelligence that Gon$alo Pi$arro was re- 
 moved eighty leagues from the City of Los Reyes, and indeed by that time this 
 Nev\s came, he was removed at the Jiftance of a hundred and ten leagues from 
 thence. And then , adventuring afhoar with all his Captains and Souldiers , he 
 was received into the City with great joy , being met by all the Inhabitants , 
 which though few, yet the very Children came in to make up the number. The 
 charge of die Ships was committed to the care oijohn Fernandez the Sheriff of the 
 Tovvn , w ith the ufual formalities required in fuch cafes : And now Aldana be- 
 ing v Kh his men lodged within the City, he endeavored to get all the Arms and 
 Ammunition into his hands -, but whilft he was bufie and intent on thefe matters, 
 a flying report came, that Gonqak Picarro was returning again towards the City 5 
 and that iie was not above four leagues off, and though there could be no ground 
 to imagine fuch a rumour to be true or poflible 5 yet fuch was the confternation, 
 that no man had power to confider the probability of the report-, but every one 
 out of the .ibundance of his fear drifted for himfelf. Thofe who were unprovided 
 of Horfcs fled to the Sealide to fecure themfelves within the Ships 5 thofe who 
 had Hoifes travelled away , and took the common way to Truxillo 5 others who 
 were not poflefled with fo violent a fear , concealed themfelves within the Ofier- 
 gardens and other fecret places -, and in this manner they lay perdue or hidden for 
 a whole night and a day, untill fuch time as certain intelligence came that the re- 
 port was falle. And then they all returned again to the City unlefs fuch who had 
 travelled away at a farther diftance. 
 
 Attguftine Carate writes, that Lorenzo de Aldana came afhoar upon the ninth of Sep- 
 tember, 1 J47. where we will leave him for awhile, to fpeak of John de Acofia, who 
 was now on his march towards Cozco by way of the mountains confifting of three 
 hundred Souldiers under the command of a Major General , a Standard-bearer , 
 and other Officers , as if it had been a great Army. 
 
 . CHAR 
 
7qo Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 The Captains and Souldiers fly from John de Acofta. Gon- 
 calo Picarro comes to Huanna, from whence he fends a 
 Mejfage to Diego Centeno 5 with his Anfwer thereunto. 
 
 WHEN fohn de Acofta came near to Cozco, they received intelligence of the 
 unfortunate fuccefs of Goncalo Picarro, and of the general revolt of his 
 People from him 5 to conceal and fmother which all endeavours were ufed but 
 all in vaui, for many of the Letters which were difperfed abroad fell into the 
 hands of Officers and Souldiers, which made a full difcovery of all matters •, and 
 though none durft to confide in each other fo far as to difcourfe and communicate 
 the news ; yet by fome accident or other the Advices became the publick talk : 
 and then the Major-General Paez, de Sotomayor and Captain Martin de olmos ( with 
 whom I was acquainted ) refolved to kill fohn 'de Acofta, which defign was fo fe- 
 cretly carried, that one did not know the intention of the other, but onely by cer- 
 tain conjectures and circumftances ; and in like mariner at a diftance treated with 
 fome Souldiers in whom they thought they could belt confide : but the Plot was 
 not contrived fo fecretly but that it came to the ears of Acofta, who became there- 
 by more watchfull, and doubled the Guards about his Perfon with thofe of whole 
 faithfulnefs he was belt allured. 
 
 The two General Officers growing jealous hereupon, and knowing that fohn de 
 Acofta was one day retired within his Tent, and in lecret conference with Captain 
 Martin de Almendras, and another intimate Friend of his, called Diego Gumiel, and 
 fearing that they were plotting to kill them, they refolved to revolt, fince they 
 were difappointed in their defign of killing Acofta .- and accordingly paffing their 
 word in lecret one to the other, without farther delay they mounted on Horfe- 
 back with thirty men following them with their Arms, and in fight of the Camp 
 marched boldly away towards Los Reyes. The principal perfons hereof were Paez 
 
 de Sotomayor, Martin de Olmos, Martin de Alar con chief Standard-bearer, Garci Gh- 
 tierez de Efcobar, Alonfo Rengel, Hernando de Alvarado, Martin Monge, Antonio de Avila 
 
 and Gafpar de Toledo, fohn de Acofta made purfuit after them, and overtook three 
 or four of them and put them to death ; but finding it in vain to profecute them 
 farther, he defifted and followed his way towards Coz.ro, where he took away the 
 white Staves from the Sheriffs of the Town, who were appointed by Diego Centeno, 
 and placed others in their Head. 
 
 And here he found Orders from Goncalo Picarro to come with all hafte pofTible 
 to Arequepa, and to joyn his Forces with him there. Accordingly fohn de Acofta 
 marched out of Cozco, but before he was twelve leagues advanced on his way, 
 Martin Almendras ( who was the perfon in whom he moft confided ) fled from 
 him carrying thirty of his belt men with him, and returning again to Cc*,ro he took 
 the white Staves away from the Sheriffs, whom fohn de Acofta had conftituted, as 
 if the fuccefs of great matters' had depended thereupon ; and fo he went to Los 
 Reyes, to the great admiration of Acofta, who wondered much that a man fo much 
 efteemed and obliged by Goncalo Picarro, fhould defert him who had treated him 
 like a Son, out of refpeft to the memory of his Uncle Francifco de Almendras, who 
 
 was killed by Diego Centeno. 
 
 fohn de Acofta durft not adventure to purfue Martin de Almendras, left all his Soul- 
 
 diers fhould follow the like example, and therefore he took the diredt way to 
 Arequepa by long marches, but ftill his numbers decreafed by two and three in a 
 company, Co that by the time he came to Arequepa to joyn with Goncalo Picarro he 
 brought not above a hundred men with him, as is confirmed by Palentbw Chapter 
 fixty eight of the fecond Book, and by Cerate, the lixth Book, Chapter eighteen. 
 And now having loft their Honours by being outlawed and proclaimed Traitours, 
 and their Eftates, which remained in the power of the Enemy, there was nothing 
 more to fave but their lives onely, and how that ftake might be conferved was 
 their onely confultation. 
 
 In 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. n^\ 
 
 In fine, Picarro and his Captains refolved to take their march by the way where 
 Diego Centcm was quartered, becaufe it was the pafTge to the high Mountains of 
 AntU, which are to the eaftern parts of Peru •, in which quarters they defigned to 
 gain fome Province to make their aboad, in cafe they might there be fuffered to 
 remain in quietnefs •, and if not, they intended then to proceed to the Kingdom of 
 Chili, to aftift in the Conqueft of chat warlike people, fuppofing that, being then 
 without the limits of Peru, they might more eaiily obtain the benefit of the gene- 
 ral Pardon by fuch new fervices. And in cafe that Diego Centeno mould interrupt 
 them in their pailage, they then refolved to break through him, and either over- 
 come or dye, thougli they knew that he had much the advantage in his numbers. 
 And departing from Arequepa with this defign, they came at length by the ufual 
 marches near to Huarina, where the way leads to thofe Mountains. 
 
 Diego Centem, having conftant Advices of the motion o( Picarro, left his own 
 quarters well fortified, and burnt the Bridge which is made over the Channel, 
 whereby the Lake of Tnkaca empties it felf, that he might give a flop to the Ene- 
 my's pallage - 7 and, milling much to the courage and refolution of his Souldiers, 
 be refolved to engage him (if poffible) in a Battel. 
 
 But Goxftlo Pifarro, endeavouring on the contrary to avoid righting, fent a Mef- 
 fcnger to Centeno with a Letter, putting him in mind of the ancient friendfhip and 
 confederacy between them, when they conquered Collao and the Charcot, and the 
 many kindnefles and good offices he had done him, both at that time and fince; 
 and particularly that he had given him his life when he killed J offer Rodriguez and 
 Philif GutiereK, for the very fame Plot in which he was concerned •■> for though he 
 was in the Lift with the other Confpiratours, and was well allured that he was 
 one of the principal of them, yet he granted him his Pardon againft the opinion 
 and fenfe of all his Friends. He farther defired him to recall to mind that he, 
 that is Centeno, had been one of the firft and chief of thofe who promoted him to 
 the Office of Procuratour-General of that Kingdom, that he had followed him un- 
 der that Character to the City of Lot Reyes, and had continued with him untill he 
 faw him advanced to the Government of Peru .- wherefore, forgetting all that 
 was part, he defired him to enter into a Treaty with him relating to matters which 
 might tend to the common benefit of themfelves and of all the Countrey, and 
 that he would accord with him in any reafonable Propofitions, as if he were his 
 own Brother. This Letter was fent by a Souldier called Froncifco Vojfo, the Hus- 
 band of foanna of Lejton, of whom we have formerly made mention ; who for his 
 relation to Froncifco de Carvajal was employed, as a perfbn of great truft and faith- 
 fulnefs. Auguftine Carate, in the fecond Chapter of his feventh Book, faith, that 
 this Souldier delivered the Letter to Diego Centeno, and offered to ferve him, and 
 at the fame time advifed him that Diego Alvarez, Enfign of his own Company, 
 kept a correfpondence with Pigarro •, but Centeno thought not fit to examine the 
 matter, or punifh the Enfign, becaufe he had difcovered to him all the particulars, 
 and allured him, that the correfpondence was carried on with defign of fervice un- 
 ro him. Diego Centeno returned an Anfwer hereunto with great civility, giving 
 him to understand that he did gratefully acknowledge the many good offices which 
 he had received from him •, in return whereof he did heartily advife and intreat 
 him, to take into ferious confideration the true circumftances of the prefent Af- 
 fairs, and the gratious Declaration of his Majefty to pardon all part offences : 
 And in cafe therefore that he would come in and return to the Service of his Ma- 
 jefty, he would promife to be his Advocate to intercede with the Prefident in his 
 behalf, and that he might be confident to obtain all the advantageous and honou- 
 rable conditions he could defire, without hazard of his Life or Eftate. And he 
 did farther alTure him, that he would be his Friend and his AlTociate in all mat- 
 ters whatfoever but thofe wherein his allegiance and duty towards his Prince were 
 concerned. Thefe and the like complements he returned in anfwer to his Letter. 
 
 Thus far Auguftine Carate. 
 
 CHAP 
 
f 
 
 ~Q2 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 C H A P. XVII. 
 
 Diego Centeno writes to the Prefident > giving him an ac- 
 count of tbefe matters by the fame Mejjenger which Pi- 
 $arro had fent to him. The Vrefident comes to Saufa 
 where he meets Francifco Voflo. 
 
 CErtteno being well affured of the good will and affection which Vojfo bore to his 
 Majefty's Service, by that free manner with which he offered it, and by the 
 difcovery" he made of the correfpondence which the Enfign held with Picarro •, he 
 thought fit to fend the very fame Meffenger to the Prefident, with Letters giving 
 him a relation at large of all which had pafled untill that time, and how he had 
 fo environed Picarro on all (ides, that he could not efcape from him. He acquain- 
 ted him how ftrong he was, and how weak Picarro, and that he hoped to over- 
 come him without fighting. He farther acquainted him with the Meffage brought 
 to him by Francifco Vojfo, and for better confirmation he fent him the very Letter. 
 Moreover Centeno acquainted Vojfo with the anfwer he had given to Goncalo Picarro, 
 and told him, that he trufted him with that difpatch to carry it unto the Prefident 5 
 and to bear his charges in fo long a Journey he gave him the value of a thoufand 
 pieces of Eight in Gold •, and farther directed him, that after he had been a fhort 
 time at Picarro's Camp, and had delivered his Letters, and given a relation of all 
 matters, he fhould then buy the beft Mule he could find to carry him with all 
 (peed .poffible to the Prefident * and in regard he was well acquainted with the 
 ftate and condition of both Camps, his directions were to inform the Prefident 
 with the circumftances of affairs on both fides, in refpeft to the number of people, 
 and the manner how they were armed. And becaufe his bufinefs was now to ad 
 a double part, he gave him a Grant in the name of his Majefty of certain Lands 
 or Plantations in Areauefa which were vacant, figned by his own hand, defiring 
 the Prefident to confirm the fame in reward of the Loyalty and Services of Fran- 
 cifco Vojfo. 
 
 Accordingly Vojfo returning again to Picarro was ordered by him to acquaint 
 Francifco de Carvajal with all the particulars of what he had feen and heard from 
 Centeno, becaufe that Carvajal having been his intimate Friend and Patron, he 
 would no doubt freely open himfelf, and declare whatfoever had paffed between 
 him and Centeno. Carvajal examined him as to all matters, and Vojfo fully anfwe- 
 red and fatisfied him in every thing-, namely who were the Captains both of 
 Horfe and Foot, and what was the number of his Soulcieis ; and confeffed that 
 he had received the information from Centeno himfelf, who was fo free with him 
 as to acquaint him with the fubfiance of the Letter which he had wrote to Gon- 
 $alo Picarro in anfwer of his ; confirming the fame by word of mouth that he 
 would be his Advocate with the Prefident, and intercede with him ro pardon 
 them both as to Life and Eftate, and would doe him all other good offices, pro- 
 vided he would return to his allegiance and the duty he owed unto the King. 
 
 Carvajal, having heard and examined all the matter, brought Vojfo to Picarro to 
 tell the ftory himfelf, who having repeated all as is before related, and particular- 
 ly that Centeno offered to be his Advocate and Interceflbur : Picarro turned away 
 in a rage, and faid, that he fcorned to receive favours from him who had been Co 
 much obliged to his Brothers and himfelf: and underftanding that the Letter con- 
 tained little more than that, he refufed to reade it $ and, like a furious and defpe- 
 rate man, he ordered the Letter to be publickly burned, to ihew that lie would 
 enter into no Treaty with him : And not to difcourage his Souldiers, he ordered 
 Vojfo to report, that Centeno had not above feven hundred men, though in reality 
 he was above twelve hundred men ftrong. 
 
 Vojfo having thus related all this matter, and delivered his Meffage •, by means 
 of a Friend of his, (to whom he did not communicate the Secret) he bought a 
 good Mule, which coft eight hundred pieces of Eight, and the next night he 
 mounted thereon, and by break of day had travelled twelve leagues from the 
 
 Camp 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries: 703 
 
 Camp on his way toward the Prefident, patting by Arequepa where his Wife and 
 Children were. When Pifarro received the news of the flight of Vojfo, hewon- 
 dred much at it, and whifpered it to Cxrvxjal, and told him, that he did not now 
 think it ftrange that many of thofe who had great obligations mould defert him, 
 fince Vojfo, who was his Servant, and tied to him in duty and with all the bonds of 
 humanity, had denied him. Carvajal anfwered, that it was no ftrange thing to 
 him, for that he looked on Vojfo to be in the number of thofe faint- hearted men, 
 who, beim; afraid, refolved to fecure themfelves by a Pardon, which was the con- 
 dition of moft of thofe who had followed his Party 5 and on the contrary, it plain- 
 ly appeared that fuch as were courageous and had been the leaft obliged were ftill 
 fixed and conftant to their Party : And that it was one of the miferies of this 
 world, that no man refpe&s or honours another but for his own intereft, and that 
 fo foon as he finds he hath no farther need of his afiiftence and favour, he present- 
 ly forgets all former ties of benefits received. 
 
 And now the falfiry and treachery of Vojfo^ being clear and apparent, and the 
 agreement between him and Centeno being difcovered, Plfarro complained of his 
 misfortune in conferring his favours on thofe w ho had proved moft ungratefull j 
 and, being full of anger and defpair, he refolved ( fince there was no place left 
 for Treaty ) to venture all upon the fuccefs of a Battel, and either overcome or 
 dye. 
 
 The Prefident, whom we left on his way from Tmxillo to Los Reyes, had by 
 this time received news of all matters which Gon^alo Pi$arro had a6ted in that City, 
 and how his people had deferted and fled from him. And whereas he underftood 
 from thofe very perfons who were come in to him that Picarro was marched along 
 the Coaft towards Jrejuepa, he fent Orders to the Captains who were quartered in 
 Cajftmarca to march with their Troops in good order to the Valley oiSaufa, becaufe 
 he underftood that that was a good Countrey and a good quarter for plenty of 
 Provifions, and a convenient fituation for people to come in, and for receiving 
 fuch who fled from Picarro. Having given thefe Orders he marched forwards, 
 and as he travelled intelligence was brought him of the ruinous condition of Gon- 
 cah PI arro, that of all his Army he had not two hundred men remaining, who 
 alio expected an opportunity to efcape ; that Acojla was in no better a condition, 
 for that of the three hundred men with which he marched out of Los Reyes above 
 two hundred had deferted him with their Captains and Officers •, that the City of 
 Los Reyes had declared for the King, and that Lorenco de Aldana was poffeiled of 
 the Government, and lay in the Port with his Ships. 
 
 The Prefident being much encouraged with this good news, difpatched frefli 
 advices thereof to his Captain-General Pedro de Himjofa, ordering him to march 
 with all poflible fpeed to Saufa; which he accordingly did, and not to lofe time 
 he pafled by Los Reyes, and took the ihorteft cut by way of the Mountains and 
 came to Saufa, where, meeting with his former Captains, they all rejoyced to fee 
 and meet each other. And here the Prefident remained fome days, during which 
 time he fet up Smiths Forges for making and repairing Arms, and appointed fe- 
 veral Officers : and in (hort, did all that became an able and a diligent Captain 5 
 and to forward him in this work his Officers and Mtnifters were as diligent and as 
 active as he, omitting nothing which might tend to the deftruclion of their Ene- 
 my, left they fhould fall again into his power whom they had denied. 
 
 Thefe good fuccefles and profperous proceedings were increafed by the happy 
 news which Vojfo brought, declaring the low and mean condition of Pi$arro's Ar- 
 my, and the welfare'and numerous increafe of that of Centeno's, of which Vojfo af- 
 fured the Prefident, having feen both Armies, and been an eye-wimefs of the 
 ftate and condition of both. Vojfo delivered his Letters together with the Grant 
 which Cemeno had given him of a certain Plantation, which the Prefident readily 
 confirmed •, and indeed it was his misfortune that the Gift was of no greater value, 
 for had it been one of the beft Baronies in Peru, there would have been no fcruple 
 in the conveyance of it, in reward of the good news he brought % which was 
 fo confiderable and fo well regarded, that Orders were thereupon iffued to feve- 
 ral Captains to give a ftop to their farther Leavies of men, fince that Diego Centeno 
 h;id force fufficient without other afliftances to fubdue and deftroy Picarro. And 
 here we will leave them in their confultations and rejoycings at Arequepa, to re- 
 count the cruel Battel of Huarina, which happened in thofe days. 
 
 Iiiii CHAR 
 
nqq Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Pi^arro refolves to give them Battel. Acofta is fent to al- 
 arm the Enemy in the night. Diego Centeno draws out 
 his Men, and Pi^arro doth the lil<e. 
 
 GOncah Pi§arro and his Captains being enraged with anger and difdain, to find, 
 whilft they were treating of peace and accommodation, that the Enemy had 
 corrupted their Meflenger, and feduced him from the faith and duty he owed to 
 his Loid and Matter •, whereupon, blinded with madnefs and rage they refolved 
 to purfue their march, and forcibly make their way through the midft of their 
 Enemies, and either to dye or conquer. 
 
 This refolution was taken at a confutation held by Picarro and his Officers on 
 occafion of the flight of Francifco Vojfo •, and accordingly now to put it in execution, 
 they forbifhed and prepared their Arms to march towards Huarina ^ but firft they 
 gave out a report, that they intended by feme other way to divert Centeno from 
 giving them any interruption in the Pafs they defigned -, and to make this report 
 the more credible, they fent a meflage to Francifco de Ffpinofa to provide them with 
 Indians and provifions on their way by thofe parts. Howfoever the true defign 
 of Picarro was difcovered to Centeno by means of the Indians, who by order of 
 Don chrifioval PmIIh Inca ( of whom we have formerly made mention ) were 
 very diligent and faithfull to acquaint Centeno with all the motions of his Ene- 
 mies, i 
 
 By thefe means Centeno being truly informed of the way and courfe which Pi- 
 §arro intended to take marched forth to flop and interrupt him in his paflage j and 
 thereby came fo near each to the other that the Scouts met and called to each 
 other, and then returned to carry the advice. So loon as Cent cm received this in- 
 telligence^ of their near approach, he put his people into a pofture of defence, and 
 drew them out all night into form of Battel, having been formerly well acquain- 
 ted witfi the alarms and furprifes which Picarro had often given him in the night. 
 And yet for his care and vigilance Acofta rruce iuch an attempt upon him in the 
 night with twenty Mufquetiers as put all the Camp into confufion -, and the aflright- 
 ment was fo great, that Car ate faith, in the fecond Chapter of his feventh Book, 
 that many of the Souldiers fled to their Tents, and the people ok Valdivia left their 
 Pikes and fhdmefully ran away 3 and that Acofta retreated again without the lols 
 of one man. Thus far Carate. What he farther adds concerning the people of 
 Valdivia is this ; There was a certain Captain, fays he, named Pedro de Valdivia, 
 who, being in Chili, received intelligence of the great flirs and troubles which 
 were in Peru, and to be the better informed thereof, and perhaps to intereft him- 
 felf on one fide or the other, he came with many followers, and failing along the 
 Coartof Peru, he received information of the ill condition ofPifarro, and that 
 the Prefident Gafca was then in Saufa preparing to march againft him ; whereupon 
 Pedro de Valdivia refolved to go himfelf in Perfon to the Prefident, and to lift him- 
 felf with him in his Majefty's Service, and to travel with the. left Train he difmift 
 his men and fent them to joyn with Centeno ; and thefe are thofe Valdivians, who, 
 as Carate faith, fhamefully ran away.. 
 
 The day following, as is reported, both Parties marched in fight of each other, 
 with their men drawn up in Battalia. The Forces of Centeno (as Lopez, d: Gomara re- 
 ports) were twelve hundred and twelve men ftrong ; Carate faith that they were 
 fomething under a thoufand •■> PaUmino calls them above nine hundred ; but for my . 
 part, I have received it from very good hands that they were twelve hundred $ of 
 which there were two hundred and fixty Horfe, a hundred and fifty Fire-locks, 
 and about eight hundred Pikes and Lances. All the Infantry he drew up into one 
 Body, flanking the Lances with the Fire-locks, though indeed the Flanks were 
 very thin. 
 
 The Captains of Foot were John de Vargas Brother to Garci/affo de la Vega, my 
 Lord and Father, Francifco de Retamofo, Captain Negrtil, Captain Pamoja and Diego 
 
 Lopez, 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. jq? 
 
 Lopez de Cuniga •, thefe five Captains with their Enfigns marched on the left Wing 
 and in the Van of all about twenty paces diftant from the reft of the Squadron. • 
 
 Thefe were immediately followed by eleven Files of the choiceft rrlen in the 
 Squadron, in nature of a Forlorne Hope : After thefe came the Enfign-bearers 
 carrying their Colours, and then followed the Lances and Pikemen interlined 
 with the Mufquetiers. 
 
 The right Wing of the Infantry was fupported with three Troops of Horfe, 
 whofe Captains names were Pedro de ks Rios a Native of Cordoua, and of as noble 
 defcent as any in that City, alfo Antonio de Vlloa born at Carceres, a Gentleman of 
 a very ancient Family, and with them was joined Diego Alvarez, born ztAlmendral, 
 who carried the Royal Standard. Diego Centeno being then fick was not amongft 
 the Troops, nor prefent in the Battel, but was carried up and down in a Chair 
 giving orders and directions. This Squadron, confifting of a hundred and fixty 
 Horfe, was commanded to charge the left Wing of the Enemy : likewife Centeno 
 flanked the left Wing of his'Foot with ninety feven Horfe which belonged to 
 Arequepa, and to the City of Plate, whofe Captains were Alonfo de Mendo$a and 
 feronimo de Villegat, and all commanded by the Major-General Luys de Ribera ; and 
 
 the Serjeant-Major of this Army was Luys Garcia de Stmt Mames. 
 
 On the other fide the Lieu tenant-General Frantifco de Carvajal formed his Squa- 
 dron with the flower and choiceft men of the Militia of Peru 5 and it was pity 
 that fuch ftout and excellent Souldiers did not take the right fide, and employ 
 themfelves in fervice of the King their Lord and Mafter : this was the caufe which 
 moved Hiftorians to write with fuch defamation of a man fo experienced in War 
 that he knew to a point how many Lances were requifite to give check-mate to a 
 Party, and had as much advantage over others in War as an expert Mafter at the 
 Game of Chefs hath over a foung beginner or learner. Accordingly with great 
 art he drew up in Battalia his little Army of four hundred men upon the Plains, of 
 which eighty five were Horfe, fixty Pikes and Lances and about two hundred 
 and fifty Fire- locks : howfoever many Authours make Pifarro to have been of a 
 greater force, and Centeno of a far lefs - 7 perhaps to abate the glory of Frantifco Car- 
 vajal in cafe he conquered Centeno $ but thefe Writers underftood not the Secret, 
 nor found out the true caufe of the Victory on one fide, and the defeat of the 
 other, which we (hall fpeedily relate. 
 
 Carvajal drew up in admirable Order his fmall Squadron in an open Plain, 
 where were no Buihes, nor any thing elfe to hinder the (hot of his Harquebufiers: 
 the Captains of which were Diego Guillen and John delaTorre 5 and Carvajal himfelf 
 commanded his own Company compofed of ftout Souldiers, and excellent Marks- 
 men. And though John de Acofia commanded at that time a Troop of Horfe, yet 
 he changed that day with Captain Guevara for his Foot Company, becaufe Guevara 
 was lame and could not fight otherwife than on Horfe-back : thefe four were Cap- 
 tains of Foot, and Hernando Bachkao commanded fixty Lances and Pikes •■, and both 
 Wings were interlined with Harquebufiers on one fide and the other. 
 
 Amongft the Captains of Horfe Goncak Pi$arro was bravely mounted and armed 
 with a good Coat of Mail, and over it" a Coat of green Velvet, which I have feen 
 him wear, and over all he had a loofe Garment of crimfon Velvet flafhed 5 on 
 each hand of him were Licentiado Cepeda, who was Captain of Horfe, and BachiUet 
 Guevara. 
 
 Frantifco de Carvajal was Commander in Chief of this whole Squadron of Horfe, 
 and pofted himfelf on the right Wing of the Foot, not exactly joyning to them, 
 but advanced about fifty paces before, that the Mufquetiers might have the more 
 room to play their (hot ; for in them he repofed his greateft aflurance of Victory. 
 
 Carvajal was armed like a Commander of Horfe, with Coat of Mail, and Gant- 
 let, and a Head-piece, which they call a Burgonnon, with a clofe Bever, furnimed 
 with fuch crofs Bars as they put upon the Hilts of their Swords 5 over thefe Arms 
 he wore a Coat of green Cloth, of a fad and deep colour, and he was mounted on 
 a common Pad, like a poor Souldier, not to be known. And in this manner were 
 his Troops ranged, whilft he, to put them into good order, rode to the Front and 
 Rere, and was prefent in all parts and places to give his directions and word of 
 command. 
 
 Thus were both Armies drawn up, and at a diftance of about fix hundred pa- 
 ces faced each other* Thofe of Centeno' $ fide remained fo confident of Victory, 
 that when they went out of the Camp, they ordered their Indian Servants to pro- 
 
 I i i i i a vide 
 
jg6 ^ Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 vide their Dinner with a double portion ready againft their return , that they 
 .might entertain their Friends, when they had fubdued them, and taken them pri- 
 soners. 
 
 But the Indians, who feared that this vanity and confident boaftings portended 
 fomeiil, anfwered their Matters , and asked them where they lhould drive thofe 
 'Herds of Cattel, to fecure them againft their Enemies-, who though few in num- 
 ber, will yet, {aid they, be your Matters -, and this they uttered with that earneftnefs 
 and confidence, that many of the Spaniards grew fo angry and outrageous to hear 
 them , that they were ready to beat them , and with this paffion they entred in- 
 to the places and potts appointed them in their refpe&ive Squadrons. One of «-hefe 
 
 Was Martin de Arbieto, who difcourfing With a Friend of his Upon what the Indians 
 
 had fo unluckily prefaged •-, at the fame, time came one Gon$alo SUveflre, who repor- 
 ted the fame as the Indians had prognofticated : And they had fcarce advanced a 
 few paces forward before one fulio de Hojeda, who was an Inhabitant of Cozco, and 
 one of the firft Conquerours of Pern, came roaring, and fwearing faid, that he 
 could fcarce forbear killing his Indians, for faying that we mould be defeated this 
 day. How thefe doggs- lhould come to fay thefe things, I know not, unlefs they 
 being Witches, converfe with the Devil. At the fame inftant came another Inha- 
 bitant of Cozco, (Jailed Carrara, who faid the fame things -, and another alfo came 
 to report the fame News, fo that it came by fix or feven hands ; who fcorning to 
 give credence to the vain prefages of their Indians, potted themfelves in that Squa- 
 dron of Horfe which flanked the Infantry in the left Wing. 
 
 e h a p. xix: 
 
 The Battel of Huarina. The Strategem which tte Lieute- 
 nant General Carvajal ufed. The particular Exploits of 
 Gon$alo Pi^arro and of other Cavaliers of renown and 
 good fame. 
 
 BOTH Squadrons being drawn up in the Field flood facing each other for a 
 long time without moving, and being in this pofture, Goncalo Pi$arro fent his 
 Chaplain, called Father Herrera, to Diego Centeno, requiring him to permit him a 
 free paflage to depart , and not force him to make his way by Battel , and in cafe 
 he would not grant his requeft , he did then proteft againft him for all the lofles , 
 damages and bloud which lhould enfue thereupon. The Chaplain came with his 
 Crucifix before him, but the Guards flopped him, upon fufpicion that he came as 
 a Spy to difcover their numbers and order. The Bifliop of Cow. and Diego Cen- 
 teno who were together at the fame time, fent for the Chaplain, and having heard 
 what he had to fay, he was ordered to be brought into the Bilhop's Tent. 
 
 The Forces of Diego Centeno , having information of the Meflage which the 
 Prieft brought, and being confident and aflured of Victory, were refolved to 
 gain the honour of being the firft to make the on-fet : and accordingly moving to- 
 wards the Enemy they had fcarce advanced a hundred paces before they made 
 a ftand. Francifco de Carvajal ordered his men to keep their ground, being defi- 
 rous to have the Enemy come up to them , and to encourage and provoke them 
 thereunto , he fent Johnde Acofta with thirty Mufquetiers to begin a skirmifh, and 
 to make a feeming retreat , to draw the enemy to follow them. The other fide 
 drew out an equal number to engage with them , but no hurt was done, for they 
 fired at fuch a diftance that the Bullets could not reach home. 
 
 Hiftorians write, and particularly Auguft'me Carate, ;n the third Chapter of his 
 fecond book, hath thefe words •» Francifco de Carvajal, faith he, feeing the Camp 
 of Diego Centeno to make a halt , ordered his own Souldiers to advance ten paces 
 forwards-, which when Centeno's Souldiers obferved, they cryed out, that the Ene- 
 my gained honour over them j and thereupon began to march in a full body : 
 
 at which 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 707 
 
 at which Picarros men made a full ftop , and flood (till in expectation of the Ene- 
 my's coming up to them -, and by the way as they approached, Carvajal ordered 
 fome few (hots to be made at them, to incite them to return whole vollieJl| which 
 Succeeded accordingly, for they advanced faft, and charged with their Pikes, firing 
 as they went at the diftance of three hundred paces: all this while Carvajal fired 
 not one Mufquet, till the Enemy was come within (hot, and then they poured 
 whole fhowers of Bullets on them $ which coming from expert Marks-men, above 
 a hundred and fifty men were killed at this firft charge , and amongft them two 
 Captains •, fo that the whole Body began to be difordered •-, and at a fecond charge 
 they were put into confufion, and plainly ran away. 
 
 Thus far Car ate, who wrote all the particulars at the beginning, middle and end 
 of this Battel : and the like Relation is given by Gomara and Valentino, with little 
 or no difference. I ("hall repeat their Narratives , and add what I have heard re- 
 ported from both fides. 
 
 It isfaid, that the reafon why Carvajal would not advance , but flood ftill to 
 keep his ground untill the Enemy made the firft on-fet , was this , The whole 
 body of his Mufquetiers were not above two hundred and fifty men in all 5 yet 
 they had fix or feven hundred Fire-arms, being fuch as had been left them by the 
 fugitive Souldiers ■■, thefe Arms fome few days before the Battel were fitted up , 
 and new fixed and delivered to the hands of the Souldiers , fo that fome Souldi- 
 ers carried three, fome four Mufquets 5 and becaufe it was difficult for a Souldi- 
 er to carry fuch a heap of Arms on his fhoulders , it was thought moft conveni- 
 ent to ftand ftill and expeft the coming of the Enemy. 
 
 This Francifco Carvajal was certainly as great a Captain as any was in his time ; 
 and whatlbever he faid or atted was accompanied with much fharpnefs and dex- 
 terity : and therefore we will mention fome few fayings of his, which he uttered 
 during the time that thefe matters were tranfacling. 
 
 Two days before this Battel; a certain Souldier of his of good fame and efteem 
 came, and defired him to give him a little Lead to make fome Bullets againft the 
 day of Battel. How, laid Carvajal, I cannot believe that a Souldier of your wor- 
 ship's quality fhould be without Bullets when the Enemy is near : Really , Sir , 
 anfwered the Souldier , Ihai'enone: Your Worfhip muft pardon me , replyed 
 Carvajal , and give me leave not to believe you ; for it is impoffible you mould 
 be without Bullets. The Souldier finding him (elf thus urged, in truth, Sir, faid 
 he, upon the word of a Souldier, I have but three. Oh, Sir, anfwered Carvajal, 
 did not I tell you, that your Worfhip being the man you were taken for, could 
 not be without Bullets 5 and therefore I defire you to lend me one of your three, 
 to beftow upon another 5 and then kill me to day a Bird with one of the two re- 
 maining , and a mm with the other on the day of the Fight •, and then I will re- 
 quire you to (hoot no more. By this faying , Carvajal would give us to under- 
 stand, that if every Mufquetier could but kill his man, the Vi&ory would be fe- 
 cure and certain. But howfoever, he largely fupplied the Souldier with Ammu- 
 nition and Arms , as he did all the others who had occafion of Powder and Bul- 
 let : in this pleafant manner he treated with his Friends; but when he came to 
 deal with his Enemies , he treated them at another rate , with all gravity , cau- 
 tion and reiervednefs required. 
 
 Another qaaint faying of his was exprefled to his Mufquetiers in fight of the 
 Enemy •, when he advited them to level their Arms from the Girdle downwards , 
 and not from the Bread to the Head upwards : For, look you, Gentlemen, faid 
 he , Bullets are apt to rife , and that which miffes , though but two Fingers 
 breadth , is loft , and cannot doe execution \ but that which flies low , and gra- 
 zes ten paces off, may yet have fome effect : And in cafe you wound your Enemy 
 either in the Thighs or Legs , he muft fall , and become difabled 5 when, on the 
 contrary, a man may .receive a fhot either in his Arrrt or Body , unlefs the wound 
 be mortal , he may yet continue fighting. Upon this ground , and for this rea- 
 fon, he ordered his Mufquetiers not to fire above a hundred paces diftant from 
 the Enemy •, which , as Carate faith , did fuch cruel and terrible execution , that 
 in the firft ranks of Captains and Enfigns, and in the eleven files which were in 
 the Van before them , there remained not ten men found , all being killed or 
 wounded •, which was a fad cafe, and much to be lamented. In like manner thefe 
 Shot gauled the Horfe very much, of which Alonfo de Mendo$a and Jeronimo de Ftl- 
 legxt were Captains •, fo that ten or twelve of the Cavaliers were difmounted, 
 
 and 
 
798 Royal Commentaries, Book V. 
 
 and amongft them was one Carrera, whom we have formerly mentioned. One 
 of the Colonels, named Luys de Ribera, confidering that in cafe the Horfemen were 
 detachdl by degrees and ordered to charge the. Foot, they would all be killed one 
 after the other, before they could be able to come up to the Enemy 5 and there- 
 fore Orders were given, that they mould charge Pigarro's Horfe ■-, who feeing the 
 Enemy coming upon them , kept their ground , and ftirred not one ftep forward, 
 as the Lieutenant General had directed •-, that the Mufquetiers might not lofe their 
 Shot, nor advantage of their. Vollies, as the Enemy came up to them : but when 
 he faw that Centeno's Horfe had paffed the right wing of the Foot * he then ad- 
 vanced thirty paces forward, to receive the charge of the Enemy. Cemem's Horfe 
 riding upon a full trot , over-bore Pram's Horie , and trampled and trod them 
 under foot, as if they had been fo many Sheep, fo that ( as Hiftorians agree, and 
 I with them ) Men and Horfe were overthrown •, and fcarce ten Men of all their 
 numbers remained who were not difmounted. One of thefe thus hardly befet was 
 Gon$alo Pkarro himfelf, who being fingle and divided from his Company, haftened 
 up to join with his Foot. But being known by three Cavaliers of chief note , 
 they fell upon him with intent to kill him or take him prifoner : one of them 
 was called Francifco de Vlloa , another , Michael de Vergara , and the Other , Gvmala 
 Siheftre: This latter affailed Pkarro on the right fide, Vergara on the left, and 
 Vlloa joined with Vergara. Thefe two came up fo clofely to Picarro , that they 
 gave him many Stabs under the Ribs , but good Arms defended him. Michael 
 de Vergara made a loud Out-cry , and (aid , This Tray tor Picarro is my prize and 
 my prifoner. In this manner they all four purfued him , till he came up to the. 
 Foot; but the Horfe on which Gon$alo Siheftre rode moft troubled and endangered 
 him, for, being a nimble Horfe and in a full carriere, he came fo dofe up to him 
 that Siheftre took hold of the Horfe's pectoral, and flopped him in his courfe, 
 which when Picarro perceived , he turned about his body to him , and with a 
 fhort Cutlace , which was hanged with a Ribon on the wrift of his right hand , 
 he gave three Cuts upon his Horfe, one of which lighted upon his Nofe, and cut 
 off his Lips, fo as the Teeth were laid bare upon one fide •, another Cut he gave 
 him over the Noftrils -, and the third took him over the hollow of his right eye, 
 though without hurt to his fight. And this Picarro performed with fo little con- 
 cernment , as if he had been engaged in fports of the Ring or other Feats of Arms, 
 And this very ftory I heard from Gon$ah Siheftre himfelf , who often amongft 
 other particulars of this Battel recounted this paflage, and the fame I have heard 
 confirmed by divers others. And that all four of them purfued him up to his 
 body of the Foot. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 The Story of the cruel Battel of Huarina is farther conti- 
 nued, fever al feats of Arms performed therein. The Vic- 
 tory is gained by Picarro. 
 
 WHEN the Souldiers faw him coming they knew him to be Picarro, and 
 charged with their Pikes to receive and defend him. Siheftre percei- 
 ving that he had not wounded Pi$arro with all the Stabs he had given him on 
 his (ides-, he flopped his hand, and gave a Cut on the Blade-bone of his Horfe s 
 Shoulder , but the wound was fo inconfiderable , that after thefe matters had paf- 
 fed , and the Wars were at an end ; this particular was fcarce judged worthy to 
 be mentioned, left it fhould accufe his Arm of faintnefs and want of ftrength : 
 but this fmall wound was again returned by Pi$arro's Souldiers, who (allying forth 
 to kill thofe who purfued him, wounded Go^alo Siheftre's Horfe in the head with 
 a Lance, which made him rife up on end •, and then another with his Lance ran 
 Siheftre himfelf through both his Arms: the Horfe with the fmart of his Wounds 
 
 floundred 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. y^g 
 
 floundred and tumbled on all four - 7 with the force of which the head 1 of the 
 Lance broke off in his Arms ; but howfoever the Horfe bounfing up, carried off 
 his Mailer with more danger than what is here exprefled. But Michael de Vcrgara 
 was more unfortunate , for he in the heat of his Fury fanfying that the Tray tor 
 Pif mo was his prifoner , purfued him within three or four files of the Enemy , 
 where they knocked him down, and cut both him and his horfe into pieces. 
 
 Nor did Framifio de Vllox fucceed better , for as he was turning his horfe to 
 efcape, a Mufquetier clapt the nofe»of his Gun on the reins of his Back, which 
 paffed clear through him i and another Souldier at the fame time, cut his horfe 
 over the huckfons of his hinder leggs, and though he was hamftringed thereby, 
 yet he was a horfe of that fpirit , that he carried his Matter off above fifty paces, 
 and then both of them fell dead together =, all which 1 have learned and heard fo 
 very particularly that the colours of their Horfes were defcribed : This was the 
 ifiue of the Fight between the Horfe of Picarro and Centeno, which was fo bloudy 
 that a hundred and feven horfes lay dead within the field where the Battel was 
 fought , \\ hich contained not above two Acres of ground befides thofe which fell 
 at fome farther diftance off, and yet all the number of horfe on one fide and the 
 other did not amount to above a hundred and eighty two. The matter was very 
 ftrange , and indeed ho man believed the report ,. untill my Father Garplajfo de la 
 Vega did affure them upon his word , that he had counted them one by one , and 
 that out of curiofity, he had taken the account, by reafon that the Battel was fo 
 exceeding bloudy that no man would hereafter believe , that out of fo fmall a 
 number fo many lhould be killed. 
 
 When Diego Ccntcno\ Horfemen favv that Pi$a-m> was retreated into the Body 
 of his Infantry, they then charged thofe few Horfe of the Enemy which remained 
 with fiich fuccefs, that they killed them almoft all to the laft man, fo that the 
 Victory was clear as to them : One of thofe who were killed was Captain Pedro 
 de Futmes , who had been Governour to Pi^ar/o in Are^mpa i he was knocked 
 down u ith one of thofe Clubbs which the Indians ufe in the War-, by the ftrong 
 Arm of a Horfeman , who rifing high frdm his Saddle , gave him fuch a blow 
 with both hands on his Helmet, as beat it into pieces, and dallied out his Brains, fo 
 i that poor Pedro fell down dead upon the very place. Captain Lianciada Cepeda was 
 gne^ouily wounded with a Cut over his Face and bridge of his Nofe, and was 
 pken prifoner , I remember that I faw him at Cozco , afrer he was cured , with a 
 } batch of black Taffaty of a Finger's breadth over the Scar. At this time Heman- 
 UoB.ic'-: ao, who commanded the Lances under Picarro, hearing the Enemy found 
 |:he Levets of Victory , ran over to Centeno's- fide , and called Witneffes that he 
 I vas come over to the King's fer vice , and claimed the privilege of the Proclama- 
 tion of general Pardon. But the other Squadron of Horfe belonging to Centeno, 
 Ivhich flunked on the right Wing of the Infantry, and commanded by Pedro de 
 Eos Rios, and Antonio deV/loa, charged the left Wing of Picarro's Foot, as was or- 
 Hered at the beginning of the Battel; but they were fo warmly received with fuch 
 li volly from the Enemy, that Captain Pedro de Rio; was killed, and many others, 
 ()Jo:e r hey could come to clofe with them $ whereupon they wheeled off, and 
 would not adventure to engage farther with that Squadron, which was too hot 
 I "or them, being well fortified w ith Pikes and Fire-arms : Howfoever palling along 
 ihe left Wing and the rere-guard of Picarro's Forces, they were much gaulled with 
 Ihot from them •, for that Squadron was well guarded with Tllapas, which in the 
 mdian tongue fignifies thunder and lightning-, and indeed it proved fo to that no- 
 lble and flourifhing Army of Diego Centeno , which confided for the moft part of 
 3entlemen , mounted on the beft Horfes which at that time were to be found 
 n all Peru , and which were for the moft part that day deftroyed in that bloudy 
 nd unfortunate Battel. Picarro had a defire to have charged the Enemies horfe 
 n perfon, and fought it out with them to the laft, but Carvajal advifed him not to 
 toe it, but to keep his ground, and leave the management unto him 5 and do not 
 foubt ( faid he ) but very fpeedily you iliall fee your Enemies routed,^ taken and 
 ;illed. Centeno's Horfe having rallied into one body, after they had paffed the two 
 iVings of Picano's Squadron , were yet more waimly^received by the Rere-guard 
 vhich Carvajal commanded to fire briskly upon them $ which they performed 
 ■trith fuch fuccefs, that they killed many of them, and put them into diforder, and 
 |; breed them to quit the Field 5 the which action was performed in fo (hort a time 
 I hat fcarce had Centeno's Trumpets finithed their Levet which founded Victory, 
 
 before 
 
8c o Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 before. $ was begun on Picarro's fide : which when Hernando Bachicao percei- 
 ved, he returned back to his former Squadron, crying out Vittory as loud as 
 any. One of the Horfemen on Centeno's fide, born at Herrera de Alcantara, (whofe 
 name I have forgotten, running away, in his Flight and full carriere, accidentally 
 happened to pafs by Trancijco de Carvajal fitting on his fmall Nag, as we have be- - 
 fore mentioned, and not knowing who he was, gave him a ftroak with a broad 
 Sword over the Vizard of his Head-piece, which being given with a ftrong Arme 
 and a good Will , the Sword entred deep within the Iron , but yet went not fo 
 far as to wound him : at which thofe who faw it wondered very much ; and af- 
 ter the Battel was ended, and all things quiet, Carvajal (hewed the Head-piece to 
 Goncalo Pi$arro, and faid to him , what do you think, would have become of 
 me', had I not been guarded v\ith this defence ? One third part of Diego Cente- 
 no's Foot were all (lain, as is mentioned before ; another third part of them, when 
 Victory was founded on their fide , were licenfed to plunder Picarro's Camp, and 
 accordingly they facked a great part of it •, but this proved their ruine, and was a 
 great occaiion of the lofs of the day, The remainder of the Infantry, which were 
 not above fixty in all, were left at pufli of Pike with Picarro's Souldiers, fecon- 
 ded with a Party of John de Acofias. A certain Souldierof Centeno's fide, called 
 Guadramiros ( whom I knew ) a Man tall of Stature, and well (haped, of 
 a peaceable difpofition and more a Courtier than a Souldier , gave Acofia a pulh 
 with his Pike in the Throat 5 and the head of the Pike remaining w ithin the fleih, 
 he gave him with the Staff end fuch a blow over the Shoulders, that Acofia was 
 therewith knocked down, with his Heels up in the Air : at the fame time a Ne- 
 ger chanced to come in, whom I knew, called — Guadalupe, and gave him a cut 
 over both the Calves of his Leggs-, but the Neger being a weak little fellow, and 
 the Sword as dull and as black with ruft as the Mafter, he rather bruifed the flefli 
 than cut it. 
 
 At length Picarro's men coming to handy-blows with thofe of Centeno's , they 
 
 killed them almoft all : but John de Acofia faved both Guadramiros and Guadalupe 
 from being killed : for he interpofed himfelf between them and thofe who would 
 have killed them, and cryed out a-loud, that they deferved Quarter and alfo Ho- 
 nour and Reward : What I have faid here I knew to be true; for afterwards I 
 took acquaintance with Guadalupe, when he was a Mufquetier in one of the Com- 
 panies belonging to Goncalo Picarro , quartered at Cezco , where he was gallant in 
 his Habit , and drefled up in Feathers as gay as a Peacock becaufe every one re- 
 fpe&ed him for his courage and bravery. And here I muft beg the Reader's par- 
 don for having defcended thus far to trivial particulars, having onely an intention 
 hereby to confirm the truth of my Narrative by the Teftimony of having been 
 an Eye-witnefs to the foregoing Tranlaclions. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. I 
 
 The number of thoje who were felled and wounded on both 
 fides , with other -particular Succefes i as alfo what was 
 ailed by Carvajal after the Battel. 
 
 THE efcape of 'Guadramiros was after the Battel ended , and after the Victo- 
 ry plainly appeared for Goncalo Picarro ; for on his fide were (lain about a 
 hundred men , of which feventy odd were Horfemen , and about fifteen Foot , 
 befides thofe which were wounded, amongft which were Captain Cepeda, John de 
 Acofia, and Captain Diego Guillen. On Diego Centeno's fide above three hundred and 
 fifty were killed, and amongft them their Major General, and all the Captains of 
 Foot, with their Enfigns, being the Flower of their Army, and the choiceft Men 
 amongft them •, befides which Pedro de Los Rios, Captain of Horfe, and Diego AU 
 varez, who carried the Standard, dyed on the place. There were, befides thole 
 that were flain , three hundred and fifty wounded , of which above an hundred 
 
 and 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries 80 i 
 
 and -fifty dyed for want of able and experienced Chirurgeons, and of Balfams, PJa- 
 fters and other Medicaments •, and the extreme colds of the Countrey contributed 
 much thereunto •, for though that Countrey is within the Tropicks, yet the Cold9 
 are often very intenfe, by reafon of the high Winds and lofty Mountains. Gcn$al6 
 Picarro followed the purfuit with feven or eight lamed Horfes 5 with which they 
 entred the Tents of Centem, rather to own and publifh the Victory, than to offend 
 the Enemy 5 for as Gomara faith, in Chapter 1S2. the Conquerours themfelves 
 were fo ill treated, that they were not able to purfue or offend the Enemy. On 
 one fide, where this Battel was fought in that great Plain , was a long Bog or 
 Marm , and about thirty or fourty paces broad , but (b (hallow as would fcarce 
 ferve to cover the Fetlocks of a Horfe. Before they came to this Bog, one of Pi- 
 fan-o's Souldierscalled to one of Centeno'%, whom he faw covered with bloud, both he 
 and his Horle. Do you hear, Sir, (aid he, Your Horfe' will fall prefently : at which 
 faying Centenos Souldier was much troubled, becaufe he trufted to make his efcape 
 by the goodnefs and ftrength of his Horfe. 
 
 This perfon was Gon$alo Silveftre, of whom we have formerly made mention? 
 and it was he from whom I received the Information of many of thefe Paflages i and 
 he told me moreover, that turning his face to the left-hand, he h.wGon$alo Pi^arro 
 himfelf , with fome few of his men , marching foftly to Centem's Tents , croffing 
 himfelf as he went , and crying with a loud voice , fefw , What a Victory is this I 
 leftu , What a Viftory is this 1 which he repeated many and many times. A little 
 before they came to the Bog, a certain Souldier of Pi$arro's fide called Gon$alo de 
 los Nidos , overtook Gon$ah Silveflre •■> whom Silveftre had a little before taken Pri- 
 foner, and upon his asking Quarter and his Life , he gave him his liberty , with- 
 out the leaft hurt done to him : When Nidos knew that Silveftre was his Enemy, 
 he cryed out , Kill that Traytor , Kill that Traytor : upon which Silveftre turned 
 to him , and calmly faid , Sir , I befeech you let me alone to dye in peace 5 for 
 in the condition that I and my Horfe are , we cannot live many minutes without 
 giving you the trouble to kill us. No, faid he, No ; Damne me, Thou (hale 
 <lye by my hand. Silveftre looking well upon him, and finding him to be the man 
 to whom he had newly given Quarter : Good Sir, fsfid he, be patient, and ufe 
 me with the like mercy that I (hewed to you. But Nidos roared out then louder, 
 and cryed , Thou art the Rogue : Damne me, I am refolved for that very rea- 
 fon to kill thee, and tear out thy Heart, and thr<3w it to the Dogs. Silveftre told me, 
 that if this fellow had anfwered him in more moderate and civil terms, he mould 
 certainly have yielded to be his Prifoner -■> but finding him fo ungratefull, rude and 
 barbarous, he refolved to fight with him , if his Horfe were able to ftandagainft 
 him : this difcourfe paffed between them as they were wading over the Bog or 
 Marfh , which was no place for a Combat •, but fo foon as they were over, Silve- 
 ftre (purred up his Horfe, to try his ftrength and mettle ; and finding him there- 
 with to fpring forward and anfwer the Spur , as if he had received no hurt 5 and 
 throwing up his Head, fnorted out fome of the bloud which iffued from the wounds 
 on his Noftrils on his Matter's Clothes 5 which when Silveftre perceived, he rode 
 away a gallop, feemingto fly, that he might draw the fellow farther from his Par- 
 ty: accordingly Nidos purfued him, crying out aloud, The Traytor runs, and The 
 Coward runs : but fo foon as Silveftre had drawn him at a convenient diftance 
 from his Companions , he returned upon him, and gave him a ftroke about the 
 middle with a rufty Rapier, which he nad taken from a Neger in the Battel 5 for 
 he had broken the two Swords which he had brought with him that day into 
 the Field j for, as the manner was for good Souldiers, he came doubly armed, that 
 is, with one Sword in the Scabbard by the fide, and another faftened to the Pom- 
 mel of the Saddle. Nidos was not wounded with the blow, but onely being well 
 affrighted , ran away to his Party , crying out , They kill me , They kill me 5 for 
 Cowards are always more valiant with their Tongues than witn their hands. 
 Gon$alo Picarro being an Eye-witnefs himfelf of what had pafled, and of the Bra- 
 very of Silveftre, fent Alonfi de Herrera after him, to perfuade him with good words 
 and fair terms to come in and yield , that he might doe him honour, and reward 
 him for his Gallantry and Valour. Aknfo de Herrera haftened what he could af- 
 ter him , but his Horfe was fo wounded , that he could not put him out of his 
 Trot , and foon afterwards he dyed of his Wounds 5 howfoever Herrera called 
 after him to return, fwearing, that if he would come back, hisMafter, theGo- 
 vernour , would doe him more honour in one day , than he mould receive from 
 
 Kkkkk the 
 
8oi Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 the King in all the days of his life ? but Gon$alo Silveflre returned him no anfwer, 
 but fpurred up his Horfe and went away. This Story I have heard from thofe of 
 Picarros Patty, and likewife from Silveflre himfelf, and on the report of both 
 fides I relate it here. 
 
 Ga»fah> Pifarro, in purfuance of his Vi&ory, thought not fit to enter Center's 
 Camp, having underftood that his Souldiers were in it already, and were plun- 
 dering the Tents in great heat and fury : wherefore, returning to his own Camp, 
 he found it had alfo been pillaged by Centeno's Souldiers, at the time when they 
 thought the Vidory was theirs, and that they had taken from thence all the Hor- 
 fes and Mules they could feife, which were now ulefull in their flight. Frandfio 
 de Carvajal on the other fide purfued the Vidory, not to kill Spaniards, with Clubs 
 which two Negroes carried, as Pakmino reports Chapter the eightieth, and fays, 
 that he killed above a hundred-, which certainly had been a very cruel action: 
 but it is good neither to flatter men with praife who do not deferve it, nor yet to 
 calumniate or accufe wherein men are not guilty : the truth is, Carvajal killed none 
 after the Battel, but remained fatisfied with his Victory, which he had obtained 
 folely by his own good management and induflry, ( as was manifeft ) and might 
 be attributed to his great skill and experience in martial affairs % and therefore he 
 might well triumph and glory, that he himfelf had killed a hundred men in that 
 Battel, fince the whole fuccefs of that day waseffe&ed by his extraordinary con- 
 duct. Lopez, de Gomara, Chap. 183. reflects on the words of Francifco de Carvajal^ 
 and defcants farther upon them, and fays, that he boafted of the fatisfa&ion and 
 pleafure he had in killing a hundred men, amongft which one was a Friar, who 
 faid Mafs : but if this report be not true, we may then lay the cruelty at the door 
 of this Authour, and not of this great Souldier, who onely gloried in his Victo- 
 ry, &c. Thus far Gomara. 
 
 Frandfio de Carvajal, having atchieved fo much honour and glory, carefled and 
 dealt kindly with his Enemies 5 for the next day after the Battel, being informed 
 that feveraf principal men of note, belonging to Centeno, and profefled Servants to 
 his Majefty, were wounded,- and lay concealed in the Tents of fome of his Soul- 
 diers, who out of friendlhip took care for their cure, he with all diligence made 
 fearch after them, which all people imagined at firft was with defign to kill them; 
 at length he found eight of them, one was Martin de Arbieto a Bifcayner, a perfbri 
 of noble defcent and valiant, of \vhom we have formerly made mention, and 
 whom, we ihall have occafion to name hereaftet 5 another was a Gentleman of Sa- 
 lamanca, called fohn de St. Miguel; another was a Gentleman born at Cafra, named 
 Framifio Maraver. I knew them all three, and the other five alfo, but I have 
 forgot their names % all which Carvajal finding very much wounded, he fpoke par- 
 ticularly to every one of them, and told them that he was troubled to fee them 
 in that condition, and defired them to take care of their recovery, to which if he 
 could contribute, he defired them freely to command it of him, alluring them, 
 that he would be as carefull of them as of his own Brothers 5 and that when they 
 '£ were cured he would readily grant them their freedom and liberty to depart •, but 
 
 if they would refolve to ftay with him, he would make it his bufinefs to ferve 
 them all the days of his life. Moreover he caufed Proclamation to be made tho- 
 rough the whole Camp, That what Souldiers foever belonging to Centeno which 
 Jay wounded, mould freely difcover themfelves and demand help for, their cure, 
 * which (hould be adminiftred to them, and money, if they wanted it, and he pro- 
 mifed to take the fame care of them as he did of his Lord the Governour. This 
 policy Carvajal ufed to allure the hearts of the Souldiers to his Party : for he was 
 not ignorant, that benefits and carefles are more prevalent than rigour and cruel- 
 ties 5 the which he exercifed towards his declared enemies ftanding in defiance, 
 but was more gentle and complemental with fuch as he perceived inclinable to his 
 Party. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 iii:.i 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 802 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Goncalo Pi9arro ifues out Orders to bury the Bead. He 
 dispatches Officers into divers parts. The flight of Diego 
 Centeno ; and what happened to the conquered Party. 
 
 SO foon as Gon^alo Pifarro returned to his Tent, he found my Father there, and 
 defired him to lend him his Horfe, Salinillas, untill his own were cured of the 
 flight wound which Gongak SUveftre had given him , which being granted, he 
 mounted thereon, and taking a turn round the Field, he gave order to bury 
 the dead, and to take care of fuch as were wounded 5 which he found for the 
 moft part ftripped of their Clothes by the Indians, who, without regard to Friend 
 or Foe, made all prize which came within their power : the common Souldiers 
 were all buried together promifcuoufly in ten or twelve great Pits, which were 
 made for that purpofe 5 but the Bodies of Noblemen and Perfons of Quality 
 were carried to the Village o^Huarina (which was near thereunto, and for which 
 reafon this Fight was called the Battel of Huarina) and there they interred them 
 in a fmall Church built by the Indians themfelves, in which they were taught the 
 Articles of the Chriftian Faith, when things were in peace, and when the time 
 was proper for it : and there thofe Bodies refted for the fpace of four years, un- 
 till the troubles being at an end, and the Empire flourishing in peace, thofe Bo- 
 dies were taken up and carried to the great Church of a City which the Spaniards 
 had lately founded and called it the City of Peace, where they were re-buried with 
 much Solemnity, Mafles and Sacrifices, which continued for many days. The 
 Gentlemen of Peru did generally contribute to the expence hereof, in regard they 
 were all related to the dead, either by Kindred or by Friendfhip. Gongalo Piparro 
 having buried the dead, and taken care of the wounded, difpatched away Officers 
 into divers parts to provide neceffaries which were wanting. Dionyfio de BovadHU 
 was fent to the City of Plate, to bring what Silver he could get for payment of the 
 Souldiers. Diego de Carvajal, furnamed the Gallant, was difpatched to the City 
 of Are^ue^a on the fame errand, and Captain John de la Torre was fent to Cozco 5 
 all three were attended with thirty Mufquetiers apiece, who had commilTion to 
 prefs what men they met, and bring them to the place where Pifarro lay en- 
 camped. 
 
 But now to return to Diego Centeno (of whom we have for fome time been 
 filent) He was lick, as Autnours write of him, having been fix times let bloud 
 too in the diftemper of a Pleurifie 5 and therefore was not actually prefent in the 
 Fight, but was carried about in a Chair, from whence feeing the flaughter of his fc 
 
 men, and the lofs of the day, he left his feat and mounted on his Horfe, which * 
 
 was led near to him : and being overcome with the fear of death and the defire of 
 life which is natural to all men, he fled away, not flaying for the Bifhop or any 
 other •, but onely with the company of one Prieft called Father Bifcayner, he took 
 his way over the Defarts and Mountains, leaving the high way, the better'to*, 
 elude the devices and ftrategems of Carvajal, and came at length to the City of 
 Los Reyes •, fo that neither Carvajal nor any of his own fide knew what was be- 
 come of him, that he feemed to be vanifhed like an Apparition, or carried away 
 by fome ftrange Enchantment. And though he was informed that the Prelident 
 Gafca was in the Valley oiSaufa, which was in his way, yet he thought not fit 
 I to go thither, but wrote a Letter to him by the Father Bifcayner, to excufe his 
 non-attendance, being forced to go firft to the City of Los Reyes to provide him- 
 felf with fuch neceilaries as were requifite for his own perfon, and agreeable to 
 the quality oFthat Office and Dignity in which he had ferved. And here we will 
 leave him at Los Reyes to ipeak caFramfio de Carvajal-, who was wandring about 
 the Countrey in fearch, as Authours fay, of Don Fray John Solano, Bifhop of Cozco, 
 againft whom he was highly incenfed, faying, that whereas he ought to have been 
 in the Church, praying unto God for the peace of Chriftians, he was turned Soul- 
 dier, and was become a chief Officer in the Army of Diego Centeno .- but being not 
 
 Kkkkk z found, 
 
8o \. Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 found, nor known where he was, he hanged up a Brother of his called 
 
 Ximenez,, and a certain Friar who was a companion to the Bilhop, and fo pro- 
 ceeded on his inarch to Arequepa : where we will leave him alfo, to tell what be- 
 came of thofe who fled from the Battel, that by the fhort relation' we make there- 
 of, the Reader may imagine the fad and miferable condition of thofe who fled 
 from the Battel, wounded and ill treated without Vicluals or Chirurgeons, nor fo 
 much as a Cottage or Shed to cover themfeives that night, againft the excelfive 
 colds which are confront in thofe Defarts 5 which is moft terrible and grievous to 
 confider. 
 
 Goncalo Silvefire having thus efcaped out of the hands of Goncalo Pi^arro and his 
 Souldiers, went diredly to his Tent, where the firft thing he demanded of his 
 Indians, was the Budget in which they put the Inftruments for ihoing their 
 Horfes 5 for it was the cuftome then, and many years after, for every Spaniard to 
 be prepared to lhoe his own Horfe, in cafe he ihould caff a (hoe on the Road, 
 and accordingly every one carried with him, v. hen he travelled, a Pouch or Bud- 
 get containing about two hundred Kails, and four Shoes well fitted, with Ham- 
 mer, and Pinchers, and Shaver to pare the Hoofs : and indeed it was neceffary 
 to go fo provided, in regard there were no Smiths Forges in the way, nor in any 
 places but where Spaniards inhabited, which were commonly fixty leagues diftant 
 from each other 5 and the ways being rugged and rocky, it was neceffary for 
 every Horfe- man to go fo provided : though now I am informed that in thefe 
 days that convenience is found every where, and that in every Inn maintained 
 by Spaniards, there is a Smith's Forge for accommodation of Travellers. How- 
 foever I am fure that I learned fomething by that ancient cuftome, for I knew 
 how to (hoe my Father's Horfes, and to let them bloud when occafion offered: 
 for this reafon Silvefire calling for thefe Inftruments, and for a Scarlet Cloak dyed 
 in Grain, which was the habit of Perfons of Quality, he departed thence, leaving 
 his Indians fad and melancholy, and complaining that he gave no belief to them 
 when they fore-told this unhappy misfortune, which if he had done, they might 
 have faved and fecured all their goods. Thus left he his Indians without any care 
 or provifion made for them •, and on the way he faw great numbers of people fly- 
 ing away, as well Spaniards as Indians, not knowing which way to go, but as for- 
 tune directed them. Amongft: thefe, about a little more than a quarter of a league 
 from the Camp, he overtook a Spaniard that was wounded, riding on a fmall 
 Nagg •, he had feveral wounds, but one efpecially on the Reins of his Back, fo 
 that he could not fit upright, but lay along with his Face on the Horfes Neck : 
 an Indian Woman walked by his Horfes fide ; her left hand ihe laid on his wound, 
 and in her right ihe had a ftick to fwitch up the Horfe; and faid to her Mailer, 
 pray doe what you can to get out of the hands of thefe Traitours and Rebels, and 
 do not fear that I will ever leave you untill I fee you again fafe and found : but 
 Silvefire got before him, and overtook divers others drifting for themfeives as well 
 as they could. By that time that he had got a little more than three leagues from 
 the Camp, he left the common way, and got into a by path, where was a Hole 
 or Pit covered with Bullies and green Grafs, w hich was all the Provender he 
 could give that night to his Horfe; but for himfelf he had neither Supper nor 
 Bed : in this place he alighted and unbitted his Horfe, who was fo hungry that 
 in a ihort time lie left neither Grafs nor Buih, but ate all up, which Silvefire was 
 fo pleated to fee that the good fare his Horfe found ferved him alfo in the place 
 of a Supper. About two hours after above twenty Spaniards, fome wounded and 
 others found, came to the fame place, with as many Indians, who were very fer- 
 viceable to them at that time, for they lighted them up a Candle, and divided the 
 Mayz, amongft them which they carried for their own provifion. The poor woun- 
 ded men knew not what to doe, fighing and groaning with the pain of their 
 wounds -, amongft them there was one man who between himfelf and his Horfe 
 had twenty three wounds great and fmall. But God provided for them in this 
 great extremity ; for as they were fitting, they efpied an Indian carrying a Ham- 
 per made of Straw in form of a Cheft, to him they went and opened'the Hamper 
 in hopes to have found provifions, but there proved to be nothing but tallow 
 Candles, which this Indian, on fuppofition of better booty, had robbed from the 
 1 ents •-, for the Spaniards in fuch Hampers as thofe, which are very light and por- 
 table, ufually carry provifions and accommodations for their Journies. The In- 
 dians feeing the Candles, told their Mafters that they were able to cure the 
 
 wounded 
 
Book V. . Royal Commentaries. &05 
 
 wounded with the Tallow, mixed with the dung of Cattel ( of which there is 
 great (lore in that Countrey) which having dried and beaten to a powder, they 
 heated it with the greafe, and made it as hot as they could well endure it, and 
 firft having probed the depth of the wounds with fome Bodkins which the Spa- 
 niards carried with them, they poured it into them, and this ferved for a Eialfame 
 which not onely flenched Blood but healed the Sores, without other remedies •■, 
 which was recounted afterwards as a mercy of God, and a miracle of Divine Pro- 
 vidence to that Party, which in their extremity had found fo fovereign a cure : 
 prefently after mid-night they began again to travel, dividing into feveral parties, 
 that the Enemy might not be induced to purfue them, on the report of many got- 
 ten into a Body. 
 
 About fifteen days afterwards Gcncak Sik/eftre met with the Spaniard who was 
 wounded, with his Indian Woman, and found him well and found, in a Village 
 of frdums, where were about fifteen or twenty Houfes -, for (he had carried him 
 thither amonglf her own Friends and Relations, where they cured him, and en- 
 tertained him with what provisions their Countrey afforded. Thefe paflages I 
 received particular information of from good hands, which happened in that de- 
 fart Countrey : there were many other accidents of greater importance than thefe, 
 of which not having had particular information I forbear to write them ; and 
 leave them to the contemplation of the Reader, who in his thoughts may imagine 
 the rrHeries which followed after a cruel Battel, in a Countrey difinhabited, and 
 in a Defert without relief. I (hall now return to a defcription of the place where 
 this Barrel was fought, and fay fomething of what the three Authours write con- 
 cerning the exploits which were performed by Garplajfo de la Vega, my Lord and 
 Father. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 The A?rthour confirms the truth of what he hath faid 5 and 
 to (at is fie thoje who do not believe him, he boafis of what 
 fjiftonans write concerning his Father. 
 
 FRancifco Lopez, de Gomara, Chap. 182. relating the Battel of Huarina, and giving 
 an account of the numbers of thofe who were killed and wounded, faith, 
 that Piccn-o had been in great danger had not Garri/ajfo de la Vega lent him his 
 Horfe, &c. 
 
 Augufiine de Carate, Book the feventh, Chapter the third, difcourfing of this 
 Battel, faith that the Horfe feeing the rout which was given to the Foot, engaged 
 the Enemy's Horfe, and in that charge Gon^alo Pigarro had his Horfe killed under 
 him, without other hurt to himfelf, &c. Diego Fernandez alfo, Book the fecond, 
 Chapter the feventh and ninth, fpeaking of this Battel, faith, as follows ; 
 
 Pedro de los Rios and Antonio de Vlka changed the Horfe on the other Wing, and 
 engaged not with the Foot, as was ordered •, which they performed with fuch 
 fuccefs that they difmounted the whole party otPkarro, fcarce ten men remaining 
 in the Saddle •, and therewith being as it were affured of Vi&ory, they began to 
 rifie their Enemies, make them Prifoners, and take away their Arms. In this 
 encounter Pifarro himfelf was difmounted, which when Garplajfo obferved, he 
 alighted from his Horfe, ( for he was one of thofe who continued in the Saddle ) 
 and lent it to him, and helped him to get up. Lkenpado Cepeda was one of thofe 
 who had yielded and taken quarter 5 but Hernando Bacbicao, giving the day for 
 loft pa fled over to Centers, party. 
 
 Though all thefe Authours agree in thefe particulars concerning my Father, yet 
 I am well affured of the truth of what I have wrote; and that the Horfe which 
 Pigarro 'received from my Father was not in the heat of the Fight, but afterwards : 
 but I do not wonder that Hiftorians (houlu be fo informed, for I remember that 
 fome School-fellows of mine, who were born of Indian Women, told me the 
 
 fame; 
 
806 Royal Commentaries, Book V. 
 
 fame ■-, and that they had heard what Diego Fernandez, relates , how that he aligh- 
 ted , and lent Picarro his Horfe , and helped him to get up. And to undeceive 
 the World in this particular ; my Father ( after the Battel of Sacfahuana ) gave 
 information before the JuStice by an Officer of the Exchequer, and with the Te- 
 stimony of twenty two Witneffes, all of Centeno's Party, who declared, that at the 
 time when Picarro defired my Father's horfe, there was not one man of Centeno's 
 Army within half a league of him; and that the Wound which Picarro's horfe 
 had received was fo inconsiderable, that notwithstanding the fame, he might have 
 fought that whole day upon him if occafion had been. I have heard it alfo re- 
 ported , that Picarro's horfe was cut over the huckfons or hamftringed , as Franci- 
 fco de Vlloa's horie was •, but it was a falfe report and information •, as it was alfo, 
 that the horfe recovered , and yet dyed twenty two leagues diftant from the 
 place of Battel •■, but the truth is , the horfe dyed for want of diet and good go- 
 vernment : for though the Farrier who took care of Picarro (fables , called Me- 
 fiua, a Native of GW^. van* (withwhom I was acquainted) did ufe to give 
 that horfe water a little warmed, and therein flower of Mayz, .• yet the Groom 
 forgot to give that in charge to the Indian who led the horle well covered and 
 warmly clothed againSt the exceffive colds of that Countrey : and the Indutn, not 
 knowing the rules which the Farrier had given, Suffered the horfe to drink, as he 
 was paffing a brook , as much water as he pleafed , with which being prefently 
 taken with a chilnefs , he fell into a Shivering , and dyed four leagues from that 
 water. 
 
 Thus the Historians had fome grounds to write what they did concerning my 
 Father, and I had reafon to give a truer information -, not to excufe my Father- in 
 hopes of favour or reward , but out of affection to truth it Self. As to the Of- 
 fence which is objecled againSt my Lord Gartilajfo , I have been punished and 
 done penance for it , though I committed not the Crime. For when I came to 
 petition his Majefty for fome reward for the fervices of my Father •-, and that in 
 consideration thereof the Eftate which came by my Mother might be reft ored to 
 us, which by the extinguishment of two Lives was efcheated to the King : which 
 when I had prefented before the Royal Council of the Indies , and made it appear 
 how great the fervices of my Father had been : and that thofe Lords were con- 
 vinced of the deamefs of my pretenfions •, yet Licenciado Lope Garcia de Caftro (who 
 was afterwards made President of Peru) being then in the Chair, asked me, what 
 > reward I could expecT: the King Should give me ? considering that the fervices my 
 Father had done for Picarro at the Battel of Huarina were fuch as had given him 
 the Vi&ory. And when I replyed, that the information was absolutely falfe; 
 How, faid he, can you deny that which all Writers of thefe matters do affirm ? 
 And therewith they excluded me from all pretenfions , not onely on account of 
 my Father's fervices, but of my own. And though I had many merits on my 
 own fcore to alledge, yet I could not procure to be heard : for I could have re- 
 lated, how I had ferved under Don Alonfo Fernandez, de Cordoua and Figueroa, under 
 
 Marquis de Priego, Chief of the family of Jguilar, under Don Francifco de Cordoua 
 
 ( who is now in Heaven ) and fecond Son to that Great Don Martin de Cordoua, 
 Count of Akaudcte, Lord of Monte-mayor, and Captain General of Or an. I have 
 alfo ferved his Majefty in quality of Captain of four feveral Companies 5 two of 
 which were in the time of Philip the fecond of glorious memory •■, and the other- 
 two under his brother Don John of Auftria , now alfo in Heaven , who were plea- 
 fed as fignals of their favours to gratifie me therewith ; not that I pretend to 
 have merited them from that Prince ■■, but onely his Highnefs obferving in rne a 
 readinefs of mind and affe&ion to ferve him , accepted my endeavours and was 
 pleafed to recommend me to his Brother. And yet notwithstanding fo prevalent 
 were the prejudices I lay under, that I durft neither revive my old pretenfions nor 
 alledge my later fervices : for which reafons, being cafhiered the Army, I was fo 
 poor and naked in clothes, and fo indebted, that I durft not return again to the 
 Court, but retired my felf into an obfcure corner of folitude and poverty, where 
 (as I declared in my Preamble to the Hiftory of Florida) I pafled a quiet and a peace- 
 able life , as a man loofe and difengaged from the World , and the mutability , 
 without hopes or great expectations : and indeed I have no reafon for it, becaufe 
 the beft part of my life is pafled already , and for the future God will provide , 
 as he hath hitherto done. Pardon me this impertinent digreSTion , to which my 
 troubles and oppreffions have tranfported me; for it may well be allowed 10 me, 
 
 who 
 
 
Book V. Riydl Commentaries. 
 
 who have wrote the Lives of fo many men, to relate fome few paflages of my 
 own misfortunes. 
 
 But to rerarn to what the aforefaid Authouis have written concerning my Fa- 
 ther : I mult Co. iefs that there is no . rafon for me to contradict tue leftimony of 
 three fuch jntporta .t Witnefles , nor is it rtafonable for me to exped , that any 
 one (hould yield entire credence to me. who am a party in the cafe. For my 
 own p.irt, lam farisried within my felf, \\\: 1 have declared nothing but the 
 truth, and '.et other men judge as rncy pleate: I am fufficiently contented, that 
 the ch.-ractcr which they have gi\ ;i of my Ftther {hould pafs for true : and I do 
 much tvail and va'ue my fell on the honour of being the Son of fo courageous, 
 n r/'jte and valiant a Souldier, as he 5 a ho in the heat of a Battel fo cruel and 
 btoudy is is before repeared , durft adventure (as Hiftorians write) to alight 
 from his Horfe , and lpare him for his friend; and amidft of much danger could 
 bear that pretence of mind , as to help to fet him on Horfe-back. And if this 
 action gave a turn to 'be fo r ".me of the day , and obtained the Vidory for Picar- 
 ro, ceruiiLy tliere have been none, or at leaft few of thefe examples in .the 
 World. 
 
 The r e Trophies of Honour atchieved by my Father, I gladly afliime unto my 
 felf : for the deiire of honour is fo natural to all men, that even thofe who have 
 no vcrtue or worthinefs to boaft of, yet rather than want fome little glitterings of 
 imaginary honour, will gloiy in that which is their fhame: but fome may objeft, 
 and fay , tha r my Father adted againft his Majefty's fervice : To which I make 
 anfver, that Lying chat matter afide-, the Action in it felf was brave and merits a 
 due honour and .enown. Bv.t to return to thofe who fled from the Battel, a- 
 mongft which the Biihop of Cozco was one 5 and he v having departed from Ox- 
 teno without a .y r-gard to either fide, )Or concerning himfelf farther with them, 
 returned to his Cathedral Church , l>ut he was in too much hafte to vifit it , or 
 to make any ftay there. In company with him were Alonfo de Hitojofa, John fuh'a 
 de Hojeda wkh about fourty other principal Citizens and Souldiers, whom I faw 
 in that Citv, but yet cannot remember their Names , except thofe three former- 
 ly mentioned The Bifhop (as I have intimated in another place,) lodged in 
 mv Father's houfe with about fourteen or fifteen more, and next morning early 
 the ; n if t in the 1 flci Square of the City near to the Convent of our Lady of the 
 Merceds; and thence they travelled , and took the diredr way to Los Reyes s be- 
 caufe they underftotid that John de la Torre purfued hard after them j of whofe fuc- 
 tefs we (hall Ipeak in the following Chapter. 
 
 • CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 The Proceedings of John de la Torre in Cozco j and 
 what was afted by other evil Minijlers in other parts. 
 
 CAptain ?«hn de la Torre purfuing thofe who were fled from the Battel came to 
 the Ciry of Cozco ; where he executed his Juftice on fohn Vafquez, de Tapia, 
 v .ho had been Mwor of the City for the King : he likewife hanged his Collegue 
 or Coaflefiour named Lkenciado Martel. Thefe men loft their lives for want of 
 due regard ro themfelves : for they refting confident of Cmenh fuccefs againft 
 fyicarro, acted with great zeal in the King's fervice againft fuch as were of the dif- 
 afketed Party : and yet they took thefe matters into fo little confederation , that 
 plough they law the Biihop fly away, yet they refolved to ftay by it, and not quit 
 the Cicy, untill %hn de U Torre came, who made them pay for their errour and in- 
 fcogitancy with the lofs of their lives: but as to the common Souldiers he iflued a 
 Proclamation of Pardon to all thofe who would lift themfelves in his Company. 
 Then he gathered all the Arms he could, and eredted triumphal Arches, and prepa- 
 r ; all things with magnificence and oftentation for the reception of Picarro, who, 
 as he pretended, was coming to that City, to enjoy the fruits and happy confe- 
 rences of his Victory : And here he leavied money for payment of the Army, 
 
 and 
 
808 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 and fent Officers to all parts round to bring in Provifions for their fupport. A- 
 mongft thefe Pedro de Bujlincia (who was nobly defcended and married to the La- 
 dy Beatrix Coya , the legitimate Daughter of Huayna Capac ) was difpatched to 
 the Province of Antahuylla, which is a Countrey abounding with all forts of Pro- 
 vifions : on this fervice this Gentleman was employed as the moll proper perfon, 
 becaufe that out of refpect to the Lady he had married , the Caciques and their 
 Subjects would with all readinefs apply themfelves, and bring in what Provifions 
 he mould require : but he was very unfortunate in this undertaking , for ir coft 
 him his life, and very inconfiderate to engage himfelf ki danger which he might 
 have excufed and avoided. As we (hall find in the fequel. 
 
 Dionifw de Bovadllla was fent by Pi$arro to the City of Plate with Inftruc~tions to 
 bring what money he could raife out of Pifarro's own Eftate , or out of his Bro- 
 ther's , together with what Tribute and Rent was due from the Indians to thofe 
 whofe Eftates were confifcated for adhering to the King : and having hereby rai- 
 fed great fums both of Gold and Silver, he returned with all expedition to Gon~ 
 c.iia Pifarro, whom he found in Cow, where he was well received for the fervice 
 he had done , in bringing fo considerable a fupply tor payment of the Souldiers. 
 
 Diego de Carvajal , fumamed The Gallant , was employed to Arequepa with the like 
 
 Commiffion* but ( as" Palemino, Chap. 81. reports) he treated many Women of 
 that City very ill, becaufe their Husbands were faid to be in the fervice of his 
 Majefty, and in confederacy' with Diego Centeno, plundering them of all they had, 
 even to their wearing Garments : and it is farther faid, that he and one of his 
 comrades, called Antonio de tfezjia, ravifhed two Women, who in rage, and for 
 fhame of the affront, took Mercury and poifoned themfelves; imitating the ex- 
 ample of the 'draft Zwrtf >*, who on the like occafion deftroyed herfelf. 
 
 But men, from fuch Outrages as thefe;odeferve not the name of Gallant, being 
 fuch abominable Villains as want words to exprefs their Iniquity : i for he that 
 would be efteemed a Gallant, ought not to derive that Title from his Attire or 
 Drefs , but from his Words and Actions , which challenge an efteem and love 
 from all men •-, but thefe men foon afterwards received the reward due to their de- 
 ferts. Nor was the behaviour of Francifco de Efiinofa lefs fcandalous in his jour- 
 ney to the Char cos, but rather worfe, if worfe can be. For in his paffage he rob- 
 bed and plundered all he could find, which (as a certain Authourfeys) amoun- 
 ted to the value of fixty thoufand Ducats : and in Arequepa he killed two Spam- 
 ards , one of which had Lands and Command over Indians ■. in the City of Plate , 
 he hanged a Judge and an Officer of the Court 5 and all four of them, for no other 
 reafbn, than becaufe they had ferved the King : and in his return to Cozco heburn'd 
 (even Indians, upon pretence that they had given information of his departure to 
 certain Spaniards who were fled from him. All which he acted without Com- 
 miffion or Order from Gon$a/o Pi$arro or his Lieutenant General , but merely out 
 of his own arbitrary Power and Luft , intending thereby to evidence his great 
 zeal to the caufe of him, who was not pleafed with fuch fervice •■, for when he 
 was informed of his Cruelties, he abhorred both his perfon and his actions ; for 
 Pi$arro was of a mercifull nature, and did neither approve of thefe nor other Cru- 
 elties committed by Carvajal of the like nature. 
 
 But to divert the Reader awhile from the fad relations of fuch Barbarities ; we 
 will mention one generous action performed by a perfon infamous in thofe days : 
 whereby it will appear that he was n<jt altogether fo wicked as Hiftorians de- 
 fcribe him. 
 
 CHAP. $. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 809 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 Of the Gratitude which Francifco de Carvajal fketred in 
 Arcquepa to Miguel Corncjo, in return of thoje bene- 
 fits and kjndnejjes which fome years before he had done 
 for him. 
 
 WE have now an occafion prefented to declare fome good actions perfor- 
 med by Francifco de Carvajal in lieu of the many bad ones which Writers 
 report of him. We formerly left him on his way to Arequepa , in purfuit of his 
 flying Enemies : Upon News of his approach , not onely thofe who fled from 
 the Battel of Huarina, but likewife the Inhabitants , who were about fourty in 
 number, abandoned the City , and took the way to Los Reyes along the Sea-coaft. 
 So foon as Carvajal was entred into the City , and had received information of 
 their flight , without flop, or ftay , or repofe fo much as of one hour, he dif- 
 patched twenty five of his chief and choice Harquebufiers after them, commanded 
 by an experienced Souldier $ who had all been inftruded in the School of an ex- 
 cellent Mafter , and were for their bravery termed his Sons : and thefe made fuch 
 expedition in the purfuit of them, that they overtook them two days journey 
 from Arequepa, and feizing upon every one of them, they brought them back a- 
 gain to the City , not luffering one man of them to efcape. Amongft thefe was 
 a noble Gentleman, one of the firft Conquerours, and an Inhabitant of that Ci- 
 ty, called Miguel Comejo -, who had fome years before much obliged Francifco de 
 Carvajal when he came firft into Peru , before he had Lands or Eftate , or had ac- 
 quired any Fame, or Reputation, or Intereft in that Countrey : the manner of it 
 was this ■, Carvajal travelling with his Wife Donna Catalina Leyton, one maid-fervant 
 and two men-fervants, came to Arequepa, where finding no Inn nor Houfe of en- 
 tertainment to receive him, he remained in the Streets : for it is to be noted, that 
 in thofe times , and many years afterwards , there were no Houfes of publick en- 
 tertainment in all Pern; nor were there any when 1 came from thence, in the year 
 1 560 r, but Travellers were ufed to take up their quarters with the Inhabitants of 
 the Countrey or Province % for fuch was the generofity of thofe Gentlemen in thofe 
 days who had Lands and Indians allotted to them , that they frankly received all 
 Strangers into their Houfes, affording them entertainment not onely for days and 
 weeks , but alfo for months and years , and likewife furnifhed them with Clothes 
 untill fuch time as they were able to provide for themfelves-, the which generous 
 and obliging ufage was the common cuftome and practice of that whole Coun- 
 trey. In this condition was Francifco de Carvajal in that City without fiend or 
 acquaintance , or houfe whereunto to refort , and fo remained for the fpace of 
 three hours on horfe-back with his whole family in a corner of the Market-place 5 
 when Miguel Comejo having taken notice of him, as he was going to Church, at 
 his return went up to him , and asked him what his bufinefs was fo long there , 
 fince for above three hours he had obferved him in that place ? Sir, anfwered 
 Carvajal , I have no kindred, friends or acquaintance in this Countrey, and there 
 being no Inns or places of publick entertainment whereunto I might goe to be re- 
 ceived , I am enforced to ftay in this corner of the Street. To which Miguel Cor- 
 nejo replyed , Your Worlhip hath no need of another Inn than my Houfe , 
 •whereunto if you pleafe to goe, you (hall find us all ready to ferve you to the 
 utmoft of our power. After this he carried them to his Houfe and entertained 
 them untill fuch time as that Marquis F>on Francifco Picarro beftowed fome Lands 
 and Houfes on Carvajal in that City •-, for he was one of thofe choice Souldiers 
 
 I which Don Antonio de Mendo$a, Vice- king of Mexico , fent to the afliftence of the 
 Marquis Picarro , when Prince Manco Inca had raifed great Forces againft him , 
 is we have 'formerly related in its due place. 
 
 When Francifco de Carvajal underftood that Miguel Comejo u-as amongft the pri- 
 bners that were taken, he caufed them all to be brought to his prefence, and ha- 
 zing feen Comejo. he took him alide, and began very kindly to complain and chide 
 
 L 1 1 1 1 him. 
 
 I 
 
8io Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 him. Is it fefftble, (aid he, that you fhould fan fie and imagine me to be fo ungratefull as 
 to forget the kind and charitable entertainment J received from you, fome years pafi in this 
 very City ? or to believe, that in return thereof I fhould not embrace all occajions to mate 
 known my gratitude ? is it poffible for me to be fo fhort of memory as not to remember how 
 kindly yon took_ me and my Family to your own home, (-when there -was no place to receive 
 us) and entertained hs there for days and months, untill fuch time as Marquis PiC'arro, 
 of glorious memory, had made oilier provijions for me. And having ever conferved the 
 thoughts hereof in my mind, I carried great refpetl to every thing wherein you were concer- 
 ned 5 for though I had fuffcicnt information, that DiegO Centeno was concealed within 
 your poffeffion, and though J knew the very Cave it felf where he was hid, and nourifhed by 
 your Indians, yet 1 winked at it, and took, no notice thereof, that I might not give you trouble 
 nor bringyou under a prejudice or ill notion with my Lord the Governour. I might then ea- 
 Jily (if I. had pleafed) fent fome Files of Mufauetiers and have brought DiegO Centeno 
 tome •-, but for your fake 1 forbore to perfecute him, notwithftanding the mortal enmity be- 
 tween its. Nor indeed did 1 much value him ; for he who could fubmit to take his refuge 
 in a Cave was not much to be feared •-, not doubting but whenfoevcr he fhould adventure 
 again abroad, and dare to take up Arms againft my Lord the Governour, 1 flyculd drive 
 him into another Cave, as 1 have done jince his flight from Huarina, where by the blejfing 
 of God, and affiflence of Friends, I gained a fignal Viilory. And now, Jince for your fake 
 I took^ not vengeance on an enemy whom I had within my power, how much more fhould I 
 refpeel your per fin, and thofe whom you own for your jr lends and acquaintance ? and to af- 
 fure you of thefe my real intentions, I give you free leave to return unto your home, and 
 there repofe and reft with as much freedom and fecurity as you can dejire. And alfo you 
 may ajfure all the Inhabitants of this City, and all fuch as were taken and brought back in 
 your company, that for your fake they are pardoned and exempted from that punijhment which 
 their ofences have deferved. And herewith he acquitted and difmifled Miguel Cor- 
 nejo, and freed the City of the fears and apprehenfions they were in for having 
 with zeal and affection (hewed themfelves aftive in his Majefty's Service, and for 
 the affiftance they had given to Diego Centeno. This Story I learned, not onely by 
 common report, but from the particular relation of Goncalo Silveftre, who was a 
 profefled enemy to Francifio de Carvajal, as he was a faft and faithfull friend to 
 Diego Centeno, having adhered to him and accompanied him in all his adverfi- 
 ties and misfortunes till the day of his death , as will appear hereafter. And on 
 this occafion I produce this authentick Witnefs to confirm the truth of what I 
 have fpoke •, for I pretend to flatter no man, but really and truly to lay down 
 matters of faft according as they have pafled. 
 
 Carvajal, having gathered what Arms and Horfes he could find in Arequcpa, re- 
 turned to Picarro, who was (fill on his march to Cozco : for by reafon of the many 
 fick and wounded in the Camp, he was forced to continue longer at Huarina than 
 was intended. And here it is very obfervable, that thofe otPicarro's Party who 
 were rich took care and companion of the wounded men belonging to Centeno, and 
 dividing them amongft themfelves carried them to their own Tents, where they 
 provided for their maintenance and cure. It was my Father's lot to have twelve 
 afligned to him, of which fix dyed on the march, and fix happened to live and 
 recover. I knew two of them, one was called Diego de Papia, a Gentleman of 
 good Quality, and a perfon of vertue, who made many gratefull acknowledg- 
 ments for the care which was taken of him. When I came for Spain I left him 
 in the Houfe of Diego de Silvia, who was Godfather to me at my Confirmation. 
 The other was called Francifio de Penna, whofe name agreed well with his nature, 
 which fignifies a Rock, and indeed fo hardy was he, that though he had received 
 three great flames on the Crown of his Head, from the firft to the laft of which 
 there was about three fingers diftance ■-, and though his Skull was fo broke that the 
 Cbirurgeon was forced to take out fome Bones •, and having no better Inftruments 
 to trepan his Head, he made ufe of a Smith's Pincers in this operation, yet had 
 he the fortune and ftrength to recover. And this farther (hewed the foundnefs and 
 hardinefs of his complexion, that, notwithftanding all thefe wounds, and the unfit- 
 nefs of the Inftruments that he recovered without Fever, or any other accident ; 
 and yet kept no rule or regimen in his Diet, but ate whatfoever was fet before him. 
 The which indeed was very ftrange, and never heard or feen before -, and fo might 
 
 Well be called Francifio Penna rather than de Penna, which is Francis Rock, 2nd not I 
 
 Francis of the Rock, And having faid thus much, it will be now time for us to re- 
 turn to the Prefident. 
 
 CHAR : 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 811 
 
 h ■ 
 
 G HA P. XXVI. 
 
 How the Prefulent and his Army received the ill news of the 
 Viftory of Pi^arro ; and what new Orders he made. 
 
 HOW vain and Short are the prosperities and fuccefles of (his life may appear 
 by what happened in the Valley of Saufa, where we left the Prefident and 
 his Army full of joy and contentment upon the good news which Franafio I offo 
 lately brought concerning the flourishing condition of Center's Army, which was 
 much fupenour to Pigarros both in Men, Arms and Horfe. In confidence of 
 which the Prefident, and thofe who were of his Council, refolved to raife no 
 more men, but to disband the Army which they had already formed, and difmifs 
 the Souldiers who were come from fuch diftant Countries and Provinces •, for that 
 it feemed an unneceSIary and fruitlefs expence to keep fo many men in pay in ex- 
 pectation of an Enemy already prefumed to be overcome and defeated. And this 
 courfe was fo far refolved, that (as Auguftine Carate faith in the fourth Chapter of 
 his feventh Book) the Army was juft upon the point of being disbanded •, the 
 which he exprefles in theie words : At this time came intelligence to the Prefi- 
 dent of the Defeat given to Diego Centeno, which he took much to heart, though 
 he exprefled not fo much publickly, but feemed to carry it outwardly without 
 much concernment : all which happened fo contrary to the common expectation 
 of the Army, that many of the Officers were of opinion, that the Prefident had 
 no need to raife an Army, for that D.ego Centeno had a Sufficient force to overthrow 
 Ptfarro, &C. Thus far Carate. 
 
 But as it was the good fortune of the Prefident, fo it was the misfortune of his 
 Enemies that this determination was not put in execution ^ nor was it fo much as 
 known that this matter was ever deliberated or defigned to be made publick ; for 
 if the Army had been disbanded, it had certainly been very difficult to have rai- 
 fed another of the like nature, or fo well provided with Men and Ammunition 
 as this was. As matters were in this agitation the Billiop of Cos.ro arrived at Sau- 
 fa, with the ill news of the Rout and Defeat of Diego Centeno, of all which he having 
 been an eye-witnefs was bed able to give a relation. The Prefident, and other 
 Inhabitants of that Countrey, who had Baronies and commands over the Indians, 
 were greatly furprifed and troubled at the news-, finding that the heat of War, 
 which they confidered lately as extinguished, was now again inflamed, with fuch 
 advantage to the Enemy, that their caufe feemed almoft defperate, and the Rebels 
 in a ftate not to be reduced. Howfoever the Captains and Souldiers, who live by 
 War, were not in the leaf] disturbed at this news j for War is their livelihood 
 and trade, from whence they derive their Honours and Eftates, and efpecially in 
 the Empire of Peru, where the reward cf Souldiers and Adventurers is Command, 
 and diviiion of Lands, and a Barony over Indians. The Prefident being defirous 
 to hold up the hearts of his people, which he found drooping, put the beft coun-* 
 tenance he could upon the matter, and made them a Short Speech in this manner : 
 That Succefles of this nature were ulual and common over all the world, and were 
 incident to War •, and that theSe things were intended for the good of God's 
 People, who were to give thanks to his Divine Majefty for having granted to 
 Picarro a Vi&ory, with intent to bring greater mifchiefs on his head, and that ha- 
 ving filled up the meafure of his iniquity, his ruine and downfall would be the 
 greater. And to obtain this great blefiing, he advifed every Officer to be vigilant 
 and diligent in his Station, and to order and difpofe all things in fuch a method and 
 readinefs as might enable them to contend with fuch an Enemy. He added far- 
 ther, that there was no need for him to move and incite Cavaliers fo well experi- 
 enced in War as they were to actions of bravery and to martial exploits j for. that 
 he was to follow their example, and take their counfel and advice in matters of 
 greatest importance : In fine, he told them, that he was well aflured that they 
 would direct every thing in the beft manner to the Service of his Majefty, who 
 would gratifie their fidelity with rewards agreeable to their merits, and make them 
 \ Lords of that whole Empire. 
 
 L 11 1 1 i Having 
 
g 1 2 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 Having ended this Difcourfe, he ordered the Marefchal Alonfo de Aharado to 
 go to Rimac, to bring thence the Forces which remained there, as alfo the Guns 
 from the Ships, and other Ammunition, which came from Spain, together with 
 what Money, Arms and'Horfes, and other provifions for War which he could 
 find at that place. He farther ordered, that all Artificers and other Workmen 
 fhould aft and labour with all diligence in their feveral employments -, namely in 
 making Mufquets and Fire-arms, Gun-powder, Bullets, Pikes, Helmets, Crof- 
 lets, &c all which the Indians made of Copper with great ingenuity 5 and the Ar- 
 tificers applied themfelves thereunto with great alacrity and Art, being chief Ma- 
 tters and excellent Workmen in their refpedive Trades. Likewife Captain Alon- 
 fo Mercadi /to W2.S difpatched away to Huamanca, and after him Martin Lope Lu fit am 
 
 with fifty men to feife the paflage towards Cozco, and fuccour fuch of Centeno's 
 men who were wandring and difperfed in thofe parts. And here we mall leave 
 the Prefident in his preparations to fpeak of Goncalo Picarro, whom we left in the 
 field ofHnarina, where that famous Battel happened. •■ 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 Licenciado Cepeda and others advife Picarro to make an 
 Agreement and Peace with the Prefident. His Anfwer 
 thereunto. The death of Hernando Bachicao. Picarro 
 makes his entry into Cozco. 
 
 GOncalo Picarro, having performed the laft office to the dead, he refblved to 
 march towards Cozco, but he was forced to defer it for feveral days by reafon 
 of the wounded men, who were not in a condition to travel ; and at length they 
 marched very eafie and fhort Journies : whilft they were thus on their way Licen- 
 ciado Cepeda put Pigarro in mind of a promife he had made him fome days paft, to 
 enter into a Treaty with the Prefident Gafca whenfoever any feafonable and con- 
 venient opportunity ihould happen, which might induce the Prefident to admit 
 of fome fair and moderate terms : of this opinion with Cepeda there being divers 
 others, the matter was debated at a general Council of Officers, who for the 
 greateft part were inclinable to peace and accommodation, and urged Picarro fo 
 earneftly thereunto, that he became very angry and difpleafed with their' impor- 
 tunities j as is confirmed by Gomara, Chap. 183. in thefe words : In Pucaran fome 
 hard words paffed between Picarro and Cepeda touching a Treaty with Gafca$ 
 for Cepeda urged that it was very feafonable to enter into Articles, and put him in 
 mind of his promife given him at Arequepa .- but Picarro being carried away with 
 the opinion of others and the air of his late fortune, denied that the time was con- 
 venient, for that propcfitions for peace would argue weaknefs and fear, which 
 would caufe many to leave their Colours and fly to the Enemy, and difcourage 
 thofe Friends who were then actually with Gafca .- of thofe who were of the opi- 
 nion of Cepeda, Garcilajfo de Vega was one. Thus far Gomara. But Picarro rejeded 
 this Counfel which was good and wholfome, and took that which w-as given him 
 
 by young and rafh meD, fuch as fohn de Acofia, Hernando Bachicao, John de la Torre, 
 
 and others, who being puffed up with their late fuccefs at the Battel of Huar'ma, 
 thought themfelves invincible, and would hearken to no Propofals or Articles 
 lefs than an entire furrender to them of the whole Empire of Peru. Two days af- 
 ter this Confultation, the Lieutenant-General Francifco de Carvajal returned from 
 
 his Journey to Arequepa; and two days afterwards he hanged up Hernando Bachi- 
 cao, for having at the Battel ofHuarina palled over to the Enemy's tide. And 
 though Carvajal was not ignorant of this fad on the fame day when it was done, 
 yet he deferred this punimment untill a fitter feafon, not thinking ic fit to inter- 
 rupt the joy of that fignal Vidory by the fadnefs which the death of fo ancient a 
 Captain, and ib zealous for the caufe, as was Hernando Bachicao wouid caufe. At 
 
 length, 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 812 
 
 length, after a long Journey, caufed by fhort marches for the fake of thofe who 
 were wounded, Pigarro and his Souldiers arrived at Cozco. 
 
 Captain John de la Torre had prepared to make for him a folemn entry under 
 triumphal Arches which he had ereded over the Streets, and adorned them with 
 Flowers of various colours after the Indian manner in the times of their Incaes. The 
 firft that led the way were the Infantry with their Banners difplayed, mar- 
 ching three by three in a Rank, every Captain at the head of his Company $ 
 then followed the Horfe in the like order ; after which, and that the Souldiers 
 were lodged in their quarters, followed Pkarro himfelf attended onely by his own 
 Servants and the Inhabitants who accompanied him •-, for he thought it not conve- 
 nient to be introduced by his Souldiers, left it mould feem as if he gloried in an 
 entire Vi&ory over his Enemies, and made a Triumph before Conqueft. As he 
 entred, all the Bells of the Cathedral and Convents were rang out, and the Indians 
 of the City, being drawn up in the Streets and publick places of the City, gave 
 loud acclamations as he paffed, calling him Inca, and giving him thofe other titles 
 of Majefty which they ufed to beftow on their own natural Kings in days of tri- 
 umph, the which was performed by order and direction of John de la Torre. The 
 Trumpets alfo founded, with Violins and other Inftruments of Mufick in which 
 Pigarro much delighted, and had excellent good of that kind. The firft place he 
 entred was the Church of our Lady of the Merceds, where he adored the mod 
 Holy Sacrament, and the Image of the Virgin his Mother and our Lady. From 
 thence he walked on foot to his Lodging, which was provided for him at the 
 Houfeof one of his chief Officers called Alonfo de Toro, which is fituate over againft 
 the Convent of the Merceds. I my felf accompanied them into the City, having 
 gone out the day before to meet my Father as far as jguefpicancba being three 
 leagues diftant from Cozco 5 part of the way I walked on foot, and I was carried 
 part of it by two Indians, who by turns took me on their Shoulders : but at my re- 
 turn a perfon leading a Horfe gave me leave to ride, fo that I faw every thing 
 which I have here related, and fuch particular obfervations did I take thereof, 
 that I could affign the very Houfes and Chambers, where every Captain was quar- 
 tered, for I knew them all •, and though it be fixty years ago fince that time yec 
 I remember the very places and Houfes where they lodged •, for we conferve things 
 better in our memory which we faw in our youth than what we have obferved 
 in our riper years. Goncalo Pi$arro and his Souldiers being thus entred into Cozco, 
 Francifio de Carvajal attended to give out neceffary Orders, and make fuch provisi- 
 ons as were requifite to carry the War forwards : he repaired the Arms which 
 were broken, or become defective in the late Battel olHwrina, he caufed Powder 
 and Bullets to be made, and new fixed fuch Arms as were not ufed, and omitted 
 nothing in order to carry on the War. Of Arms he had great ftores -, for he had 
 gathered all thofe which Centenos Souldiers had left in the Field, and thofe which 
 belonged to the men flain on both fides, and of thofe who had been deferters ; 
 all which he repaired and re-fixed with great care and curiofity : and of all forts of 
 offenfive Arms he moft efteemed of Fire-arms, faying that the Gentiles had wifely 
 armed their God Jupiter with Thunder and Lightning, which was an Engin that 
 killed at a diftance as well as near. He caufed alfo Pikes to be made, and though 
 they had no Afh in that Countrey out of which to frame them, yet they had ano- 
 ther fort of Wood, as ftrong and proper as that •, He alfo provided great quantities 
 of Cotten for, making Matches , and, in fine, he omitted not the leaft matter 
 which might be requifite or ufefull in its time and feafon : in all which matters he 
 applied himfelf with that diligence, that he was never idle, and feemed not to al- 
 low himfelf time either to eat or drink. 
 
 His cuftome was always to ride upon a Mule of a pyed colour, I never faw 
 him on any other Beaft during the time he continued at Cozco, and before the Bat- 
 tel of Sacfahnana ; fo earneft was he at his work, that day and night, whenfoever 
 he was met by his Souldiers, they always found him employed : And becaufe he 
 knew that they would murmur to fee him fo bufie, he would always, when he 
 pafled by them, with his Hat in his hand, falute them, and inftead of faying, I 
 
 kifs your hands, he would fay, What you can perform to day defer not till to morrow.) 
 
 and this faying he conftantly had in his mouth. And when they asked him what 
 time he took to eat ? and what time to fleep ? he would make anfwer, That thofe 
 who had a mind to work, had time for every thing. Amongfl all thefe exercifes and 
 
 contrivances, Carvajal could not conceal his own fierce nature, which fhewed it 
 
 felf 
 
814 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 felf it felf in a piece of cruelty acted at Co^co, upon a noble Lady belonging to 
 Areyiefa, whom he ftrangled in Cow .- for (he, like a Woman, after the Battel of 
 Huarim, vented many opprobrious fpeeches againft Pigarro ; laying, that the time 
 would come when his tyrannies would have their end, like thofe of more power- 
 full Governments, fuch as the Greeks and Romans, which were all brought to de- 
 ftruction : and fo violently would (he exprefs her felf without any difcretion, fear 
 or wit, that Carvajal caufed her to be ftrangled, and afterwards hanged out at a 
 Window looking to the Street. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 The Imprifonment and Death of Pedro de Buftincia. Cap- 
 tains are chofen and made by the Prefident. Of his de- 
 parture from Saufa and arrival at Antahuaylla. 
 
 IN revenge of this murther it feems as if God 'had fuffered another of the like 
 nature to be committed about that time in the Royal Army, that fo Frandfto 
 de Carvajal might not have caufe without fome crofs accident to pleafe himfelf in 
 fo deteftable an action as the murther of a fimple Woman : GoncakPicarro was 
 greatly troubled at it, and exprefled his refentments of it in fecret to" certain Friends, 
 though he did not make known fo much of his mind to Carvajal, who was well 
 acquainted with the tender heart of Pi$arro, and knew that he would have pre- 
 vented him in the execution of his ill defign, in cafe he had been acquainted with 
 his intended cruelty 5 and for that reafon he privately ftrangled her in his Cham- 
 ber, and afterwards hanged her out at the Window. Now in return of this mur- 
 ther another followed by the death of Pedro Buftinda, who being fent to make 
 provisions for the Army in Antahuaylti and the parts thereabouts, as hath been 
 mentioned before \ Alonfo Mcnadillo and Lope Martin, who were two Captains of 
 the contrary party, and fent upon the fame defign, having notice thereof, refolved 
 to beat up Buftinda's Quarters in the night, and take him, if it were poflible, by 
 whom they might be certainly informed of the condition and ftate of the Enemy. 
 Lope Manin fo well managed his bufinefs, that though he was inferiour in number 
 to Pedro Bftflincia, yet he fo furprifed him in the night, that lie took him prifoner : 
 to which action twelve of Centeno's Souldiers contributed very much ■, for though 
 they promiled to joyn with Pifarro yet their hearts failed them when they came to 
 fight in his caufe, for they being pleafed with any ill fuccefs which could befall 
 him, made no refiftance ; fo that Lope Martin took Buftinda and all his men, of 
 which they killed three - 7 one of which being of Picano's Souldiers to ihew him- 
 felf more brave than the reft, dyed in the conflict, though there was very little or 
 no oppofition •-, the other two, who were Levaminef, ( or people of the Eaftern 
 Countries, called the Levant) availing themfelves much on their bravery, boafted 
 that they had killed ten men at the Battel of Hftarina, by which vain words they 
 brought death upon themfelves •, for it was believed that they were not men of 
 fuch gallantry, but fome of thofe who had been taken lately or wounded. Lope 
 Martin fet the twelve Souldiers of Centeno at liberty, but Pi^arro's men with Buftin- 
 da he carried away prifoners, being greatly pleafed and proud of fo good a prize. 
 The Prefident received Martin very kindly, and by means of Center's men he be- 
 came informed of the true ftate and condition of Piano's Army, as far as. he 
 could defire to know. Pedro de Buftinda. was not contented quietly to remain a 
 prifoner in the hands of the Prefident, but he muft needs be talking, thinking it a 
 piece of gallantry amidft his Enemies, to praife the great actions and exploits of 
 Pifarro, and extoll them to the skies-, which he fo boldly affected that he incur- 
 red the fame fate with Donna Maria Calderon, as before mentioned •, for as there 
 was the fame fimilitude in their indifcreet and paffionate words, fo it was thought 
 fit that they mould be equalled in the puniihment, and accordingly he was ftran- 
 gled, and his Body publickly expofed. 
 
 Pedro 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 815 
 
 Pedro de la Gafia, Prefident of his Imperial Majefty, having fummoned all the 
 Captains and Souldieis who were in jQuitu , Cajfamarca , Rimac and other parts •, 
 and who accordingly appeared at the Rendezvous , and having ordered the Mare- 
 fchal Aionfo de Alvarado ( as we have hinted before ) to goe to the City of Los 
 Reyes to raife Men and to provide Horfe and Arms and Money and Spanrfh Cloth 
 for the ufe of the Army, and to bring the Guns from the Ships 5 all which being 
 accomplilhed , and fuffkient Ammunition and Victuals provided , it was deter- 
 mined that the Camp ihould remove from Saufa to meet Goncalo Picarro ; and Of- 
 ficers were appointed for better Government of the Army 5 'as the three Hiftori- 
 ans agree, and particularly Car ate in the fourth Chapter of his feventhBook hath 
 thefe words. 
 
 The Camp was ordered, faith he, in this manner : Pedro Aionfo de Hinojofa con- 
 tinued in the Office of General, as was agreed when hefirft furrendred up the 
 Fleet at Panama. The Marefchal Aionfo Alvarado was made Lieutenant General , 
 Licenciado Benito de Carvajal , Standard Bearer General , and Pedro de Villavicencib 
 was made Serjeant Major. The Captains of Horfe were Bon Pedro Cabrera , Go- 
 mez de Alvarado , John de Saavedra, Diego de Aiora , Francifco Hernandez. , Rodrigo de 
 Salazar and Aionfo de Mendoca. Captains of Foot were Bon Baltafar de Caftilla ^ 
 Paulo de Aienefes , Hernando Mexia de Guzman , John Aionfo Palomino , Gomez, de 
 Soils, Francifco Mofquera , Bon Hernando de Cardenas , Admiral Andagqya, Fran- 
 cifco de Olmos , Gomez Barias , Captain Parcel, Captain Pardavel and Captain 
 
 Serna. Captain Graviel de Rojas was made Mafter of the Ordnance. In com- 
 pany with the Prefident were the Arch-bi(hop of Los Reyes , the Bilhops of Cozco 
 and JOgita , and Father Thomas de San Martin , Provincial of St. Bomim'cfe Order i 
 with many other Friars and Priefts. At the laft Mufter there were lifted feven 
 hundred Mufquetiers , five hundred Pike-men and four hundred Horfemen : the 
 which number increafed to a thoufand nine hundred by that time that they arrived 
 at Xaquixaguava : and fo the Camp removed from Xauxa on the twenty ninth of 
 Becember, in the year 1 547. and marched in good order towards the City of Cozco, 
 and endeavoured to find fome (hallow place, where they might with the leaft 
 danger foard over the River oS.Ava.ncaj. Thus far Augufine Car ate .• fo that be- 
 fides the four principal Officers, viz. the General, Lieutenant General, Standard- 
 bearer and Serjeant Major 5 there were feven Captains of Horfe , and thirteen of 
 Foot, betides the Mafter of the Ordnance , who were all Noble , and perfons of 
 Quality ( moft of which I knew ) and with thefe Officers and Forces the Prefi- 
 dent removed his Camp from Saufa, to find the Enemy , and came to Huamanca> 
 where being great want of Provifions , they were forced to proceed forward in all 
 hafte to the Province of Antahuajlla with intention to winter there 5 being a 
 Countrey ( as we have faid before ) abounding with all forts of Provifions. At. 
 this place the Prefident with his whole Army made fome (lay in expectation of 
 the coming of the Marefchal Aionfo de Alvarado, who brought new Recruits com- 
 manded by their own Captains, and were (as Augufiine Carat e reports) about 
 three hundred men, of whom we (hall fpeak more in the following Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 Of the Captains and principal Men of Quality , and Soul- 
 die) s who came to Antahuaylla to ferve hfo Majefty. And 
 the great joy there was at their Arrival. 
 
 THE Prefident quartered his Army in Antahuajlla for above the (pace of 
 three months ; during which time the People flocked in to him from all 
 parts: amongft them was Aionfo de Mendoca, who efcaped from the Battel of Hu- 
 arina ( whom we forgot to mention in the due place) and was preferred to the 
 Command of Captain of Horfe. About a month and a half after, the Prefident 
 entered into Antahuajlla, the Marefchal Aionfo de Alvarado came thither with a hun- 
 dred 
 
8i£ Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 dred Souldiers, bringing the Cannon with him, with part of the Money, Arms 
 and Spanijh Cloths: the remainder he left behind, and was afterwards brought by 
 the Accountant John de Caneres , by which the neceflities of the Souldiers were 
 abundantly fupplied. In like manner the Lkenciado Pedro Ramirez, Judge of the 
 Court at Nicaragua , came thither with about twelve Horfemen in his company , 
 having left about a hundred and twenty Foot-fouldiers on their march thither , 
 who came in about eight days after. The Admiral Belakacar came in thither al- 
 fo with about twenty Horfe in his Company , having travelled four hundred 
 leagues. Captain Diego Centeno brought in thirty Horfe of thofe who had efcaped 
 from the Battel of Huarina and met together on the road , one of which was his 
 dear Companion Goncalo Silvcftre, and Partner in all his misfortunes : Befides 
 thofe here named were many other Souldiers of lefs note and fame, who in all 
 made up a Body of three hundred men. The Prefident rejoiced much to fee his 
 Army fo much increafed, and courageous, and to confift of men who came from 
 far Countries to ferve his Majefty ■-, and particularly he was pleafed to fee Diego 
 Centeno who was a perfon of loyal Principles , and endued with excellent parts 
 both of body and mind, for he was much a Gentleman, and a moft comely Per- 
 fon. 
 
 The laft who came to the Army was Pedro de Valdivia, Governour of Chile, 
 with about eight men on Horfe-back : In praife of whom Palentino hath fpoken 
 very fine things. And Carate, in the fifth Chapter of his feventh Book ufeth thefe 
 words : 
 
 The Prefident having removed his Camp from the Valley of Saufa; Pedro deVat- 
 divia, who was Governour in the Province of Chile came in to his afllftence. This 
 Valdivia came by Sea to Los Reyes, with intention to furni(h himfelf there with men 
 and ammunition, cloathing and other neceilaries for the total fubje&ion of that 
 Countrey: but being landed there, and underftanding the ftate of the troubles 
 then in tranfadlion •, both he and his men refolved to employ themfelves in this 
 War 5 and accordingly, with great quantities of Money which they brought with 
 them , they took the direct way towards the Prefident , to whom the perfon of 
 Valdivia was of great ufe and reputation : for though many rich Men and other 
 principal Captains had followed the Prefident before Valdivia appeared , yet no 
 perfon was efteemed fo experienced in War as he •, and whofe Art and Skilfulnefs 
 in Military difcipline might be oppofed to the Strategems and Contrivances of Fran. 
 cifco deCarvajal, to whofe Government and Induftry Goncalo Picarro had been be- 
 holding for many of his Succeffes , and more particularly in 'the late Battel of 
 Huarina againft Diego Centeno : fo that the Prefident's \\ hole Army was affrighted 
 and remained in apprehenfion of this perfon , untill they recovered their fpirits 
 and courage by the coming of Valdivia. Thus far Jugufiine de Carate .• who after 
 he had praifed Pedro de Valdivia very much , he extols Francifco de Carvajal much 
 more, and with very good reafon, for certainly he was far the beltSouldier of any 
 that was come into the new World. Diego Fernandez, the Hiftorian having con- 
 firmed what is before related of Pedro de Valdivia, adds farther in his fecond Book, 
 Chap. 89. as follows verbatim. And in regard fome curious Reader may defire to 
 know the caufe and reafons which might move Pedro de Valdivia to undertake 
 this voyage, I (hall, for better underftanding of this Hiftory, deliver the caufes 
 and reafohs which might excite him thereunto. 
 
 The Governour Pedro de Valdivia being in his Provinces of Chile, received intel- 
 ligence, that Goncalo Picarro was in Arms againft his Majefty. And fome fay that 
 Letters and Correfpondences paffed between them, which if k, 'tis certain Valdivia 
 concealed them, as if no fuch thing had ever been. His chief bufinefs was to 
 borrow Gold of thofe men , whom he knew to be monied men •, upon pretence 
 that he might therewith fend Francifco de Villagra to Peru to raife men , to make 
 an entire Conqueft of that Countrey 5 but notwithstanding all his importunities , 
 he could not find a man who would lend him a farthing. Whereupon Pedro de 
 Valdivia fummoned them all together, and told them, that fince they refolved not 
 to lend him the Gold he would borrow of them ; he gave free licence to as many 
 as pleafed to go to Peru •, where (hewing the quantities of Gold they brought with 
 them, it would bring their Countrey into reputation, and be a means to invite 
 people to come and plant there. Hereupon many prepared for the voyage , and 
 intended to embark in the Port of Valparayfi ( which is about ten leagues diftant 
 from the City of Santiago ) and with them Frandfie de Villagra was to goe alio, be- 
 ing 
 
Book V; Royal Commentaries. %iy 
 
 ing the perfon defigned to bring people from Pan.- Valdivia remained in the City 
 of Santiago : And when all people were in a readinefs and prepared for their Voy- 
 age, he came privately out in the night, juft at the time when all people were em- 
 barked, and were at the mouth of the harbour. Pedro de Valdivia. over-taking them 
 there, caufed great ftore of Meat to be drefled , and invited them all afhoar to 
 dinner to the number of about twenty perfons •, all which came willingly to re- 
 ceive the favour of his invitation : fo ibon as the dinner was done, arid the table 
 taken away , he earneftly recommended Frandfco de Vi/lagra to them ,( whom he 
 elleemed as his own Son ) and defiied them, that fince he went with them on the 
 fame dcfign, to bring people to inhabit and increafe their Countrey -, they would 
 lend Villagra. fome Gold in cafe his occafions mould require it, the which every 
 one promifed to doe with great readinefs. After which Valdivia. walked out of 
 the Arbour where they late, and as if he intended to look towards the Sea ■■, he on 
 a fudden leaped into a Boat , and rowed aboard a Ship, where he feized on all 
 the Gold which imported above eighty thoufand pieces of eight ■-, howfbever he 
 noted the quantity and pafled to every man's credit the fums which concerned him. 
 The perfons he took with him for his companions were feronimo de Alderete , Ga- 
 ff ar de Villaroel, fohnde Cepeda, Captain fofre, Lewis de Toledo, Don Antonio Beltran, 
 Diego Garcio de Corceres , Vincentio de Monte , and Diego Oro his Secretary : Before 
 
 . whom he declared that he went to ferve his Majefty againft the Rebels under the 
 command oiPicarro. And leaving thofe afhoar to whom the Gold belonged, he 
 appointed Frantifco de Villagra to be his deputy Governourj and therewith imme- 
 diately fet fail. Being arrived in Peril, they received intelligence that the Prefi- 
 dent was on his march towards Cozco ^ whereupon they made the beft of their 
 way to Lima •, where having fupplied themfelves with all things neceffary , they 
 went to Andiguaylai , where they understood that all the Army was quartered and 
 remained untill the rains were pafs'd , and the Summer feafon entred , which was 
 fit for adtion. Thus far Diego Fernandez, Palentino , who wrote this particular 
 Ad: agreeable to the many Tricks which are now pra&ifed in the World-, and 
 to which the Devil gives colour and reputation under the guife and appearance of 
 Reafon of State. 
 
 The coming of Pedro de Valdivia with the Captains and Souldiers with him , 
 who were perfons of Noble Families, did much encourage and give life to the 
 Souldiers of Centeno, whofe fpirits were become low and drooping by reafon of 
 the late Defeat $ fo that there was great joy and triumph over the whole Camp, 
 which they teftified by their fports of Running at the Ring and other Paftimes of 
 that kind. But Sports and Mirth have the fame operation as Mufick hath on the 
 fpirits of men, for thofe who are merry, it rejoices-, and thofe that are fad, ic 
 makes more melancholy. The Prefident with all his Army made his Winter 
 quarters in AntahmylU^ the Winter was very fevere by reafon of the continual 
 Rains which rotted the Tents -, and the common Souldiers by reafon of their bad 
 lodging, and unaccuftomed to the climate, fell fick and infirm s but fuch was the 
 care of the Prefident, that he provided an Hofpital for them 5 the chief Chirurge- 
 on and Phyfician of which being Father Frandfco de la Rocha, born at Badajoz, a Fri- 
 ar of the Order of the Holy Trinity, very few died or mifcarried. 
 
 
 Mmmmrrt CHAP. 
 
gxg Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 The Army leaves Antahnaylla, and paffes the River Aman- 
 cay. The difficulties they found in faffing the River of 
 Apurimac, over which they defign to make four Bridges. 
 Carvajal'5 Counfel it rejetled by Gon^alo Pi^arro. 
 
 H E extremity of the Winter feafon being part , the Prefident refolved to 
 
 leave Antahuaylla , and goe in queft of Goncalo Pi$arro , who was in Cozco ' 7 
 and accordingly he marched with his Army to the River of Amancay , which the 
 Spaniards call Avancay, and is about twenty leagues diftant from that City. When 
 they came thither , they found that the Bridge had been burnt , for (as we have 
 faid before ) all the Bridges of that Countrey were made of Twifts of Ofiers , 
 whereupon they determined to repair it again , which was eafily effe&ed , the Ri- 
 ver being narrow , and fome of the old work remaining : having parted this Ri- 
 ver the moft difficult task was how to pafs the River of Apurimac .- it feemed im- 
 poflible for them to go over by the Banks of the high Road , becaufe the chanel 
 * T ° w ™ ch is there very broad 5 it was yet more narrow at the place where the * Ports were 
 orJrs ' was fixed on each fide, and yet from the one to the other 'tis above two hundred pa- 
 faftncd. ces wide: befides which there was a greater difficulty to overcome-, and that was 
 in cafe they took that way, they were to travel over a defolate and an unpeopled 
 Countrey where few Indians inhabited , and thofe fo very poor , that they had 
 fcarce Bread or Provifions to fuftain themfelves. Atlength they refolved to pafs 
 the Army over one of the three Bridges , which they intended to make over the 
 River above, where the chanel is contracted by the mountains on each fide. One 
 of thefe places was called- Cotapampa, the other, which is higher, Huacachaca, and the 
 uppermoft Aaha, And though the accefs to any of thefe places by reafon of the high 
 and cragged Mountains feems impoffible for an Army, and for any to conceive who 
 hath not feen them 5 yet they refolved to overcome the difficulties by reafon that 
 there was no other way befides that. And to amufe the Enemy, they feemed as 
 if they intended to Hiake four Bridges, at four feveral places; and to make them 
 believe fo, they caufed about fifteen or twenty loads of Oilers to be carried to eve- 
 ry of the four places'', whereas to make one of thofe Bridges, at leaft four thoufand 
 loads of Ofiers and Rufhes are required, befides great quantities of Ropes and Ca- 
 • bles, all which were provided at the charge and pains of the poor Indians. The 
 places where thefe Bridges were toi be. formed were to be furveyed by fome par- 
 ticular perfbns , whofe care it was toi provide materials for the fame *, as Palentim 
 confirms, Chap. %6. Pedro Alonfi Carafco was appointed to goe to the place near 
 the common road, Lorenzo Martin to Cotapampa, Bon Pedro Puerto Carrero and Tho- 
 mas Vafyuez to Accha, Antonio de J^hwonez, and John Julio de Hojeda to Guacachaca. I 
 was acquainted with all thefe Gentlemen , when they lived at Cozco, and four of 
 them were of the firft Conquerours : And having furveyed all thefe four places , 
 they concluded that the moft eafie paflage might be made at Cotapampa -, which 
 they put in execution with great fecrecy, that the report thereof might not come to 
 the knowledge of the Enemy. The perfons applied themfelves to their refpe&ive 
 ftations, as was ordered-, and in the mean time the Prefident marched his Ar- 
 my with invincible difficulty over craggy Rocks and Mountains covered with 
 Snow ; which, as divers Authours report, is fo white and glittering, that with 
 looking thereupon many people lofe their fight , though it is probable, as we have 
 faid in another place, that the whitenefs thereof dazles the eyes, and the force of 
 the object weakens the optick nerve, which may fo continue for three or four 
 days, and not longer. And here we fhall leave them for fome time, labouring 
 under the great difficulties of their march, to relate the Contrivances of Francifco 
 deCarvajal, who was folicitous to fuftain and augment the greatnefs of Pifarro. 
 Soon after the Prefident had removed his Camp from Antahuaylla, and was on his 
 march towards Cozco , Goncalo Pigarro received intelligence thereof-, for from time 
 
 to time 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 8io 
 
 to time he had advices of whatfoever was acted in the Enemies Camp: In the 
 time of War, Indians were not perfons to keep a Secret, for they ferved for Spies 
 on both fides 5 becaufe being doubtfull to which the Victory would incline, they 
 endeavoured to gratifie both parties ; that fo the Conquerour might not return 
 them ill for the good Offices they had done him. And though we have in ano- 
 ther place touched on the Treachery of the Indians in this particular, yet here more 
 efpecially we are concerned again to repeat it, becaufe the Secret which the Presi- 
 dent on this occafion committed as well to the Indians as to the Spaniards was 
 ( according to the opinion of Historians ) of high concernment. And though 
 Goncalo Pi$arro received certain intelligence that the Prefident was marching to- 
 wards him, and was ignorant of none of his proceedings, yet he thought not fit 
 to obftruct him in his march or defend the difficult pafles ( of which there were 
 very many ) but onely to keep his own ground, and expect the coming of Gafia- 7 
 for having been flufhed with many Victories , he did not doubt of the conftant 
 fuccefs of fortune. On the other fide Frandfio de Carvajal, who day and night ap- 
 plied his thoughts to military Affairs, that he might promote Pifarro to the Go- 
 vernment of that Empire, obferving in him a ftrange negligence of his Affairs , 
 and without other Counfels than onely to give the Enemy battel -, he went to 
 him, and defired his consideration of fome matters which he had to impart to 
 him. Sir, (aid he, confidering the late Succefles, and the prefent ftate of your 
 Affairs, and the dubious fortune of War, I would not advife you to hazard your 
 whole ftake on the uncertainties of a Battel , but rather endeavour to avoid figh- 
 ting, and prolong the War untill fuch time as fome happy conjuncture happens to 
 fecure your Affairs. To which end I will lay before you what may be laid concer- 
 ning the ftate of both Armies, that fo I may acquit my felf in all points relating 
 unto your felf, and to that caufe in which we are fo deeply engaged. 
 
 Now, Sir, in order to obtain victory over your Enemies, it is in the firft 
 place necefiary for you to abandon this City and leave it wholly difpeopled 3 the 
 Mills muft be broken down, all Provifions taken away, the Inhabitants forced to 
 take refuge in other places, and all their Goods, and what elfe is not portable or to 
 be carried with them , confumed and burnt 3 fo that there may remain nothing 
 which may be of ufe and relief for the Enemy. There are two thoufand men 
 marching againft us, half of which are Seamen and a fort of raw Souldiers who are 
 almoft naked, without Hofe or Shoes to their Feet, and half ftarved 3 and Hve 
 onely in hope of coming to this City, where they may fatisfie their hunger, and 
 be clothed : in which when they (hall find themfelves difappointed, and nothing 
 but mifery and defolation, they will be totally difcouraged, and the Prefident will 
 be forced to disband them, having no poflibility to fupport and iuftain them. 
 
 In the next place I would have all Center's Souldiers difmift ; for knowing 
 themfelves to be a conquered people, they can never be good friends : You have 
 at leaft five hundred men, who fince the Battel of Huarina are come in to you, to 
 partake of the benefits of your Victory, all which are choice men , who will ne- 
 ver leave you, or forfake their Colours in the greateft extremities. I would have 
 two parties of Mufquetiers , of fifty men each , detached from the main Body , 
 and lent to the right-hand of the way , and to the left 3 with orders to march 
 twenty or thirty leagues diftant from the Army, and to feize all Cattle and other 
 Proviilons they can meet 3 and bring them to us, and what cannot be carried with 
 them , to burn and deftroy , that nothing thereof may remain for fubfiftence of 
 the Enemy. In this manner your Camp will be fupplied and fed with Kids and 
 Sheep and other Provisions of the Countrey, and with whatfoever the freih Pro- 
 vinces , through which we are to pafs , do afford : whilft the Enemy purfuing 
 us with two thoufand men, half of which are ufelefs, will find themfelves in great 
 wants and necessities 3 and then the other half, which are Souldiers and men ex- 
 perienced in War , will be ftarved for want of Provisions , which they muft be 
 forced to fetch from parts above a hundred leagues diftant from them 3 for all the 
 Victuals which the Countreys afforded through which they pafled are already con- 
 fumed , and they muft daily leave thofe parts at a farther diftance in cafe they 
 purfue after us. 
 
 But indeed fuch a purfuit with a thoufand men will be almoft irrpofTible , Co 
 that they muft be conftrained to divide their Forces into two bodies , againft any 
 one of which (ingly your men will have the advantage. And in cafe you friall be 
 willing to decline fighting , you may march from one Province to another , and 
 
 M m m m m 2 protract 
 
g 2 o Royal Commentaries Book V. 
 
 protract the War$ and fo tyre the Enemy , as to force them to yield to you, or 
 elfe to grant you fuch advantageous termes as you (hall require. 
 
 But Goncalo Pi$arro rejected this Counfel , as in no manner agreeable to his ho- 
 nour •, for 'that it argued cowardife to fly from the Enemy , and that a retreat of 
 this nature would caft a blemim and (hadow upon the luftre and glory of all the 
 brave actions he had performed. To which Carvajal replyed , that this was not 
 to lofe Honour but to improve that which was already acquired •-, for it was the 
 part of great Captains and men experienced in War, to know how to protract 
 it, and with military Strategems to weaken and deftroy an Enemy, without adven- 
 turing on the hazards of a Battel, which is fo doubtfull, that neither Party can up- 
 on the greateft advantages remain allured of Victory : hereof many inftances 
 might be produced in the World 5 but we (hall need no other than that of the 
 Battel oiHuarina; of Victory in which, the Enemy remained fo confident, that 
 we are informed, they gave order to their Servants to provide a double allow- 
 ance of meat at their tables , for entertainment of fuch prifoners as they mould 
 take in the Fight. And , Sir , confider farther , that this Victory was a particu- 
 lar mercy and favour of God Almighty towards you, and was not obtained by 
 force of Arms or humane Policy -, nor is it reafon to tempt God again or expect 
 the like miracles from him. To which Picarro replied, that he knew not now 
 to turn his back upon his Enemy , and therefore refolved to live in hope, and 
 make trial once more of his fortune : having great confidence, that he who had 
 given him fo many Victories, would not leave him at laft, or fuffer him to be over- 
 come. Thus ended the Difcourfe , without approbation by Picarro. Palemiw 
 in Chap. 88. relates part thereof, and that Carvajal concluded , faying, Sir, be 
 pleafed to doe, as I advife you ■-, and as for Center's men, difmifs them all, for be- 
 ing conquered men , they will never be true friends •, for if you refolve upon a 
 Retreat , you will be better without them. 
 
 All thefe particulars are wrote by Diego Fernandez,, and agree very well with the 
 Genius of Irantifco de Carvajal, who was a man of great parts and abilities, though 
 never fufficiently known or fathomed by his own people , nor yet by ftrangers. 
 Now if we would know the true ground and caufe why Picarro did not approve 
 of this nor other Counfels which were given him by Carvajal; no other reafon 
 can be afllgned than that from the very day that a Confultation was held at Los 
 Reyes , whether the Prefident Gafca was to be received or not , and that Carvajal 
 was of dpinion that the terms were good which were offered, and that they mould 
 enter into a Treaty, and examine the Power and Inftructions which Gafca brought : 
 from that very time he loft his Credit with Picarro , who ever afterwards fufpec- 
 ted the reality of all the Counfels he propofed , which did not exactly fquare 
 with his own advice and reafon •-, and indeed Picarro was of an humour not to ad- 
 mit of any advice but what proceeded from himfelf, affecting always to have the 
 reputation of a Governour and Manager of all affairs. And as it is natural for 
 mankind to hate and deteft a Partner in Government and Rule , fo did Picarro 
 more eafily admit of a prejudice againft Carvajal; which though grounded on a 
 falfe imagination , yet fo deeply did it take place with him , and poilefs his fancy; 
 that all the future Services which Carvajal performed and the Miracles he acted 
 at the Battel of Huarina could not avail to root out that fufpicion he had concei- 
 ved of him. And indeed this proved fatal to Picarro, for thofe who are acquain- 
 ted with thefe Secrets attribute his more fpeedy deftruction and downfall to this 
 Jealoufie and Sufpicion which he had conceived againft Carvajal, 
 
 GHAP. 
 
— — ■ i r.n . . i, ■ ■ ■ nn»— ^ ■ ,. 
 
 Book V. Royal Commentaries. 821 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. 
 
 Lope Martin lajes three Strannes of the Bridge over the 
 River. The Spies of Gon^alo Picarro cut two of them 
 off. The great dijiurbance which this occafioned in the 
 Royal Camp. Carvajal gives order to John de Acofta 
 to defend the pafs of the River. + 
 
 THE Gentlemen before mentioned, to whofe care it was committed to make 
 the Bridges, had provided all the materials required thereunto. Lope Martin 
 the Portugaes, to whom it belonged to erecl: that at Cotopampa, expecting the Army 
 in a day's time-, laid the firft three Strannes on the Waters, which are the foun- 
 dation of the Bridge •, though he had received orders not to lay any untill the 
 coming of the Prefident. 
 
 Howfoever Martin, to (hew his diligence and to anticipate a day, adventured 
 to lay them, which proved a matter of great trouble and inconvenience to the 
 Prefident, Officers, and to the whole Army : for the Spies of Picarro, being three 
 Spaniards and eight Indians , tracing along the banks of the River, perceived the 
 three Strannes which were call; over to their fide , and the little care there was to 
 defend them , adventured the night following to cut them with hatchets and to 
 fet them on fire ■-, and proceeded fo far in their defign , that they cut two of 
 them before the guards could come from the other fide : but what they moft ap- 
 prehended, was, that the Enemy would hereby receive intelligence of their defign 5 
 and before they could pafs the Army over, they would have time to hinder and 
 difturb them in their paflage ; fo that they fhould be conftrained either to force 
 their way with great danger and hazard ; or otherwiie to make their paflage 
 at Accha , which would be both incommodious to the Army , and a discou- 
 ragement and a lofs of reputation •, and on the other fide it would rsife much 
 the fpirits of the Enemy , who might alfo give them the like interruption^ Ac- 
 cha. Having confidered thefe matters, it was concluded, that the onely fecure re- 
 medy and prevention was expedition ; and accordingly it was ordered, that im- 
 mediately after Valdivia and Captain Palomino, the General fhould march with the 
 Companies of Pablo de Menefes and Hernan Alexia , ( which were Mufquetiers ) 
 and endeavour, if it were poffible , to reach the Bridge that night •, and to pafs 
 over upon Floats to the other fide , both to defend the Bridge , and to give affi- 
 ftence to the workmen employed in ftretching the Strannes and faftning the Ropes. 
 Graviel de Roias was alfo appointed with his Cannon to haften to the River, that 
 his Indians which belonged to the Artillery might alfo lend a helping hand to the 
 Work. Orders were alfo given to the other Companies to follow the General , 
 with whom the Prefident feeming to entertain difcourfe , he accompanied him fo 
 far, untill he came to the Banks of the River, the Bifhops foon followed after, whilft 
 the Marefchal remained to command the Camp, &c Thus far Pakntim. 
 
 And here we will leave the Prefident and his Captains on their way , and em- 
 ployed in repairing and making their Bridge •, to relate what Gon^alo Picarro 
 and his Officers were contriving at the fame time, and what Francifio de Carva- 
 jal was projecting to countermine his Enemies , with the Strategems of War in 
 which he was chiefly pra&ifed. So foon as the Spies brought advice of what was 
 doing at the River of Apurimac, Goncalo Picarro called a Council of War, and com- 
 municated to them the News which was brought to him , defiring their opinion 
 of what was to be done for defence of the Pafs, and what advantage might be ta- 
 ken on the Enemy in this prefent Conjuncture. Carvajal, who was the mod: an- 
 cient and principal Captain , firft anfwered and faid, Sir, This day it is my turn 
 to adt, nor doth it belong to any perfon to go upon this exploit but my felf. No, 
 Father, replied Picarro, for I have need of your perfon and counfel to be always 
 near me on all emergencies which may happen , we have young and flout Cap- 
 tains with us , any of which will be ready and fit for this Work. Carvajal replied 
 again ; This Enterprife , Sir , belongs to me , and I befeech your Lordfhip not to 
 
 deny 
 
82 2 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 deny me the benefit of this good fortune which now offers it felf in thefe latter 
 days of my life, whereby I may confummate the laft of my atehievements with 
 a glorious and final Victory over all your Enemies; which petition if you are 
 pleated to grant me, I dare promife and allure you on the faith of a good SouJ- 
 dier, within the ipace of four days to plant the Imperial Crown of this Empire 
 upon your head. And iince your Lordihip hath by good experience proved the 
 extraordinary zeal and paflion I have conceived to fee you exalted to a degree of 
 Majefty (of which I have given futficient teftimonies) I befeech your Lordihip 
 again and again not to deny me the favour of this requeft, which I onely beg for 
 the greater exaltation of your Lordihip, my own honour, and welfare of your 
 party and well- withers. 
 
 Picarro repeated the fame words again, and told him that he was well enough 
 affined of his good will and affection towards him, and would never forget the 
 fignal actions he had performed, which had maintained and fupported him in thac 
 ftation wherein he at prefent moved : And for that reafon he could not eafily 
 fpare him, or fee him removed at a diftance from him, who was his Father and 
 his Parent. Upon this denial, it being put to the queftion who fhould command 
 the Party fent upon this exploit, John de Acofla was the perfon who by general 
 confent was chofen ; for he was not onely a favourite to Picarro, but one, as Hi- 
 ftorians fay, employed on fuch like actions as this, and perhaps on greater, as of- 
 ten as occafion offered ; for lie was efteemed to be ftout and brave, and indeed 
 he was Co : But Courage is not the onely endowment required in a Captain, but 
 there muft alio be Prudence and Conduct, which were greatly wanting in this 
 Perfon : and though Carvajal was endued with both, yet thefe Counfellours, ob- 
 serving the inclinations of Picarro towards him, complied rather with the affecti- 
 ons of their Prince than with fuch meafures as agreed beft with the neceflity of 
 the times. 
 
 Frandfco Carvajal feeing that John de Acofla was the perfon appointed for that ex- 
 ploit, he turned towards him and faid ; Captain, Since you are fo happy as to be 
 employed on this glorious action, and to take from me the honour and fame 
 which I fhould win, be pleafed to receive thefe inft ructions from me, which if 
 (veil obferved and executed, you will certainly be victorious, and return with the 
 Gown of»this Empire, which I have fo often promiled to our Lord the Gover- 
 nour. »The Rules which I would give you are thefe •-, I would have you depart 
 from hence about nine a Clock in the morning 5 the Bridge I reckon to be about 
 nine leagues from this City 5 and fo on a moderate march, neither too faff nor 
 too flow, you may by two a Clock in the afternoon travel four leagues, where 
 you may ffay an hour, and eat, and refrelh your felves and your Horfes ; and 
 from thence fetting out about three a Clock, upon a flow and eafie march, you 
 may get to the top of the Hill, which borders upon the River, by nine a Clock 
 at night •, for I would not have you be there fooner than about that time •, a 
 little below the top, at a league and half diftance from the Bridge, there is a 
 pleafant Fountain of clear Water •, at this place eat your Supper, and take your 
 repofe, caufing your Bed to be made with four good Quilts, and a clean pair 
 of Holland Sheets, lay your felf thereupon, and put a dozen Mufquets under 
 your Pillow charged with Powder, and without Bullets, for you will have no 
 need of fhot. The Prefident and his Souldiers, let them make what hafte they can, 
 will not be able to reach the Bridge untill fuch an hour the next day 5 and though 
 all the Devils in Hell affift them they will not be able to lay the firft Stranne un- 
 till the evening, and the fecond they will endeavour to lay in the night. After 
 which they will begin to pafs about nine a Clock at night, and fuch as are got 
 over will begin to climb the Hill without Rank or Order, having no jealoufie or 
 fufpicion of an enemy, believing it impofhble for us to have made fo fpeedya 
 march thither as we have done. Such as have been the firft to pafs will imme- 
 diately make to this Fountain, with defire to quench their thirft with this plea- 
 fant Water, and may be come near your Bed about twelve a Clock at night, at 
 which time caufe the Mufquets to be fired which you laid under your Pillow, 
 which having done, without other delay, or fo much as feeing the enemy, I would 
 have you return to the City, and then we will immediately plant the Crown 
 on the Head of our Lord the Governour. Thefe Inftructions and Rules Car- 
 vajal, who was wife and experienced in the War, gave to Captain John de Aco- 
 fla, who acted fo contrary thereunto that he not onely miffed of the Crown 
 
 but 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 8 W 
 
 but loft the lives of all thofe who belonged to their Party, as we (hall fee here- 
 after. 
 
 To perform this a&ion two hundred choice Souldiers were detached and moun- 
 ted on Horfe-back, and with them thirty Lances ; and to march with the lefs in- 
 cumbrance, they were to carry no Baggage but fuch as was neceiTary for the Men, 
 and Horfes, and Mules. And as to the faying o£ Carvajal, that he fhould make 
 his Bed .with four Quilts and a pair of Holland Sheets, and that the Mufquets 
 fhould be charged with Powder onely and without Shot, his meaning was, that 
 he mould make all hafte poflible, and that onely by giving the Enemy a true al- 
 arm, without farther action they ihould overcome and defeat them. And as to 
 his faying, that though all the Devils in Hell mould help them, &c it was to ex- 
 prefs the diligence and expedition the Enemy would ufe in framing the Bridge ; 
 the which was the ufual form and manner which this great Captain ufed in ex- 
 prefling his mind. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. 
 
 im- 
 
 
 The Prefident comes to the River o/Apurimac. The 
 culties and dangers they find in the pajfage. John de 
 Acofta defends the Pafs* The little care and ill Con- 
 duct, he jhewed in all this aclion. 
 
 
 NOtwithftanding all the hafte and diligence the Prefident and his Captains 
 could make they could not reach the Bridge that night, but were forced to 
 flop two leagues fhort, by reafon that it was dark * but Co foon as the Moon arofe 
 they began their Journey again, being forced to walk a great part thereof on foot, 
 by reafon of the ruggednefs of the way. About eight a Clock in the^morrjjng 
 they arrived at the Bridge, and with all the diligence they could ufe they could 
 not lay the firft Stranne before noon. The fecond was fitted and laid about fe- 
 ven a Clock in the evening, over which they caft boughs and thin boards faftned 
 together with fplit Canes. About ten a Clock at night the firft Ranks began to 
 pals ^ and fome few Souldiers were ferried over in a float hewed out of a piece of 
 Wood which they call Maguey, which is very light, and fomething like thofe 
 Gourds or Calabagas which grow in thofe Countries, and may be as thick as a man s 
 Leg : thefe Boats are drawn with Cords from one fide of the River to the other. 
 The Horfes fwam over with great danger of being drowned •, for on the fides of 
 the River there being no place made for them to enter in gently, they forced and 
 plunged them in from the fide of the Bank, where the ftream was fo rapid that it 
 carried them down and caft them againft the Rocks, where, meeting with whirl- 
 pools, they were turned quite round, and therein (as Cay ate reports, Book the 
 lecond Chapter the fifth) above fixty Horfe were drowned, and many others 
 were lamed. And though that Countrey was not a place for Horfes to fight in 
 by reafon of the Rocks and mountainous ways, yet they haftned over with all di- 
 ligence poflible, left the Enemy fhould furprife them before they had finiftied their 
 paflage. And indeed there was good ground to apprehend the coming of the 
 Enemy, for the paflage was very dangerous in the time of War, which Carvajal 
 Co well knew that he defired no other advantage over the Enemy than that. And 
 indeed the difficulties of that River are fuch , and the Mountains on each fide are 
 Co rocky and high, that they are at leaft two leagues perpendicular in height, the 
 which I can atteft, having feen them my felf. And therefore it was not without 
 reafon that Carvajal demanded this employment for himfelf, and when he was 
 denied, that he complained of his hard fortune ; being well aflured, in cafe they 
 would have intruded the management of this a&ion unto him, to have returned 
 with Vi&ory •, for he knew and was acquainted with the difficulty of the paflage 
 at Cotapampa. 
 
 By 
 
§24. Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 By means of the great diligence which was ufed half the Army was palled over 
 by midnight : The firft that were over, putting themfeives into the beft order 
 they could, began to climb the Mountain, being defirous to poflets themfeives of 
 the top before the Enemies were come ( which was the greateft danger they fea- 
 red ) for having feifed that Pafs, they might fecure the way, and facilitate the 
 afcentof the whole Army- Thofe in the Van having gotten half way up the 
 Mountain, a falfe alarm was given, no man knows how nor from whence, which 
 caufed fuch a general confternation and confufion, that many of thofe who were 
 not as yet pafled over, both Horfe and Foot ran away as if they had been purfued'-, 
 and fo general was the affrightment and terrour, that the Captains Parcel and Par- 
 daHe, and Gable} Rojm Captain of the Ordnance, and divers other Souldiers of 
 note, who were in the Rere Guards and in the main Body, feeing with what con- 
 fufion and diforder the Souldiers were put into flight, faid one to another, if this 
 alarm be true we fhall all be loft and defeated this night. But as good fortune 
 would have it, the alarm proving falfe, the difturbance and noife was quieted, and 
 thofe that fled rallied again, and every one made the beft of his way that he could, 
 Thofe who were in the Van, and were the firft to climb the Mountain, were 
 likewife ftruck with the fame terrour, and ran away with their Arms : but the 
 alarm appearing to be falfe, they proceeded on their way, and came to the Foun- 
 tain before break of day •-, which was the place where fohn de Acofta was to have 
 lain in wait for them, had he obferved the Orders of Francifco de Carvajal, in per- 
 formance of which the whole fortune and fuccefs of that day depended. Thofe 
 who came to the Fountain, having quenched their thirft with thofe pleafant Wa- 
 ters, proceeded on their way, and having got to the top of the Mountain, they 
 put themfeives into a Body •, but they were fo kw, and thofe without arty Com- 
 mander, that fifty men might eafily have defeated them : howfoever in a fhort 
 time after their numbers increafed, for the General Pedro de Hinojofa, and the Go- 
 vernor Pedro de Valdivia, who had pafled the Bridge, and remained at the foot of 
 the Mountain, animated the Men, and encouraged them to make good their 
 afcent: The other half of the Army, being affrighted with the late alarm, did not 
 pafs the Bridge with their Ordnance untill nine a Clock in the morning •-, which 
 having done, they marched after their companions with all diligence imaginable 5 
 and here we will leave them to fee what was become of fohn de Acofta, who was 
 departed from Cozco to hinder the Enemy from palling the River. 
 
 This Captain having received his Inftructions and Difpatches from the Lieute- 
 nant-General, departed from the City with two hundred Mufquetiers mounted on 
 Horfe-back, and thirty Lances, all choice men •, and having marched the firft four 
 leagues, he there ftaid and lodged all night, contrary to the orders and directions 
 which had been given him •, and fo negligent and carelefs lie feemed to be, that 
 two of his Souldiers took an opportunity to leave him, and give advice unto the 
 Enemy of his coming : The next morning about feven a Clock he began his 
 march again, and that day another of his Souldiers ran away, called fohn Nunnez 
 de Prado a Native of Badajoz, who gave intelligence of the diftance, the Enemy 
 was from them, and of the Orders given by Carvajal, which were fo exacl: and re- 
 gular that every thing was meafured by hours and leagues •-, which gave the Prefi- 
 dent and his Captains fome thoughts and apprehenlion of matters which were 
 to fucceed : for when they underftood, that an alarm was to be given at fuch an 
 hour in the night, they were extremely fearfull left it fhould caufe fome great dif- 
 order 5 for if the late falfe alarm had put them into the confufion before mentio- 
 ned, what could they imagine would be the eftecls of a true alarm, caufed by a 
 furprife in the night ? but by the negligence and unactive fpirit of fohn de Acofta 
 none of thefe matters were put in action, but all the methods and rules failed 5 
 which was objected to Gon$alo Pigarro as a failure in his conduct, as Ai^uftine Ca- 
 rate, Book the feventh Chapter the fourth, intimates, where fpeaking of the Squa- 
 dron which the Prefident formed of Indians and Negroes, he adds farther, 
 
 That when fohn de Acofta lent his Spyes to furvey the number of the Enemy's 
 Camp, and receiving a report that they were very numerous, he durft not engage 
 with them, but returned again for a greater force - 7 by which over-fight and de- 
 fault the Prefident gained time to finifh his Bridge, and tranfport his Souldiers. 
 And here it is that Pigarro was much blamed for his conduct, for bad he placed 
 onely a hundred men at each of thefe Pafles, it had been impoflible for the Enemy 
 to have made good their way over the Water : with which faying Car ate ends that 
 
 Chapter. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 8x5 
 
 Chapter. And indeed he had much reafon for this Affertion 5 for certainly that 
 paffage is fo difficult and horrid as cannot be exprefled or defcribed. When John 
 de Acofta underftood by his Scouts that he was not far from the defcent of that ill 
 way, he advanced with fix Horfemen to take a view of the Enemy, and finding 
 that they had already poffelled themfelvesof the top of the Mountain, and were 
 fo very numerous, he durft not engage with them : the truth is, they deceived 
 him much in their numbers, and made him believe they were many more than in 
 reality they were , for, as Hiftorians fay, they mounted their Indians and Negroes 
 on Horfes and Mules, and put Lances and Partifans into their hands, and drew 
 them up into a martial pofture •, and that the Enemy might not difcover the qua- 
 lity of this Rabble, they placed three or four Files of Spaniards in the Front well 
 appointed and armed, to cover the Negroes and Indians in their difguife 3 and then 
 of the Infantry they formed another Squadron of the like condition. The Hi- 
 ftorians add farther, that Acofta, to amufe Pi$arro and make him believe that he 
 would doe fomething, fent for a recruit of three hundred Mufquetiers ; but he 
 having not acted according to any of thofe Rules which Carvajal had given him, 
 the defign was loft •, and when the Recruits came to him, finding himlelf unable 
 to engage with the Prelident, he retreated to Cozco without any action, to give 
 an account to Pl$arro of what had palled, and that the Prefident approached near 
 unto the City. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. 
 
 Goncalo Picarro publifhes his Orders for the Army to march 
 out of Cozed. Carvajal difuades him from it, and puts 
 him in mind of a Prophecy relating to his life. The Pre- 
 fident marches towards Cozco. The Enemy goes forth to 
 meet him. 
 
 TH E defign of John de Acofta failing, Pi$arro refolved to march forth and meet 
 the Enemy, and give him Battel •, for having formerly had fuccefs againft 
 Indians and Spaniards, he took the greater confidence to adventure all his fortunes 
 on the hazard of War. In order hereunto he made Proclamation that in four 
 days time every man mould put himfelf in a readinefs to march to Sacfahuana, 
 being four leagues from the City 3 but Picarro having made this publication 
 without the knowledge or privity of his Lieutenant-General , Carvajal was 
 much troubled at it, and told him, that it was by no means proper, or agree- 
 able to the welfare of his affairs to go forth to meet the Enemy , for that 
 was to eafe the Enemy of a trouble and take it upon himfelf 5 I befeech you, 
 Sir, faid he, to believe me in this matter, and leave the conduct of it to me. 
 To which Pigarro anfwered, that at Sacfahuana he had made choice of a fpot 
 of Land very advantageous for him, and where the Enemy could onely at- 
 tack him in the Front, and that he doubted not to gain a Victory with his Can- 
 non onely. Sir, replied Carvajal, in this Countrey we cannot mifs every where 
 of ftrong and faft places, and I know particularly, (if you will be pleafed to leave 
 it unto me ) to chufe you fuch a place where you may be allured of.Vict.ory. My 
 meaning is, that whereas you defign to march four leagues to meet the Enemy* 
 that you rather change your courfe to the contrary way, and expect their coming 
 at Orcos, about five leagues from hence on the other fide , which if you are plea- 
 fed to doe, you lhall then fee the trouble and confufion this farther march of rive 
 leagues will caufe amongft.the Enemy, and the difficulties they will have to purfue 
 you : And then having leifure to furvey the ground, you may make choice of the 
 moft advantageous fituation to give Battel. And I do again and again befeech 
 
 ?ou to retreat back, rather than proceed forward to meet the Enemy, the which 
 would perfuade you unto though there were nothing more in it than merely 
 what fome judicial Aftrologers have prognofticated concerning your life j namely, 
 
 N n n n n that 
 
Sz6 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 that fuch a year you (hall run a great hazard to lofe it, but in cafe you then efcape 
 you (hall live long in great happinefs and profperity. The year which threatens 
 your life according to their prefages is almoft expired 5 for not many months, or 
 weeks remain before that time determines, which I would therefore advife you to 
 protract by a handfome retreat from the Enemy : this I fay, that you may neither 
 have caufe to complain of your own rafhnefs, nor your Friends and well-wi(hers 
 to lament your want of confideration in making too (light an account of fuch pre- 
 dictions : for though there be no certainty in judicial Aftrology, yet at leaft it will- 
 be good to fpend out the time, if poflible, to fee whether fuch prefages prove 
 true or falfe. I am well afTured that the Enemy cannot force you to fight 5 and per- 
 haps there may be many reafons which may perfuade you to avoid it, untill forrse 
 greater advantage offers than at prefent appears. Why iliould we adventure that 
 which we may eafily avoid, in cafe we intend to travel from one Countrey to 
 another with pleafure and eafe, whilft the Enemy in purluit of us endure all the 
 inconveniences of a long march and hardships which famine and want muft bring 
 upon them ; and in this manner we may fpin out the time untill the bad influen- 
 ces are part which threaten you, and till the days return which the Aftrologers af- 
 fure you will be more propitious. Picarro anfwered in kw words, that he was 
 refolved not to make a retreat either far or near, it not being confiftent with his 
 honour and reputation 5 but to follow his fortune, and expect the Enemy at Snc- 
 fahuana, and be his deftiny what it would, he determined to give the Enemy Bat- 
 tel at that place, without regard either to the Moon or Stars. Herewith the dip 
 courle ended, at which Cari-ajal was greatly troubled and complained amongft his 
 friends and familiar acquaintance, that his Lord the Governour refolved upon a 
 mod pernicious courfe, efpecially in this critical time of his life, which was more 
 dangerous than any other : in this opinion all others did concur, and were much 
 afflicted to fee him thus refolute and without regard to his fafety or condition to 
 deliver up himfelf (as it were) into the hands of his Enemies : there was no doubt 
 but he was a man of great underftanding •, and therefore we may attribute this 
 violent tranfport to the influence of the Stars, which carried him beyond his rea- 
 fon, and caufed him (as it were) to offer the Knife to his own Throat, and re- 
 ject the reafonable counfel of his Major-General. 
 
 But we muft return again to the Prefident, and often change our hands from 
 one party to the other. The paflage being now made free and open by the re- 
 treat of phn <k Acofta, the Royal Army had liberty to march without fear or dan- 
 ger of an Enemy ; but by reafon of the great incumbrances of Cannon, Ammuni- 
 tion and Provifions, four days were fpent before they could clear themfelves out 
 of that uneafie paflage, of which three days were required to march from the 
 River to the top of the Mountain, where the Army was drawn up : from which 
 place the Prefident gave command to march the Army with great order -, howfo- 
 ever the ways were fo narrow and rugged, and the Baggage fo great that the 1 Officers 
 could not obferve that rule they defired •, and notwithstanding all their endeavours, 
 the longeft march they could make in a day was not above two leagues*, and fbme- 
 times but one, and then perhaps they were forced to ftay a day or two untill the 
 Rere could come up. 
 
 In the mean time Gov cab Picarro haftned his Men out of Coza, and to march 
 unto Sacfahmna, where lie defigned to expect the Enemy and give -them Battel. 
 His Captains were all young and (tout, and fuch as depended moft uaon their own- 
 bravery and courage, in confidence of which they chtarrally haftned out of Cokjco, 
 to anticipate the day which (hould make them Lords and Matters of all Perm. 
 But Carvajd and thofe of his opinion,- who were the moft fober and confederate, 
 were very unwilling to meet the Enemy, not having men in whom they could put 
 any confidence; for amongft their own Party were three hundred of thofe Soul- 
 diers which belonged to Diego Centeno, who had been lately overcome, and many 
 of them as yet not cured of their wounds : and therefore in reafon ought to be 
 efteemed for fuch who defired their overthrow and deftruftion ? or at leaft would 
 run away in the day of Battel, and difcourage thofe who were faichfull Friends to 
 
 Picarro. 
 
 Thefe confederations adminiftred juft caufe of fear and danger ; to divert which 
 Ctrvajal often turned to difluade Picarro from that fatal Counfel; which would 
 inevitably betray him to a lofs of his life, eftate, honour and every thing that 
 was dear unto him. But fo God ordained it ( as thofe of the contrary party faid ) 
 
 that 
 
Book V. Koyal Commentaries. %%j 
 
 that Pi$arro having completed the meafure of his iniquity was blindly carried to 
 receive the punilhment he deferved. The which obftinacy fo difpleafed feveral of 
 his people, that they purpofed to have left him if poffibly they could : and I can 
 confidently aver, that after the Battel of Sacfahuana, and when all things were qui- 
 eted ■-, I have heard ibme principal Officers who belonged to Picarro fay, that if 
 he had followed the advice and counfel of his Major General , they would never 
 have left him, but have died with him : for they efteemed Carvajal as an Oracle, 
 and entertained fuch an efieem of his knowledge andjexperience in War, that they 
 doubted not of the fuccefs in all matters where his counfel was followed. But Pl- 
 $arro perilling in his fatal refolution, marched out of Cozco towards the latter end 
 of March in the year i ^48, and in two days came to Sacfahuana, being greatly hun- 
 dred by his Carriages, Artillery and Baggage, for he was well furniihed with all 
 provitions for War , (0 as not to want any thing in cafe the Enemy fhould ftay 
 or linger in their coming. And though ( as we have faid ) this a&ion was con- 
 trary to the fenfe and opinion of moft men •, yet, finding Picarro fixed and refo- 
 lute in his determination, none durft to diffuade or endeavour to alter his mind : 
 and in regard thefe men evidently faw that he went pofitively to facrifice himfelf 
 and them to manifeft destruction , every man began to provide for his own inte- 
 tereft and fafety ■-, and to abandon Picarro whom they faw plainly offering up him- 
 felf to death in the moft flourilhing fiation of his life, being in the two and fourti- 
 eth year of his age ; during which time he had been victorious in all the Battels 
 he fought either againft InSuns or Spaniards , and had not above fix months be- 
 fore obtained that famous Victory at Huarina , which gave him a character above 
 any in this new World : all which fortunes and fuccefles were changed , and buri- 
 ed in the Valley of Sacfahuana. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV*. 
 
 The two Armies meet in Sacfahuana. Goncalo Pigarro 
 fljews a diffidence of tbqfe Souldiers which belonged to Di- 
 ego Centeno 3 and the expectation the Prejident had-, 
 that thofe men Jhould revolt to his fide. The Offers and 
 Proteftations which were made by Picarro. The Anjwer 
 given by Gafca. It is refolved to decide the Difference 
 by Battel. The Order of the Royal Army. 
 
 GOncalo Picarro drew up his Army in a certain place of that Valley , having a 
 River behind not very broad, and a craggy Mountain, and both fo met to- 
 gether, that the fituation was naturally ftrong, and covered the Army on all quar- 
 ters in fuch manner that it could not be attacked in the rere nor on either fide , 
 but on the front onely. This River, towards the Mountain, is fortified with great 
 Water-galls , caufed by the ftreams which fall from above : between which and 
 the River Picarro pitched his Tents, leaving the Plain between the Water-galls and 
 Mountain free and open for drawing up the Army. The Prefident ( as we have 
 faid) making ihort marches , arrived in this Valley three days after Picarro; and 
 three days palled with fmall skirmifhes and piqueering between fmall parties ; 
 which were of no great moment •, by which time all the Imperial Army was come 
 up. The Armies faced one the other for two days afterwards, without engaging-, 
 all which time Picarro and his Captains kept a ftrict eye and watch on their Soul- 
 diers, that none of them ihould run over to the Prefident. And now one would 
 think, that a Commander, who voluntarily marched to meet his Enemy, fhould 
 have great confidence in the fidelity of his Souldiers •, and not doe as Picarro, 
 who too late began to diftruft Centeno's men , of which there were no lefs than 
 three hundred in the Army 3 and began to approve the Counfel q{ Carvajal, who 
 
 Nnnnn % perfuadedl 
 
g 2 3 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 perfoaded him long fince to difmifs thofe men, of whom there being no aflurance, 
 they were unfit to be entrufted with fo great a concernment, wherein Eftate, Life 
 and Honour did confift. This particular is alfo noted by Lopez do Gomara, Chap. 1 86. 
 
 in'thete words: 
 
 Picarro, fays he , marched out with above a thouland Spaniards , of which two 
 hundred were Horfe, and five hundred and fifty Mufquetiers* but he was very 
 doubtfull of four hundred who had ferved under the command of Catena, which 
 caufed him to keep a ftricT: guard over them -, and to kill fome of them with Lan- 
 ces who attempted to make an efcape, &c. Thus far this Authour. 
 
 But on the contrary, The Prefident remained with aflurance of the faithfulnefs 
 of thofe who revolted over to his Party : particularly ( as that Authour reports in 
 the fame Chapter, which is very long) he was well fatisfied in the Promife which 
 Licenclado Cepeda fent him by Friar Antonio de Caflro of the Order of Preachers , 
 who was Prior at that time of Arequepa , that in cafe Picarro came not to terms 
 of agreement with him, he wasrefolved upon breaking off the Treaty, to pais 
 over to the Emperour's Service. 
 
 With this aflurance the Prefident held a Confultation with his Captains , whe- 
 ther it were beft immediately to engage or decline Fighting for fome time : And 
 though they were all of opinion, that to avoid the effufion of bloud it were bet- 
 ter to forbear ; yet, considering the neceflities they fliould be fpeedily forced into 
 for want of Provifions and- of Wood, and more efpecially of Water, which they 
 brought from far , whilft the Enemy was abundantly fupplied therewith ; it was 
 refolved to engage the next day ; leit thefe inconveniences happening by fuch de- 
 lays, the Souldiers being enforced by hunger fliould run to the Enemy : but on the 
 fame Pica-no lent fome Articles and Protefts to the Prefident , as the fame Au- 
 thour exr-refles in thefe w ords. 
 
 Picarro fent two Priefts one after another, to require Gafia to (hew to him in 
 writing , his Commiflion and Command of the Emperour : and that in cafe it did 
 appear in the original writing that his Majefty did enjoin him to leave the Go- 
 vernment , he was ready to yield all obedience thereunto, to refign up his Power 
 and to abandon the Countrey. But in cafe he refuted fo to doe , he then decla- 
 red , that he was refolved to give him battel , protefting againft him for all the 
 bloud :md miferies which fliould thence enfue. Gafia being informed that thefe 
 Priefts had been dealing with Hinojofi and others, to fubvert them from their duty, 
 he caufed the* to be deteined, and fent word to Picarro, that he was ready to grant 
 free Pardon to him and all his Followers ; adding how great honour he had gai- 
 ned in being the principal inftrument to procure a revocation of the late Ordinan- 
 ces which would now be completed in cafe he would accept of the grace and favour 
 of his Majefty, and enter into the number of his faithful! Servants : that all thofe 
 who were engaged on his fide would have eternal obligations to him for obtai- 
 ning a Pardon for them , and putting them into a condition of fafety and riches , 
 without the hazard of Battel , wherein they may be flain or be taken Prifoners , 
 to receive the puniftiment of their Rebellion. But all thefe words were wind , 
 and they might as well be preached in the Defart to the Woods and Rocks as to 
 minds fo obftinately inclined , or to defperate men , and fuch as believed them- 
 felves invincible ■-, and the truth is, their Camp was well fortified by the fituation 
 of the place, and was well furniftied with all Provifions, and attended by the 
 fervices of Indians. Thus far are the very words of Gomara. And whereas he fays , 
 that the Indians were very ferviceable to them is moft true ■-, for generally the Indi- 
 ans ferved Goncak Picarro with more affection than others •, by reafon that he was 
 one of the fir'ft Conquerours whom they called Children of the Sun, and Brothers 
 to their Kings the Inca's; and therefore gave them the title of be* *5 and particu- 
 larly they bore a Angular love and refpect to Goncalo Picarro for being the Brother 
 of the Marquis Francifio Picarro; they bewailed' his death with much tendernefs 
 and companion. 
 
 Tlie night before it was refolved to give the Enemy Battel , John de Acofia was 
 appointed to attack them with a body of four hundred men, in which he was the 
 more forward , in hopes to recover the Credit he had loft in the late Defign ; by 
 his mifcarriage in which, he was taxed of negligence and want of knowledge in 
 War : and it was well known how much CarvdjM lamented his misfortune, by be- 
 ing denyed the condud of that Affair whereby he hoped to have crowned all his 
 former Actions, and confummated the glorious exploits of his old age. But whilft. 
 
 John 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. g^Q 
 
 fob?! de Acofts was juft ready to make an Attempt of Surprife upon che Enemy ,news 
 was brought, that one of Centers Souldiers was fled to the other Party 5 whereby 
 fearing that the defign was difcovered , that refolution was laid afide , much to 
 the fatisfa&ion of Pigarro, who was of opinion that his advantage was gieacer in 
 a full engagement with the whole Body, than toskirmifh and right infmall parties: 
 and thus much Gomara confirms, and lays, that Pigarro told Acofla, that there 
 was no need to adventure his perfon where the Victory was fecure and already 
 certain. And indeed the confidence of Pigarro and ins Officers was grounded on 
 a belief, that every individual Souldier would fight as valiantly as themlelves, 
 which certainly, if they had, it would have gained them the Vi&ory .- but their 
 errour foon appeared 5 for neither did thofe who were reputed valiant, fi&ht like 
 fuch, nor men of lefs efteem lhew themfelves cowards. 
 
 The Advice which the Souldier brought who fled from Pigarro, that John de A- 
 cofia was designing to furprize them and beat up theii qaai as , cauled the Prefi- 
 dent to draw out his men and put them into array , in which pofture they conti- 
 nued the whole night, and endured fo much cold, (as the Hiftorians Gomara and 
 Car ate write) that they were not able to hold their weapons in their hands. 
 But fo foon as it was day , being the ninth of April 1 548. the King's Army drew 
 farther out into the open field, and into a larger quarter than the night before. The 
 Infantry were all joined in a Body conducted by their refpeftive Captains , and 
 fupported on each hand with wings of Mufquetiers 5 and flanked on the left wkh 
 two hundred Horfe, whofe Captains were Diego de Mora, fohn dc Saavedrd, Rodri- 
 
 go de Salazar and Trancifco Hernandez, Giron, whom Carate calls Aldana : on the right 
 Were the Captains Gomez de Alvarado , Don Pedro Cabrera, and Alonfo Mercadillo, 
 
 with other two hundred Horfe appointed to defend the Royal Standard, which 
 was carried by the Licemiado Carvajal , in the fame rank with thefe Captains. 
 On the right hand of thefe ( at fome diftance from them ) Captain Alonfo de 
 Mendoga and Diego de Centeno were ranked with fixty Horfe under their command, 
 all which, or the greateft part of them, confifted of thofe who efcaped from the 
 Battel of Huarim ; who would have no other Captain than Mendoga, becaufe he 
 had been their Companion and fellow Souldier in all their travels and iufferings : 
 and thefe drew up near the River to fuccour and receive fuch as ihould revolt 
 over to their Party , for they expected many to fly over to them from all quar- 
 ters of the Army 5 and on this quarter efpecially there appeared moft difficulty 
 and danger. Captain Graviel de Rcja* was induftrioufly employed jn planting his 
 Cannon in the field , which he with much labour performed by reafbn of the 
 Rocks and ruggednefs of the way. The General Pedro de Hinojofa , the Lieute- 
 nant General Alonfo" de Alvarado , and the Serjeant Major Pedro deVilla-vicencio, 
 
 and the Governour Pedro de Valdivia , difpofed the other Troops and Companies 
 in their due Places. In the Rere of all was the Prefident with three Bifhops, viz,. 
 of Cozco , of Qmtu and Los Reyes , with the principal perfons of the Order- of 
 Preachers , and Friars of the Order of our Lady of Merced, with a very great 
 number of Church-men and Friars, who followed the Camp j for guard of whom 
 a Party of fifty Horfe were appointed , and to defend them in cafe any misfor- 
 tune Ihould happen. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. 
 
 The Succefs of the Battel of Sackfahuana, to the time of the 
 total defeat of Gon^alo Pigart'O. 
 
 SO foon as it was day Gongalo Pigarro commanded them to beat, a march , and 
 drew out his men into the Plain which lyes between the River and the 
 Mountain : he alfo commanded a Plat-form to be raifed and the Cannon moun- 
 ted. It is faid alfo , by Gomara , that he committed the charge of drawing up the 
 Army to Licemiado Cepeda, becaufe that Carvajal was fo angry and difpleafed that 
 
 his 
 
§2 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 his Counfel was not followed 5 that giving all for loft he refufed to take any 
 charge of the Army, but entered himfelf into the ranks of the Infantry, to fight 
 like a private Captain : for which reafon Hiftorians make no mention of Carvaj.il 
 in all this action. . _ 
 
 Whilft the Officers were thus bufily employed in difpofing the Army in their 
 feveral Stations, Garcilajfo, my Lord, came out from amongft them, and upon pre- 
 tence that his Indian had neglected to bring him his Lance, he defcended down to- 
 wards the River , calling out with a loud voice to his Indian 5 and fo foon as he 
 was got below the Gifts of the Water-galls, he haftned with all fpeed poffible 
 towards the Royal Camp , and having paffed the wet ground which was between 
 the two Armies, and which drains it ielf in the River, lie then afcended into the 
 upper grounds, and in the view of both Armies , he prefented himfelf before the 
 Prefident, who received and embraced him with open Arms 3 and laid to him , 
 Seigniour Garplajfo, I have long expected that you mould render this fervice to 
 his Majefty : To which Garplajfo replied, That he had long been a prifoner with- 
 out liberty , and reftrained from making this open demonftration , but ftill had a 
 heart and good will thereunto. Picarro was much troubled at the departure and 
 lofs of Garplajfo ■, yet, not to difcourage his own men, he feemed to make light of 
 it ; and meeting with a Cofin German of my Father's called Gomez Saarez de Figu- 
 eroa, he faid, Garplajfo hath left us, and do not you think now, that he will be in 
 a fine condition, in cafe we fhould get the Victory ? and thus did he ftill flatter 
 himfelf with hopes of fuccefs, which in a fhort time after failed, and he unde- 
 ceived. My Father's efcape was, as now related, though the Hiftorians tell us 
 firft of the flight of Lkenciado Cepeda , and then of my Father and others , as if 
 they had all gon away together , but their information was not fo particular as 
 mine: but there is another Writer, who relates the matter as I have done, and 
 names my Father in the firft place , and then a Cofin of mine , and others , and 
 that Gonptlo Picarro was greatly afflicted and troubled for it : And then proceeding on 
 with his Story, he fays that Lkenciado Cepeda foon followed after them. The truth 
 is , Garplajfo de U Vega fled fingly without other company , and that he contrived 
 his efcape in thofe three days that Picarro was in the field before the Enemy was 
 come up, during which time he furveyed the ground and places over which he 
 might pafs with moft fafety ; and then it was that he plotted, that his Indian fhould 
 not bring his Lance, that he might have anexcufe to depart from his company; 
 and that he pafled under covert of the Clifts, by the River fide; the which Par- 
 ticulars I heard from himfelf, together with the feveral paffages and fuccefles of 
 that great a&ion , when he had leifure freely to difcourfe thereof in the times of 
 peace and fettlement. I have alfo heard Garplajfo, my Lord, fay, that after Gon- 
 ptlo Picarro had taken away his horfe Salmflas at the Battel of Huarina, as is before 
 mentioned, that he purpofely omitted to buy himfelf another, that fo Picarro ob- 
 serving him on foot , might be moved either to return his horfe to him again , or 
 fupply him with fome other : and accordingly it happened, for that four days be- 
 fore Pigarro marched out of Cozco , to fight the Battel at Sacfahaana , he returned 
 him his horfe Salini/Lu, which was fo welcome to him, that when he faw him in 
 his Stable, he thought that fome Angel from Heaven had brought him thither. 
 I have not repeated thefe Particulars to excufe my Father, for all thofe matters are 
 already paft, but to relate the truth of things, with the circumftances of days, 
 hours and moments ; for I intend neither to accufe nor reflect on any man, but 
 like a plain Hiftorian to lay down matter of Fa<5t. And fo accordingly let us re- 
 turn to the fuccefs of that Battel. 
 
 Picarro Forces were drawn up according to the direction of Llcenciado Cepeda -. 
 and oy the fide of the Mountain a Party of Mufquetiers were detached to skir- 
 
 mifh With the Enemy : to oppofe which the Captains Heman Mexia de Guzman 
 
 and John Alonfo Palomino were commanded out with their Companies, and caufed 
 them to retreat without lofs or hurt on either lide. In the mean time the Cannon 
 plaid on both fides : but that oiPicarrh did no execution, becaufe the Prefident's 
 Forces being drawn up in a low ground, they lbot over : but the Prefident's Can- 
 non being planted to more advantage, commanded the Enemy's Camp on all fides, 
 {0 that two men were killed with the great fhot, one of which was Page to Picar- 
 ro. Whilft Lkenciado Cepeda was drawing up the Forces his eyes were ftill towards 
 the way where he might beft efcape to the Enemy ; and feigning , as if he looked 
 for a more advantageous ground, fo foon as he found himfelf at fome convenient 
 
 difhnce 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 821 
 
 diftance off he let (purs to his Horfe, which was a very comely Beaft of a dark 
 Chefnut colour, having his neck, breaft and hinder parts covered with a thick 
 Bull's Hide dyed black, that it looked very handfomely, and was a new fort of 
 ornament and covering which I never remember to have feen before, nor fince to 
 the day that I left that Countrey : but this new fort of hoofing was at that time 
 very dangerous to the Mafter, being particularly noted and known thereby •, for 
 he no fooner began to run towards the Enemy but he was known and purfued by 
 Pedro Martin de Bon Benito, mounted upon a large Horfe thin and lean, but in good 
 breath, and as I remember he was of a bayilh colour, and fo fwift that he ran three 
 foot for the other's one, and fo fetched upon him that he came up with Ccped* juft 
 as he entred upon the wet ground, which was near the Prefident's Camp, and 
 there he gave his Horfe fuch a ftroke with his Lance on the hinder parts that he 
 bore him down into the mire, and gave another wound to Cepeda in the right 
 Thigh, and had certainly killed him, had not four Cavaliers under the command 
 of Almfo de Mendo$a, placed there on fuch occafions, come in to his refcue. Had 
 not the Horfe been overcharged with the weight of his Bull's Leather, he had cer- 
 tainly out-run and efcaped the Lance of Pedro Martin de Don Benitp, who was moun- 
 ted on an old lean Jade ■-, and having performed this piece of bravery he returned 
 again to the main Body of his Forces •, but Lkenciado Cepeda being relieved by the 
 timely fuccours which came to his afliftence, he was taken out of the mire into 
 which he was fallen, and conducted to kifs the Prefident's Hand, who received 
 him with great joy, and, as Gom&ra faith, killed him on the Cheek 5 looking up- 
 on him for fo confiderable a perfon, as that by his defertion Pi$arro was overcome. 
 Thus far Gomara. 
 
 After his example many other Souldiers both Horfe and Foot came flocking in 
 from all fides •, amongft them was Martin de Arvieto, of whom we formerly made 
 mention in the Battel of Hnarina, and promifed to relate feveral things of him, of 
 which this particular (hall ferve for one. He was well mounted on an excellent 
 Horfe, carrying his Lance in his Wreft, which fort of Weapon began to be out 
 of ufe in thofe days 5 this Martin Arvieto w«s accompanied by a Souldier called 
 Pedro de Arenas, born at Colmenar de Arenas, he was little of ftature, but a neat 
 nimble fellow, and efteemed honeft, and a good Souldier ■■, he was mounted on a 
 pretty dapper Mare of a brown Bay, with white ftreaks, but fmall and fit for the 
 Mafter, and was more proper to ride about the ftreets than for an engagement in 
 Battel •, and becaufe Arvieto had taken him under his protection, he held his Horfe 
 in with a (tiff hand, that he might not leave his Companion ; which Pedro Mar- 
 tin observing, who had already run four or five Footmen thorough with his Lance, 
 immediately purfued after them : Martin de Arvieto who led the way, palled eafi- 
 ly over the moorilh ground, but Pedro de Arenas Mare floundred in it, and after, 
 two or three plunges (he threw her Rider into the mire and dirt, and the girts of 
 the Saddle broke. Arvieto turning about and feeing his Comrade in the dirt, in- 
 terpofed between him and Martin de Bon Benito, which when Benito faw, and that 
 Arvieto intended to fight him, he flopped his Horfe and flood ftill : whereupon 
 Martin de Arvieto called upon him, and faid, Advance Rafcal, and let us try which 
 of us hath fucked the better milk 1 but Benito accepted not the challenge, but re- 
 turned again to his companions. Pedro Martin made many of thefe fallies, and at 
 lafl a (hot took him on the right hand, with which his Lance falling, he came to 
 Picarro without it, and told him, Sir, I am now difabled, and unfit farther for yonr 
 fervice, and thereupon he retired into the Rere of the Horfe. During which time 
 all the Souldiers that could, as well Horfe as Foot, fled over to the Royal Camp 5 
 which when Trancifto de Carvajal faw, and that, by reafon of Pif arro's obftinacy, who 
 perfifted ftill in his own humour, all was brought to deftru&ion and wine, he be- 
 gan to fifig with a loud voice ; Thus, Mother, doth the wind carry away my hairs two 
 by two, and in this manner continued finging, and jelling upon thofe who rejected 
 his counfel, untill there was not one man remaining. At length the right Wing 
 of Mufquetiers, pretending unto great Faith and Loyalty, defired leave to be de- 
 tached from the reft of the Body to skirmilh with the Enemy, which being ad- 
 mitted, and they drawn out, fo foon as they found themfelves at fome diftance 
 off, they all fet to running, and came over to the Prefident •-, which when he and 
 his Officers obferved, they refolved to decline fighting, in expectation that in a 
 very (hort time all the Forces ofPifxrro would come over to them 5 the which ac- 
 cordingly fucceeded ; for a party of thirty Horfe being drawn out to purfue the 
 
 Foot, 
 
8 3 2 Royal Commentaries Book V. 
 
 Foot, followed the fame example, and furrendred themfelves likewife to the Prefi- 
 dent : in like manner forty Mufquetiers of the left Wing took the fame way without 
 any purfuit made after them 5 for marching off in a Body they often faced about, in- 
 tending to defend themfelves in cafe they Ihould meet any opposition : And more- 
 over by this time Alonfo de Mendo^a and Diego Centeno, with a party of fixty Horfe, 
 had placed themfelves between the Enemy and the Bog, to fuccour fuch as (hould 
 make their efcape. Carvajal all this time continued his Song, roaring it out aloud 
 as he faw the parties run away. The Pike-men, finding themfelves naked and 
 forfaken on both fides by their Mufquetiers, and no poflibility for them to make 
 their flight, upon pretence of skirmifh with the Enemy, all on a fudden threw 
 clown their Arms and fled by feveral ways, which put an end to all Picarro's Forces. 
 This was the fuccefs of the Battel of Sacfahmna, if fo it may be called a Battel ; 
 in which there was neither blow with a Sword, nor pufli with a Lance, nor Muf- 
 quet (hot of Enemy againfl: Enemy, nor nothing more than what is before related : 
 and fo fudden was the deftrudtion of Pi^arro, that if we ihould enlarge thereupon 
 it would take up more time in the reading than there was in the transaction there- 
 of. On Picarro's fide, as Gomara reports, ten or twelve were killed •, all which 
 dyed by the hand of Pedro Martin de Don Benito, and other Officers in purfuit of 
 the Fugitives, but by the Forces of the Prefident not a man was (lain : though 
 Hiftorians fay both Parties were within (hot of each other, and whole Vollies 
 were interchanged •, yet it is certain they were above five hundred paces diftant 
 each from the other : On the other fide but one was unluckily killed by the mi£ 
 chance of a lhot from his Companion. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. 
 
 Gon^alo Pisarro funenders himfelf, judging it lefs di/ho- 
 now able fo to doe than to turn bis back, and fly. The dif- 
 courfe which pa/fed between the Prefident and him. The 
 imprifonment o/Francifco de Carvajal. 
 
 TH E Pikemen having thrown down their Arms, Goncalo Picarro and his Cap- 
 tains were furprifed with a ftrange aftonimment, being an Acl: contrary to 
 all expectation : And then Picarro, turning his face to John de Acofia, faid, Brother 
 John what (hall we doe ? Acofia, prefuming on his valour more than on his own 
 difcretion, anfwered, Sir, let us fight and dye like old Romans. No, faid Picarro, 
 it is better to dye like Chriftians. Gomara, upon this occafion, Chap. 186, faith, 
 that his words were like a good Chriftian and a valiant Man, for he judged it 
 more honourable to furrender than to dye, for that he had never turned his back 
 to his Enemy, &c And he adds farther, that Pigarro ftill kept himfelf in a very 
 excellent garb, mounted on a brave Horfe of a Chefnut colour 5 he was armed 
 with a Coat of Mail, and over it a Waftcoat of Sattin well beaten with many 
 doubles, and on his Head he wore a Helmet and Bever of Gold, &c. Aagufiine 
 Car ate fays, that the Coat which he wore over his Arms was of an incarnation Vel- 
 vet, covered almoft all over with bofles of Gold \ and that he faid to John de Aco- 
 fla, fince all people are going over to the King, I alfo am going likewiie, &c. Ha- 
 ving faid this, he proceeded to the Royal Camp, with thole Captains who were 
 
 Contented to follow him •■, namely John de Acofta, Maldonado, John Velez. de Gqevara$ 
 
 and as he was going in this manner, he met with Pedro de VUlavicentio $ whom he 
 obferving to be well attended, asked who he was, and underftanding that he was 
 the Serjeant-Major •, he faid to him, I am Goncalo Picarro and am going to render 
 my felf to the Emperour : having faid this, he yielded up to him his Dagger which 
 lie carried in his hand, for that (as Carate faith) he had broken and fpent his Lance 
 upon his own people which fled from him. Villavicencio was very proud of this his 
 good fortune, and with many fair words returned him thanks for the great favour 
 
 he 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 825 
 
 he had done him •, and therefore in complement would neither require his Sword 
 nor his Dagger which was girt about him, which was of confiderable value, the 
 Hilt being all of beaten Gold : proceeding a little farther, he met with Diego Cen- 
 teno, who laid, my Lord, I am heartily forrow to fee your Lordfhip in this condition. 
 Gon^lo Picarro fmiled hereat a little, and replied, Captain Cemeno, there is nothing 
 to be (aid more upon rhis matter, my bufinefs is finished to day, to morrow 
 you your felves will lament my fall 5 and without interchanging more words, he 
 was carried directly to the President's Quarters, who received him in fuch manner 
 as the three Authours agree •, whofe words we will faithfully repeat. Carate, Book 
 the feventh Chapter the feventh, faith •, And fo he was carried before the Prefi- 
 denr, between whom fome fpeeches paffing which were judged to be bold and fe- 
 ditious, he was committed to the cuftody of Diego Cemeno, &c. Gomara, Chapter 
 186. faith, VtlUvkencio, being proud of fuch a Prifoner, conducted him forthwith 
 to the prefence ofGafia 5 who, amongft many other queftions, asked of him, whe- 
 ther he thought he had done well in railing War againft the Emperour? to which 
 Pifarro replied, Sir, I and my Brothers gained this Countrey at our own coft and 
 expence, and therefore I thought it no crime to afpire unto the Government, ha- 
 ving his Majefty's word and CommuTion for it. Gafta in anger twice comman- 
 ded that he fhould be taken from his prefence, and the cuftody of him was com- 
 mitted to the charge of Diego Centeno, who petitioned for the fame. PaUntwo, 
 Chap. 90th. relates the difcourfe which pafled on this occafion, as follows ; Gon~ 
 (aIo P'^arro, faith he, was carried before the Prefident, and being alighted from 
 his Horfe, he made his humble obeifance to him : the Prefident laid his faults be- 
 fore him, and would have comforted him, but Pierre continuing ftill inflexible 
 and obftinate ; anfwered, That it was he who had gained that Countrey, and put- 
 ting a fmooth glofs on his actions, endeavoured to juftifie whatfoever he had done; 
 which fo provoked the Prefident that he retorted very feverely upon him in pre- 
 fence of many ftanders-by, and told him plainly that whatfoever he could pretend 
 had not fufficient force to caufe him to fwerve from the duty he owed to his Prince, 
 much lefs to become ungratefull and obdurate 5 for granting that his Majefty had 
 conferred the favour and honour on his Brother the Marquis to govern this Coun- 
 trey, yet confidering that thereby he had raifed both him and his Brothers from a 
 mean and poor to a rich and high condition, and advanced him from the dung- 
 hill to a confiderable degree, it ought to be fo owned and acknowledged 5 efpe- 
 dally fince in the difcovery of that Countrey there was nothing due to him : it is 
 true his Brother might pretend to fome merit therein, but he understood fo well 
 the favours his Majefty had conferred upon him as to efteem himfelf obliged for 
 ever to continue loyal and within the terms of duty and refpect : Picarro would 
 have made fome reply, but the Prefident commanded the Marfhal to take him 
 away, and deliver him into the cuftody of Diego Centeno. Thus far Pa/emino, and 
 with him the other two Authours agree -, but all of them are fo fhort in the rela- 
 tion they give of this matter, that we think it neceffary to recount the ftory more 
 particularly as it pafled, which was this ; 
 
 When Goncalo Pigxrro came to the place where the Prefident was, he found 
 him alone with the Marfhall •, for the other Commanders, afhamed to fee him 
 whom they had denied and fold, retired at fome diftance from them : the cere- 
 monies of refpect which were made pafled on Horfeback, for Pi$arro did not 
 alight feeing that every man kept himfelf on his Saddle, asdid alfo the Prefident ; 
 and the firft thing he asked him was, Whether he thought he had done well in 
 railing the Countrey againft the Emperour, and making himfelf Goyernour there- 
 of contrary to his Majefty's will and pleafure, and in killing his Vice-king in a 
 pitch'd Battel : To which he made anfwer, that he had never made himfelf Go- 
 vernour, but was raifed thereunto by the Judges, who, at the requeft and defire of 
 all the Cities of the Kingdom, had given him a Commiilion in purfuance and 
 confirmation of that Act of Grace which his Majefty had conferred on his Bro- 
 ther the Marquis, impowering him to nominate a perfon to fucceed him after his 
 life •, and that it was manifeft and notorioufly known to all the world that he 
 was the perfon nominated by his Brother : and that having gained the Kingdom, 
 it was but juft that he mould be made Governour of it, And as to the Vice- 
 king, he was advifed by the Judges, as a thing lawfull and tending to the quiet- 
 nefe and peace of the Empire, and to his Majefty's lervice, to drive out a perfon 
 from amongft them who was fo little fit and qualified for Government i and as to 
 
 Ooooo his 
 
§24 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 his death he was not concerned in it S but he having oppreffed the people, and 
 put many to death without either Reafon or Law, wis in revenge thereof killed 
 by thofe whofe Kindred, Friends and Relations were murthered by him. If thofe 
 Meflengers and Minifters he fent to his Majefty to render him an account of the 
 ftateofhis Affairs here (who were the Men who fold and betrayed him) had 
 been admitted and impartially heard, no doubt but his Majefty would have ac- 
 cepted his fervices, and taken other counfels and meafures than what now appear : 
 for whatfoever he atted then was at the perfuafion and with the concurrence of 
 the Inhabitants and Reprefentatives of the feveral Cities ; and was made to be- 
 lieve by Judges and learned Counfellours, that what he acted was agreeable to 
 Law and Equity. 
 
 To which the Prefident made anfwer, That he had (hewed himfelf very un- 
 gratefull and undefer-ving the gratious favour of his Majefty towards his Brother 
 the Marquis, whom he had enriched, and, with all his Relations, had raifed from 
 the duft to eminent degrees of Wealth and Honour ; and that as to the difcovery 
 of the Gountrey, he himfelf had contributed nothing thereunto. Well, replied 
 Pigarro, then let my Brother have the fole honour of this Difcovery, yet it can- 
 not be denied but that he had need of the help and afllftance of all the four Bro- 
 thers, together with the aid of all our Family, and of fuch as were allied to it. 
 The favour which his Majefty (hewed to my Brother confided onely in a bare 
 Title without Eftate or Revenue thereunto belonging : and if any one (hall fay 
 the contrary, I defire them to affign the place where fuch Eftate or Revenue re- 
 mains. And to fay that we were raifed from the duft, feems fomething har(h 
 and ftrange, for it is well known that we entred S^ain with the Goths, and have 
 been Gentlemen for many Ages of an eminent and ancient Family. His Majefty 
 according to his will and pleafure may beftow Offices and places of Truft on men 
 of obfcure originals, and raife them from the duft who were born in it : And if 
 we were poor we fought our fortune through the world, and by our induftry we, 
 acquired this Empire, which we have prefented. to his Majefty, though we might 
 have appropriated the fame unto our felves, as ethers have done who have been 
 the Difcoverers of new and unknown Countries. 
 
 The Prefident, angred at thefe fayings, cried out twice with a loud voice, Take 
 him away, take him away, This Tyrant is the fame to day as he was yefterday : 
 then Diego Centeno came and took him into his cuftody, having (as we have faid) 
 defired that Office of the Prefident. The other Captains were fent to different 
 places, to be kept under fafe Guards •, but Francifco de Carvajat, though an aged 
 man of eighty four years, out of a natural defire to prolong life, made his efcape 
 and fled : he was mounted on a .Horfe of a light Chefnut colour, and fomething 
 old ; I knew him, and that he was called Bofcamllo •, he was a well-fhaped Horfe, 
 and had been excellently good in his time : and being now to pafs over a narrow 
 Stream or Brook ( as there are many in that Countrey ) he haftily plunged down 
 a Bank of eight Foot deep to the Water, and on the other fide it was as high to 
 get up, and very rocky, fo that having pafled over he laboured much to afcend 
 the Bank : Carvajal, being old and corpulent, could give no help to his Horfe 5 
 for if he had onely held by his Main he had got over, but fwaying too much up- 
 on one fide, he pulled the Horfe upon him, and both of them fell, together into 
 the Brook, and he under his Horfe ■-, in which condition his own Souldiers feifed 
 and took him and carried him away prifoner to the Prefident, in hopes by fuch. 2 
 prefent and piece of fervice to obtain their own Pardons. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentarief. 855 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. 
 
 What faffed between Francifco de Carvajal, Diego Cen- 
 teno and the Prefident. The imprifonment of the other 
 Captains. 
 
 UPON the rumour that Carvajal was taken prifoner, the Souldiers came floc- 
 king to fee a perfon fo famous as was this Francifco de Carvajal, and inftead 
 of comforting him in this affli&ion, they put lighted Matches to his Neck, and 
 endeavoured to thruft them down between his Shirt and his Skin •, and going in 
 this manner he efpied Captain Diego Centeno, who had newly placed Gonfalo Picarro 
 in his Tent under a fafe Guard, and committed him to the charge of lix faithfull 
 and trufty Friends j and being come out into the Field, Carvajal feeing him, cried 
 out aloud, Captain Diego Centeno, you ought to efteem it as a particular fervice 
 that I come to render my felf into your- hands : the meaning of which was, that 
 he having been the Lieutehant-General of an Army, and one who had often over- 
 thrown him in fight, and particularly at Haarina, did now in refpedt to him yield 
 himfelf his Prifoner rather than to any other •■> which, according to the ceremonies 
 of War amongft Captains and Souldiers, is efteemed a high complement •, and 
 that now he might fatisfie his revenge upon him, and triumph over his Enemy. 
 Diego Centeno turning his face about, and feeing that it was Carvajal who called 
 upon him -, Sir, faid he, I am forry to fee you in this diftrefs : I believe you, (aid 
 Carvajal, to be a Chriftian and a Gentleman, and that you will deal with me ac- 
 cordingly, and that you will command thefe Gentlemen here not to treat me as 
 they have done, meaning the lighted Matches •, which when Centeno underftood, 
 and that the Rabble was not afhamed to perfift and own the faft in his prefence, 
 thinking to pleafe him by this ufage of his Enemy, he baftanadoed them with his 
 Cane, being a fort of Seamen and Clowns who followed the Camp, and a&ed 
 according to their breeding. Centeno, having freed him from that vile fort of 
 people, delivered him into the cuftody of two Souldiers, who were to guard him, 
 and not fuffer any injury or affront to be done him-, and as they were carrying 
 him away they met with the Governour Pedro de Valdivia, who defired of Cent em 
 to grant him the honour of conducting the Prifoner before the Prefident ; which 
 was affented unto, conditionally that he fhould afterwards fend him to his Tent, 
 being defirous to be his keeper, becaufe he believed that in what place foever 
 elfe he fhould be committed, he would be ill treated and fubje&ed to many info- 
 lences and affronts, in revenge of the former cruelties he had done to others. And 
 being brought by Valdivia before the Prefident, he reproached him with the ty- 
 rannies and cruelties he had committed upon his Majefty s Subje&s againft the 
 publick peace, and the allegeance he owed unto his Sovereign. To all which Car- 
 vajal anfwered not one word, nor fubmitted himfelf, nor feemed to give any at- 
 tention to what was faid to him •-, but turned his eyes on each fide of him, with a 
 grave and majeftick look, as if he had been Lord Paramount of all thofe people 
 who were about him ; which when the Prefident perceived, he commanded him 
 to be taken and carried to Diego Centeno, who placed him in a Tent apart from 
 Picarro, where they might have no fociety or converfe together, nor fee each 
 other any more. 
 
 All the other Captains and Officers were likewife taken, fome the fame day, 
 and others afterwards, fo that not one of them efcaped, excepting Captain John de 
 la Torre, who lay concealed four months at Cozco in a poor ftraw Cottage of an 
 Indian Servant of his, without any knowledge or tidings of him, as if he had been 
 funk under ground, untill fuch time as a Spaniard unluckily made a difcovery of 
 him, not knowing that it was he, and then he was taken and hanged, though a 
 long time after the others. 
 
 O00002 CHAR 
 
Sa 6 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. 
 
 #/ the many Vifits which were made to Carvajal in Prifon, 
 and the Dijcourfe which pafed between him and thofe 
 who went to make their Triumphs over him. 
 
 ALL the Particulars which we have related concerning the Battel of Sacfd- 
 huam were acted and performed by ten a clock in the morning upon the 
 ninth of April i J48. for matters beginning very early, all was ended and quieted 
 by that hour : immediately hereupon thePrefident difpatched away two Captains 
 to Cozjco, both to apprehend and feife thofe who were fled , and to prevent the 
 Diforders of fuch who intended to plunder and fack the City. In the Evening 
 many principal Perfons and Captains went to make their Vifits to the Prifoners , 
 fome out of friendfhip to them, others becaule of their relation and alliance, and 
 others for the fake of their Countrey : fome went to comfort them , and others 
 out of intereft and defign to difcover their Eftates and Riches which they might 
 inherit : onely thofe who made their Vifits to Carvajal, could have none of thefe 
 Confederations, for he had neither Friend, nor Kinfman, nor Countrey-man ; and 
 indeed it was no time then for any man to make known his friendfhip towards 
 him. Howfoever many Gentlemen of quality made their Vifits to him, efpecial- 
 ly young men who were free, and aiery, and curious, and went rather to triumph 
 over him than to condole with him. But Carvajal was too wife and knowing of 
 the World to regard them, but fcorned and contemned them 5 as we (hall fhortly 
 relate, when we come to repeat his feveral apt fayings, which I heard from thofe 
 who were prefent that day, of which the Hiftorians make mention of fome •, but 
 in a different manner =, and I fhall add fome others which they have omitted. 
 
 Carvajal being in prifon, a certain Merchant came to him, and with much con- 
 cernment told him , that fome Souldiers under his command, had at fuch a place 
 robbed and taken from him the value of many thoufands of Ducats in merchan- 
 dife ; and I exfpect, faid he, to receive fatisfa&ion from you who was their Cap- 
 tain and Commander , and fince you are fhortly to dye, I charge this debt upon 
 your Confcience. Carvajal looking about him, and feeing the Scabbard remai- 
 ning in the Belt after they had taken away his Sword, he took it, and gave it to 
 the Merchant*, Here, Brother, faid he, take this in earneft and in part of what I 
 owe you, for there is nothing more left me : the which he faid to convince the 
 man of hisfimplicity and folly in demanding the reftitution of thoufands of Ducats 
 from him, who had nothing remaining belides the Scabbard of a Sword : fo foon 
 as this fellow was gon out , in comes another with the like demand : and having 
 not wherewith to fatisfie him •, he anfwered , that he did not remember he ow- 
 ed any man a farthing, unlefs it were three pence to a Tripe-woman, who lived 
 near the Gate of Arenall at Sevile ; And thus he anfwered one folly with another, 
 to convince Fools who came to demand reftitution of vaft Sums from him, whom 
 they faw without Hat or Cloak, and almoft quite ftripped by thofe who had ta- 
 ken him Prifoner : And indeed Carvajal himfelf was the richeft Prize of any that 
 was taken that day •, for he always carried his wealth with him, which was in Gold, 
 and not in Silver, for the better convenience of its carriage : we might add di- 
 vers other fayings which patted that day between him and men of mean conditi- 
 on, but we fhall leave them, to recount other Stories between him and perfons of 
 of greater quality : Amongft which there came in one who was a man of fafhi- 
 onand a Captain, very cnearfull and brisk, and a great Courtier , and very 
 quick in his Repartees -, and amongft the reft of his vertues, he was much addicted 
 to whoring and drinking , and made open profeffion of them. And having dif- 
 courfed fome time with Carvajal , at the conclufion of all he told him , that he 
 had managed many weighty things wherewith he had defiled his confcience •, and 
 that fince ne was fpeedily to dye, he exhorted him to examine himfelf, to repent 
 of his Sins, to confefs them, and ask pardon of God. Sir , anfwered Carvajal, 
 you have fpoken like a Chriftian and a Gentleman as you are : and pray alfo ap- 
 
Book V. Koyal Commentaries. 827 
 
 ply the fame Counfel to your felf, which will be as wholfome for you as for 
 me : And now pray do me the favour to reach me a cup of that liquor which 
 die Indians are drinking : the Gentleman prefently arofe from his Seat, and with- 
 out other reply, went and fetched a Difh of that liquor, and brought it to Carva- 
 jal; who received it-, and to (how his compliance with the Gentleman's kindnefs, 
 drank it, and threw the diili from him : And thus this Spark was repaid for his 
 good Counfel •-, by which he was put fo out of countenance , that when he after- 
 wards jefted with any of his friends, and that any of them found him too nimble in 
 his Repartees-, they would fay, Away, away, Let us goe to Carvajal, and he will 
 fet us all at rights. Another Gentleman of good quality, younger than the other, 
 but loofe and extravagant in the vices of his youth , and who took pleafure to 
 publifh and boaft of them -, began to preach to Carvajal in the fame manner as the 
 other had done, feeming very zealous for his Repentance, being fhortly to dye. 
 To which Carvajal made this anfwer , You have fpoken , Sir, like a Saint, but 
 we have this Proverb, A young Saint, and an old Devil : with which this young 
 Gentleman was put to filence. But another Gentleman received feverer language 
 from him , being known to come with intention to fcorn and triumph over him, 
 rather than to admonifh or comfort him : for his Salutation was this* I kifs your 
 Worfhip's hands, Good Seignior Lieutenant General: For though your Worfhip 
 would have hanged me at fuch a place, yet, (having now forgotten it) I come 
 to know wherein I may ferve you , which I fhall readily perform without remem- 
 brance of my late ill ufage. Sir, replied Carvajal, What is it you can doe for 
 me, which you offer with fuch mighty oftentation and gravity ? Can you fave 
 my life ? If you cannot doe that, you can doe nothing-, When, as you fay, I would 
 have hanged you, I could have done it if I had pleafed : but perhaps you were fo 
 much a Rafca , that I did not think you worth the hanging -, and now, forfooth, 
 you would fe 1 me what you have not. Go your ways, in the Name of God, be- 
 fore I fay worfe to you. In this manner did he fcorn and triumph over his Ene- 
 mies, and never did he carry himfelf with that conftancy of mind, authority, gra- 
 vity and fteadinefs as he did that day when he was taken. I was acquainted with 
 all thofe three Gentlemen whom I have here mentioned, but it is not reafon to 
 name any man, but onoccafion of fbme great a&ion : but they all afterwards be- 
 came Citizens of Cozco, and had the beft quarters of that City affigned to them. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. 
 
 Of the Captains who were executed, and how their Heads 
 were fent into divers farts of that Kingdom. 
 
 • 
 
 TO the preceding Difcourfes we fhall add this one of a different nature to 
 all the reft. There was a certain Souldier ailed Diego de Tafia whom I 
 knew, and of whom I have made mention in our Hiftory of Florida , lib. 6. 
 chap. 1 8. and who had been one of Carvajats Souldiers, and much efteemed by 
 him, becaufe he was a good Souldier , a&ive and fit for bufinefs. He was of lit- 
 tle ftature, but well fhaped and had revolted over to Carvajal before the Battel 
 of Huarina; this poor fellow, coming to Carvajal, wept, and fhed many tears 
 with great tendernefs : alas , Sir , faid he , Father , how much am I troubled to 
 fee you in this diftrefs •-, I wifh to God , that my life might fatisfie for yours, for 
 it could never be better offered than for you. Alas , Sir , how much am I grie- 
 ved for you ! had you fled, and made your efcape with me, it had fared otherwife 
 with you. To which Carvajal replied , I do not doubt of the forrow and fenfe 
 you have of my condition --, and I am much obliged to you for the expreifions 
 you have made of your good will to me , offering to exchange your life , to 
 purchafe mine. But tell me , Brother Diego , iince we were fuch great and inti- 
 mate Friends , why thou didft not tell me of thy intention to be gone , that we 
 might have fled away together? With which Anfwer the Standers-by were much 
 
 pleafed. 
 
828 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 pleafed, and laughed, wondering to fee fuch prefence of mind and readinefs of 
 fpirit in a man of his condition to reply fo aptly on every thing that was faid to 
 him. All this and much more pafled between Carvajal and others , on the very 
 day of this Battel, or rather a Defeat without a Battel : But astoGo»calo WjfcjQ 
 ro, he remained alone, and no company admitted -co fee him., becaufe he fo'c'e- 
 fired it : unlefs Diego Centeno and fix or feven principal Souldiers more, who were 
 fet over him for his guard. 
 
 The day following' Goncak Picaxro and his Lieutenant General , with all the 
 Captains taken, were brought to Execution , as Gomara relates', chap. 187. and 
 
 particularly nominates fobn de Acofta , Irancifco Maldonado , fohn Velet, de Guew.ra , 
 
 Diomfa de Bcvadi/Ia, Gon$alo de Los K'idis 5 and fays, that of the laft of them, they 
 drew his Tongue out at the Nape of his Neck •■, -but he alledges no reafon for if, 
 onely we may believe, it was for treafonable words fpoken againft his Imperial 
 Majefty : all thefe and many others were hanged % and though they were Geri- 
 tlemen, yet they loft their privilege by becoming Tray tors and Rebels to their 
 King : After they were executed, their Heads were cut off, and fent into divers 
 parts and Cities of the Countrey.: The Heads of fdh* de Acoftx and Frakcifio 
 Maldonado were pitched upon Iron Spikes in the Market-place of Cszca, which I 
 faw there , though Palmino , chap. *m faith , that Acofta'% Head was fet up at 
 Los Reyes : the Head of Vionifio de Bovadilk, and another with his, was carried to 
 Arequefa; and thereby that which the good Lady /W deLeyten prefaged of this 
 Bovadilla, was accomplished •■, faying, when he carried the Head of Lope de Mendo- 
 ca to be fet up in that City, that they fhould in a fhott time take that Head down, 
 and fet up his in the place thereof. The feveraf Authours write, that they haft- 
 ned the execution of Goncak Pi cam and of his Officers concerned with him, 
 with all expedition poffible ; ■■> for they conceived that the Countrey could not 
 be fafe and in peace whilft they were living. Picarvo received fentence to have 
 his Head cut off for a Traytor , his houfes in Ct^o demolifhed J and the ground 
 fowed with Salt , and thereon a Pillar raifed with this Infcripcion , Thefe are the 
 
 Dwellings of that Traytor Goncak) Pi^arro, &c. 
 
 All which I my felf have feen performed and acled j and thofe very houfes ra- 
 zed to the ground, which were once the lot of Gor.$alo Picarra and his Brothers, 
 when the Countrey was divided : that place in the7Ww-/Tongue was called Co- 
 racora, which is as much as to fay, The Herb-garden. Picarro, as we have faid, was 
 deteined a Prifoner in the Tent of Captain Diego Centeno, where they ufed him 
 with the fame refpeft as had been given him in the time of his greateft Profperi- 
 ty : all that day he would eat nothing , though invited to it , but walked up and 
 down the whole day very penfive and full of thoughts. After fome hours in the 
 night he called to Centeno , and askad him whether he was fecUre for that night? 
 his meaning was , whether they would kill him that night , or let him live untill 
 the next day •, for he was not ignorant that his Enemies thirfted after his bloud in 
 fuch a manner that every hour feemed a year to them untill he was difpatched out 
 of this World. Centeno anfwered, that he might reft fecure as to that, howfoever 
 his mind was unquiet ; he lay down after Mid-night- and flept for about the fpace 
 of an hour , and then arifing again , he walked untill break of day -, and fo foon 
 as it was light, he defired to have a Confeflbur , with whom lie remained untill 
 Noon : where we will leave him for awhile to entertain our felves with a Narrative 
 of the manner how Carvajal behaved himfelf that day, which in reality was not 
 fo wild and extravagant as one of our Authours reports it to have been ; but in 
 a far- different manner, as I lhall relate with great truth and impartiality :• Nor 
 am I moved to fpeak favourably of him in refpect to former benefits and engage- 
 ments which I have received from him 5 but rather the contrary , for he defigned 
 to have killed my Father after the Battel of Huarina, and fought for fome pre- 
 tences for it, arifing from jealoufie and his own vain fufpicions. Howfoever- an 
 Hiftorian ought to lay aiideall prejudice and malice againft any perfon, nor fpeak 
 out of favour or affection, but clearly to relate matter of fad for information of 
 pofterity in after-Ages : And accordingly I proteft as a Chriftian, that I have a- 
 breviated many particulars , and omitted divers circumftances of things that I 
 might not feem biafled towards any perfon, or plainly to contradict the allegati- 
 ons of the aforefaid Authours, and particularly PaUmim , who came late into this 
 Countrey -, and took up many Fables which the common People reported for 
 Truths, according to the feveral Factions and Parties which they followed. 
 
 The 
 
. _, , 
 
 Book V. Royal Commentaries. 829 
 
 The things which I have faid already, and what I Shall hereafter zdd more di- 
 ftin&ly, I took up at firft in the time of my youth, as I heard them accidentally 
 difcourfed amongft men : for indeed about that time , and for ibme years after- 
 wards, there was fcarce any meeting of Perfons of Quality but where thefe pafia- 
 ges were the common entertainment : Afterwards , in my more ripe years , I re- 
 ceived a farther information thereof from thole who had been Guards to the per- 
 fons of Carvajal and Gon^alo Picarro : for the Tents wherein thefe two perlbns 
 were lodged were near to each/other 5 fo that the Souldiers who were appointed 
 to be their Guards, being Perfons of Note , did often change their {rations , and 
 pafs from one Tent to another: and upon their Testimonies who have feen and 
 heard thefe Matters I ground my Relation. 
 
 And now to (hew the difference between the particulars related by this Au- 
 thour touching the behaviours of Ckrvajal and Piffito after their imprisonment : 
 and that which we have written and (hall write hereafter , we (hall extract fome 
 few fayings of them , which indeed are nothing but vulgar talk and Sheet-news , 
 and not received by Perfons of Quality and understanding. That which Palentino 
 faith, Chap.the 90th, is this : Then they carried Frautifio de Carvajal before the Pre- 
 sident-, who was taken in the purfuit as he was fallen in a Bog $ and as he was 
 conduced by Pedro de Va'divia, the Commonalty was fo incenfed againft him, that 
 they would have killed him 5 which Carvajal perceiving, defired the President not 
 to hinder them, but fuffer them to kill him in that very place. It happened at 
 that time, that the Bilhop of Co*xo came to him, and faid, wherefore was it, Car- 
 vajal, that thou killedft my Brother ? for he had hanged his Brother 'Sifoeket after 
 the Battel of Guarlna : To which he anfwered, that he had not killed him : Who 
 was it then, faid the Bilhop ? His own deftiny, faid Carvajal: with which the Bi- 
 fhop growing angry, and laying before him the crime he committed in the mur- 
 therof his Brother, he bore up to him, and gave him three or four blows over the 
 Face with his Fift. 
 
 In like manner much People flocked in upon him, giving him opprobrious lan- 
 guage , reviling him for the many ill and cruel actions that he had done ■-, to all 
 which Carvajal was Silent, and made no reply ; At that time Diego Centeno coming 
 in, reproved the people for their rude treatment of him -, which caufed Carvajal to 
 look earneftly upon him ■, and ask him, who he was, that dealt fo civily with 
 
 him : Centeno replyed, Sir, do not you know Diego Centeno ? In truth, Sir, faid Car- 
 vajal, I have feen your back parts fo often, that coming now to fee your face ; I 
 fc&re knew you : meaning the purfuits he had made after him : Howfoever Cen- 
 teno was fo little offended at this reply, that he followed him into the Tent, where 
 he was detained prifoner , and (till continued to offer him all the Services which 
 were in his power to doe for him, though he was well afTured, that if he were in 
 his condition , he would not (hew the like to him ; which when Carvajal heard , 
 he made a little paufe and flop , and faid , Seignior Diego Centeno , I am no fuch 
 Child or Fool , as with the fear and apprehenfion of death, to be moved unto fo 
 much folly and vain hopes, as to requeSt of you any kindnefs or good Office ; nor 
 do I remember at any time, in the be(t days of my life, that ever fuch a ridicu- 
 lous propofal was made to me as this formal offer of Service which you make me 5 
 which having faid, they carried him into the Tent. 
 
 In all the Royal Army there was but one man killed, titjfearro's there were fif- 
 teen 5 which happened according to the difpofition of Divine Providence 5 that 
 his Majefty might have occafion thereby to exercife his mercy and clemency to- 
 wards Picarro and his Souldiers. And thus did God out of his infinite compaffion 
 put an end to thefe troubles, with fo little effufion of bloud as this which happen- 
 ed : which indeed was very Strange, in cafe weconfider , that on both (ides there 
 were fourteen hundred Mufquetiers , feventeen pieces of Cannon , above fix hun- 
 dred Horfe , with a great number of Piques and Lances i for when the King's 
 party perceived in what manner. their Enemies were loft and defeated , they had 
 nothing to doe , but to receive them , and give them quarter when they furren- 
 dred, &c 
 
 In the following Chapter, which is the ninety firft, having related the Sentence 
 which was paSled upon Goncalo Picarro; he there adds, that when Several gave 
 their Votes to have his quarters fet up in the publick places of the City, the Presi- 
 dent, out of refpect to the Marquis, his Brother, refufed to give his corifent there- 
 unto : and that at his death he (hewed himfelf very penitent for the fins he had 
 
 committed 
 
 
8ao Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 committed againft God, the King and his neighbours. The fame day Francifco de 
 Carvajal was executed: he was drawn and quartered •, and his quarters difpofed of 
 in divers places about the City of Cozco .- but his Head with that of Pi farm's was 
 carried to Lima .- and Piano's houfe likewife in that City was demolilhed , and 
 the ground ftrewed with Salt , with a Motto or Infcription fet thereupon. This 
 Carvajal, from the time that he was taken, to the time that he was executed, (hew- 
 ed as little fear and apprehenfion, and was as little concerned at the approach of 
 death, as he had been at any time of his greateft profperity : for when the fen- 
 tence was declared to him , he received it without any alteration or change in his 
 countenance ; and faid, 'Tis no matter, I can but dye. That day in the morning 
 Carvajal asked how many had been executed •, and when it was told him, that 
 none had been as yet •, he laid, your Lord Prefident is a very mercifull Prince, for 
 if the fortune of the day had been ours, I mould at one fitting have difpofed of 
 the quarters of nine hundred men. He was hardly perfuaded to come to confef- 
 fion, for he told them, that he had confefled lately ; and when they talked to him 
 of reftitution, he laughed aloud ; faying, that he had nothing to fay as to that 
 point •, and fwore that he owed nothing to any perfon, unlefs half a Royal to a 
 Tripe- woman who lives at the Gate of Arcnal in Smile, which debt he made at 
 the time when he remained there in expectation of a paflage into the Indies 5 be- 
 ing on the hurdle to be drawn and crouded into a Hamper inftead of a large Flaf- 
 ket -, he faid , Children and Old men are put into Cradles : and being come to 
 the place of execution, the people crouded fo to fee him, that the Hang-man had 
 not room to doe his duty •, and thereupon he called to them , and faid , Gentle- 
 men , pray give the Officer place to doe Juftice. In fine, he died more like a 
 brave Roman than a good Chriftian. Thus far Palentino, whofe relation feems to 
 be grounded on the report of fome perfons who hated Carvajal for the evil he had 
 done them , and not being able to wreak their anger on his perfon , would latisfie 
 their revenge upon his fame and reputation. 
 
 CHAP. XL. 
 
 What Francifco de Carvajal faid and did on the day of his 
 death, and what account Authours give of his condition 
 and skilfulnefs in War. 
 
 BUT now to return to what this Authour faid. It is not to be believed, that 
 a Bi(hop fo religious as he of Cozco was, fhould either in publick or in fecrec 
 ftrike an old man of eighty four years of age % nor is it probable that Diego Cente- 
 w who was a difcreet and judicious perfon fhould offer his fervice with fo much 
 complement as is reported, to a man whom he knew would be executed in a few 
 hours." Nor can we think that Francijco de Carvajal, of whom all Writers give the 
 character ofafobef, difcreet perfon; and in teftimony thereof publifh many of 
 his wife and fententious fayings , ihould utter fuch vile and unfeemly expreffions 
 as are before related : Nor yet are thefe ftories to be fathered on the Authour, who 
 no doubt heard and received them in the City, where they were framed and ven- 
 ted, and may properly pafs for Shams, which are lyes formed and coloured to pafs 
 
 for truths. For Francifco de Carvajal did not diffemble his knowledge of Centeno, 
 but difcourfed with him, as is mentioned •, and I am well aflured theieof from the 
 teftimony of thofe who that very day were prefent at the meeting of thefe perfons. 
 And though Gomara, in Chap.i 87. confirms almoft the fame, yet it .is w ith fo little 
 difference, that 'tis probable Palentino took it from his Narrative. ""For fo it was, 
 that a Souldier of principal rank amongft thofe of Peru, coming into Spain, foon 
 after Gcmaras Hiftory was publifhed , accidentally met with this Authour in the 
 Streets , and having fome difcourfe with him upon feveral paflages , he asked him , 
 how he durft adventure to print fo manifeft a lye, when no fuch thing palled ; and 
 
 thereunto 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 841 
 
 thereunto added feveral other affrontive words , not convenient to be reported 
 here. For which Gomttra could make no other excufe, than that he did not frame 
 the Story himlelf , but received it from others whofe paffion might caufe them to 
 fpeakmalitioufly : to which the Souldier replied, that it was the part of a difcreet 
 Hiftorian not to take up reports upon common hearfay , but to weigh every thine 
 with mature deliberation, fo as neither to praife men who are worthy of com- 
 mendation, nor yet defame fuch who deferve honour and high efteem ; and here- 
 upon Gomara departed from the Souldier greatly troubled , that he fhould fay 
 in his Hiftory , that Cart>ajd did not know to Centeno. And as falfe it is , that 
 Carvajal fhould lay, that he would have difperfed the quarters of nine hundred 
 men through thofe fields, for certainly he never was fo vain and inconfiderate to 
 utter fuch matters. And now I {hall tell what I heard from thofe who were in 
 company with him all that day ; and I much depend upon their Relation, having 
 been educated with them from nine years of age untill I came to be twenty, 
 when I left my own Countrey, and went into Sfatn .• The truth of which Story 
 is this ', So foon as it was day, Fravcifco de Carvajal fent to call to him Pedro de Lopez, 
 de Ca$alU, Secretary to the Prefident Gafia ^ and. after he had difcourfed with him 
 for fome time in private , he drew out three very fine Emeralds , with a hole 
 drilled through them to hang on a firing-, two of them were, of an oval form, and 
 the other round, which he tied upon his left Arme : and taking the biggeft of 'them 
 apart from the reft, he faid, Mr. Secretary, this belongs to the Heirs of Antonio Al- 
 tamarino, and is valued at five thoufand pieces of Eight, which make fix thoufand 
 Ducats : I defire the favour of you, to fee it reftored to the true Proprietor : the 
 other belongs to fuch an one ( whofe name I have forgot ) which is valued at 
 four thoufand pieces of Eight - 7 and in like manner I defire you to fee it given to 
 the right Owner. This , which is the leaft , is my own ■-, which I defire you to 
 fell for me, and whatever it produces , to employ it in Maffes., to be faid for 
 my Soul, that God may accept thereof, and pardon my Offences. The Secre- 
 tary , not pleafed with this offer , told him , that he expected from him fome 
 larger offers of reftitution , and that if he were difpofed fo to doe ; he would add 
 ten thoufand pieces of Eight of his own, to make up his a greater fum, and that 
 he would beftow it , as he fhould direct. Sir , faid Carvajal , I never raifed 
 this War, nor was I the caufe of it-, and that I might 'avoid all Engagements 
 therein, I was upon my Voyage into Spain., and advanced feveral leagues on the 
 way : but being difappointed of means to efcape-, I took the fide which fell to 
 my Lor, as Souidiers of fortune ufe to doe ; and as I did when I ferved the Empe- 
 rour in quality of Serjeant Major , under Vac a de Caflro , who was Govemour of 
 this Kingdom. If there have been Robberies and Plunderings on either fide com- 
 mitted, we muft attribute them to the natural effe&s of War : for my own part, 
 I took nothing from any man, but contented my felf with what was given me out 
 of free-will: and at the conclufion of all , they have taken every thing from me, 
 I mean, what was given me, and what I pofleffed before the beginning of this 
 War. All which I refer to the infinite mercy of God our Lord, whofe pardon 
 I beg for all my Offences , and that he would profper and preferve you , and re- 
 pay you the charity you have offered me ; for the Good-will ought to be eftee- 
 med for the Deed. And thus ended this Difcourfe with the Secretary. In the 
 afternoon the Secretary fent him a Gonfeftbur, as he defired, whom he entertai- 
 ned with his Confeffion untill towards the Evening ; and in the mean time the 
 Officers of Juftice fent two or three times to haften his difpatch , that the fentence 
 might be executed : but Carvajal was defirous to protract the time till night, that 
 he might fuffer in the dark. But it was not granted him, for the Judge Cian^a and 
 the Major General Alonjo de Alvarado , who had paffed fentence upon him were 
 very importunate to have him difpatched, untill which time every moment fee- 
 med weeks and years. Atlength being brought out of the door of the Tent , he 
 was crouded into a fort of Basket in nature of a hurdle, drawn by two great Mules 
 which had not gone above three or four paces before he was overturned , with his 
 face on the ground 5 and lifting up his head, as well as he was able, he called out to 
 thofe who followed him , Gentlemen , confider , that I am a Chriftian , which 
 was no fooner faid , than he was raifed up again by at leaft thirty of the Prime 
 Souidiers belonging to Diego Centeno .- and one of them particularly told me, that 
 when he came to the Basket , he thought it had been one of the largeft fize , but 
 when he came to put his hand under it , he found that he was fo thruft and crou- 
 
 P P P P P ded 
 
8a 2 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 ded into it, that he could not get out one of his Armes, he was fo penned within •, 
 fo that they, were forced to carry him to the foot of the Gallows, which was 
 erected on this occafion. All the way he went he faid his prayers in Latin, which 
 the Souldier, who gave me this relation, did not underftand 5 the two Priefts who 
 went along with him did ever and anon put him in mind to recommend his Soul 
 unto God •, to which Carvajal made anfwer, So I do, Sir, and faid no more : in 
 this manner being come to the place of execution, he fubmitted with all humili- 
 ty to his death, without fpeaking a word, or (hewing any mifdemeanour. Thus 
 dyed the brave Francifco de Carvajal, of whom at his death Gomara, Chap. 1 87. 
 gives this Character : 
 
 He was eighty four years of age when he died, he had been an Enfign at the 
 Battel of Ravenna, and Souldier under a very great Captain •, he was the moft fa- 
 mous Warriour of all the Spaniards, who had paffed into the Indies, though he 
 had no great parts, nor great experience. But I know not what Gomara means in 
 fo faying , for what greater teftimonies can a chief Officer give of his abilities and 
 experience than to overcome in Battel, and know how to gain Victories over his 
 enemies. Some Hiftorians fay of him, that he was born in a certain Village of 
 Arevah, called Ragama ; it is not known of what Family he was, onely that he 
 had been a Souldier all his life, and was an Enfign at the Battel of Ravenna •, and, 
 as hath been faid, he was prefent when the King of France was taken prifoner at 
 P.wia : he was alfo at the facking of Rome, but got nothing there, it happening 
 to him, as to other good Souldiers, that whilft they are fighting the Cowards run 
 away with the booty. Three or four days after the Town was taken and facked, 
 Carvajal finding that no (hare of the prey fell to him, he entred into a Notary's 
 or Scrivener's Shop, where he found great numbers of Writings, Bills, and Bonds x 
 and Conveyances of Eftates, all which Carvajal feifed upon, and carried away four 
 or five Mules lading thereof, and lodged them at his own Quarters : fo foon as 
 the fury of the plunder was over, and that things began to be quiet, the Scrivener 
 returning to his Houfe perceived that all his Writings were carried away, and con- 
 fidering that no man could make any benefit thereby, he hunted up and down all 
 the Town for them, and at length finding them in Carvajafs hands, he agreed for 
 a thoufand Ducats to have them reftored •■, which enabled him to make a Voyage 
 to Mexico, with his Wife Donna Catalina Leyton ; though fome, as we have faid, 
 will not allow her to be his Wife : howfoever it is certain he was married to her, 
 and (he was generally efteemed for his Wife over all Peru, and for a vertuous Wo- 
 man of noble extraction ; for the Family of the Leytom is very ancient in the King- 
 dom of Portugal. From Mexico ( as we have faid ) Carvajal pafled to Peru ; and 
 in all the cpurfe of his life the War was bis delight, and the thing which he loved 
 and adored, availing himfelf more on the reputation of a Souldier than of a good 
 Chriftian .- and this is the character which all Authours give of him ; though ge- 
 nerally fpeaking, he was not fo bad as is reported, for he efteemed it the principle 
 of a good Souldier to be a man of his word, and he was very gratefull for any be- 
 nefit, gratuity, or kindnefs given or (hewn to him. Augufiine Car ate, fpeaking of 
 Carvajal, Book 5. Chap. 14. hath thefe words-, 
 
 He was a man of a middle ftature, very corpulent, and of a ruddy and fanguine 
 complexion •, he was very skilfull in military affairs, having always been practifed 
 in War : he was very patient of labour and hardihip, much more than was agree- 
 able to his age : for it is ftrange to confider, that neither day nor night he put off 
 his Arms, nor did he lie on a Bed when it was neceflary for him to take his na- 
 tural reft, but onely repofed himfelf on a Chair with his Arm under his Head. 
 He was fo great a lover of Wine, that when he found no Spanijh Wine he would 
 drink of that Liquor which the Indians ufe, which never any Spaniard, that I 
 have (een, did ever delight in. He was very cruel in his nature , for he put many 
 people to death upon very flight caufes, and fome without any fault or caufe ac 
 alh onely for reafons of State, or confcrvation of the military Difcipline : and 
 when he put them to death he did it without any remorfe or companion, palling 
 upon them jeers and farcafms, and (hewing himfelf pleafant and facetious at that 
 unfeafonable time. In (hort, he was a very bad Chriftian, as he (hewed both by 
 his words and actions. Thus far Augufiine Car ate. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 843 
 
 CHAP. XLI. 
 
 Of the Cloatbs which Francifco de Carvajal wore, and of 
 fome of his quaint Sentences and Sayings. 
 
 FRancifco de Carvajal did much value himfelf on the trade and formalities of a 
 Souldier 5 he commonly wore, inftead of a Cloak, a Moorifh Bomoz, or Plad 
 of a brown Colour, with a Fringe and a Cape to it , in which habit I have of- 
 ten feen him. On his Head he wore a Hat, having the brims lined with black 
 Taffaty, and a plain Silk Hatband, with a plume of white and black Feathers ta- 
 ken from the Wings and Tails of common Cocks or Hens, twined one within the 
 other in form of an X, the which piece of gallantry he affedled, that his Souldiers 
 might follow his example, and wear any Feathers whatfoever ; for he would often 
 fay, that Feathers were the proper badge of a Souldier and not of a Citizen, for 
 that which was the drefs of one was a fign of fantaftical lightnefs in the other : and 
 that he that wore this Device did thereby promife great valour and bravery; that 
 
 is, That he would fight with one ftngly and kill him, ft ay for two, and not fly from three : 
 
 and though this was not Carvajafs faying,, but an old Proverb amongfl: the 
 Souldiery relating to their Feathers, yet he was a man who, on all occafions, ut- 
 tered many quaint Sayings and Sentences full of wit and pleafantnefs : I wilh I 
 could remember them all for divertifement of the Reader, but fuch as I can call to 
 mind, and are modeft and civil, I (hall repeat •, for he ufed much liberty in his 
 fpeech, and fome undecencies which are not fit to be mentioned. 
 
 Carvajal meeting upon a certain time with a Souldier who was crooked in his 
 Body, and very ill fhaped, asked him, Sir, What is your name ? to which he made 
 anfwer, that it was Hurt ado, which is as much as a thing ftoln. I for my 
 
 fart, faid Carvajal, fhould be troubled to find yon, much more to fteal. Carvajal march- 
 ing one day with his Troops, chanced to meet with a Friar, who was a Lay-bro- 
 ther, and as there were no Lay-Friars at that time in the Countrey, and 1 know 
 not whether any of them are come thither fince, he fufpe&ed that he was a Spie, 
 and would have hanged him \ but to be the better alTured thereof, he invited him 
 to dinner ;, and then to make an experiment whether he was a Friar or not, he or- 
 dered his Servants to give him drink in a Cup fomething bigger than ordinary, to 
 try if he took it with both hands, or with one -, and feeing that he took it with 
 both hands, he became aiTured that he was a Friar, and fo called to him, Drinks it 
 up, Father, drink^it up, for itnvi/l give you life : meaning that if he had not drank it 
 in that manner he mould have been confirmed in his fuppofition, and would moft 
 certainly have hanged him. 
 
 Carvajal having one of his greateft enemies in his power, and intending to hang 
 him •, the Prifoner asked him in a kind of menacing way what reafon he had to 
 put him to death, and faid, Sir, Pray tell me plainly what reafon you have to 
 
 kill me ? Oh, faid Carvajal, 1 under/land you well, you are defirous to be efteemed a 
 Martyr, and lay your death at my door : Know then that 1 hang you for being a loyal Ser- 
 vant to his Majefly ; go your ways then, and take your reward for your faithfulnefs and al- 
 legiance, and with that he fent him to the Gallows. 
 
 Carvml travelling in Colko met with a Merchant who had employed about four- 
 teen or fifteen thoufand pieces of Eight in Merchandife, which he had brought 
 from Spain to Panama, and faid to him, Brother, according to the cuftome of War, all 
 thefe goods belong properly to me. The Merchant, who was a cunning fellow, fitted 
 and ready for fuch replies as fuited beft with Souldiers and his humour, anfwered 
 him chearfully, Sir, Whether War or Peace this Merchandife is yours, for we are 
 Partners, and in the name of both of us I traded at Panama, and intended to have 
 divided the gains between us-, and in token, thereof I have brought with me from 
 Pariama two Barrels of red Wine, and t»i'.4 stozen of Iron Shoes, and Nails for 
 your Mules •, for in thofe times ( as we have before mentioned ) every Shoe for 
 Horfe or Mule was worth a Mark in Silver •, which having faid, he (ent for the 
 Wine and Horfe-fhoes, and in the mean time produced the Writing of Partnerfhip 
 between them. Carvajal received the Wine and the Horfe-fhoes very kindly, and 
 
 Ppppp x to 
 
844 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 to (hew how well he accepted them, he gave him Commiflion to be a Captain, 
 with a Warrant requiring the Indians to ferve him upon the way, and to furnifh 
 him with neceflaries for his Journey 5 and farther commanded, that no Merchant 
 in Potocji (hould open his Shop or fell any thing untill his Partner had cleared his 
 hands of all his Merchandife. The Merchant, proud of thefe favours, went his 
 way and fold his Goods at the rates he pleafed -, and having gained above thirty 
 thoufand pieces of Eight, he returned to Carvajal, and to fecure himfelf of his fa- 
 vour, he told him, that he had gained eight thoufand pieces of Eight in Partner- 
 ship with him, and that four thoufand, which was the moiety thereof belonged 
 to him : Carvajal, to make his Souldiers merry, began to fpeak in the Merchants 
 phrafe and ftyle - z and told him that he could not be fatisfied with a general ac- 
 count untill he law his Book. The Merchant readily drew it out, and read the 
 feveral parcels •, as, Imprimis, for fo many pieces of Cloth of Gold ■-, Item, fo many 
 pieces of Sattin, fo many of Velvet, fo many of Damask, fo many fine Cloaths 
 ofsigovia Wool, fo many pieces of fine Holland and Cambrick, and fo feveral of 
 them with their prices, which he brought from Spain; the laft parcel of all was 
 three dozen of Combs, which amounted to fo much. Carvajal was filent untill 
 he came to this parcel •, and then he cried our, hold, hold, reade that parcel once 
 again •, which when he had done, he turned about to his Souldiers, and faid, Do 
 
 not you thinly, Gentlemen, that he charges me over much in this parcel of Combs ? The 
 
 Souldiers laughed heartily to hear him flop at this matter of the Combs, and to 
 pafs by all the grofier fums preceding. Thus was the Partnerfhip diffblved, and 
 Carvajal, having taken his fhare of the gains, difpatched away his Partner well 
 treated and favoured by him 5 as he did all thofe who brought him any benefit. 
 
 This paflage, or fome other very like it, a certain Authour relates in a diffe- 
 rent manner, which was this : Carvajal, purfuing after Diego Centeno , happened 
 one day to take three of his Souldiers, two of which being the moft confiderable, 
 he hanged up prefently •-, and coming to the third, he found him to be a ftranger 
 and a native of Greece, called Mafter Francifco, and pretended to be a Chirurgeon, 
 though in reality he knew nothing of that Profeffion $ and this fellow, as the 
 greateft Mifcreanr of the three, he ordered fhould be hanged on the higheft Gib- 
 bet : Francifco, hearing this Sentence, faid to him, Sir, Why will you trouble 
 your felf to hang fuch a pitifull Rafcal as I am, who am not worth the hanging, 
 and who have never given you any caufe of offence ■, and, Sir, I may be ufefull to 
 you in curing your wounds, being a Chirurgeon by my profeffion : well, faid he, 
 
 go thy ways, and 1 pardon thee for whatfoever thou haft already done or (halt doe for the fu- 
 ture, on condition that thou cure my Mules, for I am fure thou art more a Farrier than a 
 Dottour. Mafter Francifco, having got free by thefe means, in a few months time 
 afterwards he made his efcape, and ferved Diego Centeno, and after the Battel of 
 Huarina being again taken, Carvajal ordered that he (hould be hanged 5 but Ma- 
 fter Francifco defired his Worlhip's excufe, for that at fuch a time he had pardoned 
 him both for what was paft and what (hould be hereafter : and hereof I challenge 
 your paroll, as becomes the honour of a Souldier, which I know you highly 
 efteem. The Devil take thee, faid Carvajal, and doft thou remember this now ? fU keep 
 my Promife, go, look^ after my Mules, and run arvay as often as thou wilt ; if all the ene- 
 mies of my Lord the Governour were like thee we /hould foon be Friends. The ftory of 
 
 Mafter Francifco is told of a certain Prieft in the fame manner onely with change 
 of Perfons. 
 
 In his purfuit after Diego Centeno he took three perfons of thofe which he called 
 Weavers or Trimmers 5 who, as their neceflities urged them, ran from one fide 
 to another 5 and of this fort of people he pardoned none, but hanged as many of 
 them as he could catch : and having hanged two of them, the third thinking to 
 plead fomething for his pardon, told him, that he had been his Servant, and had 
 eaten often of his Bread '■, his meaning was, that often times, as a Souldier, he had 
 eaten With him at his Table. Curfed, faid Carvajal, be that Bread which hath been 
 fo ill employed : and turning to the Executioner, take me this Gentleman, and hang him up 
 en the higheft branch of yonder Tree, having had the honour to eat of my Bread. And left 
 
 this Chapter fhould be over long We have thought fit to divide it into two parts. 
 
 ■ 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. % 
 
 4S 
 
 CHAP. XLII. 
 
 Of other fajfages like the others ; and what happened by a 
 Boy who touched one of the Quarters oj Carvaj.ii. 
 
 WHEN he marched out of Cozco to go to Collao with three hundred Soti!- 
 diers after him, all drawn up in form of Battel ; for he was much pteafed 
 to fee his men well exercifed and marching in good order. A little more than a 
 league from the City, he obferved one of his Souldiers to ieparate from the reit 
 of the Company, and to retire behind a Rock in the way for his natural eafement s 
 Carvajal, who remained always in the Rere, the better to obferve the march of 
 his Troops, feemed very angry and much diipleaied with the Souldier for leaving 
 his Rank 5 the Souldier excufed himfelf, being urged by his natural necelluies! 
 
 How, faid Carvajal, a good Souldier of Peru, who is the befi Souldier in the world, owht 
 to eat his Loaf of Bread at CozCO, and caft it out again at Chuquifaca, which are two 
 
 hundred leagues diftant each from the other. 
 
 At another time Carvajal travelling with five ox fix Companions, they brought 
 him a roafted Leg of Mutton of that large kind of Sheep which are in that Coun- 
 trey, and which are half as big more as thofe are in Spam .- One of thofe in the 
 company called Hernan Perez, Tablero, who was a familiar Friend of Carvajal, offe- 
 red to be Carver, and as a bad Husband in his Office cut out large flices : what 
 daft thou mem, (aid he, to cut out fuch great pieces ? I give every man, anfwered he, 
 
 his proportion j it is well done, faid Carvajal, for the Devil is in his Gut who comes for 
 more. 
 
 When Carvajal was returned victorious from the purfuit he had made after 
 Diego Centem, he made a Banquet at Cozco, and invited all his Captains and chief 
 Officers thereunto : and though Wine was dear at that time, and worth three hun- 
 dred pieces of Eight the Arrobe, or twenty five pounds weight, being about fix 
 Gallons Englifh meafure, yet the Guefts drank freely of it, and not being accu- 
 ftomed to drink Wine, they were all fo difordered that fome fell a-fleep in their 
 Chairs, others on the Floor, fome tumbled down, and every one was ill accom- 
 modated and in difguife •, which when Donna Catalma Leyton, coming forth from 
 her Chamber, faw, fhe, in a fcorning manner, faid, alas for poor Peru, that thou 
 fhouldft have the misfortune to be governed by fuch people as thefe •, which 
 
 when Carvajal heard, Peace, faid he, you old Jade, and let them fleep but two hours, 
 for there is not one of thefe fellows but is able to govern half a world. 
 
 At another time, having imprifoned a rich man for fome words which he 
 was accufed to have faid againft him, and having detained him in prifon for want 
 of due evidence and proof of matters againft him, though he feldom ftood upon 
 thofe niceties to difpatch his Enemies : The poor man finding that his Execution 
 was delayed, he imagined, that the onely way to fave his life was to ranlbme him- 
 felf with money, for it was well known that Carvajal had on the like occafion 
 taken the prefent and been reconciled : upon this fuppofition, he fent for a Friend 
 of his and defired to bring him two Ingots of Gold, which he had laid in fuch a 
 place, which being brought to him, he fent them to Carvajal, defiring him to hear 
 his Caufe, and his Anfwers to the Accufations of his enemies : Carvajal having re- 
 ceived the Gold, went to vifit the Prifoner, whofe lodging was in his Houfe : 
 And the Prifoner pleading that he was falfly accufed, defired him to be fatisfied 
 with the mifery he had already fuffered, and that he would pardon him for God's 
 fake, promifing for the future to become a true, faithfull and a loyal Servant to 
 him, as he would find in time. Carvajal, taking his Ingots of Gold, faid with 
 a loud voice ( that the Souldiers in the yard below might hear him ) why, Sir, 
 
 having fo authenticl^Writings and Papers to (hew as you have, did not you produce them be- 
 fore : Go your ways in God's name in peace, and live fecurely, for though we are againft the 
 King, it is not reafon that we fhould Ukewife be enemies to the Church of God. 
 
 We have formerly in another place related how Carvajal ftrangled Donna Maria 
 Calderon, and hanged her ont at a Window of her Lodgings 5 we were then very 
 brief in this narrative, and did not plainly fpecifie the particular words and reafons, 
 
 not 
 
Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 not to interrupt, by a long digreflion, the proper current of the Hiftory, we 
 (ball now fupply that defect in this place. Donna Maria Calderon, though refi- 
 ding in her enemies quarters, and in their power, yet made it her common dif- 
 courfe in all companies, to fpeak openly againft Goncalo Pigarro $ and notwithftan- 
 ding Carvajal, to whom the informations were brought, did twice or thrice ad- 
 monifh her to be lefs liberal in her language, and to be more prudent and cautious 
 in her fpeeches, as did other Friends who wifhed her well ; howfoever (he made 
 no ufe of this good counfel, but vented her paflion with more liberty and indif- 
 cretion than before : whereupon Carvajal went one day to her Lodging, and told 
 her ( Lady Goffip ) 1 am come to cure you of jour too mttch prating, and I know no other 
 remedy for it than to dnakJoH : but (he, following her pleafant humour, and think- 
 ing that Carvajal was in jeft ; away, faid (lie, you drunken Fool in the Devil s 
 name, for though you jeft, I will ftop my ears to you, and not hear: in earneft, 
 faid he, I do not jeft ; for I come to cure you of too much loquacity : for that 
 you may not prate as you have done, I come to ftreighten the widenefs of your 
 Throat } and to (hew you that I am in earneft, behold here are my Ethiopian Soul- 
 diers at hand who are to doe you this fervice •, for he always carried three or four 
 Negroes with him for fuch Offices as this : hereupon he went his way, and his Myr- 
 midons immediately ftrangled her, and hanged her Body out at a Window looking 
 to the Street ; and as he was under, he caft up his eyes and faid, Vpen my life, Lady 
 
 Goffip, if this be not a remedy to affright you from too much talking, I know not what other 
 means to ufe. 
 
 Carvajal being at a certain City where his Souldiers were quartered upon the In- 
 habitants, and having occafion to march from thence, two months afterwards he 
 returned again to the fame City ; where an Officer of the Town, fearing that they 
 would quarter the fame Souldier upon him which formerly had been with him, 
 went to Carvajal and defired him that that Souldier might not be put upon him : 
 Carvajal understanding him, gave him a nod inftead of other anfwer : And co- 
 ming to the place where quarters were to be affigned to the Souldiers, he faid to 
 every one of them particularly 5 Go you to fuch a place, and you to fuch a place, 
 and fo difpofed of every one of them as if he had carried a lift of the Inhabitants 
 names in writing •, at length coming to the Souldier before-mentioned ; and you, 
 Sir, faid he, go to fuch a Houfe, which was far from the Chamber where he for- 
 merly quartered : Sir, replied the Souldier, I defire to go to my old Landlord, 
 where I am well known ; No, faid Carvajal, I would have you go to the place 
 which I affign you : but the Souldier would not be fo anfwered, faying, that he 
 had no need to change his quarters, where he was fo well entertained before 3 
 and then Carvajal, moving his head with great gravity, / would have your worfhip 
 
 go, (aid he, to the place 1 have appointed for you, where you will be very well treated ; 
 and if you want any thing more, my Lady Catalina Leyton will be near at hand to ferve 
 
 you ■. and then the Souldier, underftanding that he lhould be well provided for, 
 accepted his offer, and faid no more. 
 
 The Head of Francifco de Carvajal being cut off, was carried to the City of Los 
 Reyes, and there fixed upon the Gallows in the Market-place, in company with 
 the Head of Goncalo Picarro; his Quarters, with thole of other Captains concer- 
 ned in the fame condemnation were let up in the four great Roads which lead to 
 the City of Cozco. And in regard that in Chap. 33. of the fourth Book, we have 
 promifed to give an account of the poifon with which the Indians of the Ifland of 
 Barlovento did ufually infect their Arrows, by (licking them in the flefo of dead 
 men: I (hall, in confirmation thereof, relate what I faw experienced on one of 
 the Quarters of Carvajal, which was hanged up in the High- way which leads to 
 Collafuya, which is to the South-ward of Cozxo. The thing was this : 
 
 One day, being Sunday, ten or twelve Boys of the lame School with me, whofe 
 Fathers were Spaniards and Mothers Indians, all of us under the age of twelve years, 
 walking abroad to play, we efpied the Quarters of Carvajal in the Field, at which 
 we all cried, let us go and lee Carvajal •■, and being come to the place, we perceived 
 that the Quarter hanging there was his Thigh, very fat, (linking and green with 
 corruption. Hereupon one of the Boys faid, that nope of them durft go and touch 
 him : Some faid yes, fome faid no •-, with which they divided into two parties, 
 but none durft come near it, untill one Boy, called Bartholomew Monedero, more 
 bold and unlucky than the reft, How, faid he, dare not I ? and with that ran and 
 thruft his middle Finger clear through the Quarter-, upon which we all ran from 
 
 him, 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries. 847 
 
 him, and cried, Oh the (linking Rafcal, Oh the ftinking Rogue, Carvajal is co- 
 ming to kill you for being fo bold with him 5 but the Boy ran down to the wa- 
 ter, wafhed his finger very well, and rubbed it with dirt, and fo returned home 5 
 the next day, being Monday, he came to the School with his Finger very much 
 fwelled, and looked as if he wore the Thumb of a Glove upon it ; towards the 
 evening his whole hand Was fwelled up to his very Wrift •, and next day, being 
 Tuefday, the fwelling was come up to his very Elbow, fo that he was then for- 
 ced to tell his Father of it, and confefs how it came: for remedy of which, Phy- 
 ficians being called, they bound a firing very ftrait above the fwelling, and fcar- 
 rified his Hand and Arm, applying other Antidotes and Remedies thereunto 5 not- 
 withftanding which, and all the care they could ufe, the Boy was very near death : 
 and though at length he recovered, yet it was four months afterwards before he 
 could take a Pen in his hand to write. And thus as the temper of Carvajal was 
 virulent and malitious in his life-time, fo was his flefh noxious after his death, and 
 gives us an experiment in what manner the Indians empoilbned their Arrows. 
 
 CHAP. XLIII. 
 
 In what manner Pic;arro was executed. Of the Alms he de- 
 fired might be given for his Soul after his death, with 
 fome account of his difpofition and natural parts. 
 
 f A N D now in the laft place we are to give a relation of the dolefull end of 
 il G<m$*lo Pi$arro, whom we left in confeifion all that day, and untill noon of 
 the next day, untill the Officers were called to dinner, but he refufed to eat, and 
 remained alone untill the Confeflbur returned, and fo continued in confeifion un- 
 till it was very late : in the mean time the Officers of Juftice being impatient of 
 delay, were ftill going and coming to haften the difpatch:, and one of the moft 
 grave and fevere amongft them; being troubled to fee die time thus pafs away, 
 cried out with a loud voice •, what will they never have done, and bring forth 
 this man ? at which faying all the Souldiers were much offended, and uttered ma- 
 ny fcandalous and reviling words againft him, moft of which, though I well re- 
 member, yet I am too modeft to repeat them here, or name the perfon : for he 
 retired without replying one word, left he lhould provoke the Souldiers to farther 
 anger, whofe difpleafure he much feared for what he had already exprtfied : but 
 prefently afterwards Goncalo Picarro came forth and was fet upon a Mule purpofely 
 provided for him •■, he had his Cloak on, and his hands loofe, though fome Au- 
 thours write, that his hands were bound 5 yet about the Mule's neck, a halter 
 was tied to comply with the formality of the Sentence : in his hands he carried 
 the Image of our Lady (to whom he was greatly devoted) praying her to inter- 
 cede for his Soul: Being come half way to the place of Execution, he defired a 
 Crucifix (which one of the Priefts who attended nim, of which there being about 
 ten or twelve) gave into his hands 5 which he exchanged for the Image of our La- 
 dy, kiffing firft with great humility the hem of her Garment : upon the Crucifix he 
 fixed 4115 eyes fo fteadily that he did not remove them from that. object untill he 
 came to the Scaffold, which was purpofely erected for his execution ■-, and being 
 mounted thereupon, he went to one fide of it, and from thence made his Speech 
 to the Souldiers and Inhabitants otPeru, who flocked from all parts thither, few 
 being abfent, unlefs thofe who had been of his party, and were revolted from him-, 
 and of them alfo fome were prefent in difguifes, and not to be known, and then 
 he fpake with a loud voice in this manner •-, 
 
 Te know, Gentlemen, that my Brothers and I have gained this Em fire, and that many 
 of you are pojfejfed of Lands and Baronies, which my Brother the Marquis conferred upon 
 you ; and many of you here prefent have received them from me. Moreover many of you owe 
 me money, which I have freely lent to you, and others have received them as a gift a?fd not 
 
 as a 
 
8 13 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 as J debt. I for my part dye foor and without any thing, that not fo much as the cloaths upon 
 my bac!^ are my own f but the fees belonging to the Executioner , for the fervice he doth 
 in cutting off my Head--, fo th.it I have nothing to give for the good and benefit of my Soul, 
 iv'ntrefore, 1 befeech yon, Gentlemen, as many of you as owe me money, to be flow the fame 
 in ALiffes to be [aid for my Soul, having full affurance in God, through the meritorious 
 bloud andpafflon of our Lord Jelus Chrilt his Son , and with the afflflence of your charity , 
 that he will pardon my Offences and receive me to Mercy. And fo Farewell. 
 
 Scarce had he ended his requeft for Charity , before the Sighs and Groans of 
 the People were loudly heard -, and many Tears were fhed by all thofe who heard 
 tiiofe dolefull and fad expreffions. Then Pi$arrd kneeled down before the Cru- 
 cifix which was placed on a Table fet upon the Scaffold. Then came the Execu- 
 tioner, John Ennquez, to bind a Handkirchief about his Eyes: but Pigarro deli- 
 red him to forbear , faying , that there was no need of it : and when he law him 
 draw his Hanger to cut off his Head •, he faid, Honeft jAck,, doe thy Office hand- 
 fomely ; meaning that he lhould doe his bufinefs at one blow , and not in a man- ' 
 gling manner, as fome have done : then faid the Executioner , I promife your 
 Lordfhip that it (hall be fo done as you defire : and having fo faid, he lifted up 
 his Beard with his left-hand , being above a Span long , and cut round , as they 
 ufed to wear them in thole days •, and with a back-ftroak cut oft his Head at one 
 blow, as if he had fliced a leaf of Lettice v and holding his Head in his hand, the 
 body remained fome time before it fell. And this was the end of this great Man. 
 The Executioner would .afterwards have Gripped him, but that Diego Centeno, who 
 was come to lay him in his Coffin, redeemed his Cloaths. by promifing a recom- 
 penfe for them to the Executioner t fo his Corpfe were carried to be interred at 
 Cozco in his own Cloaths, for want of a winding Sheet, which none would bellow, 
 and were buried in a Convent of our Lady of the Merceds, and in the fame Cha- 
 pel where lay the bodies of the two Diegoes de Almagro, Father and Son, whole 
 Fates had been the fame •-, for they had been equally concerned in gaining the 
 Countrey \ and all three were put to death and buried upon Charity •■, and after 
 all this, as if there had wanted Earth or Land in the Countrey, they were all 
 three buried in the fame Grave : And that none of them might have caufe to 
 boaft of his fortune above the other ; all their conditions were made equal ; and 
 all three may be compared with that of Ftancifio Picarro , who was Brother of 
 one and Companion of the other who was put to death ( as before related ) and 
 buried afterwards upon Charity : and thus may thefe four Brothers and Compani- 
 ons be compared and made equal in every thing. So that now, If a man foberly 
 and impartially conliders the courfe of this World , he will fee how Well and in 
 what manner it rewards thofe who ferve in their generation •, fince this was the re- 
 compence of thofe who gained and conquered the Empire called Peru. None of 
 the three Authours make mention of the Charity which Picarro begged at his 
 death •-, perhaps becaufe they would not grieve the Readers with fo melancholy a 
 Story 5 but, for my part, I write all things plainly and without any <hfguile. 
 
 The fury of the War being over , the Inhabitants of the Empire cauled Maf- 
 fes to be laid in their refpe&ive Cities for the Soul of Goncah Picarro , both in 
 compliance with what he requefted of them at his death , as alio from a Princi- 
 ple of gratitude to him who had faved their liberties, and laid down his life for 
 the publick welfare. His Head with that alfo of Francifio de Carvajal was carried 
 to the City of Los Reyes , ( which was built and founded by his Brother the Mar- 
 quis. ) And here, being pitched upon Iron Spikes, they were fet upon a Gallows 
 in the publick Market-place. 
 
 Goncah Picarro and his four Brothers ( who have fupplied us with matter for a 
 long Difcourfe in this Hiftory ) were born in the City of Truxillo, which is in the 
 Province of Ejlremadura , which we mention in honour thereunto , for having 
 produced fuch Heroick Sons, who conquered the two Empires of the new Worlc/* 
 
 namely, Mexico and Peru; for Don Hernando Cortes, Marquis Del Jade, who fubdu- 
 
 ed Mexico , was alfo born at Medell , which is a Town in Eflremidm-a. Alfo 
 Vafco Nunnez de Valvoa, who was the firft Spaniard that difcovered the South-Sea, 
 
 Was a Native of Xerez de Badajoz 5 and Don Pedro de Aharado, who, after the Con- 
 
 queft of Mexico , palled into Peru with eight hundred men , of which Garcilaffo 
 de la Vega was one of the Captains, and Gomez de Tordqya, were Natives of Bada- 
 joz 5 tO which we may add Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Hernando de Soto, and Pedro del 
 
 Bart) 
 
Book V. Royal Commentaries g^o 
 
 Barco his Companion, with many other Gentlemen of the Families of Aharado 
 and Chaves, and other perfons of Quality engaged in the Conqueft of thole King- 
 doms, who were all, ot the molt of them, Natives of Efiremadnra 5 and for 
 that reafon many Souldiers born in that Province, following their Countrey-meri 
 of note, were employed in that Enterprise : wherefore; in honour thereunto we 
 ought not to cover the names of luch Sons in obfcurity, who have fignalized them- 
 felves to the World by luch Heroick Actions. Gongah Pifarro was of the name 
 of the Pl^arros, which is a Family of ancient bloud, illuftrious and well known 
 
 Over all Spain •-, Don Hernando Cortes, who. W3S Marquis DelValle, was by the Mo- 
 
 ther-fide of that Family , called Donna Catalina Pi$arro ; fo that this Lineage is 
 worthy of honour, being entitled to the Conqueft of two Empires. 
 
 Befides the Antiquity of this Family , Gottfa'lo Pi$arro and his Brothers were the 
 Sons of Gonfalo Pi$arro , a Captain of the Guards in the Kingdom of Navarre • 
 which is an Office of great reputation in that Countrey, for that all the Souldiers 
 thereof are to be Gentlemen of ancient Families, or fuch as have obtained this 
 Honour by fome great and heroick A&ion : the which Office is of fo great 
 efteenv, that, to my knowledge , a Grandee of Spain , called Don Alonfo Fernandez 
 de Cordoua, and Figuerea, Marquis De Priego, Chief of the Houfe of Aguilar, avai- 
 led himfelf much on the Honour of being Captain of Horfe in the Kingdom of 
 Navarre , which Office he continued untill the day of his death , and was much 
 honoured by all the Souldiers of thofe parts. 
 
 Gon^ak Pifarro was a very comely perfon in the (hape of his Body, of a pleafing 
 countenance, of a confirmed health, and one who could endure all hardfhips as 
 hath been proved by this Hiftory : He was an excellent Horfeman in both 
 Saddles, either riding (hort , or with long Stirrups •, he was an excellent Markef- 
 man, either with Gun or Crofs-bow : with a black-lead Pencil he could draw 
 any thing in the Wall which he defired ; and was the moft dexterous with his 
 Lance of any man that ever palled into the new World, of which many famous 
 men of thofe times give teftimony. He was a great lover of good Horfes, and 
 kept many of them in his Stables. At the beginning of the Conqueft he had two 
 of a Cheft-nut colour, one of which he called the Clown , becaufe he was not 
 well lhaped, but very good for fervice, the other he called Zajnilh. Some Gentle- 
 men of that time being in convention together , one of them who had been a 
 Companion with Goncak Picarro gave this Character of him, which I heard from 
 his own mouth. When Gon$alo Picarro, faid he, was mounted on his Zaynilio, he 
 no. more valued a Squadron of Indians , than if they had been a {Warm of Flies i 
 he was of a noble nature, clear and lincere, without malice, fraud or defigns : he was 
 a man of truth , confident of his friend and of thofe whom he thought to be fo , 
 which proved his ruine. And becaufe he was a man without cheats or fraud, lie' 
 was judged by Writers to be weak in his underftanding: but they doe him wrong, 
 for certainly he was of a clear head , and naturally inclined to vertue and honour,' 
 he was of an affable difpofition , and generally beloved both by friends and ene- 
 mies ; and, in fhort, was endued with all the noble Qualities, which become a 
 great Perfon. As to riches gained by his own induftry * we may properly fay , 
 that he was Mafter of all the wealth of Peru, which he poflefled and governed' 
 for a long time, and with fo much juftice and equity, that the President did him 
 the right to praife and commend his Government, as we have before declared. 
 He conferred upon others great and large proportions of Land , and jurifdittion 
 over Indians, that many of them amounted unto ten, others to twenty and thirty 
 thoufand pieces of Eight of yearly revenue : he was a very good Chriftian, and zea- 
 loufly devoted to our Lady the Virgin Mary, Mother of God, as the Prefident gave 
 teftimony in the Letter which he wrote. He never denyed any thing which was 
 asked for the fake of our Lady, though of never lb great an importance : which 
 being known to Francifco de Carvajal and his Officers , when they had a mind to 
 put any man to death, they would never fuffer his Petition to come to the ears 
 ofPifarro, left they fhould ask a thing in the name of our Lady, for whofe fake 
 he w-as refolved to deny nothing. He was much beloved for his moral Vermes 
 and military Exploits : And though it was convenient for the Service of his Ma- 
 jefty to take away his life, yet generally his death was lamented for the many Ex- 
 cellencies with which he was endued ■-, fo that I never heard any that fpake ill of 
 him , but all well and with great refpeft, as became a Superiour. And whereas 
 Paler.tino faith , that many gave their opinion , and did earneftly infift , that he 
 
 Q.q q q q ihoui^ 
 
850 Royal Commentaries. Book V. 
 
 fhould be quartered , and his Limbs hanged up in the common high-ways leading 
 to Cozco , is a moft falfe relation : for never was any fuch thing either imagined 
 or contrived : for if ever any fuch thing had been intended , it would certainly 
 have been difcourfed of in the times of peace and fettlement, as many other things 
 were, which were at firft great Seoets, and afterwards made known and divulged 
 to all the World : Nor indeed can it be believed that fuch a thing could be, for- 
 all thofe of the Council ( excepting the Prefident himfelf) had many and greac 
 obligations to Goncdo Pigarro , having received fignal honours and benefits from 
 his hands : and therefore it was not likely they would pafs an infamous fentence 
 againft him , though it was neceflary for the fervice of his Majefty and the peace 
 and quietnefs of the Empire, that they mould give their ailent unto his death. 
 
 The End of the Fifth Bcvk, 
 
 Royal 
 
(850 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 CHAP t 
 
 New Orders publifhed by the Prefident for [uppreffing Rebels. 
 The Offences which the Indians took, to fee Spaniards 
 whipped. The great Trouble the Prefident had to an- 
 fwer the Demands of Pretenders ; and how he went from 
 the City to make a Divifion of Lands. 
 
 NO R did the Troubles end here in this Empire called Pern, nor were 
 all the Infurre&ions fupprefled by the Defeat of Gon$alo Pi far™ and his 
 Captains , but rather were the Spirits of men more furioufly inflamed 
 than before, as will appear by the fequel of this Hiftory : for we mud 
 know that after the Victory obtained at Sacfahuana, the Prefident difpatched that 
 
 Very day tO Cozxo two of his Captains , Hernando Mexla de Guzman and Martin de 
 RobUs , with fome Souldiers in whom they moft confided , to feife thofe of the 
 Enemies Party who were fled thither after the Defeat, and to prevent their own 
 Souldiers from plundering or doing fpoil in the City , and from taking private re- 
 venge by bloud or otherwife , under the pretence of Liberty of War, as it was 
 faid fome defigned to doe. The day following, after the execution of Gone ak Pi- 
 earro , and his Aflbciates , the Prefident raifed his Camp from that famed field ,- 
 and marched towards the City, which though but four leagues from thence, yet he 
 was two days on the way s and in that time he detached a Party of trufty Souldi- 
 ers under the command of Captain Aknfo de Mendoco, with Inftructiohs to march 
 into the Charcot and Potocfi, and to feife and take the Captains which GoncaloPl^ano 
 had fent into thofe parts, namely, Francifco de Efiinofa, and Diego Carvajal, the 
 Gallant, of whom we have formerly made mention ; and Licenciado Polo Hondegar- 
 do received a Commiflion to be Captain General of thofe Provinces , with Or- 
 ders to punilh thofe who had favoured the Caufe of Picxrro , and likewife thofe 
 who did not engage themfelves in the fervice of his Majefty , but flood neuters, 
 neither ading as Traytors, nor profefling themfelves loyal ; and therefore were fe- 
 verely fined for their cowardife and want of duty. With Licenciado Polo Captain 
 Gravid deRojat was alfo difpatched in quality of Treafurer for his Majefty, to col- 
 left the Fifths and Tribute of the Royal revenue, with the Fines which the Go- 
 vernour ihould inflict on Traytors and Neuters. Out of which, as Augmftiw Ca- 
 rate faith , Book the feventh, Chapter the eighth. Licenciado Polo in a lhort time 
 raifed a million and two thoufand pieces of Eight , for that Graviel de Rojas dy- 
 ing on his journey to the Charcot , Polo was forced to execute the Office or Trea* 
 farer in his (lead : And in the mean time, whilft thefe things were acting in the 
 
 Q_q q q q z Charcot 
 
g<- 2 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 Charcot , the Prefident remained in Cozco , entertained with fumptuous Banquets 
 and Sports, to teftifie the Joy they conceived for the late Succefles ; and to fee 
 the Feaft of Bulls and other Divertifements of like nature, he had a Seat erecled 
 in the Court yard of my Father's houfe •, on which occafion I had an opportunity 
 to fee his perfon, as I have before mentioned. And, moreover, he gave a Com- 
 miffion to Judge Andrei de Cianca and to Major General Alonfo de Alvarado to pn- 
 nifh Rebels according to Law. Many Souldiers of note, who had been of Picar- 
 ro's Party were hanged , many quartered , and above a hundred Spamjh Souldiers 
 whipped by four and fix in company ; of which I was an eye-witnefs my felf , 
 when being a Boy I went amongft the reft to fee this puniftiment. At which 
 the Indians were greatly offended, and wondred to fee Spaniards inflict a chaftife- 
 ment fo infamous as that on their own Nation, for though they had feen many 
 of them hanged , yet they had feen none whipped untill that time. And for the 
 greater difgrace they caujed them to ride upon Sheep , which are Beafls of bur- 
 then in that Countrey, and not on Horfes or Mules-, and in that manner take 
 their whipping-, after which they were condemned to the Gallies. At that time 
 the Prefident caufed a general Pardon to be proclaimed , clearing and acquitting 
 all fuch from fault and punifhment who had come in and revolted to the Royal 
 Standard at the Battel of Sacfahuam 5 and abfolved of all Crimes during the Re- 
 bellion of Gon^ak Picarro, though they had been guilty of the death of the Vice- 
 king Blafio Nunne*, Vela, and other Minifters of his Majefty : which Pardon did 
 extend onely as to Life and criminal Matters-, referving ftill a right unto the King 
 to fine them as to Goods, and to proceed againft them in civil Cafes : for that 
 Car ate faith, Book 7. Chap. 8. that Goncah Picarro had made fatisfaction for them 
 by his own death. And now, fince the Victory was gained, and things reduced 
 to peace and quiemefs, the Prefident found himfelf in much more trouble , and 
 with a greater weight of bufinefs on his Shoulders than in the time of War , for 
 that then the Officers concurred with him to fupport part of the Burthen •, but 
 now in Peace, he was fingly engaged to fuftain the Importunities and felicita- 
 tions of above two thou'fand men , who challenged Pay and Rewards for their 
 paft Services ■-, in which every one of the meaneft fort pretended to fo much merit 
 that he thought he deferved the beft Plantation in all Peru. And as to thofe per- 
 sons who had really been ferviceable and ufefull to the Prefident in the Wars, they 
 became infinitely troublefome and importunate in their Petitions, fo that the Pre- 
 fident, to eafe himfelf a little of thefe urgent addrefles, refolved to take a journey 
 of about twelve leagues to the Valley of Apurimac, to have more leifure at that 
 diftance to make the Divifions which were required of him •, and with him he 
 took the Arch-bifhop of Los Reyes for his Companion, and alfq Pedro Lofez de Ca^alla 
 his Secretary } and that he might not be interrupted in this bufinefs, he comman- 
 ded, that neither Citizen nor Souldier, nor any other perfon whatsoever mould 
 attend or follow him to that place. Moreover he commanded, That no Inhabi- 
 tant of all Peru fhould return to his own home untill he had fet out and allotted un- 
 to every man his Divifion 5 by which continuance of the people in Coz-co, he ima- 
 gined that he mould fecure the Commonalty from making any Mutinies or In- 
 iurre&ions : but his chief defign and care was to difperfe the Souldiers in divers 
 parts of the Kingdom , and to employ them in new Conquefts , as had been the 
 Maxim and Policy of thofe who firft conquered this Empire : but the Prefident 
 being obliged in hafte to leave thofe Kingdoms, had not time to difperfe his Soul- 
 diers, as was defigned j by which means new Troubles arofe from Male-contents, 
 who thought they had reafon to complain. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 85? 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Tlie Prefident, having made the fever al Affignmeyits vfLand, 
 went privately to the City of Los Reyes : And writes a 
 Letter to thofe for whom no Prov/fions were made , which 
 caufed great Diflurbances amongft them. 
 
 THE Prefident being retired into the Valley of Apurimac was employed there 
 for the fpace of three months and more , about dividing to every man his 
 proportion of Lands , during which time he received Addrefles and Petitions 
 from many perfons , fetting forth their fervices and fufferings 5 of which little or 
 no notice was taken, becaufe that the fcheme of all matters was already drawn , 
 and a repartition of the Lands was refolved upon and made amongft the principal 
 Officers under the command of Pedro de Hinojofa , as was capitulated and agreed 
 when the Fleet belonging to Gone ah Picarro was furrendred to the Prefident, as is 
 confirmed by the Hiftorians of that time. The Prefident having made the Di- 
 vifion on no better grounds, nor with other meafures than thofe which he and the 
 Archbifhop Don feronimo de Loayfa, ( who were both Strangers to the Countrey ) 
 had contrived , he went to the City of Los Reyes , and ordered the Arch-bifhop 
 within ten or twelve days afterwards to repair to Co*xo , and then to publifh the 
 Diftributions which he had gratioufly made : and in regard fome were fo unfor- 
 tunate as to have no provifions made for them, he wrote them a confolatory Let- 
 ter, fignifying his hearty defires and his real intentions to gratify them as occafion 
 mould offer. The Letter which he wrote to them was this ; extracted verbatim 
 from die Hiftory of Palentino ; theSuperfcription whereof was this 5 
 
 To the Right-noble and Right-worfhipfull Lords and 
 Gentlemen and Sons of Gentlemen who are Servants 
 to his Majefty in Cozco. 
 Right-noble and Right- worfhipfull SIRS, 
 
 WHERE AS it often happens that men are fo blinded with affetlion and love to 
 their own Affairs , that they overfee all others , and cannot make free ufe of their 
 reafon to render thanks to thofe who have highly merited their gratefull acknowledgments 5 
 1 have refolved to write thefe lines to you, whereby to jufiifie my felf; befeeching you to con- 
 ferve them as a memorial in my behalf '; and to let them remain with you as a teftimony of 
 that efleem which I have already gained with you , and which 1 promife to improve by the 
 fervices I dejign for every one of you, fo long at 1 fhall live in Peru, or in any other parts 
 vhatfoever. But not to infift on any private or particular fervice which I have rendred to 
 any Jingle perfon amongfi you 5 / fhall onely fay in general , that I have not omitted any 
 thing wherein I might have been infirumental to promote that fervice. For I dare boldly 
 fay, that in all the Wars made in Peru, or out of it, twos never heard or feen that tver 
 fuch vafl charges were made in fo fhort a time, and expended on fo few people .- and what 
 Lands were vacant or without Proprietors, I have divided amongft yoii with as much ju- 
 fiice and equality as I have been able % with confederation both day and night of every man's 
 merit , which hath been the meafure andfiandard upon which I have proceeded ; and which 
 fhall ever be my rule fo long as I flay in Peru ', and I fhall be carefull to divide and dif- 
 penfe amongfi you onely his Maje fly's loyal SubjeBs, according to your fervices and loyalty to 
 the Crown , whatfoever remains undifpofed with exclufion of all others , untill you are fully 
 fatisfed. And that you may enjoy the fole benefit of this rich Countrey to your felves , I will 
 not onely endeavour to bani/h thofe out of it who have been atlually in rebellion , but fuch 
 alfo who have flood Neuters, and have not ailed as you have done : and that untill you are 
 fully repaired and made eafle in your fortunes , / will not fujfer any new Guefts either out 
 of Spain, or the Continent, or from Nicaragua, Guatitmla or New-fpain, to enter in- 
 to this Countrey, or to pojfefs any part or fhare thereof to your prejudice or difadvantage. 
 And fmce I protefl that all which 1 fay u true, and thai I have not been able to doe more 
 
 for 
 
854 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 for your fervice and advantage, than what I have already done, I earneftly entreat you to 
 follow the example of God himfelf herein , that is , to accept of the real endeavours and 
 good-will of the perfon : and on this confederation let every one fatisfie himfelf with his lot, 
 which though not fo large perhaps as he expelled , yet it is fa great as the divifton and thing 
 would bear, and lefs than the Diflributor defired , and which he will increafe when enabled 
 by any fortunate opportunity. And now after all my travels and labours both by Sea and 
 Land which I have fuftained in this laft period of my life, 1 pretend to no other reward than 
 the fat isf alii on of having ailed according to that Talent which God hath given me, by which 
 I have difcharged my confeience towards Gcd as a Chriflian, towards the King as afaithfull 
 Subject , and towards your f elves at became a good neighbour and a true fervant. And in- 
 deed, if you take not things , and under fl and them in the fame manner, you ill requite 
 the love and afellion I bear you, and the care and labours I have fuflained for your interefl, 
 confidering that on my part there hath been no failure or omiffton to advance the fame. And 
 Knee, for the better fettlement if the Courts of "judicature and the Affairs of Lima, it isne- 
 ceffaryfor me to be there prefent , J have defired the mofi Reverend Father in God, the Arcl> 
 bifhop to fupply my pre fence with you in the City , and in my name to offer to you what I can 
 doe at prefent , and what I fhall be able to doe for the future. And having not farther 
 to add; 1 befeech God, that I may live to fee you all in great profperity and plenty, and em- 
 ployed in his holy fervice as fully and as happily as you your felves dejire, 
 
 Given at Guaynarima, on the 1 8th day of Angufl, i J48. Subfeibed, 
 
 Your Servant, 
 the Licenciado Gafca. 
 
 Befides this Letter and Inftru&ions given to the Archbifhop , he gave it in 
 charge to the Father Provincial, Frier Thomas de San Martin, that he fhould make 
 a Sermon on the day of the Publication, and therein exhort the Pretenders to be 
 contented every man with his portion allotted •, and to deal with them in private, 
 and perfuade them thereunto. All which Hernandez, Valentino writes more at large, 
 which we have abbreviated , to avoid prolixity and tedioufnefs to the Reader 5 
 and is as followeth : 
 
 When it was known in Cozco that the Prefident was retired privately to avoid 
 the troublefome importunities of the People •, one Captain Pardaue, being in dif- 
 courfe with other Captains-, on my Confeience faid he, this Madalena de la Cruz. 
 is retired fome where privately to put an Bar ana upon us, for in Peru they call that 
 Harana, when a man who hath loft his money at gaming plays fome Trick dr 
 Sham to avoid payment. And amongft other Nick-names given the Prefident , 
 they called him Madalena de la Cruz , which was as much as Cheater or Sorcerer , 
 and was the name of that Woman who was punched by the Officers of the In- 
 quifition in Cordoua : And the truth is , the Prefident , not to hear fuch infolent 
 Speeches as thefe , retired from Cozco that he might have liberty to make the 
 Distributions , and removed farther from it when they were publifhed , as Valen- 
 tino faith in the fecond Part, and Chapter the firft of his Hiftory, in thefe words: 
 
 It was well known that the Prefident abfented himfelf from Cozco , that he 
 might not be prefent at the time when the Distribution of Lands was publifhed 5 
 for he was prudent and fubtile, and underftood by good experience the nature of 
 the Countrey 5 and feared much the Infolences of the Souldiers, and to hear their 
 Complaints, Oaths and Curfes : And indeed herein he was not deceived -, for 
 when the Arch-bifhop was arrived at Cozco , where almoft all the Inhabitants and 
 Souldiers were aftembled , expecting to receive great proportions of Lands and 
 Government : they appeared quiet and orderly : but fo foon as the publication 
 was made, on the 24th of Augufl, being the Feftival of Saint Bartholomew, where- 
 by finding themfelves much difappointed of their hopes, they began to curfe and 
 fwear, and to utter many feditious expreflions againft the Prefident and his Go- 
 vernment , to that high degree , that all things feemed to tend to mutiny and a 
 new rebellion. Hereupon they began to enter into Cabals and fecret Confultati- 
 ons , how in the firft place they might kill the Judge Andres de Cianca , and the 
 Arch-bifhop , whom they efteemed the Authours of the Distributions. The 
 caufe and ground of their fury and rage they alledged to be the allotment made 
 of principal Places and Lands to thofe who had been the Followers and Abettors 
 
 of 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries, 855 
 
 . . __ ____-____-—--_— 
 
 of Goncalo Pkarfo, and who had favoured that party which had been in Arms 
 againft the King : but the relation of thefe matters is more fully made by Francifio 
 Lopez, de Gomara, Chap. 1 38. in thefe words : 
 
 The Prefident, faid he , went to Apurima twelve leagues diftant from Cozco, 
 where he confulted with the Archbifhop of Los Reyes, and his Secretary Pero Lopez. 
 about the divifion of Lands, which were to be made and diftributed amongft fe- 
 veral perfons, to the value of a.million and a half of yearly rent, with a hundred 
 and fifty thoufand Ducats in Gold, which he had raifed from divers who were in 
 prefent poileffion : he married many rich Widows to fuch as had well ferved the 
 King ; he increafed the Revenue and Eftate of others who were already poflefled 
 of Lands, fo that fome had a yearly Revenue made up to them of a hundred thou- 
 fand Ducats •, which was an Eftate for a Prince, if the Inheritance had been theirs j 
 but the Emperour would allow no other Eftate but for life : but he who had the 
 greateft Eftate affigned to him was Himjofa. 
 
 Gafia himfelf went to Los Reyes to avoid the complaints, curfes and damning of 
 the Souldiers, and perhaps for fear of worfe : And to make publication of the 
 Lands allotted and divided, the Archbifhop was fent to Coz,co 5 and to take thofe 
 off to whom nothing was given, a fmooth Letter was wrote to nourifh them 
 with future hopes and expectations •, but the furious Souldiers were neither appea- 
 led with the air of fmooth words, nor the gentle exhortation of the Archbifhop. 
 Some complained of Gafca for giving them nothing ; fome becaufe they had lefs 
 slotted than what was expected \ and others, becaufe thofe who had dif ferved the 
 King had the greateft proportion 5 fwearing that they would accufe him before the 
 Council of the Indies : of which number were the Marefchal Alonfo de Alvarado and 
 Mekhior de Verdugo, who afterwards drew up a formal accufation againft him, and 
 prefented it to the chief Baron of the Exchequer. In fhort, their whole difcourfe 
 tended to Mutiny and Sedition : the Aixhbiihop and Judge Qiancd, Hinojofa, Cen- 
 teno and Alvarado were to be apprehended and imprifoned : and a Petition was to 
 be made to the Prefident Gafca, that he would be pleafed once again to revife the 
 allotments that were made, and to divide them into lefTer parcels, or to grant 
 Penfions to fuch as wanted them -, and in cafe their expectations were not anfwe- 
 red, they then refolved to take them by force. But the Plot being difcovered be- 
 fore it came to maturity, Cianca the Judge apprehended the chief Leaders, and 
 punifhed them ■■, wherewith the troubles were appeafed. Thus far Gomara. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Some Marriages were ??iade icp between rich Widows a?ul the 
 Pretenders. The allotments affigned to Pedro de Hino- 
 jofa and his Companions. The novelty which thefe things 
 caufed amongft themselves. 
 
 THIS Authour makes a large difcourfe concerning the Widows of thofe times ; 
 for we muft know, that in the late Wars many Husbands being killed who 
 had great Eftates in Land, and commands over Indians, their Eftates fell to their 
 Widows : and left thefe Women fhould marry with thofe who had been Rebels 
 to the King, the Governour thought fit to make matches for them, and to ap- 
 point them Husbands with whom they fhould marry 5 many of which lived hap- 
 pily with them 5 but others, who had the ill fortune to be joyned with old men, 
 were not fo well contented as they had been with thofe they had loft. The Wife 
 of Aionfi de Toro, who was Major-General to Goncalo Pi$arro, and had great Pof- 
 feffions, was married to Pedro Lopez, Caca/la, Secretary to the Prefident Gafca, 
 
 The Wife o{ Martin de Baftincia, who Was the Daughter of Huayna Capac, who 
 
 held the Eftate in her own right, and not of her Husband, was married to a good 
 Souldier and a very honeft man, called Diego Hernandez,, of whom it was reported, 
 but falily, that in his younger days he had been a Taylor 3 which being known 
 
 to' 
 
856 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 to the Infanta or Princefs, (lie refufed the marriage, faying, that it was not reafo- 
 nable to marry the Daughter of Huayna Capav Inca with a Gracamayo, that is, in 
 the Indian Tongue, a Taylor 5 and though the Bifhop of Cezco, and Captain Diego 
 Centeno, and other perfons of Quality prefled the marriage, they could not prevail : 
 wherefore they engaged her Brother Don Cbrifloval Paullu to ufe his intereft, and 
 perfuade her to it, who accordingly, taking her afide into a corner of the Room, 
 told her, that it was not convenient for her to refufe that marriage ; for that (lie 
 would fo difoblige the Spaniards that for ever after they would become mortal 
 enemies to their Royal Family and Lineage and never more be reconciled to them. 
 At length (he, aflenting to the advice of her Brother, though with a very ill will, 
 was brought before the Bifhop, who was pleafed to honour the marriage by cele- 
 brating the Office himfelf : and, asking the Bride by an Indian Interpreter, whe- 
 ther (he would marry that man 5 the Interpreter asked her whether (he would be 
 the Woman of that Man, for in the Indian Tongue they have no word for Mar- 
 riage or Wife •, to which the Bride made anfwer in her own Language, Tchad* 
 Mmanl, Tchach Manamunani •, which is, Perhaps I will have him, and perhaps I 
 will not have him : howfoever the marriage went forward, and was celebrated in 
 the Houfe of Diego de los Rios a Citizen of Cozco, and both the Husband and Wife 
 were alive, and cohabited together when I left Cow Many other Marriages like 
 this, were contracted all over the Empire, being defigned to give Eftates to Pre- 
 tenders, and to fatisfie them with the goods of other men : and yet this way could 
 not give full contentment, for fome efteemed the Eftates that came by their 
 Wives to be too fmall and inconfiderable ; and others vvhofe luck it was to have 
 ugly Women loathed them, and complained of their fortune 5 and thus it fared 
 with thefe men as with others in this world, wherein is no entire fatisfaclion. The 
 unequal divifion of the Land, as Authours fay, was the caufe and ground of all 
 the enfuing troubles and mutinies ; for unto Pedro de Hinojofa they gave all the In- 
 dians which belonged to Goncalo Picarro in the Charcot, which yielded an hundred 
 thoufand pieces of Eight every year, befides a rich Mine of Silver, which made 
 the Revenue of this Gentleman to amount unto two hundred thoufand pieces of 
 Eight a year : for it is incredible to think the vaft quantities of Silver that are 
 every year digged out of the Mines of Potocfi, which were fo great, that Iron was 
 become more valuable than Silver. TapacH fell to the lot of Gomez de SolU, which 
 was worth forty thoufand Crowns yearly •■> and Martin de Robles had an Eftate of che 
 like value given him. But Diego Centeno, though he had fuftained all the labours, 
 and performed the fervices before related, yet having not been concerned in the 
 furrender of the Fleet at Panama, he was excluded from all other Eftate than that 
 onely with which he had formerly been inverted, called Pucuna 5 nor were others 
 of his Companions in the leaft confidered : but Lorenco de Aldana had an addition 
 granted to his former Eftate in the City of Arequepa, which both together were 
 valued at fifty thoufand pieces of Eight yearly rent. To Don Pedro de Cabrera a 
 divifion was made of fome Lands in the City of Cozco called Cotapampa, the Re- 
 venue of which was reckoned at fifty thoufand pieces of Eight yearly rent. Ano- 
 ther to the value of forty thoufand in Gold was conferred on Don Bait afar de Caflilta 
 
 in the Province of Parihuanacocha, which yields moft Gold. John Alonfo Palomino 
 
 received an additional increafe to his former Eftate, which both together might 
 make up a rent of forty thoufand Crowns. Lkenciado Carvajal had a like Eftate 
 given him, though he enjoyed it but for a (hort time •-, for being Recorder of Cozco, 
 he was unfortunately killed by a fall from a Window, from whence he rhrew 
 himfelf headlong out of defpair and love to a certain Lady. I remember I (aw 
 him buried on St. John Baptift's day : but Heman Bravo de Lagma was to content 
 himfelf with a meaner lot of eight thoufand pieces of Eight Revenue, not having 
 the merit of thofe to pretend who furrendred up the Fleet to the Prefident at Pa- 
 nama, who were all, fome more and fome lefs, very confiderably rewarded 5 and 
 indeed thofe Gentlemen did juftly deferve a recompenfe, being the firft who gave 
 a turn to the fcale, and the principal Inftruments to reduce the Empire of Pern to 
 the obedience of his Majefty, which was entirely loft when the Prefident at firft 
 entred into it, as is apparent to thofe who have read this Hiftory. The Lots gi- 
 ven to the reft in other Cities of Peru were not fo advantageous as thofe before 
 mentioned : for fome which were poor were improved with the adjundion of thofe 
 more rich •, and fome were divided and given to others 5 but how poor foever 
 they were efteemed, the meaneft of them was valued at eight, nine, and ten thou- 
 fand 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 857 
 
 fend pieces of Eight of yearly Revenue : fo that the ten lots and divifions which we 
 have mentioned to have been afllgned in the Charcot, in Arequefa and in Cotco, did 
 in the total amount unto five hundred and forty thoufand pieces of Eight coined, 
 which make Ducats of Cafiile near fix hundred and fifty thoufand. So foon as' 
 the Archbimop Loajfa, and the Secretary Pero Lopez, de Cafa/la came to Cozco they 
 publifhed the lots and diftributions which were made •, and read the President's 
 Letter to thofe unhappy men for whom no provifion was found : and the Father 
 Provincial made a Sermon perfuading them to patience, which operated little up- 
 on them 5 for they flew out in oaths, curfes and opprobrious fpeeches againft the 
 Government, as all Authours confirm : admiring at the wonderful] profufenefs 
 and prodigality which was ufed towards thofe men who in reality deferved no- 
 thing : for it is moft certain, that amongft thofe to whom diftributions were made 
 of forty or fifty thoufand pieces of Eight of yearly rent, there were fome, who, 
 being confcious of their engagement on Pi farm's fide, and their evil adions in de- 
 nying the Vice-king Blafco Vela Nnmez,, againft whom they raifed Arms, persecu- 
 ted him to the death, and afterwards fixed his head upon the Gallows •, thefe men, 
 I fay, and others, as Hiftories record, who having impioufly rebelled againft his 
 Imperial Majefty, expected death, or at leaft baniiTitnent $ would have been fuf- 
 ficiently contented and thought it a mercy to enjoy onely the benefit of the gene- 
 ral Pardon, without other rewards or provifions made for them : an example 
 whereof may be given of Martin de Robles, who, when he underftood what allot- 
 ment was made him, was furprifed with the excefs of fuch abundant favour : and 
 in fenfe thereof, faid to thofe who flood by ; 'Tis well, 'tis well, but fo much good k 
 no good 5 meaning that it was not good for thofe who deferved fo little to be rewar- 
 ded fo much. Some few months afterwards this Martin de Robles was fined by 
 Sentence of the chief Juftices in the fum of twelve hundred Ducats, for having 
 been acceffbry to the imprifonment of the Vice king Blafco Nunnez. Vela, and en- 
 gaged in the caufe of Gon$alo Pi$arro y the which Fine was adjudged to be given 
 to Diego Alvarez, Cueto, who was Brother-in-law to the Vice-king, and who pro- 
 fecuted de Robles and others of Picarro's Party. And when this Sentence was noti- 
 fied to him : What, faid he, no more, I that wai the man who took, the Vice king ? No, 
 (aid the Clerk, your Fine is no more. Well, anfwered he, / could have been conten- 
 ted with ten times as much. And thus prefumptuous and boafting they were of the 
 exploits they had done that they valued themfelves much upon them, and adven- 
 tured to utter thefe and many other bold Sayings on this matter, in prefence of the 
 Prefident himfelf, of which we (hall fpecifie fome few particulars hereafter, and 
 omit others, which are not fit to be here mentioned. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez Giron, without any reafon, fbews 
 himfelf greatly dijpleafed for the divifion which iras allot- 
 ted to him : a Commifjion is given him to make a neve 
 Conquefi. The punifhment o/Francifco de Efpinofa, and 
 Diego de Carvajal. 
 
 NOtwithftanding thefe rich and large diftributions of above two millions and 
 a half of yearly Revenue •-, which one Authour fays was but a million, and 
 another a million and forty odd thoufand pieces of Eight 5 yet the Pretenders were 
 not fatisfied, and generally complained, ibme becaufe they had no (hare allotted, 
 and others were fcandalized to fee thofe rewarded with fuch excefs of prodigality 
 who never had been concerned in the Conqueft of the Countrey ; nor rendreH 
 other fervice to his Majefty than onely to rife in Rebellion againft him, to kill 
 his Vice-king, and afterwards to fell and betray the Tyrant unto the Prefident, 
 whom before they had foftred and maintained : but he who appeared publickly 
 
 R r r r r the 
 
g<?8 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 the moft difcontented of any was Francifco Hernandez. Giron, who having not ferved 
 formerly in Peru, but in Pafio onely, where {asPalentino faith) he never had more 
 than an Eftate of fix hundred pieces of Eight a year •, And now there being a 
 proportion fet out to him of about ten thoufand pieces of Eight a year , called 
 Sacfahuma , which was in Cozco , and formerly belonged to Gon$alo Picarro ; this 
 Gentleman fo difdained the meannefs of it, that he could not forbear publickly 
 toexprefs his diflike? and, conceiving a high efteem of his own merit, he grew 
 angry that any man mould be preferred or rewarded above himfelf : and to that 
 excels and diforder did his paflion lead him , and tranfport to thofe indecent ex- 
 preflions , that his words were efteemed feditious , and not lefs than favouring of 
 Treafon : in this humour he asked leave of the Arch-bifhop to goe unto the Pre- 
 fidentand complain of hishard-ufagej for that he, who had ferved the belt of 
 any, and therefore deferved thebeft (hare, was turned off with the meaneft allot- 
 ment. The Arch-bifhop reproved him for his infolent language, and denyed him 
 leave. But Francifco Hernandez, made bold to take that which was refuted him , 
 giving out abroad , that he was going to the City of Los Reyes , to make his com- 
 plaints unto him, who ought to conflder them : which being made known to Li- 
 cenciado Cianca, who was by joint Commiflion with the Arch-bifhop made Gover- 
 nour and chief Judiciary of Cozco; he wrote him a Latter, advifing him to return, 
 and not augment the Troubles and Mutinies which were in the Kingdom , and 
 which were apt to be inflamed by the Difcontents of many perfons , who had 
 much more reafon to complain than himfelf , that he would doe well to confider 
 and take care how he forfeited all other his former Services by fuch mutinous 
 practices as this , which would render him odious to all his Majefty's Officers 
 and Minifters. The Meffenger who carried this Letter, overtook him mSacfahu- 
 ana , being about four leagues diftant from the City , which when Hernandez, had 
 read , he made this Anfwer , That he thought fit to be abfent in that conjuncture , 
 not to be concerned in the Mutinies and Troubles which he faw were coming 5 for 
 he knew that the Souldiers would prefs him to be their Leader and Commander 
 in chief-, and moreover, that he was going to communicate many other matters 
 unto the Prefident for his Majefty's Services? to which he added divers other im- 
 pertinences, difpleafing to Cianca : at which the Judge being greatly moved, he 
 prefently difpatched Letters to Captain Lope Martin, ( whom Pakntino calls Alonfa 
 de Mendo^a) and who, as we faid before, wasfent to the Charcot, to fupprefs In- 
 surrections , that with half a dozen of his moft faithfull Souldiers he mould inter- 
 cept Hernandez, in his journey or caufe him to return back again to Cozco. The 
 day following Lope Martin with his fix Souldiers accordingly fet out, and taking 
 the ordinary journeys of four or five leagues a day , he overtook Hernandez, in Cw 
 rampa, about twenty leagues from the City , who intended now to play a double 
 game ; for on one fide, he was willing to (hew his readinefs to ferve his Majefty 5 
 and on the other fide, he defigned to give contentment to the Souldiers, by whom 
 he was defirous to be efteemed a Favourer of their pretentions and reafons of 
 complaint 5 as will appear by the Anfwer he gave at his return to the Judge Cian- 
 ca when he was brought before him. For in excufe he alledged, that he abfen- 
 ted himfelf from the City, that the Souldiers might not engage him in the Mu- 
 tinies they intended , and force him to be their General , Upon which Allegati- 
 on the Judge committed him to prifon in the Houfe of John de Saavedra, who was 
 one of the principal Citizens of Cozco ; and having made Procefs againft him, 
 he remitted him to the farther cenfure of the Prefident, and luftered him to go 
 upon his paroll , and upon Oath taken, that he would proceed directly and pre- 
 fenc himfelf before his Superiours. Accordingly Hernandez went to the City of 
 Los Reyes , but was detained three months on the way , becaufe the Prefident at 
 firft would not fee him , nor give him admittance into the City , untill at length 
 he received licence and the favour to kits the Prefident's hand : fome days after 
 which, the Prefident, being defirous to comply with his Martial Spirit , and to 
 clear the Kingdom of a fort of infolent and mutinous Souldiers, conferred the ho- 
 nour of a Commiflion on him , impouring him to make a Conqueft of the Clmn- 
 chus , with the Title of Governour and Captain General of all that Countrey , 
 which he fhould conquer at his own coft and hazard, excepting out of his Com- 
 miflion thofe Frontiers which bordered on his Conqueft, namely, Cuzco, the City 
 of La Paz,, and the City of Plate: Francifco Hernandez was much pleafed with 
 his Commiflion, intending thereby to gain an opportunity to rebell againft his Ma- 
 jefty? 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries, 8c o 
 
 jefty ; which had been long in his mind , and which he at length put in execu- 
 tion , as we (hall find by the fequel : and in order thereunto he remained in Ri- 
 mac until) fuch time as the President embarked for Spain, as (hall be declared here- 
 after. During the time that the Prefident was employed in the Valley of Apuri- 
 mac, in (baring unto every man his proportion and lot , the Judge Cianca received 
 intelligence , that the Licenpado Polo , who was fent to be judge in the Charcas j 
 had taken Francifco de Efpinofa and Diego de Carvapl the Gallant, and fent them pri- 
 foners ; who were the two perfons employed by Goncalo Pi$ano in Arequepa and 
 the Charcas , after the Battel of Huarina , and there committed thofe diforders 
 which we formerly mentioned : but thefe men, before they came to Co^co , wrote 
 a Letter to Diego Centeno, intreating him to intercede for them, and at leaft obtai- 
 ned fo far a remiffion of their Crimes , as might not extend unto life , but unto 
 banilhment out of the Kingdom. In anfwer hereunto Centeno replyed , That he 
 fhould gladly comply with their requeft , in cafe the enormity of their Crimes 
 were capable of fo much mercy, and could admit of excufe and alleviation before 
 the Lords the JufUces ; but fince they had been fo cruel as to burn feven Indians 
 alive without any caufe or provocation , he feared that the Gate was fhut to all 
 mercy, nor durft any Man appear with arguments of interceffion in a caufe fo 
 vile and dark as theirs. Some few days after this Anfwer was given, thefe Offen- 
 ders were brought to Cozco , where they were hanged and quartered , and their 
 Quarters difpofed in feveral ways, to the great fatisfa&ion both of Indians and Spa- 
 niards , who rejoiced to fee a Cruelty fo juftly revenged. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 The Government of Chile is given to Pedro de Valdivia. 
 The Articles which his own People prefer againft. him ; 
 and by what means he is freed by the Prefident. 
 
 ' A Mongft the many great Divifions and Diftributions made by the Prefident 
 Jl\ Gafia in the Valley oiApurimac, the Government of the Kingdom of Chile 
 was conferred on Pedro de Valdivia, with Title of Governour and Captain Gene- 
 ral of that great Kingdom containing five hundred leagues in length j and more- 
 over, he received a full Commiflion to divide the Countrey amongft the Adven- 
 turers and fuch as had deferved well of the Crown. The benefit of which Com- 
 miffion Pedro de Valdivia enjoyed a long time with great profperity and affluence 
 of fortune, untill his Riches became his fnare, and were the caufe of his mine, 
 together with a hundred and fifty Spanifh Gentlemen more who were all (lain with 
 him, as we have already related in the firfl part of this Hiftory, in the Life of In- 
 ta Tupanqui 5 and have there anticipated this Story , which was memorable and 
 worthy obfervation, and inferted it out of its due place, in regard the SuccelTes of 
 that Kingdom were impertinent to our purpofe: but the prefent paflages belon- 
 ging to the Dominion of Peru fall within the verge of our Hiftory , and are the 
 proper fubjeft of our Difcourfe, of which Diego Hernandez. , a Citizen of Palen- 
 cia, gives this account in one of his Chapters, the Title of which is this : 
 
 That by the fame humane Laws fome men may be condemned and put to death, and others 
 guilty of the fame Crime may be freed and acquitted. 
 
 The fame Authour hath another Chapter, number 94. the Title of which is this : 
 
 In what manner the Prefident fent to take Pedro de Valdivia. The Articles which the 
 People of Chile preferred againft him, and in what maimer the Prefident brought him 
 
 R r r r r 2 It hatfe 
 
§5o Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 It hath been already mentioned in this Hiftory how Pedro de Valdivia came out 
 of 'Chile, and how afterwards the Prefident made him Commander of the Provin- 
 ces he mould conquer. And to prepare himfelf for that undertaking, Valdivia 
 went from Cuzco to the City of Los Reyes, with intent to furnifh himfelf there 
 with all neceffaries , and what might be required for that Conqueft. And ha- 
 ving raifed his men, of which fome were of thofe who had been banifhed out of 
 Peru , and others condemned to the Gallies for having been concerned in the late 
 Rebellion •, and having provided all other matters , he caufed them to embarque 
 on fome Ships which fet fail from the Collao of Lima, but Pedro de Valdivia went 
 himfelf by Land to Arequefa. And whereas at this time feveral Complaints were 
 brought againft him to the Prefident , accufing him to have carried with him fe- 
 veral condemned perfons , and that many outrages were committed on the way 
 by People who had his command and authority fo to doe 5 Orders were fent to 
 Pedro de H'mojofa to intercept him in his way, and by fome dexterous management 
 to bring him back to the Prefident. Pedro de Hmojofk accordingly met him, and 
 asked him civilly, whether he would not return again, to give fatisfa&ion to the 
 Prefident, for what was alledged againft him •, which Valdivia refufing to doe, Hi- 
 wjofa accompanied him in a friendly manner for a whole day's journey •, when 
 watching his opportunity he feifed upon him with fix Mufquetiers, and brought 
 him back to the Prefident •, by which time feveral of the Plaintiffs from whom 
 Valdivia had taken the Gold, as before mentioned , were come from Chile , and 
 had preferred Articles in writing againft him , wherein they accufed him for ha- 
 ving taken the Gold from them, for having killed many perfons unjuftly, and that 
 he lead a diffblute life with a certain woman •■, that he was in confederacy with 
 Goncalo Picarro, and went from Chile , with defign and intention to join with him, 
 befides many other treafonable things of which they impeached him 5 and in con- 
 clusion, they defired, that he might be condemned to pay and return the Gold he 
 had taken from them. 
 
 The Prefident found himfelf much perplexed and ftraitned in this matter , for 
 in cafe he condemned Valdivia , he absolutely deftroyed his voyage, which ten- 
 ded to the quiet and benefit of Peru, by clearing the Countrey of fo many leud 
 and infolent Souldiers as were to accompany him. And in cafe the taking away 
 the Gold were proved upon him , and he not compelled to make reftitution , it 
 would be fuch a piece of injuftice, as would tend much to the difreputation of 
 the Prefident , and make a great noife and out-cry in the Countrey : And being 
 in this ftrait, a contrivance was made to avoid the reftitution, which was in this 
 manner. Before it was ordered , that Copies fhould be given to Valdivia of the 
 Accufation and Articles preferred againft him, or any fummary information 5 a 
 rule was given , that firft a folemn Inquifition fhould be made in the Office of 
 the names of all thofe perfons who were concerned in the Bill againft the Defen- 
 dant-, the which was to be done in that flight manner, that the reafon for which 
 it was required might not be difcovered. And when it appeared by the Bill, that 
 all the People of Chile were concerned as Plaintiffs, and were all Parties and inte- 
 refted in the Demand •, none of them could lawfully be made a Wirnefs or give 
 legal teftimony in their own Caufe $ he then ordered, that Valdivia fhould have a 
 Copy of the Bill , and give in a fpeedy Anfwer ■-, the which he accordingly did •, 
 denying every thing that was alledged againft him : it then lay upon the Plain- 
 tiffs to prove all by their WitnefTes. The Canfe coming to a tryal , and no tefti- 
 mony produced, befides that of the Parties interefted ■■, the Prefident proceeded, ex 
 officio, to ientence in favour oi Valdivia. And though fomething was proved of his 
 intention towards Goncalo Picarro, yet the Prefident declared, that neither for that, 
 nor other matters , he found fufficient reafon to divert Valdivia from his intended 
 Conqueft •, howfoever he took fecurity from him, not to entertain any of thofe 
 who were banifhed for their Rebellion : And alfo that he would fend a Judge 
 upon the place, to make a ftridt inquifition concerning the Gold, and gave Valdivia 
 particularly in charge to give fatisfa&ion for the fame : which he promifing to 
 perform , the fuit was difmift , and he permitted- to proceed to Chile. Thus far 
 Palentho, who therewith concludes this Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentariet. 86 1 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 The unfortunate death of Diego Centeno in the Charcas , 
 and of Licenciado Carvajal in Cozco. The foundati- 
 on of the City of Peace, the Courts of Judicature are fet- 
 led in Los Reves. 
 
 AFter that the Prefident Gafca had finillied the Diftribution of Lands as he 
 defigned in Apurimac, and was gone to Los Reyes ; the Inhabitants and chief 
 Lords of Peru took their leaves of him , in order to return to their own homes , 
 Cities and Places of aboad ■■, fome to take pofleflion of their new Eftates , and 
 others to repair their old , which were gone to ruine and decay by the miferies of 
 the War. Amongft the reft , Diego Centeno went to his Eftate , in the Vil- 
 lage of Plate, now called the City of Plate, by reafon of the vaft quanti- 
 ties of Silver which tfyey daily dig out of that Hill adjoining to it, called Po- 
 tocfo where his intention was to get what Silver and Gold he could , and 
 therewith tranfport hinnfelf into Spain , to render an account unto his Majefty of 
 all the Services he had done for his Imperial Crown ; which his Majefty tal- 
 king into his gratious confederation might gratifie him with fome reward, which 
 the Prefident had omitted to doe , for which neglect he efteemed himfelf highly 
 affronted. This refolution being difcovered to fome friends with whom he con- 
 fulted 5 his intention prefently took air and was divulged through the whole King- 
 dom, being wrote in all Letters and Papers of advice, which greatly offended the 
 Government, to hear that a perfon fo confiderable as Centeno was preparing to 
 carry his Complaints into Spain .- fome of the great Officers then in power being 
 jealous of hisDefign, would have perfuaded him not to goe, on pretence of friend- 
 ship to him j but finding that they could not prevail , they refolved on another 
 coutfe more certain and fecure than the former, which was this; Some of the 
 Neighbours thereabouts out of malice , and fome out of ignorance , wrote a Let- 
 ter to DUgo Cenuno, defiring him to come to the City of Plate, where they might 
 confult amongft themfelves concerning his Voyage into Spain, and other matters of 
 their own, which they would recommend to be communicated by him to his Im- 
 perial Majefty. Centeno accordingly prepared for his journey to the City ; which 
 being known to his Indians, they earneftly perfuaded him not to goe, having recei- 
 ved fome private intimation, as they faid, from their familiar fpirits, of an intent 
 to kill him : but Centeno was the more refolved , becaufe he would (hew how lit- 
 tle he valued the fuperftitious witchcrafts and prefagesof the Indians. Great was 
 the joy which thofe who invited him (hewed at his arrival , but fome Souldiers , 
 who had been his friends and companions at the time when he was purfued by 
 
 Francifco de Carvajal, and in the Battels of Huarina and Sacfahftana privately fugge- 
 fted their fears for his appearance there; telling him, that the prediction which his 
 own Indian fervants had made known to him, the fame was alfo confirmed by 
 thofe of that Gty, and fignified to their Matters : the which his friends interpre- 
 ted for a finifter omen , though in reality there appeared no outward caufe or rea- 
 fon to fufpeft it. But Centeno carried the matter high, and flighted the vain fu- 
 perftition of the Indians ; faying that their converfation was with the Devil , who 
 was the Father of Lyes, and therefore no credence was to be given to their 
 prefages : but a fhort time fhewed the vanity of his confidence, for having been 
 four days in the City , he was folemnly invited to an entertainment in the houfe 
 of a certain Gentleman, whofe name it is not neceflary to fpecifie here, but one- 
 ly to recount the matter of fact like an Hiftorian, without other reflexion-, feeing 
 that the perfons themfelves are now in place, where they have given an account of 
 this aftion. In fhort, at this Banquet fuch a dofe of poifon was prepared, and gi- 
 ven to Centeno fo privately and undifcovered , without any prefent fymproms or 
 torments in the Bowels , as did his bufinefs , and difpatched him in three days. 
 His death was greatly lamented by all forts of People in the Kingdom , for he 
 was a Gentleman of much goodnefs and affable deportment , which had gained 
 him a general affection and efteem. He had been concerned in all the exploits 
 
 and 
 
%g z Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 and achievements of that Countrey , having been one of thofe who had entred 
 with Don Pedro de Akarado, and engaged With him in the Conqueft of the Em- 
 pire : the news of his death being come into SfSn , his Brother gave a relation 
 of the manner of it to the Emperour Charles the Fifth , and that he had left two 
 natural Children, a Son and a Daughter, who were poor and deftitute ; becaufe 
 the Eftate which their Father had from the fervices of Indians , ended with his 
 death : in consideration of which his Majefty gratioufly conferred for a portion to 
 the Daughter the fum of twelve thoufand ducats of Cafiile, and fettled upon the 
 Son Gaff or Cemem, who was a School-fellow of mine, an Eftate of four thoufand 
 pieces of Eight of yearly rent , to be paid out of his Majefty s Royal Treafure in 
 the City of Plate. I have heard that this Eftate was made an inheritance for ever, 
 but I know not how to believe it , becaufe I did never hear that any Eftate of 
 inheritance was ever charged on the King's Treafury but for one Life or two at 
 moft. Some few months after the death of Centeno, Lkenciado Carvajal came alio 
 to an unfortunate end in Cozco , as we have hinted before, by a fall from a high 
 Window 5 for without any refpeft to his Office , as Judge , they cut the Cords 
 of the Ladder by which he came up , and went down. Many other men died , 
 and came to unfortunate ends in divers Cities of Peru , by which Lands and Em- 
 irates over Indians became void, and places made for other Pretenders, by which 
 the Prefident had opportunity to gratifie many who were aggrieved to have been 
 left out of the laft Divifion : but men were not Satisfied herewith , but as difcon- 
 tented and complaining as before, as will appear by what follows ■-, for every man 
 fanfied that his Services merited the whole Empire of Peru. 
 
 Now in the mean time, whilst thefe violent Deaths and Misfortunes happened 
 in the City of Plate and in Cozco, the Prefident Gafca was intent to the repairs of 
 the City of Los Reyes, and to eredl a -new Court of Chancery there, which con- 
 tinues to this day. He alfo contrived ways to people the City of Peace. As 
 Diego Hernandez, Palentim declares in the fecond Book of the firft Part of his Hi- 
 ftory, in thefe words ? 
 
 Don feronimo de Loayfa ( fays he) was difpatched away with this Letter, which 
 he was to carry to the City of Cozco 5 and was that which the Prefident wrote 
 to the Souldiers who were left out of the diftribution and had no Eftate allotted 
 to them, as before mentioned , which caufed great disturbances, as that of Fran- 
 cifco Hernandez , whofe rebellion proceeded from that caufe alone. The Prefident 
 Galea departed from Guanarima , and went to the City of Los Reyes ; and in his 
 journey he gave a Commiffion to Alonfo Mendo$a to be Governour of the New 
 Colony which was founded in Chuquialo , and called our Lady of Peace ; which 
 name was given to it by the Prefident , becaufe it was founded in the time of 
 Peace , after fo much War which had harafled that Countrey •, and becaufe it is 
 the middle way between Arequepa and the Charcas, which are a hundred and feven- 
 ty leagues diftant from each other 5 and is alfo the mid-way between Cu^o and 
 the Charcas , being in like manner a hundred and feventy leagues , and being 
 the road between fuch considerable Cities, it was conceived neceflary to have 
 a City founded there, for the convenience of Travellers, and to prevent Robbe- 
 ries and Violences which were committed in thofe parts. And having ordered all 
 things in this manner, he proceeded in his journey to Los Reyes, and made his En- 
 try into that City on the Seventeenth day of September , being there received with 
 all the fignal demonstrations of joy that could be exprefled with Sports and Dan- 
 ces, Feafts and Revels. The President entered with the Royal Seal before him , 
 to Signifie his intention to ered a Court of Chancery in that City. The Seal 
 and the Prefident had a rich Canopy over them •, the Seal was on the right hand 
 indofed in a rich CaSe, and carried on a white Horfe covered with a Foot-cloth 
 of TiSTue to the very ground , and which was lead by the Reins by Lorenzo de 
 Aldana, the Chief Juftice, and the Mule of the Prefident was lead by feronimo de 
 Silva, the Mayor of the City. Lorenzo de Aldana and the other Officers who bore 
 up the Sticks of the Canopy were clothed with Garments of Incarnation Sattin, 
 and went bare-headed. The Guards who were appointed to attend the Seal and 
 the President had Liveries beftowed on them at the coft of the City ■■, as had all 
 the Dancers and A&ors cloaths and properties given them of Silk with divers co- 
 lours. And the Dancers came forth in their feveral Orders , reprefenting^ the Ci- 
 ties and principal People of Peru -, every one repeating a Diftich or two Signifying 
 the fidelity of their People towards the Emperour. 
 
 LIMA. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 862 
 
 LIMA. 
 
 I am the City of Lime, 
 Who came thefirfl in time, 
 All happinefs to bring 
 XJnto our Lord the King. 
 
 TRVXILLO. 
 
 tm called the City o/Tmxillo, 
 
 Who with true Loyalty 
 
 Came with my men toferve hit Afajefty. 
 
 In like manner, 
 
 Pyura, .Quito, Guanuco and the Chachapoyas ; alfo Guamanca, Arequipa, Cozco and 
 
 the charcas, prefented themfelves before the Prefident with Verfes to the fame 
 fubftance as before ■■, which being all in Dogerel rithm , were fcarce worthy of a 
 Tranflation into Englijh ; and indeed the Authour is of the fame opinion , for he 
 faith, that they were fo dull and infipid, that they favoured more of Indian than 
 Spanijh compofure. 
 
 But to return now to the Reafons which Valentino gives for the foundation of 
 the City of Peace, which we have already mentioned ; we cannot allow that the 
 prevention of Robberies could be any motive or reafon for the building of that 
 City : for fuch hath been the generality of that Empire called Peru, of which 
 may be faid what cannot be faid of any other Kingdom of the World , namely , 
 that from the Conqueft thereof, which was in the year 1 531 to this very time , 
 which is towards the end of 1 6 1 o, it was never known or heard that either publick- 
 ly or privately any Robberies had been committed ; nor have any Merchants and 
 Dealers ever been affiulted on the highway , though they have been known to 
 carry with them vaft quantities of Gold and Silver over Defarts and Mountains 
 for the (pace of three or four hundred leagues-, and have travelled with fuch fecu- 
 rity , that they adventured to lye in the fields day and night without other defence 
 or guard than their mere Tents , which is a thing fo commendable , as is fpoken 
 of both in the Indies and in Spain greatly to the honour and praife of this Empire. 
 We mean, that fuch fecurity as this, is in time of Peace, and not in the time of 
 War ; for then , as we have faid before , there is nothing but fpoil and robbery 
 where Violence and arbitrary Power, and not Law, prevail. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 The Cares and Troubles which the Prefident Gafca [uflained. 
 How he punijhed jome People that were in a Mutiny. 
 With what Patience he endured feveral infolent Speeches 
 of the Souldiers : and how he pacified andjatitfied the 
 Pretenders. 
 
 THE Courts of Judicature being now eftablifhed in the City of Los Reyes ; 
 the Prefident applied himfelf to order fuch matters as tended to the quiet 
 and fecurity of the Empire, and appointed that the Gofpel and Chriftian Doc- 
 trine mould be taught and preached to the Natives. He commanded alfo, that a ge- 
 neral fuivey mould be made of all the Divifions which had been made, and of the 
 Tributes which the Indians were to pay to their Lords , which were moderately 
 impofed and regiftred, fo that it Ihould not be-in the power of the Lords at any 
 time toraife that Rent or Tribute. In which affair Licenciado Cianca, one of his 
 Majefty's Judges was employed , and to that purpofe he was fent to the City of 
 Los Reyes, having firft fupprefied a fmall mutiny caufed at Couo by the Divifions 
 
 lately 
 
864 i Royal Commentaries, Book VI. 
 
 lately made, and punifhed the Authours of them. For he hanged a Souldier and 
 baniihed three others-, but not to make any greater combuftion, he proceeded no 
 farther in the Examination , nor in the punilhment. But the Prefident , whole 
 Maxim it was to govern with gentlenefs and moderation , was pleafed to take off 
 the Sentence of Baniihment and interdi&ion, before it was demanded •, for confi- 
 dering the nature of the People , and the juft reafon which moft of them had to 
 complain, he thought it not convenient to be over fevere and rigorous in his ju- 
 ftice. The Judge Cianca, by order of the Prefident, appointed and fubftituted John de 
 Saavedm to be Deputy in his Office, who was a Gentleman of Noble birth, born 
 at Seville, and had a confiderable Eftate in Indians alloted him in that City of Cezco. 
 Alfo the Marefchal Alonfi de Alvarado was by Commiflion from the Prefident 
 made Governour of the new Plantation, and was efpecially to take care to People 
 the City of Peace : for at the beginning that City had both thofe Names , and 
 Alvarado had a particular intereft to take care thereof, becaufe his Eftate was ad- 
 joining thereunto. At this time the People flocked from all parts of the Empire 
 to the City of Los Reyes to kifs the Prefident's hands and return him thanks for the 
 diftributions he had allotted to them. In like manner many principal Souldiers 
 who had long ferved his Majefty came with their Addrefs to demand a reward 
 for their fervices , and fatisfaction for the late injury and injuftice which was 
 done them 5 in that their Friends and Companions to whom pay was due, were put 
 to death for demanding the fame*, and that Ad of asking their Pay was interpreted 
 as a piece of difobedience and treafon againft his Majefty. At the fame time 
 
 came the News of the death of Diego Centeno , Gruviel de Rojas and ofLicenciado 
 
 Carvaja/, and of other Inhabitants deceafed. And though the Prefident was fuffi- 
 ciently informed of their juft demands andreafons of complaint 5 yet the Souldiers 
 with much importunity would lay their cafes before him 5 befeeching his Lord- 
 fhip with much paffion, that he would be pleafed to caufe amew review and in- 
 fpection to be made into the late Divifions, that fome parts thereof might be dipt 
 and lopt off from the exceflive and exuberant allotments of fome men , and con- 
 feired upon them \ whereby they might be enabled to eat and not ftarve with 
 hunger, whilft thole who ferved the late Rebel, were plentifull and eafie in their 
 fortunes , and died with extreme gluttony and luxury. The fame is confirmed 
 by Gomara, chap. 188. in thefe words. Laftly, faith he, they refolved to defire 
 the Prefident to review the late Divifions made , and to give them their fhare 
 thereof or grant them Penfions-, and if not, then they were refolved to take them 
 by force, &c Thus far Gomara. 
 
 The Prefident was troubled and wearied out of his life with the importunities 
 of fo great a number of Pretenders*, every one of which wa£ fo opinionated of 
 his own Merits-, that if in one day all the wealth of Peru had been vacated, and to 
 be diftributed, it would have been too little to anfwer the expectation of fo much 
 arrogancy and pride which appeared in thefe bkiftring Souldiers who exalted their 
 merits above all expreflion. Notwithftanding which the Prefident , by his pru- 
 dence and dextrous management, entertained them for a year and a half in that 
 City, without trouble or mutiny : howfoever this fort of infolent Souldiers could 
 not be fo well contained within their bounds of moderation and duty , but that 
 fometimes they broke out into mutinies and rebellious Speeches •, all which, as 
 Hiftorians fay , the good Prefident fuftained with great patience and moderation , 
 and thereby gained a greater Victory, by fubjecling his own paflions, than he had 
 done by the Conqueft of that whole Empire-, fome particulars of which I hav: 
 heard in that Countrey, and others fince I came into Spain, the lefs provoking and 
 infolent of which I will repeat here, and omit the moft infolent and abominable, 
 as not fit to be exprefled. 
 
 The Prefident being in perpetual trouble and uhquietnefs, caufed by the daily 
 importunities of the Pretenders -, thought fit to make ufe of a certain Captain , 
 whom I knew , to eafe him of the many felicitations and addrefles which were 
 made to him-, and therefore faid , Captain , pray help me to undeceive this Peo- 
 ple, and let them know, that the King hath not wherewith to relieve them, nor 
 I to order or diftribute to them. To which the Captain made anfwer, pray, Sir, 
 undeceive them your felf , who have been the perfon that deceived them ; for , 
 for my part, I know not what to fay to them 5 to which the Prefident made no 
 reply , feeming not to have heard him. Another Souldier of meaner degree de- 
 fired him to reward his fervices: Honeft Souldier, faid the Prefident, have 
 
 patience. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. f S6 5 
 
 patience, for I have not wherewith to doe it, all being already divided and c'if- 
 tribution made. Sir , replied the Souldier , give me then that Cap of yours 
 with which you have deceived fo many, and I (hall efteem my felf well rewar- 
 ded therewith. The Prefident, looking upon him, faid no more than, Go your 
 ways in God's name. 
 
 Another perfon , who took u^on himfelf the name and Title of a Captain , 
 though in reality he was not, for I knew him well : but he had an Eftate given 
 him with Service of Indians to the Value of feven or eight thoufand pieces of 
 Eight a year : and he boldly required the Prefident to better his Eftate by fome 
 additions thereunto, as he had done to many others, who had not deferved half 
 fo much as he •-, for I, faid he, have been one of the firft Difcoverers and Con- 
 querours of Chile. And there hath no action of moment pafted in all this Em- 
 pire wherein I have not been concerned for fervice of his Majefty, for which I de- 
 ierve great rewards 5 to which he added many arrogant Speeches and Bravadoes 
 full of Vanity and Pride •, atlength the Prefident being over-tyred and wearied 
 therewith, faid to him, Good Sir, be gone, you have enough for a perfon of your 
 
 quality, for I have heard that you are the Son of in your own Coun- 
 
 trey, naming his Father's Trade. The Captain , for fo I call him , prefently re- 
 plyed , He lyes who told your Lordlhip fo , and fo doth he who believes him : 
 and therewith he prefently went out of the room, fearing left fome body ihould 
 lay hands upon him for his faucy Speeches: but the Prefident patiently endured 
 all thefe affronts, faying, he was to fuffer and fuftain much more for the fervice of 
 the King his Matter ; befides which gentlenefs, he ufed the Souldiers with much ci- 
 vility, and entertained them with hopes and affurahce to provide for them hereaf- 
 ter. As Diego Hernandez, confirms in the firft Book of the fecond Part of his Hi- 
 ftory, Chap. 3. in thefe words : We are to obferve, fays he, that during all the 
 time that the Prefident remained in Lima , being about feventeen months , great 
 numbers of People flocked thither to demand relief for fupply of their necellities 
 and reward of their fervices : for, as hath been faid, many of the King's fervants, 
 who were left out in the firft divifion , greatly complained of their hard ufage. 
 About this time feveral Eftates fell to the King by the death of Diego Centeno, Ga- 
 briel de Rojas y Licendado Carvajal , and others-, and confequently there was fome 
 more matter and fubftance wherewith to anfwer the expectation of fome Preterl- 
 ders •, but this not being a full fupply, ferved onely to increafe the troubles of the 
 Prefident, who by his gentle and civil Anfwers gave a general fatisfadion to all 
 people. Some of the Pretenders kept a fecret correfpondence with the Under- 
 clerks to give them information how Eftates were diftributed -, and thole com- 
 municated all to the Captains and Souldiers with whom they had friendlhip-, and 
 fome had a fight of the Books themfelves, wherein they favv to whom fuch Lands 
 were given , and to whom fuch a Command and Lordlhip i and it is now com- 
 monly believed that thofe Books were falfified , and that the Prefident himfelf, 
 who was a fubtile, underftanding perfon, did connive thereat, and give permiffion 
 to have the particulars fecretly expofed •, fo that every one might be the better fa- 
 tisfied with his Lot, efpecially when they favv themfelves nominated and defigned 
 to fuch an Eftate : and it is certain that there are fome men, who to this day are 
 of opinion , that they are deprived of the Lot and Portion which the Prefident 
 appointed for them •, and one perfon (0 entertained the thought thereof in his 
 head , that he became mad when he found himfelf difappointed. But the Pre- 
 fident Gafcas great care and incumbence was to carry with him a good fum of 
 Gold and Silver to the Emperour , of which he had already amafled a million 
 snd a half of Caflellanos , which being reduced to Sp.mifh Crowns, of three 
 hundred and fifty Maravedis to the Crown, made two millions and 3 hundred 
 thoufand Crowns, befides the Treafure which had been expended in tire late War. 
 And now the time for the Prefident's departure growing near ( which was a hap- 
 pinefs greatly defired by him ) he haftned with all expedition poflible to be gone, 
 left fome difpatch ihould arrive to detein him longer in the Kingdom. And ha- 
 ving finilhed and completed the remaining part of the Divifions, he folded and 
 fealed them up, with order, that they ihould not be opened and publilhed until! 
 eight days after he had fet fail from the coaft , and that the Arch-bifhop Ihould 
 confirm the Divifions he had made, by Aft and Deed from himfelf Afcer 
 this, upon the twenty fifth day of famary the Prefident went from Lima to Cdito; 
 a Port about two leagues diftant from the City =, and upon Sunday following, be- 
 
 Sffff r r 
 
§6(5 f Roy dl Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 fore he had let fail he received a Pacquet from his Majefty which feafonably came 
 to his hands , and therein his Majefty's Royal Signature , to take off the perfonal 
 Services. 
 
 And now , whereas he was very fenfible that the Countrey was much unquiet 
 and difcontented , and full of ill affe&ed men , by reaibn of the Diviiions made 
 ©f Guaymvlma j and becaufe many of the King'? true and faithfull Servants were 
 left deftitute and unrewarded , whilft thofe who had taken part with Goncalo Pi- 
 $<irro had fhared amongft. themfelves the richeft and beft of all the Countrey : 
 And being now refolved upon his departure, he publifhed a Proclamation where- 
 by he fufpended the execution of his Majefty's Royal Signet for taking off perfo- 
 nal fet vices untill he had rendered a relation to his Majefty of the true ftate of that 
 Countrey, and of what elfe he conceived appertaining to his Majefty's fervice, al- 
 ledging his power fo to doe , in regard his Commiffion and Authority did not 
 ceafe untill he had perfonally appeared in the prefence of his Majefty, and given 
 him a verbal account of his Affairs , and received his pleafure therein. And fo 
 on Monday following he made fail , carrying all the Gold and Silver with him 
 which he had been able to gather. Thus far Paler.tino, who therewith concludes 
 the Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 The caufe of the Stirrs and Infurreclions in Peru. Some 
 Perfons condemned to the Gallies are entrufted to Rodri- 
 go Ninno to conduct them into Spain: His great dif- 
 cretion and wit, whereby he freed himfelf from a Pyrate. 
 
 NOW as to what this Authour mentions touching the fufpenfion which 
 the Prefident made of that Aft , whereby his Majefty takes off the per- 
 fonal fervices, that is, the fervices which Indians perform to the Spaniards • Ic 
 is clear and apparent that thofe late Ordinances executed , with the rigour and 
 ill nature of the Vice-king Blafco Nmnez, Vela, were the caufe of ail thofe 
 Commotions which harafied the Empire , and took away the life of the Vicet 
 king , and had been the deftruction of fo many Spaniards and Indians as have 
 been related in this Hiftory. And whereas the Prefident himfelf brought the 
 revocation of thefe Ordinances, and by means thereof and by his wife and diP 
 creet management , the Empire was again recovered and reftored to the obedi- 
 ence of his Majefty. It neither feemed juft nor decent for his Imperial Majefty , 
 nor agreeable to the particular honour of the Prefident to introduce thofe new 
 Laws and Statutes again which were formerly rejected and made void, efpecially 
 that of freeing the Indians from perfonal fervices towards their Lords, which was 
 the chief caufe of all the complaints and troubles amongft them : for which rea- 
 fon the Prefident often faid to feveral of his friends , that he was refolved not to 
 put that Law in execution until! he had firft by word of mouth difcourfed with 
 his Majefty of the inconvenience thereof; well knowing by experience, that that 
 Law would never be digefted by the people , but always prove a Scandal and Of- 
 fence, and perhaps put all things again into confufion andembroile, whenlbever 
 the lame were but moved, or intreaty onely to be put in execution. But the De- 
 vil ( as we have before mentioned ) defigning to interrupt the peace of that Coun- 
 trey, that thereby he might hinder the propagation of the Golpel and the increafe 
 ofChriftianity, contrived all means to unfettleand disjoint that Kingdom, and 
 in order thereunto he fo blinded the underftanding of the Lords of the Privy-coun- 
 cil, that they perfuaded his Majefty to take fuch meafures as tended to the great 
 prejudice and confufion of that Kingdom ; and hence thofe Wars had their ori- 
 ginal, which fucceeded to thofe lately fupprefled, being carried on by DonSeba- 
 jlian de C.ifliHa and Trancifco Hernandtz, Giro;;, whole pretence and quarrel was the 
 fame good old Caufe, onely to free themfelves from the uneafie burthen of thofe 
 
 Statutes, 
 
bo ok VI. Royal Commentaries. % 
 
 . _^ 
 
 Statutes, which caufed all that noife and effufion of ibmuchbloud. Aswelhall 
 make appear in its due place , and confirm the fame by the teftimohy of mm 
 Hernandez, , whom we fhall have occaiion to quote in divers places. 
 
 But to turn the courfe of this Hiftory from fo melancholy a fubjecl: to fome- 
 thing more divertifing and pleafant; we are to know, that whilft thefe matters 
 were in agitation , a Letter was directed to the City oi Los Reyes from Hernando 
 Nimw, Mayor of the City of Toledo, to his Son Rodrigo Ninm, of whom we have 
 formerly made mention in the fourth Book of the fecond Fart, wherein his Fa- 
 ther required him ( the Wars with Goncalo Pi^arro being ended ) to haften into 
 Spain, to take poffeffion of an Eflate which a Kinfman of his had left him to in- 
 herit. 
 
 The departure of this Gentleman , who had always approved himfelf loyal to 
 his Majefty's fervice in the late Wars againft the Rebels, was judged by the Presi- 
 dent and the other Officers a fit and convenient opportunity for fending thofe eigh- 
 ty fix Souldiers into Spain , who for taking part with Pigarro had been condemned 
 to the Gallies : and accordingly this matter being intimated to Rodrigo Ninm and 
 reprefented as a fervice acceptable to his Majefty , he accepted the fame , though 
 much againft his Will , knowing that the charge of eighty fix perfons condem- 
 ned to the Gallies could not but occafion much trouble and inconvenience to him: 
 howfoever the hopes of a reward prevailed above the thoughts of the trouble •-, 
 fo that he provided his Arms and other neceflaries for conducting thofe People, 
 with whom he departed to Los Reyes, being in all eighty fix Spaniards f amongft 
 thofe, there were fix Muficians, who had formerly ferved Goncalo Pi^arro, whom 
 I knew, and as I remember, one of them was called Auguftmc Ramirez born at Me- 
 xico, his Father was a Spaniard, and his Mother an Indian .- they were all excellent 
 Mafters of Mufick , and carried their Inftruments with them , and therewith en- 
 tertained company wherefoever they came ■-, and by the liberality of fome Gen- 
 tlemen , who came to hear them , they received that which ferved them to bear 
 the charge of their voyage. 
 
 •With fair weather and wind Rodrigo Nimo happily arrived at Panama , having 
 along the coaft of Peru received afliftence for fecurity of his Prifoners, who were 
 during that time fubmiffive and jiumble, being confcious to themfelves how much 
 they had offended his Majefty within that jurifdi&ion : But being departed from 
 Panama and Nombre de Bios , forfle of them took the opportunity to make their 
 efcape , to avoid rowing in the Gallies •, for the truth is , Rodrigo^ Nimo had not a 
 fufficient Guard with him to fecure fo many •, nor did the Prefident and his Mi- 
 nifters fupply him therewith, imagining that the fole authority of Nimo was fuffi- 
 cient to keep them in fubjeclion 5 though in reality they could not find men in 
 that Countrey who would be perfwaded to take upon them the charge to con- 
 duel: fo many Gally-flaves into Spain. With this care and trouble Ninno, failing 
 near the Ifles of Cuba and Saint Domingo , efpyed a French Pyrate , who gave him 
 chafe, for at that time no other Nation ufed thofe Seas but that onely. The Spa- 
 nish Captain who was unprovided of Men and Arms for his defence, and knowing 
 alfo that he carried an Enemy within his Veflel, bethought himfelf of this Strate- 
 gem which was as difcreet as pleafant. He armed himfelf from head to foot, and 
 with his Corflet and Plume of Feathers in this Head-piece : and with his Partifan 
 in his hand went and flood by the Main-maft ■■, all his Seamen and others he com- 
 manded to be concealed under the Decks , and his Muficians with their inftru- 
 ments to afcend upon the Poop, and to ftrike up and play when the Enemy came 
 near them : all things being thus ordered as Ninm had directed, the Ship failed on 
 her courfe, without fear as it were or apprehenfion of the Enemy, who ftill gave 
 them chafe, not doubting of a good prize : but fo foon as they came up with 
 them , and fo near as to hear the Mufick , and feeing few or none appear above 
 deck, they began to imagin, that that Veflel belonged to fome perfon of Quality 
 who was bammed for Treafon againft the King, or that was difpoflefled of his E- 
 ftate by fome Law-fuit or other device 5 and that being thereby become defperate, 
 they believed he had fet himfelf to Sea, and turned Pyrate, like themfelves, to repair 
 his fortunes with what booty and prize offered on the Seas. The French-nan with 
 this imagination left off his chafe, not daring to engage with Rodrigo Ninno, permit- 
 ting him to purfue his Voyage. This Story was told to the Prefident, as he paffed 
 thofe Iflands into Spain; which the Inhabitants received from the relation of that 
 Pyrate, whom under afiurance of a white Flag and Articles of Truce they adven- 
 
 S ffff % cured 
 
Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 -t 
 
 tured to fupply with Provifions for his money , which much pleafed the Prefi- 
 dent when he thought how good a choice he had made of a knowing and faithfull 
 perfon, for fo weighty a truft as this of the Gally-ilaves. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 All the Gaily /laves ma^e their efcape from Rodrigo Ninno, 
 excepting one who remained with him , and him he drove 
 away with Cuffs and Boxes with his Fiji upon his Face. 
 The Sentence which was pa/fed on him in this cafe. The 
 Favour which the Prince Maximilian Jhewed to him. 
 
 Rodrigo Ninno having got out of the hands of the Pyrate by his Strategem of 
 Mufick, proceeded on his Voyage, and came to Havana where moft of his 
 Gally-ilaves , having not had a fufficient Guard to fecure them , made their 
 efcapes : others 'of them fled away at Cartagena, and others at the Iflands of Ter- 
 ceras, fo that when they came to pafs the Bar of Saint Lucar, there were not above 
 eighteen remaining of the whole number of eighty fix --, and between that and 
 the Port of Seville feventeen found means to run away ■-, fo that when Rodrigo Ntrmo 
 came to difembark , he had onely a poor fimple fellow, of all his company re- 
 maining; whereas, according to contract made with the Prefident at Los Reyes, he 
 was to have delivered the whole number of eighty fix at this place : wherefore 
 Ninno entered into Seville with his fingle Gally-flave at a Back gate of the City 
 called Carbon, which is little frequented either by thofe who go in or come out. 
 
 Rodrigo Ni»>w finding himfelf in the middle ojfa Street when no perfon appea- 
 red , catched hold of his Gally-flave by the Collar , and , with his Dagger in his 
 hand, (wore by the life of the Emperour, that h* would give him twenty Stabbs: 
 but, (aid he, I will not doe it, becaufe I will not foul my hands with the bloud of 
 fo dirty a Villain as thou art , who having been a Souldier in Peru, haft yet the 
 bafe and poor fpirit to become a Slave in the Gallies. Why didft not thou run 
 away as the other eighty five have done ? Get thee gone in the Devil's name, for 
 I had rather goe alone, than thus ill-attended - ? and having faid thus much, he gave 
 him three or four good Cuffs on the Ear, and fo let him goe : And therewith Ro- 
 drigo went dire&ly to the Farmers of the Cuftoms , to give them an account of 
 the great care he had taken of the Gally-flaves •-, but that wanting men to guard 
 and fecure them, they were all efcaped -, and indeed he was in great apprehenfions 
 and fear of his own Life, lying at the mercy of fo many men who had a power 
 over him greater than his. The Commiflioners of the Cuftom-houfe were much 
 amazed to hear this Story, and knew not what to fay to it, untill farther Exami- 
 nation. 
 
 In the mean time, this laft Gally-flave, according to his own bafe fpirit, talked 
 at large of this matter in the firft Vi&ualling-houfe he came unto •, and told-all 
 the particulars which Rodrigo Ninno had either faid or done : this Story filled all the 
 Town with difcourfe, and came at length to the hearing of the Commiflioners, 
 who thereupon feized upon Ninno ; and the King's Attorney accu fed him with 
 high aggravations of his fault, alledging that he had given liberty to eighty fix of 
 the King's Slaves, for every one of which he ought to pay the value and price of 
 ranfome. The Suit againft him was profecuted, and Rodrigo Ninno, not being able 
 to juftify himfelf, he was condemned to ferve the King with bis Horfe for the 
 fpace of fix years in Or an , and with two other Companions at his own charge, 
 and that in the mean time he was not to return to the Indies. But Ninno appealed 
 from this fentence to the Prince Maximilian of Aufiria who then governed Spain 
 in the abfenceof his Imperial Majefty who was his Uncle: His Higbnefs inclined 
 a favourable Ear to the Advocates of Rodrigo Ninno, who gave him a large account 
 of all the Services which Ninno had performed againft the Rebels, and how ill he 
 
 had 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 869 
 
 had been treated by thofe who had joyned with Goncalo Pi^arro, and how he had 
 been employed by the Vice-king Vela Nunnez to feize on certain perfons, and how 
 ill he was treated by them , becaufe he would not take their party , as we have 
 at large mentioned in the eleventh Chapter of the fourth Book, and fecond Parr. 
 They alfo related the Trick he plaid the Pyrate at Sea, how the Gaily -flaves efca- 
 pedfrom him, and how he releafed the laft of them, and what words he faid to 
 him. All which the Prince heard with his uftial favour and clemency , and was 
 fenfible that the efcape of the condemned men was caufed by default and omifli- 
 on of thofe whofe bufinefs it was to provide fufficient Guards, and that fc lay 
 at the mercy of the Slaves, to whom he was beholding for not killing him. When 
 die Agents obferved how gratioufly the Prince underftood the caufe of Ninno , 
 they begged the favour that the Offenders might be admitted to the prefence of 
 his Hignnels , which being granted , and that Ninno made his appearance accor- 
 dingly, the Prince put fuch pertinent queftions to him as any Learned Lawyer 
 or Counfellour could have done : Art thou, faid he, the man to whom eighty fix 
 Gally-flaves were entrufted ? and that they all fled from you, and made their ef- 
 cape excepting one ? and did not you beat that fingle fellow from you, and caufed 
 him alfo to run away. Moft Serene Prince, anfwered Rodrigo Ninno, X could not doe 
 more than what I did, for they did not furnifh me with Men and Guards fuffici- 
 cnt to fecure fo many men •, God knows my heart, and the World hath received 
 fufficient teftimonies of my duty and fervice towards his Majefty. And as to the 
 Gally-flave, whom I drove from me, I had companion of him, for, methoughts, 
 it was pity to commit that poor Rafcal alone to the Gallies, and force him to la- 
 bour for all the others who were fled from me : nor was I willing to have his 
 Curfes , or reward him fo ill as to put him into the Gallies , becaufe he had 
 been more true and faithfull to me than all his other companions. And now I 
 refer my felf to the juftice of your Highnefs , to be puniflied in cafe my crimes 
 or faults deferve your royal difpleafure. No x anfwered the Prince, it is they who 
 are to be blamed , and are accordingly to be puniflied, and not you : for as to 
 your part, you have done like a Gentleman, and therefore I acquit you from the 
 rentence , fo that you have free liberty to return to Peru , when you pleafe. Ro- 
 drigo Ninno killed his hands, and gave humble thanks to his Highnefs, and fome 
 years afterwards , he returned to Pern , where he more at large related thefe mat- 
 ters which we onely touch upon in brief: and openly profefled, that in all Spain 
 he found no friend to fpeak in his behalf and favour, but onely the good Prince 
 Maximilian de Aujlria , whom God preferve and maintain with increafe of Ho- 
 nour and Dominion. Amen. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 The fecond Divifion of Lands is publifhed. The Prefidenl 
 departs for Spain. The death of Licenciado Cepcda. 
 The coming of the Prefident to Panama. 
 
 TH E Prefident Gafca with fuch impatience defired to acquit himfelf of the 
 Government that every hour feemed a year, whilft he remained in that Of- 
 fice, and therefore ufed all poflible endeavours to quicken his difpatch. And that 
 he might not be longer detained, he left order ( as Palentino before faith ) with 
 the Arch-bimop of Los Reyes to publifh after his departure the fecond divifion he 
 had made , figned with his own hand : and having ( as he fuppofed ) made a 
 fufBcient provifion for all things and difpofed matters in their due form and man- 
 ner •, he embarked with all fpeed, and failed from the Port called Callao, making 
 his Crofs upon Peru, vowing with paflion never more to fee it again •, And after 
 eight days were paft, publication was made of the new diftribution ■■> which Palen- 
 tino mentions in thefe words, in Chap. 4. Lib. 1 . Part. i. 
 
 The time being come which the Prefident Gafca had allotted for publication of 
 the fecond Divifion , and which was impatiently expected by the Pretenders \ 
 
 they 
 
s 70 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 they ail flocked to the publick Hall of Judicature : and the Judges being fet up- 
 on the Bench , the Seals of the Inltrument were broken up , and the writing read 
 in publick •-, The iiTue of which was this: Thofe who had the leaft expectation 
 were favoured with good allotments •, and thofe who had moft were entirely left 
 out, and remained without any diftribution. It was pleafant to fee and hear the 
 diverfity of mens behaviour and layings -, fome came out with pleafant countenan- 
 ces, and others frowned, and fwore and curfed the Prefident, being now become 
 deiperate and without any hope, &c Thus f3r Pakntino. 
 
 The Prefident with all fpeed left the Countrey, not to hear and underftand the 
 Reproaches and Curies which would be given him ; and haftned as faft as was pot- 
 iible to Panama ; nor would he enter into Port by the way to take refrefhmenr, 
 having a per fed hatred and abhorrence to the Countrey : with him he carried Li-- 
 ccr.aado Cepeda prifoner, who formerly had been one of his Majefty's Juftices in 
 thofe Kingdoms and Provinces-, and though the Prefident had a fufficient power 
 to hear and judge his caufe •, yet, in regard he had promulged an Act of Pardon 
 to all people , he was unwilling to call thofe faults into queftion which he had for- 
 merly forgiven \ and therefore remitted his cafe to the fupreme Royal Council of 
 the Indies. And being come to fa/iadoHd, where the Court then refided, his caufe 
 was re-affumed and his faults opened, with many aggravating circumftances of the 
 Attorney General : And though Cepeda, in defence of himfelf alledged that the 
 other Judges and he had acted all things with intention to ferve his Majefty and 
 with defign to qualifie and abate the fury of fediticus and mutinous men, whofe 
 fpirits were heated and put into fermentation by that indifcreet rigour which the 
 Vice-king BUfco Nxnnez uled in execution of thofe new Laws which were the 
 caufe of all thofe Troubles which enfued : but thefe Allegations availed little 
 in his favour , nor was it pofhble to prevent the fentence which was palled upon 
 him, to dye as a Traytor. And though his friends and relations ufed all the 
 intereft they were able to gain his pardon •, yet, feeing they could not avail for his 
 life, they then endeavoured to moderate the fentence, that he might not dye as a 
 Traytor, and fo his bloud be attainted : to avoid which a contrivance was made 
 with a dofe of poifon, whereby he paffed more eafily and quietly into the next 
 world before fentence was pronounced formally againft him at the Tribunal of 
 Juftice. All which was the common and publick difcourfe in Peru, and which I 
 heard afterwards confirmed in Spain by fome Indians who happened to enter before 
 me into difcourfe about the death of Licenciado Cepeda. And it is farther faid of Ce- 
 peda, that he difcourfing after the death of Goncak Picarro of the fucceffts of the late 
 Affairs, and of the fentence of death which paffed upon himfelf; and that he was 
 condemned as a Traytor, to have his Houfes demolilhed, and the ground thereof 
 to be fowed with Salt, and his Head to be fixed on a Spike of Iron •, that he mould 
 fay , he would maintain the caufe of Goncak Picarro to have been juft and legal , 
 and that he was no Traytor to his Majefty ; and that he adted entirely for confer- 
 vation of the Empire ; and that if he did net make this good, he would pawn his 
 Life, and offer his Throat to the Knife ; provided he might have the Parliament 
 of Paris or the Univerfity of Eo/onia for his Judges, or any other Court of Juftice, 
 nor fubjeifted to the Imperial Dominion. Dr. Goncak Tllefcas , in his Pontifical 
 Hiftory fpeaks almoft the fame thing of Cepeda, as before mentioned, whofe words 
 are as followed) : 
 
 Amongft the many famous and renowned perfons who were concerned in the 
 Troubles of Peru, there was one Licenciado Cepeda, who a6ted a confiderable part 5 
 he was a Native of Tordefillas , and one of the Judges who came over with the 
 Vice-king Blafco Nunnez. Vela : It were not juft to conceal his Name, having been 
 very a&ive in his Majefty's fervice, whilft he employed himfelf in that duty: and 
 afterwards, being engaged with Goncak Picarro, he fhared a great part in his illegal 
 practices. This Cepeda, at the conclufion of all, when both Armies were drawn 
 up in the Held to give Battel , revolted over to the Imperial Camp , with fome 
 danger of his life, for Picarro fent to purfue him, and he was left for dead upon 
 a wet moorilh piece of ground. Though Gafca received him then with great figns 
 of affection and good-wijl ; yet afterwards he brought him into Spain, and caufed 
 him to be clapt up in the King's prifon , and was afterwards arraigned of High- 
 treafon. Cepeda made fo good a defence for himfelf, and with fo much reafon , 
 (for he knew very well the manner to defend his Caufe ) that it was generally be- 
 lieved he would have been acquitted with much honour : but dying of a fkknefs 
 
 in the 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 871 
 
 in the Prifon at Valladolid, his Caufe was never determined. I had once in my 
 pofleflion the reafons he produced in his own defence , which indeed are fo ftrong 
 that whofoever reads them muft neceflarily acquit him, and allow hi.n to have 
 been a true and faithfull fervant to his Majefty : He was more happy in the goods 
 of mind than in thofe of fortune-, for though he had amafled vaft Riches and ac- 
 quired great Honours, yet I have feen him much airlifted, and necetfitous in pri- 
 fon. 
 
 Thus far this Doctour, who giving alfo a relation of the death of Count Pedro 
 Navarro, one of the molt famous Captains of his time, fays almoft the fame that 
 we have done of the death of Cepeda , viz, That the Officer in whofe cuitody he 
 'was , being his great Friend , did ftrangle him in prifon to prevent an Attainder , 
 having gained all the Kingdom of Naples, &c. Thus fortune produces cafes of the 
 like nature over all the World, that men comparing the miferies of others with 
 their own , may learn to companionate each others ibrrows. 
 
 The Prefident Cafe a arrived in fafety at the City of Panama, with more than 
 a million and a half of Gold and Silver, which he carried into Spain for account 
 of his Majefty •, befides as much more for private men, who were paflengers with 
 him. At that place a ftrange accident happened which Hiftorians mention : but 
 in regard Attgufiine de Car ate is more particular therein than any other Authour $ 
 we '.hall make ufe of his relation, touching the Execution of one of thofe new Or- 
 dinances or Laws which have made fuch a noife in the World, and raifed Muti- 
 nies and Rebellions in all quarters : and therefore we {ball in the firft place repeat 
 what he fays of the beginning of this rebellion , and then as to the Proceedings 
 thereof, we (hall refer our felvesto the other Authours, as alfo for the quanti- 
 ties of Gold and Silver which were robbed by the Cmtrerks\ who, if they had 
 contented themfelves with the prey they had taken, and had known how to fecure 
 it, they had revenged the injuries they fuftained with great advantage : but the 
 heat of youth transported them beyond the terms of moderation ; and being un- 
 experienced in the art of War, they loft all again together with their lives : all 
 which is fpecified by Attg$H*e Carate in the feventh Book of his Hiftory of Peru, 
 Chap. 1 ^• the Title of which is as follovveth, and which we make the eleventh 
 of thefe our Commentaries. 
 
 ■ 
 
 __ i 
 
 — . — , ■ — — 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of what happened to Hernando and Pedro de Contreras , 
 who were at Nicaragua , and went in que ft and pur fait 
 of the Prefident. 
 
 AT that time, when Pedro Arias Davila governed and difcovered the Pro- 
 vince of Nicaragua , he married one of his Daughters called Doma Maria 
 
 Pennaloja to Rodrigo de Contreras a Native of the City of Segovia , a principal per- 
 
 fon , and one of a great Eftate there : By the death of Pedro Arias the Govern- 
 ment of that Province fell to Rodrigo de Contreras •, who having been nominated 
 thereunto by his Father-in-law Pedro -ir'uu, and having deferved well for his Loy- 
 alty to the Crown, his Majefty was pleafed to confirm him therein by fpecial Com- 
 mifllon •, and accordingly lie governed for fome years, untill a new Court of Judi- 
 cature was erected in the City of Gracias de Dios, which borders on the confines 
 of Guatimala 5 and then the new Juftices did not onely deprive Rodrigo de Contreras 
 of his Government •, but likewife putting in execution one of the new Laws be- 
 fore mentioned , they acquitted all his Indians, as well thofe which belonged to 
 him (elf as thofe which enne to him by his Wife from their duty and Cervices-, as 
 alfo thofe Indians which he hal fetled upon his Children during the time of his 
 Office : of which hard ufage Rodrigo complaining petitioned for a redrefs in confe- 
 deration of the many fervices which both his Father-in-law and all his family had 
 
 performed 
 
872 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 performed to his Majefty : but neither the King nor his Council thought fit to 
 yield to his requeft , but to maintain the new Law , and approve what the Court 
 had a&ed in that matter. The Sons of Rodrigo de Contreras called Hernando and Pe- 
 dro refented this agrievance with high indignation , and being young men , rafh 
 and in the heat of their bloud, refolved to rife in Arms : and herein they found 
 encouragement from one John Bermejo , and other Souldiers his Companions, who 
 were come from Fern-, moff of which were highly difpleafed and incenfed againft 
 the Prefident , becaufe for all the fervices they had done in the Wars againft Gon- 
 cab Picarro, he differed them to ftarves and inftead of making provifion for 
 them, he highly rewarded thofe who had taken part with Fi$arro and banirtied 
 fuch as had ferved the King out of the Confines of Peru: with thefe and the like 
 Complaints they animated the two brothers to undertake fome great enterprife , 
 perfuading them that in cafe they could once get two or three hundred Souldiers, 
 they might adventure to invade Pern •■, and moreover, being already furnifhed 
 with Shipping and all things requisite for Navigation , they might with much 
 eafe tranfport their men thither •■, where being landed they would foon be increa- 
 fed with all that party of men which the Prefident Gafca had difobliged. Having 
 refolved on the matter , they privately lifted men , and provided Arms , and 
 when they found themfelves ftrong enough to refift the Officers of Juftice , they 
 began to put their defigns into execution : and in the firft place they fell upon the 
 Biiliop of the Province , who having oppofed their Father in all his negotiations, 
 they in revenge thereof caufed certain Souldiers to enter his houfe, and kill him 
 as he was playing at Chefs. And then prefently they fet up their Standard , and 
 declared for Liberty, calling their Army the Keepers of the Liberty. Then they 
 fitted fuch Ships out to Sea as were requifite, and failed into the South-fea , with 
 intention to expeft the coming of the Prefident, and to take and rob him in his 
 paflage; for they had received intelligence, that he was on his voyage towards 
 the main Land with all the treafure belonging to his Majefty. Howfoever it fee- 
 med moft advifeable to go firft to Panama , there to receive information of the 
 ftate of Affairs 5 and befides , they were in a better poft and ftation there , to fail 
 from thence to any part otPeru, than from Nicaragua. And having (hipped about 
 three hundred men, they arrived at the Port of Panama, where before they made 
 a delcent into the Town, they informed themfelves by fome of the Inhabitants 
 whom they had taken of all which had lately paft •, and how the Prefident was 
 already landed with all the King's Treafure. And now , as if their good fortune 
 had offered this great booty to their hand , they expeded untill night ■-, and then 
 fecretly entered the Port without any noife, on confidence that the Prefident was 
 lodged in the City, and lay fecure, apprehending no harm •-, and therefore they 
 doubted not but to furprize him without lofs or hurt to themfelves. Thus far A«- 
 gujllne Carate. And Gomara having almoft (aid the fame thing, adds, Chap. 193. 
 That the Contreras got up all the Picarrifis , who were fled from Gafca , and other 
 Fugitives and men of defperate fortunes , and refolved to attempt fome exploits 
 to enrich themfelves, declaring that the Treafure and Dominion c{Pern did by a 
 lawfull Title belong to them , as Grand-children defcended from the Pedrarias de 
 Avila, who were in Partnerfhip with Pi$arro Almagro and Laques. Though this 
 was but a weak pretence, yet it ferved the turn, and brought in a great number of 
 Villains and Mifcreants to fide with them-, and under this colour they committed 
 much fpoil and robbery, and fufhciently enriched themfelves, had they known a 
 mean and wherewith to be contented. Thus far Gomm-a. 
 
 Now the whole Story is this ;' The Contreras entered Panama by night and made 
 there firft attempt on the houfe of Doftour Robles. In four Ships then in Port they 
 took eight hundred thoufand pieces of Eight, fome of which were for the King's 
 and fome for account of private men : in the Treafurer's houfe they leized upon 
 fix hundred thoufand more which were ready to have been carried to Nombre de 
 Bks, as Gomara reports, Chap. 1P3. And befides this quantity of Gold and 
 Silver, they robbed the Shops of many rich Merchants, whence they plundred 
 fuch vaft quantities of commodities which came from Spain, that they were trou- 
 bled how to difpofe of them or carry them away. Moreover, they fent one of 
 their Companions called Salgnero with a Party of Mufquetiers by way of Las Cru- 
 des to the River of Chayre, upon intelligence that they had fent great quantities of 
 Gold and Silver by that road to Nombre de Dios .- and Salgucro overtook and feized 
 feventy load of Silver , which was not as yet (hipped aboard , being to the value 
 
 of 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 872 
 
 of five hundred and fevenry thoufand Ducats •■, all which they fent to Panama * Co 
 that befides Merchandize , Pearls , Jewels and other Curiofities , that they plun- 
 dered, they had feized almoft two millions in Gold and Silver onely, which be- 
 longed to the Prefident, and other Pafiengers-, who having not the leaft fufpici- 
 on of Thieves or Robbers in that way , carried part of their Gold and Silver 
 with them , and the reft they left at Panama, to be brought after them to Nom- 
 bte de Bios at feven or eight turns. For as Gomara faith , there belonged above 
 three millions to the Prefident and his Company. But all this immenfe Ri- 
 ches and Wealth was quickly confumed by the follies and debaucheries of thefe 
 young men * according to the Proverb, what was got upon the Devil's bacl(, was 
 font upon his belly. And what helped forward to this Work, was the vanity of 
 Bermejo and his Companions the Pi$arrifts , who could not be contented with a 
 left Prey than the perfon of the Prefident Ga/ca himfelf 5 for fome defired to take 
 a full revenge on him in lieu of the Pay and Reward he promifed for the fervices 
 they had done ; and others, who were Pigarrijis, were become his inveterate E- 
 nemies on the fcore of the old quarrel; and all cried out, that they would make 
 Dice of his Bones and Powder of his Flelh : for, faid they, he is fo fine and fub- 
 tile in all his dealings, that certainly he cannot but make the beft and the finefl: 
 Gun-powder in the World : But thefe men were deceived in their vain imagina- 
 tions-, for though they did not feize the perfon of the Prefident, yet their revenge 
 would have been more complete in fending him away without his Gold and Sil- 
 ver, than if they had taken him alive, and facrificed him to their rage and fury. 
 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of the lend Practices and Follies of the Contreras, whereby 
 they loft all the Treajure they had gained, together with 
 their Lives. The diligence and good management which 
 their Enemies ufed to bring them to condign Punijhment. 
 
 BU T the good fortune of Licenpado Gafca,~ which- had accompanied him in all 
 the fucceiles before related, and in the recovery of an Empire as great as Peru, 
 would not now leave him expofed to the Attempts of a leud and villanous fort of 
 People \ for Providence ftill continuing her protection and favour to him •, fuffe- 
 red thefe wicked Wretches to be enfnared with their own Pride and Ignorance 5 
 and thofe very men who had followed Francifco deCarvajal, and had known and 
 learned his Difcipline and Art in War , were fo clouded in their underftandings 
 and reafons , that they rafhly precipitated themfelves into death and deftru&ion. 
 For in the firft place, after they had taken Panama, and facked and plundered the 
 ( : y, they feized upon many of the principal men thereof, amongft which were 
 the liilhop and Treafurer to his Majefty, as alfo Martin Ruyz, de Marchena, and the 
 Sheriffs of the City, and carried them away with intent to hang them upon the 
 common Gallows, which they had certainly done to the full fatisfadion of Jihn 
 
 de Bermejo, had not Hernando Contreras given a flop tO the execution, with which 
 
 Bermejo, being greatly enraged, told him plainly, that fince he was pleafed to ap- 
 pear in favour of his Enemies, to the high difcouragement of his friends 5 it would 
 be no wonder if his Enemies another day took their turn and hanged up him and 
 all his Aflbciates. 
 
 Thefe words were a clear prediction of what happened in a fhort time after- 
 wards. For Hernando de Contreras took no other fecurity from the Citizens for 
 their quiet behaviour towards him than their bare Oath , fwearing that they 
 would be as true and faithfull to him, as if all the a&ions he had committed had 
 tended to the fervice of God and of the King, and to the benefit and advantage 
 of the Citizens. After which vain piece of confidence and folly , they divided 
 their Forces , which in all confifted of no more than two hundred and fifty men , 
 into four Squadrons* forty of which were remaining with Pedro de Contreras, to 
 
 T 1 1 1 1 guard 
 
gyA Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 guard the four Veffels which they brought with them, and the other four they 
 had taken in Port : Salguero, as we have faid, was fent with thirty men to the 
 River ofchagre to take poffefiion of the Silver which was robbed there : Hernando 
 de Comreras himfelf marched with forty Souldiers more by way ofCapira to fetfe 
 the Prefident and fack Nombre de Dios 5 both which exploits lie thought very eafie 
 to be done by a furprife 1 and John de Bermejo with an hundred and fifty men ftaid 
 at Panama to keep and defend that City. And befides thefe pieces of foolilli ma- 
 nagement and mifcarriages, they were ib inconfiderate as to entruft the merchan- 
 dise which they had robbed in the hands of the Proprietors themfelves, and to 
 other perfons of reputation and note on fecurity onely of Bonds under their hand- 
 writing to yield them up to Hernando de Contrerai, when he fhould return from 
 Nombre de Dios -, and fo far were they tranfported with vain confidence, that they 
 looked upon themfelves as Matters of all the new world. And accordingly they 
 gave out their Warrants to take up all Horfes and Mules that could be found, and 
 to mount their Souldiers thereon, and to go to the relief and affiftence of Hernando 
 de Contreras if occafion fhould be. And with this Equipage Bermejo departed the 
 City, leaving it to it felf, and with as much aflurance of faithfulnefs as if it had 
 been his own Houfe : whereas on the contrary, had they embarked all the Gold 
 and Silver they had robbed upon their Ships, together with the Jewels, Merchan- 
 dife and other Booty, and had gone away themfelves therewith, they had totally 
 deftroyed and ruined the Prefident and all his Adherents. But they neither de- 
 ierving fo much good, nor the Prefident fo much evil, the wheel of fortune tur- 
 ned, as we (hall fee by the fequel. 
 
 For fo foon as it was day, thofe who had efcaped out by night, whilft they 
 were plundring the City, one of which was Arias de A&mdo, ( of whom the Hi- 
 fiory makes mention ) difpatched away a Servant of his to Nombre de Dios, to give 
 intelligence to the Prefident Gafca of all that the Rebels had done at Panama -. and 
 though as yet the advice was imperfect, yet it ferved to alarm the Prefident in 
 fuch manner as that neither he nor his People were totally unprovided. On the 
 other fide, the Inhabitants of the City, whom John de Bermejo left with fo much 
 confidence, and repofed thatTruft in as to commit a great part of his fpoil to their 
 care and cuftody ; no fooner was his back turned than they aflembled together, 
 rang out the Bells of the Town, and fell to fortifying the City on the fide towards 
 the Sea, and to fecure the paflage on the way of Capira, in cafe the enemy fhould 
 attack them on either fide : At the found of the Bells all the neighbouring Inha- 
 bitants came in with their Arms, being attended with their Negroes, that in a fhorc 
 time between White men and Tawny they made up a force of above five 
 hundred men, all refolute to die in defence of the City. Two of the Souldiers 
 belonging to John de Bermejo, who for want of Horfes were left behind, hearing 
 the noife and confufion amongft the people, fled away to give advice to their 
 Commander hosv the City was in rebellion, and again returned to the obedience 
 
 of his Majefty : Of which John de Bermejo fent immediate advice to Hernando de 
 
 Ccntreraf, giving him to underftand that he was going to Panama, to cut thofe 
 Traitours in pieces who had falfly violated their Oath and Faith to them .- and ib 
 he returned thither with confidence of becoming Mafter of it with as much eale as 
 formerly 5 but things happened out quite contrary to his expectation, for the Ci- 
 tizens, to prevent the burning of their City (which was all built of Timber) 
 came forth to encounter him in the way, and met John de Bermejo fortified on the 
 fide of an Hill, where they attacked him with great courage •■, for being angry 
 and afhatned of the late difgracefull ufage, they fought with the more bravery : at 
 the firft affault it was not known which party had gained the advantage, but ac 
 the lecond, the Citizens fighting like defperate men, and full of revenge, over- 
 whelmed their enemies with their numbers of White and Black men} amongft 
 which Bermejo and Salguero were both killed with about eighty more •-, as 
 many more were taken, and carried away to the City •, where being put all to- 
 gether in an open yard, the chief Bailiff of the Town (whole name we (hall not 
 mention) came in amongft them with two Negro Servants, and with Daggers 
 (tabbed them to death, whilft with loud out-cries they defired time for Confef- 
 fion. Pakntino faith that, dying without Confeffion, they were buried on the 
 Sea-fhore. The news of this misfortune was loon brought to the hearing of Her- 
 nando de Contreras, who upon the advice formerly given by Bermejo, was upon his 
 march back to Panama 5 and confidering himfelf now as a loft man and ruined, 
 
 he, 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 87^ 
 
 he difmift his Souldiers, advifing every man to (Tuft for himfelf, and told them 
 that their beft way would be to make towards the Sea, where his Brother Pedro 
 de ContrerM would receive them a-board a Ship, and that he himfelf intended to 
 take that way, and fo they difperfed, every man ihifting for himfelf: fome few 
 days after which, the King's Party going in purfuit of them over Mountains, 
 Boggs and wet places, they found the Body of Hernando de Cmreras drowned in 
 a Morafs ; the Head they cut off and carried it to Panama, and though it was very 
 much disfigured, yet he was known by his Hat, being of a lingular fafhion, and 
 by a Chain of Gold which he ufually wore about his Neck. His Brother Pedro 
 de Conner^, hearing this fad fate, with the deftru&ion and mine of John de Bermejo 
 and all his Companions, attempted to make his efcape by Sea -, but the Winds 
 and Waters, and all the Elements confpired againft him to hinder his Ships from 
 going out of Port $ wherefore he endeavoured to make his efcape in little Boats, 
 not knowing where to go or fly, in regard all the World was become his Enemy. 
 But the Inhabitants of the City armed out other Boats in chaceofhim, with 
 which they recovered their own, and took alfo the Enemy's Ships : Another Par- 
 ty appointed to follow thofe over the Mountains, who had taken their way by 
 
 Land, took fome of thofe belonging to Hernando : but as to Pedro de Contreras, no 
 
 man knew what became of him 5 though it was generally believed, that he was 
 killed by the Indians, or devoured by Tygers or other wild Beafts, of which there 
 are great numbers in that Countrey 5 for they never received news of him after- 
 wards. 
 
 This was the end and iffue of that wicked defign 5 of which no better fuccefs 
 could be expe&ed, having commenced with the Murther of a Bifnop , and though 
 fome men would excufe this fact by laying a blame on the Bilhop for his immode- 
 rate language, whereby they were provoked to the performance of this outrageous 
 Aft •, yet certainly nothing can be alledged in excufe of this heinous and abomi- 
 nable Murther. But at length they paid for all, as before related. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 The Prefident recovers the Treafure he had lofl. He puni- 
 Jhes the Offenders. He arrives in Spain, where he hap- 
 pily ends his days. 
 
 WHilft Lkenciado Gafta was at Nombre de Dios he received news of the arrival 
 of the Contreras, and of the Robberies and Piracies they had committed 
 in Panama, he was much afflifted to confider, that fuch a ftrange turn of fortune 
 mould be referved for him at the conclusion of all his affairs -, and which a certain 
 Authour fays was the more furpriling, in regard it was never imagined, nor 
 poflibly to be prevented by ail the care and diligence that could have been contri- 
 ved. But now to hinder the farther progrefs of this evil, he fecured in the beft man- 
 ner he was able the Treafure which he had with him 5 and then with what Forces 
 he had, and with the Auxiliaries of the Town, he prepared to return to Panama to 
 recover his loft Treafure and punifh the Robbers : and though he conceived little 
 hopes of fuccefs, fuppofing that they had been fo wife as to have carried away 
 their prize, and provided for their own fafety : howfoever, not to be wanting to 
 hh duty, or to loofe an opportunity, as he had never done, when offered •, he mar- 
 ched out of Nombre de Dios with fuch men and arms as could be provided on a 
 fudden : and in the tirft days journey he received intelligence of the happy faccefs 
 at Panama, with the death of John de Bermejo, and Salguero, and of the flight of 
 Hernando de Contreras over the Mountains, and of his Brother by Sea •, with which 
 the good Prelidenc being comforted, proceeded on his journey with great alacrity, 
 rendring thanks to Almighty God ( as Gomara faith ) for fuch a tide and current 
 of happy fortune as would ever be recorded in future ages to his honour and 
 fame, &c The Prefident entred into Panama with greater glory and triumph than 
 
 T 1 1 1 1 2 ever 
 
Sj6 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 ever the Emperours and Grandees of the World had done into their Capital Ci- 
 ties : for that without arms or men, ccainfel or advice, and onely by the favour 
 and air of his happy fortune lie confounded his enemies, who had given him a 
 cruel and fatal blow* had they not been fools, and not ruined themfelves by their 
 own rnifcarriages. In fine, he recovered the Treafure which was loft, requiring 
 it from thofe to whofe cuftody it was committed, and thereby received an increafe 
 both of the Gold and of the Silver : for in regard the Robbers had promifcuoufly 
 feifed on all the Treafure, as well that which appertained to the King as to private 
 men •, the Prefident laid a Sequeftration upon all in the name of his Majefty. 
 After which licenfe was given to particular perfons to make their demands, and 
 bring their proofs, by affigning the Marks and Numbers which were upon the Bars ■ 
 of Silver and Ingots of Gold : for it hath been an ancient cuftome amongft thole 
 who trade for Peru, to ftamp Marks and Numbers upon the Gold and Silver Ship- 
 ped for their refpective accounts-, whereby in cafe of ihip wreck or any other misfor- 
 tune, every man may know his own, and demand it for himfelf : and fo thofe who 
 certified their Marks, and made proof that the feveral parcels demanded belonged 
 to them, had their goods reftored to them ; but then fuch as could not, loft their 
 intereft, which was applied to the fervice of his Majefty : And by this accident the 
 Prefident rather gained than loft, for all things turn to the benefit of thofe who are 
 favoured by fortune. The Treafure being recovered, the Prefident entred upon 
 examination of thofe who adventured to poflefs themfelves of the Bars of Silver 
 which Salguero brought to the City : and though this Party were not in combinati- 
 on with the Contreras, yet finding the City in a combuftion, they made ufe of that 
 opportunity to rob fomething for themfelves : fo fome of them were whipped, 
 others pilloried ; and not onely Rebels but Pilferers were puniihed, who thought 
 it good fiiliing in troubled waters. 
 
 The Prefident ordered the Head of Hernando de Contreras to be fet on the Gal- 
 lows, and pitched upon a Spike of Iron, with his name written upon it; but no 
 other punilhment was pafled by the Prefident upon the Offenders ■■, for when he 
 returned to Panama he found that work already done to his hand, for they were all 
 killed before he came thither. After which, with great expedition, he embarked 
 for Spain, as Palentino mentions in the tenth Chapter of his fecond Part in thefe 
 words : 
 
 Thus did the Prefident Gafia confummate all the good fortunes which had be- 
 fain him both in Spain and Peru, by the late profperous fuccefs in recovery of the 
 Treafure which was robbed from him, which was fignalized by many remarkable 
 cireumftances : with this Treafure he embarked for Spain, where being happily ar- 
 rived, he travelled into Germany to attend on his Majefty, who had already beftow- 
 ed on him the Bilhoprick of Placencia, which was become vacant by the death of 
 Don Lewis Cakfa de Vaca of happy memory ; in which charge he continued untill 
 the year 61, when Bon Phelipe our Catholick King and Lord advanced him to the 
 Bifhoprick of Ciguenca, in which he remained untill the month of November 77, 
 when God was plea led to take him out of this prefent world. Thus far Palentino, 
 which is confirmed by Lopez, de Gomara, Chap. 193. 
 
 Gafia, frith he, embarked at Nombre de Bios, and arrived in Spain in the month 
 of Inly, in the year 1 j jo, with great riches belonging to others, but as to himfelf 
 his chief Wealth was his Reputation. In going and coming, and in his time 
 there, he fpent above four years : the Emperour made him Bilhop of Placemia y 
 and ca'led him to Augsburg in Germany, to certifie unto him by word of mouth 
 all matters which had palled in the Indies, with the true ftate of Pern. Thus far 
 Gomara wiih which he concludes that Chapter. And though this Authour fays, 
 the Prefident Gafia fought with the Rebels, and fubdued them $ he means, that 
 his good fortune had delivered them into his hands by the refolution and care of 
 others, for he never favv them either dead or alive. Thus did this worthy perfbn 
 mod happily conclude his days, whofe memory ought for ever to be celebrated; 
 in regard that by his good fortune, excellent condudt, prudence and wifedom the 
 new Empire containing a thoufand three hundred leagues in length was recovered, 
 and reftored to the Emperour Charles the Fifth, with a vaft Treafure which he 
 brought with him. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 877 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez Giron proclaims his Commiffion and 
 Vefign for making a new Conqueft, upon which many Soul- 
 diers flock to him ; which caufes great Difturbance and 
 Mutinies in Cozco, but is fuppreffed by the Prudence and 
 Moderation of fome Citizens. 
 
 LEaving now the Prefident Gafca, Bifhop of Ciguenca entombed with Enfigns 
 and Scutchions of honour and fame; we muft in the next place make a long 
 and fpeedy tranfition from Ciguenca to Cozco , where we (hall find many fudden 
 alterations •, for fo foon as the Prefident Gafca was departed for Spain, all the In- 
 habitants of divers Cities returned to their refpe&ive homes and places of aboad, 
 every one to look after his particular concernments : amongft which General Pe- 
 
 Aro de Hinojofa was One , and Captain Francifco Hernandez Giron went to Cozco , pu- 
 
 i)li(hing on his way thither the Commiffion he had received to make a new Con- 
 queft 5 and in order thereunto he appointed feveral Captains to lift men in Hua- 
 manca and Arequepa , and in the new Plantation : whilft he himfelf, with great 
 folemnity, by found of Trumpet and beat of Drum proclaimed his Defign and 
 Commiffion in Cozco ; upon which publication above two hundred Souldiers 
 flocked to him from all parts , for he was a popular man , and well beloved by 
 the Souldiery. Such a number being got together, took a liberty to fpeakof the 
 late Tranfaclions according to their humours, and to vilifie and contemn the Pre- 
 fident and the Governours he had left in the Empire ; and fo publickly fcanda- 
 lous and impudent was their difcourfe •, that the Governours of the City thought 
 it time to find ways to fupprefs it : and John de Saavedra, who was then Mayor of 
 the Town, defired Hernandez de Giron to expedite his departure as foon as poffible, 
 that they might be freed from the infolence of the Souldiers. For though the 
 Captain himfelf entertained feveral of them in his own Family \ yet the reft 
 were quartered on the Citizens in their private Houfes: which though it were an 
 aggrievance to them •, yet , as Valentino faith , they were unwilling to part with 
 them, becaufc this expedition deprived them of their People 5 fo that in cafe his 
 Majefty fhould impofe any thing on them to their farther prejudice , they fhould 
 be difenabled from making oppoficion to encroachments on their Eftates and Pri- 
 vileges, as they had formerly done with good fuccefs, &c 
 
 For my part, I know not whence this relation fhould proceed ; for it is well known 
 that it had been much better for the Citizens to have the Souldiers employed in di- 
 ftant and remote enterprifes, than to lye at free quarter upon them •, being obliged 
 to maintain fome four or five, fome fix or feven, in their houfes 5 and to afford 
 them meat, drink and lodging , with cloaths and other conveniences : and how 
 then it can be as this Authour faith, I know not , fince it is plain and evident, 
 that the Inhabitants were confumed and undone by thofe chargeable Guefts. But 
 we muft excufe this Hiftorian in many paffages related by him , for he was noc 
 perfonally prefent when they were a&ed , but received his informations from 
 others which are often doubtfull and contradictory, and fo full of mutinies , that 
 fvery page is filled with them, whereby all the Inhabitants, as well as Souldiers 
 are rendred Traytors and difloyal to the Government : All which we fhall lay 
 afide, as not pertinent to this Hiftory, and fhall onely infift on the moft material 
 paffages of which I my {elf was a Witnefs, having been prefent in Cozco •■, when 
 Francifco Hernandez and his Souldiers made their firft difturbance : And I was alfo 
 prefent at the fecond mutiny which paffed about three years afterwards : all which 
 iobferved, without any notice taken of me -, for I was a very boy, and had not 
 attained the age of a young mar. howjGaever, I had fo much underftanding as to 
 jfeg »ferye the dili which my Father made of the feveral affairs which 
 
 {. ' - oat Em! " e.efore 1 can truly aver, that thefe Souldiers carri-* 
 
 e' : ' lent, hat the Government was forced to take no- 
 
 it remedj ; which when the Souldiers underftood , they 
 
 applied 
 
g 7 g Royal Commentaries. Book VL 
 
 applied themfelves to their Captain , defiring him not to fuffer them to be tram- 
 pled upon by thofe who had no authority over them : For that the Prefidenc 
 Gafia having given him a Commiflion to make a new Conqueft, and that they 
 were his Souldiers, they knew no other power nor authority but his -, and that 
 they efteemed themfelves free and independent on the Jurifdi&ion of the Mayor 
 
 And fo far did this mutiny proceed, that the Souldiers aflembled together with 
 their Arms in the houfe of Francifio Hernandez : and on the other fide, the Mayor 
 and Citizens cryed out to arm •, upon which the Inhabitants and their Relations, 
 with divers Souldiers who were not of the Faction, and rich Merchants, and others 
 of Quality, met in the Market-place with their Arms , and drew up in a formed 
 body : In like manner the contrary Party drew up in their Captains Street, being 
 not far from the Market-place , in which pofture both fides continued two days 
 and two nights , being every moment ready to attack each other: which had 
 moft certainly happened, had not fome more moderate men, who were fenfible of 
 the late ruinous diftra&ions, interpofed between them, and addrefled to the May- 
 or and Hernandez, Giron , defiling them to enter into a Treaty , that things might 
 be brought to a right underftanding. The chief men employed herein were Di- 
 ego de Silva, Diego de Maldonado the rich, Garplaffo de la Vega, Vafco de Guevara, An* 
 tonio de ^uinnones, fohn de Berrio , feronimo de Loayfa , Martin de Afenefes, and Fran- 
 cifco Rodriguez, de Villa fuerte, who was the firft of the thirteen that pafled over 
 the Line which Francifio Pi$arro drew with the point of his Sword. With thefe 
 feveral other Citizens joyned , to perfuade the Mayor to quiet this difturbance , 
 which would prove the deftru&ion of the City and the whole Kingdom. The 
 like was alledged to Francifco Hernandez , defiring him to confider that thereby 
 he would forfeit the merit of all his former Services, that he would deftroy his 
 defign of Conqueft, whereby he was to gain honour and make his fortune. Ac 
 length it was agreed, that he and the Mayor mould meet in the great Church; 
 but the Souldiers of Hernandez Giron oppofed it, unlefs Hoftages were firft given 
 for his fafe return, which was aflented unto, and four Citizens were delivered for 
 fecurity , namely, Garplajfo my Mafter, Diego Maldonado, Antonio de guinnones and 
 Diego Silva. On thefe Conditions the two Chiefs met in the great Church, where 
 Francifio Hernandez carried himfelf fo infolent and proud, that the Mayor had laid 
 hands on him had he not been reftrained with the confideration of his friends 
 who remained Hoftages in the power of the Souldiers : fo that fupprefllng his an- 
 ger what he could , he fuffered Francifio Hernandez to return to his Houfe , from 
 whence he came again, and towards the Evening met on the former Cautions 
 given. By which time Hernandez having better confidered the unhappy confe- 
 quences of that mutiny, and having coniulted with divers friends upon the cafe, 
 he became much more gentle, and in a more flexible temper than before : and in 
 this good humour they broke up and adjourned until the day following, by which 
 time they ihould be enabled more deliberately to difculs their affairs. Being ac- 
 cordingly met 5 the ufual forms of Protefts and Ads were drawn up, and the Pre- 
 amble was agreed to the following Articles : Namely , That for the publick 
 peace and quiet of the Land , Francifio Hernandez (hould remove his Souldiers 
 from the Town , and fhould deliver up eight of thofe who had been the moft 
 infolent and mutinous amongft them into the hands of the Mayor j of which 
 number were thofe who had fired upon his Majefty's Troop withdut any caufe or 
 provocation. And that he himfelf mould goe in perfon to the Court of Juftice, 
 to render an account of this late fcandalous Mutiny and Riot. 
 
 This Agreement was folemnly fvvorn unto by both Parties and drawn up in 
 Writing •, and the Mayor was to permit Hernandez to depart freely upon his own 
 Paroll and Oath of Fealty to the King. After this Francifio Hernandez returned to 
 his own Houfe , where he acquainted his Souldiers with the Agreement he had 
 made , but they were not pleafed therewith , but began to mutiny 5 and if he had 
 not appeafed them with good words and promifes, they had fallen in upon the 
 King's party , the confequence of which would have been very deftru&ive to the 
 whole Kingdom ; for they were two hundred effective men, defperate and of no 
 fortunes, having nothing to lofe : and on the other fide, there were above Eigh- 
 ty perlbns of Quality who had Lands and Eftates ; and the reft were Merchants 
 of great Riches. But God was pleafed to divert this fatal Mifchief at the Prayers 
 and Vows of religious Friars, and fecular Priefts, and devout Women : for though 
 
 the 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries, 
 
 the disturbance was more enflamed than before , fo that Watch and Centinels 
 were fet, and they were all the night up with Arms in their hands •-, yet in the 
 morning, when the Mayor faw that Hernandez had not drawn off his men 5 he fent 
 for him by a Warrant to appear before him : But he, fuppofing that his men 
 would not fuffer him to goe, in cafe they were acquainted therewith, flipt on his 
 morning Gown ; and, as if he intended to goe onely to the next neighbour, he 
 went directly to the houfe of the Mayor, who prefently took him and commit- 
 ted him to priibn : the news hereof being brought to his Souldiers , they immedi- 
 ately dilperfed, and every man fhifted for himlelf: but the eight men who were 
 impeached took Sanctuary in the Convent of St. Dmimck, and fortified themfelves 
 in the Steeple of the Church •, where they befieged them for feveral days , buc 
 could not cake them , by reafon chat the paflage was very narrow , being built 
 for a Tower in the time of the hca's •, howfoever atlength they furrendred and 
 were puniihed, but not with that fevere Juftice, which their rebellious practices did 
 require ^ and the Tower was demolilhed, that it might not be made ufe of for the 
 future on luch like occafions. 
 
 879 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 John Alonfo Palomino and Jeronimo Coftilla fly from 
 Cozco. Francifco Hernandez Giron prefects himfelf 
 before the High Court of Juftice ; is difmi/fed, and returns 
 to Cozco ; and he it married in Los Reyes. The Rela- 
 tion of another Mutiny which happened in that City. 
 
 TH E Souldiers being difperfed, and Francis Hernandez Giron imprifoned, the 
 Mutiny was fuppreffed and all things quieted : and therefore it was much 
 wondered , what fhould be the reafon that moved Alonfo Palomino and Jeronimo 
 Coftilla, who had married two Sifters to efcape out of the City, the fecond night 
 after all things were agreed : nor do I know what reafon Palentino had to fay, that 
 this happened two years afterwards ; than which nothing can be more falfe •, which 
 I can aver upon my own knowledge, having been an eye-witnefs of what palled 
 at that time in Cozco .- but true it is, that thefe Gentlemen departed the City at 
 mid-night , without any caufe or reafon known for the fame. If they had gone 
 away three or four nights before, when the City was in extreme danger, fome 
 Conjectures might have been made upon the reafons of their departure 1 but go- 
 ing thus away without any reafon affigned , the whole City talked , and made a 
 thoufand Conjectures thereupon, efpecially when it was known, that they had 
 burnt the Bridges of Apurimac and Amancaj , which were to be repaired at the 
 expence and labour of the poor Indians .- upon which all the Countrey was in a 
 COnfufion , and rumours were fpread , that Francifco Hernandez Giron was up in 
 Arms at Cozco , and was become a Rebel. But in the fecond Infurreftion he 
 made, Alonfo Palomino gave him his reward, by killing him at a Supper , as we 
 fhall fee hereafter --, but Jeronimo Coftilla efcaped, being not prefent at the Invitati- 
 on. But to return again to the prefent A&s of Giron: we fay, that his Souldiers 
 being difperfed , and the chief Incendiaries puniihed , the Agreement was perfor- 
 med and executed 5 and Giron was releafed upon his Parolland folemn Oath given 
 to goe to the City of Los Reyes , and there to prefent himfelf before the Royal 
 Court of Juftice , and give them an account of the late Actions. Diego Maldo- 
 mdo the Rich having a particular friendmip with him by reafon of their neigh- 
 bourhood , ( for they lived the next ftreet one to the other) accompanied him 
 on his journty as far as Antahuylla, being fourty leagues from Cozco ■ and with the 
 fame occafion Maldonado vifited his Indians , and Plantations he had in thofe parts I 
 but Palentino faith , I know not upon what ground , that Giron was delivered into 
 
 the hands of the High Sh&itt Maldonado, and of Captain John Alonfo Palomino, who 
 
 were obliged at their own coft and charge to provide twenty Mufquetiers to carry 
 
 him 
 
8 go Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 him to Lima 5 and for better fecurity, the Mayor made him take the Oath of Fi- 
 delity, &c 
 
 I cannot imagin where this Authour received this relation, fo contrary to ail 
 truth , and which founds fo like a Romance or a Poetical Fi&ion. But this is 
 moft certain, that Girm came to the City of Los Reyes, and there prefented him- 
 {elf before the Royal Court of Juftice, where the Judges committed him to pri- 
 fon : but many days had not paffed , before he was enlarged , and the whole City 
 ailigned him for his confinement : and in a ihort time afterwards they took his 
 own obligation and difcharged him upon the terms he offered. And here it is 
 reported, that he married with a very Noble Lady, young, vertuous and beauti- 
 full 3 and unworthy of thofe forrows and afflictions which he: husband brought 
 upon her by his fecond Rebellion : as we {"hall fee in the iequel of this Hiftory. 
 With her he returned to Coaco , where for ibme days and months , I cannot fay 
 years, he remained quiet •, howfoever, in the mean time, he converfed with none 
 but Souldiers, avoiding, as much as he could, all fociety and communication with 
 the Citizens : atlength he brought an Action againft one of the principal Mem- 
 bers of the City , about an Horfe , which he challenged to be his, though in rea- 
 lity he had no title thereunto 5 for the truth was , he had left him in the late 
 Wars of Sgito, having been taken from him by a ftout Souldier, and as law- 
 full prize fold by him to a Citizen for a round fum of money , which was wirnet 
 fed by another Souldier who knew how he came by him. Howfoever, in regard 
 the Souldier who fold him had followed Picarrh Party, the Horfe was kept pri- 
 vately and unknown to any,befides the Mafter himfelf : but at length the Horfe 
 coming to be difcovered , the Citizen was contented to fell him to Giron at an 
 under rate, rather than to bring the Souldier into queftion, who might have been 
 hanged or fent to the gallies for the fame •-, fo that this fuit about the Horfe ferved 
 onely to (hew his good-will and kindnefs towards his Companions and Equals, 
 who were Lords over Indians, and enjoyed Eftates; for, as I obferved, he never 
 kept company or entertained communication with them •■, but onely with Soul- 
 diers, and with them he fpent his whole time and employed his chief concernment, 
 as will appear fome few days afterwards. For certain Souldiers , as ftout and as 
 mutinous as the others , obferving the little rigour and feverity which was ufed 
 againft the infolence and mutinous behaviour, of Fraud fco Giron and his Aflbciates 
 were encouraged to attempt the like Outrages : but being few in number and 
 without any Head that was confiderable , they refolved to find out one, be he 
 what he would 5 and fo publickly was this matter difcourfed and treated , that ic 
 became the common talk of all the City of Los Reyes .• and atlength the rumour 
 was fo far fpread that it came to the Ears of the Mayor of Cozco, who being there- 
 upon requefted to take cognizance of the Matter , to examine the Plot , and to 
 punilh the Offenders j he excufed himfelf, faying, that he was not to create more 
 Enemies than thofe formerly, who were Hernandez, Giron and his Adherents ; and 
 as for thofe Troubles then acting, the incumbence lay on the Court of Juftice to 
 fupprefs and prevent them •-, and in cafe they held themfelves unconcerned, he for 
 his part would not intermeddle with Affairs, which belonged to a fuperiour power. 
 Whilft thefe things were in agitation in the Countrey, a certain Inhabitant of Cai- 
 ro, called Don John de Mendo$a , a Martial man, and one kind to the Souldiery, 
 happened to come then to Town, with intention rather to aggravate matters, and 
 incite others, than to concern himfelf either one way or the other. So foon as he 
 came to the City, he treated with the principal Complotters, who were called 
 
 Francifis de Miranda and Alonfo de Barrionaevo, who W3S then High Sheriff of the 
 City, and with Alonfo Hernandez, Melgarejo. This Miranda told him, that the Soul- 
 
 diers had with general confent chofen him for their Commander in Chief, and 
 Barrionuevo for his Lieutenant : the which Mendo^a difcovered to certain Citizens 
 who were his Friends, advifing them to avoid fuch danger from the Souldiery , 
 and to abandon the City : but when he perceived that they flighted his Counfe], 
 he then travelled to the City of Los Reyes, publilhing all the way he went, how 
 that all Cozco was in an uproar : and that the City had taken no notice of him 
 
 either going or coming. Palentino mentions the flight of Palomino and feronimo Co- 
 
 flilla , to have been at this time -, which had been two years before , as we have 
 noted it before. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 88 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 The Juftices [end a neve Mayor to Cozco , who doth Juftice 
 upon the Mutineers. The Original of thefe Difturbances 
 16 here related. 
 
 UPON the rumour which Don John de Mendoca caufed to be fpread in the 
 City of Los Reya, the Judges appointed the Marefchal Alonfo de Aharado to be 
 Mayor of Cozco, giving him Commiffion topunilh the infolent and mutinous 
 Souldiers there, and to hinder that growing Evil which for want of due correcti- 
 on was come to a degree unfupportable. So foon as this new Officer was come 
 to Cozco, he apprehended fome of the Souldiers, who to fave themfelves had im- 
 peached a certain Citizen called Don Pedro Portocarrero : And having well examined 
 the caufe of the principal Mutiniers , who were Francifco de Miranda and Alonfo 
 Hernandez Melgare]o , he hanged them up without any regard to their Nobility 
 though they claimed the privilege of Gentlemen. The which when Aknfo Bani- 
 onenevo knew , who was alfo condemned , he fent to the Mayor or Governour 
 defiring that he might enjoy the privilege of a Gentleman, that is, that he might 
 have his Throat cut , and not be hanged ; alledging that in cafe he were hanged, 
 he lhould defpair of his Salvation, and be condemned everlaftingly to the Tor- 
 ments of Hell. At the inftance of certain friends, the Governour granted the re- 
 queft, and with fome unwillingnefs commanded his Throat to be cut ; which I 
 know to be true , becaufe I faw them all three after they were dead -, for, being a 
 Boy at that time, I had the curiofity to fee thofe things as they palled ; fix or 
 feven others were banifhed out of the Kingdom , the reft made their efcape away. 
 But as to Don Pedro Portocarrero, he remitted his caufes to the Lords Juftices, who* 
 having examined him, fet him at liberty. Palemlno fpeaking of Francifco de Mi- 
 randa names him for a Citizen of Cozco; whereas in reality he was not, unlefs 
 we will give the title of Citizen to any Inhabitant, after the Caftiiian Style, diffe- 
 rent^ the Cuftome ufed in Peru and Mexico, where none is called a Citizen,unle(s 
 he hath a Plantation, and a Command over Indians in vaflalage to him : and is ob- 
 liged (as we noted in the firft Part of thefe Commentaries) to maintain his Hou- 
 fes in th? place of his refidence : but Miranda could claim nothing of this matter, 
 for I knew him very well, for a Niece of his was bred up in the famehoufe with 
 me, (he Was born of an Indian mother, and proved a woman of great probity and 
 vertue. Some few months after this punifhment executed , a final! difturbance 
 happened, of which Pakmino makes a long Story, though in reality it was rather 
 a Pretence railed to take revenge upon a poor Gentleman, who, without any ma- 
 lice, had undertaken to give an account of Baftardies in feveral great and ancient 
 Families , and not onely on the man's fide , but on the woman's fide alfo : but 
 what thefe Families were, there is no reafon we fhould mention in particular. 
 Moreover , there were feveral other difcontents in thofe days which turned into 
 publick mutinies •, the punilhment of all which fell upon a poor young Gentleman 
 onely, not of above twenty four years of age, called Don Diego Enriquez, a Na- 
 tive of Seville whom they put to death •, his untimely end was much lamented by 
 all the City ■-, for though there had been above two hundred perfons, as Palemino 
 reports, concerned in the fedition, yet the fate of this poor Gentleman was with- 
 out any fault, to pay for all. The Juftice alfo proceeded to execute farther Seve- 
 rities on Indians of principal note, and on the VaiTals and Servants of Noble and 
 rich Citizens •, which ought rather to have been infli&ed on the Matters them- 
 felves , who had been the caufes thereof. Thefe mutinies and difturbances , of 
 which Palentino gives fo long and large relations , proceeded originally from the 
 Orders and Decrees which the Juftices had made for taking off the perfonal Ser- 
 vices of Indians towards their Lords, requiring that fuch as found themfelves aggrie- 
 ved in this matter , lhould not appear by their common Atturney in behalf of the 
 Generality, but that every man lhould appear and plead in his own peifon. All 
 which, as we have formerly faid, were Artifices of the Devil, contrived purpofe- 
 ly to raife difcord among the Spaniards, whereby the progrefs of the doctrine of the 
 
 U u u u u Gofpel 
 
38 z Royal Commentaries. Book VL 
 
 Gofpel might be hindred, and the Converfion of the Indians to the Catholick 
 Faith delayed : the which proceeding was contrary to the fenfe and opinion of 
 that wife and prudent perfon, the Prefident Gafia, who having had experience, 
 that the new Laws which the Vice-king Blafco Nunnez Vela had brought and put 
 in execution in Peru, had raifed thofe commotions as would certainly have been 
 the total deftru&ion of that Empire, had they not been repealed ; and having 
 obferved, that whenfoever any thing of that kind was moved all the Countrey 
 was put into a flame, he wifely therefore before his departure, fufpended the exe- 
 cution of his Majefty's command, requiring him to free the Indians from fervices 
 to their Lords. But the Juftices followed not this rule, but fent their commands 
 over all the Kingdom, as before mentioned, which gave occalion to the Souldiers 
 to utter rebellious and feditious Speeches 5 and were encouraged therein by confi- 
 derable perfons, and men of Eftates ; as Palentino writes at large in the fecond 
 Parr, and firft Chapter of the fecond Book. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Don Antonio de Mendo^a is fent in quality of Vice- king 
 to Peru, he employs his Son Don Francifco to viftt and 
 furvey the Countrey as far 06 //jeCharcas j and difpatches 
 him into Spain, with a relation thereof. A fevere atHon 
 is executed by a Judge. 
 
 A Bout this time a new Governour or Captain-General of the whole Empire 
 arrived in Peru, with title of Vice-king, Called Don Antonio de Mendo$a, who 
 
 was Second Son of the Houfe ©f the Marquis de Monde xar Count oiTendilla, who 
 (as we have mentioned in the Hiftory of Florida) was Vice-king in the Empire of 
 Mexico, a perfon of great Sanctity and Religion, endued with Chriftian Vermes, 
 and much a Gentleman. The City of Los Reyes received him with great joy 
 and folemnity, and defired to introduce him under a Canopy of State •, but nei- 
 ther the Archbimop nor the Magiftrates of the City could prevail with that 
 Prince to accept of that honour, as if it had been a piece of Treafon towards his 
 Majefty, much contrary to the cuftome in thefe days ■■, in which great Men efteem 
 more of one hour of fuch Pageantry than all the time of their life afterwards : 
 with him he brought his Son Don Francifco de Mend^a, who was afterwards made 
 General of the Galleys of Spain; I law him both here and there: he always be- 
 haved himfelf like the Son of fuch a Father, whofe goodnefs and vertues he imi- 
 tated, and followed both in his youth and in the years of his old age. 
 
 When this Vice-king arrived in Peru, he was much empaired in his health by 
 long abftinence and ads of penance 5 by which his natural heat began fo far to 
 fail, that to recover it he ufed violent exercife , and though that climate was na- 
 turally very hot, yet he would chufe to go abroad at noon day with a certain little 
 Hawk of that Countrey, which they had taught to kill upon the Sands a fort of 
 fmall Owls, or other Birds ; and with this fport he divertifed himfelf as often as 
 his vacation from buiinefs would permit. And by reafon of his want of health, 
 
 he fent his Son Don Francifco to all the Cities from Los Reyes as far as the Cbarcas 
 
 and Potocfi, to bring him a true relation of the ftate thereof, for information of 
 
 his Majefty : Don Francifco went accordingly upon this Vifitation, and as he pafled 
 
 I faw him at Cozco, where he was received with great folemnity under triumphal 
 
 Arches, with Dances, and appearance of the Gentlemen •■, who in feveral Troops 
 
 road before him to the great Church, and thence conducted him to the Lodgings 
 
 * A spirt provided for him : eight days after he had been there, they provided for him * a 
 
 Spain"" ^ ea ^ °f Bulls, and of darting Canes on Horfeback 3 which was the moft magni- 
 
 r Q * ficent of any that ever had been before or fince in that City ; for the Liveries 
 
 were all of Velvet of divers colours, and moft of them embroidered. I remember 
 
 that 
 
Book VL Royal Commentaries. 882 
 
 that the Liveries of my Father and his Companions were made of black Velvet, 
 and upon the upper Caflbck were two borders of yellow Velvet, about a fpan di- 
 ftance from each other, with this Motto between, Plus Vltra \ and adjoining 
 hereunto were three Pillars with Crowns upon them, made of yellow Velvet, as 
 were the Borders, and all interwoven with a twift of Gold and blue Silk, which 
 looked very handfomely. Other Liveries there were very rich and chargeable, 
 which I cannot remember fo well as to defcribe them, but thele of my Fathers' 
 having been made in the Houfe, remain dill in my memory. The attendants of 
 
 John Julio de Hogeda, and Thomas Vafquez, and John de Pancorvo, and Francifco Rodri- 
 guez de VilU-fucne, who were all four Conquerours in the fird Adventure, were 
 clothed in Liveries of black Velvet, ftriped with divers flowers and leaves made 
 of crimfon and white Velvet. On their Heads they wore Turbants embroidered 
 with Pearls and Efmerods, and other pretious Stones, valued at three hundred thou- 
 fand pieces of Eight, which amount to above three hundred and feventy thoufand 
 Ducats ofCaftile, and all the other Liveries were rich like thefe. Don Francifco be- 
 held this Gallantry, and Sports from a Balcony belonging to my Father's Houfe, 
 where I had opportunity to take notice of his perfpn : from hence he proceeded 
 to the Cities of La Paz, and La Plata, and to Potocfi, where he received a full re- 
 lation of thofe Mines of Silver, and of all other matters which were worthy his 
 Majefty's information. In his return he came by the City of Arequcpa, and a- 
 long the Sea-coaft as far as the City of Los Reyes, in all which progrefs, he travel- 
 led above fix hundred and fifty leagues : and brought with him the Mountain of 
 Potocfi delineated, and exactly drawn, and painted with the Mines of Silver, as al- 
 fo other Mountains, Valleys and immenfe Cavities which are found in that Coun- 
 trey of a ftrange form and figure. 
 
 Being returned to the City of Los Reyes, his Father difpatched him away for 
 Spain with thefe Draughts of the Countrey, and a true relation of the ftate of af- 
 fairs there. He departed from Los Reyes, as Palentino faith, in May 1 y j 2. where 
 we will leave him, to recount a particular accident which happened at that time 
 in Cozco, when Alonfo de Alvarado was Mayor, or chief Governour thereof, and 
 known to be a bold man, and an impartial Judiciary, the matter was this : About 
 four years before this time a party of Souldiers confiding of two hundred men 
 marched out of the City of Potocfi towards the Kingdom of Tucman, which the 
 Spaniards call Tucuman, mod of which, contrary to the pofitive Orders of the Jufti- 
 ces, were ferved by Indians to carry their burthens and baggage for them. The 
 chief Governour of that place, called Lkenciado Efquivel, with whom I was ac- 
 quainted, went out of the Town to view the feveral Companies of Souldiers as 
 they marched •, and having fuffered all of them to pals with the Indians, who car- 
 ried their luggage, he feiied on the laft man, called Aguire, becaufe he had two 
 Indians laden with his goods •, and for this fault fome few days afterwards he fen- 
 tenced him to receive two hundred ftripes, becaufe he had neither Gold nor Sil- 
 ver to redeem the penalty laid on him by his Sentence. Hereupon Aguire made 
 all the Friends he could to the Governour to have his puniuhment remitted, but 
 being not able to prevail, he defired that he might rather be hanged than whip- 
 ped $ faying, that though he were a Gentleman, and might Hand upon that privi- 
 lege, yet he would wave that alfo : howfoever he thought fit to let him know, 
 that he was the Brother of a Gentleman, who in his Countrey had an Edate with 
 Vaffalage of Indians. But all this availed little with the Judge -, for though being 
 out of Office he was a man of an eafie temper, and a tradable difpofition, yet of- 
 tentimes Honours and places of Power change the humour of fome men •, and fo 
 it did with this Judge, who became more fevere by thefe applications, fo that he 
 immediately commanded the Executioner to bring the Afs, and execute the Sen- 
 tence, which accordingly was done, and Aguire mounted thereupon. The prin- 
 cipal men of the Town, confidering the unreafonable feverity of the Judge, went 
 and intreated him to remit or fufpend the Sentence, and prevailed on him rather 
 by importunity than argument to deferr the execution for eight days. But when 
 they came to the Prifon with this Warrant, they found Aguire already ftript and 
 mounted on his Aft •, who, when he underftood that the Sentence was onely fu- 
 fpended for eight days, he rejected the favour, and faid, All my endeavours have 
 
 been to keep my fe If from mounting this Beaft, and from the fhame of being feen naked ; but 
 fince things are come thus far, let the Sentence proceed, which will be left than the fears' 
 and apprebenjions I /hall have in thefe eight dap enfuing, befides 1 Jhatl not need to give fAf- 
 
 UUUUU 2, thit 
 
X$4 Royal Commentaries. .Book VI. 
 
 the r trouble to Friends to intercede in my behalf, which is likely to be at ineffectual as what 
 
 hath already faffed. And having faid this, the Afs was whipped forward, and he 
 ran the gantlet according to the Sentence, to the great difpleafure and regret both 
 of Spaniards and Indians ; who were troubled to fee a Gentleman, on fo flight a 
 caufe, dishonoured by a punilhment not agreeing to his Quality : howfoever he 
 avenged himfelf afterwards, according to the Law of Honour pradtifed in this 
 World. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 The revenge which Aguire tcok„ for this affront. The dili- 
 gence ujed by the Governcur of Cozco to take Aguire ; 
 the manner hof? he made his efape. 
 
 AFter this Aguire could not be perfuaded to purfue his defign of the Conqueft, 
 though the Inhabitants of Potocfi offered to have ailifted him v^ ith all things 
 neceffary thereunto •, but he excu fed himfelf, faying, That, after fuch a fhame as this, 
 
 death was his onely remedy and confolation, which he would endeavour to obtain as foon as 
 
 foffible -, under this melancholy he remained in Peru untill the time in which the 
 Office of Efquivel expired; and then he always, like a defperate man, purfuedand 
 followed him, watching an opportunity to kill him, and wipe off the fhame of 
 the late affront. Efquivel, being informed of this defperate refolution by his 
 Friends, endeavoured to avoid his Enemy, and took a journey of three or four 
 hundred leagues from him, fuppofing that Aguire would not purfue him at fuch a 
 diftance: but the farther Efquivel -fled the more earneft was Aguire to follow 
 him. The fTrft journey which Efquivel took was to the City of Los Reyes, being 
 three hundred and twenty leagues diftant •, but in lefs than fvteen days Aguire was 
 there with him : whereupon Efquivel took another flight, as far as to the City of 
 £uito, being four hundred leagues diftant from Los Reyes, but in a little more than 
 tvsenty days Aguire was again with him : which being indrrated to Efquivel, he 
 took another leap as far as CWo, which is five hundred league f ;m J$uito- 7 but 
 in a few days after he arrived there carre his old Friend Agmre, travelling all the 
 way on foot, without Shoes or Stockins, laying, that it became not the conditi- 
 on of a whipped Rafcal to travel on HorfebaA or appeal amdngft men. In this 
 manner did Aguire haunt and purfue Efquivel for three years and four months: 
 who being now tired and wearied with fomany loi g arid te< lious jourr,ies ; which 
 profited him little •-, he refolved to fix his abode at C««, where ht relieved that 
 Aguire would fcarce adventure to attempt any thing againft him, for fea; of the 
 Judge who governed that City, who was a ievere man, impartial aid infkj-ible 
 in all his proceedings: and accordingly took a Lodging in the middle ofthe Street 
 of the great Church, where he lived with great care and caution, v.eaung ■:■ Coat 
 of Mail under his upper Coat, and went always armed with his SwojjcJ and Dag- 
 ger, which are Weapons not agreeable to his profeflion. At this time a certain 
 Kinfman of my Fathers, the Son off Gomez, de Tordoya, and of his name, fpnke to 
 Efquivel, and rold him, that fince he was his Countrey-man of Eflremenno, and 
 his Friend, he couid not but advife him (as it was known over ail Peru) how 
 diligent Aguire had been to dog and follow him with purpofe and intent to kill 
 him -j wherefore if you pleafe I will come and lodge by night in the fame Houfe 
 with you, which perhaps will divert Aguire from coming thither. Efquivel than- 
 ked him, and told him that he always went well provided •■, for he never put off 
 his Coat of Mail, nor laid his offenfive Arms afide •■, and to be more uary or caur 
 tious than this would be fcandalous to the City, and (hew too much fear of a 
 poor fellow who was of a little and a contemptible prefence : Howfoever the fury 
 of his mind, and the defire of revenge had exalted him above his natural ftature 
 and proportion, and rendred him as considerable as Diego Garcia de Paredes, and 
 %hn de Vrbina*, who were famous men in their time : in virtue and force of this 
 
 delired 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. &g<? 
 
 defired revenge he adventured one Monday at noon to enter into the Houfe of 
 Efquivel, and having walked for fome time in the yard below, and in the Gallery 
 above, and having palled through a Hall and a Chamber, and entring into an in- 
 ward Chamber where he kept his Books, he found him there fleeping with one 
 in his hand, and coming foftly to him, he ltabb'd him with his Dagger through 
 the right Temple of his head, and gave him three or four ffabbs more into the 
 Body, not where the Coat of Mai! covered him, but in the opening of his Clothes. 
 After which Aguire returned by the fame way that he came, and being come to 
 the frreet Door, miffing his Hat he had the courage to return again and fetch it, 
 and therewith went out into the ftreet, and walked like a mad-man without fenfe 
 or judgment, never thinking to take Sanctuary in the Church, but walked open- 
 ly in the Itreets towards St. Francifco, where was a Convent Eaft-ward from the 
 great Church ? neither did he take refuge there, but wandring through a flreet on 
 the left hand, he made a flop at the place where a Foundation was laid for the 
 Convent of St. Clare 3 and in a little Alley thereabouts he met two young Gentle- 
 men, Kinfmen to Rodrigo de Peneda, to whom he faid, hide me, hide me, with- 
 out being able to fay one word more, but looked like a man frantick and out of 
 his wits. The Gentlemen, who knew his difcontent, and his defire of revenge ; 
 asked him, Whether he had killed Efquhel ? To which Aguire anfwered, Yes, 
 hide me, hide me. Then the Gentlemen carried him into the Houfe of a Kinf- 
 man of theirs where were three back yards, in the farthermoft of which there 
 was a kind of a Stie, where they fatted their Hogs and Poultery at the time of 
 year, and there they concealed him, ordering him by no means to go out of that 
 place, or fhew his head abroad. As to the back yards, they fecured them in that 
 manner that no Indians (hould go in, having no bufinefs to doe there ; and they 
 told him, that he fhould not need to take care for Victuals, for they would make 
 a provifion for him : which they accordingly did, for dining and topping always 
 in the Houfe of their Kinfman, they would privately at every meal flip Bread and 
 Meat into their Pockets 3 with which, upon pretence of going to the back-fide on 
 their necefTary occafions, they relieved this poor Aguire in his Hog-flie, and in 
 this manner they fed and maintained him for the fpace of forty days. 
 
 So foon as the Mayor or Governour heard of the death of Efquivel he comman- 
 ded the Bells to be rung out -, and the Indians of Cannaris were let for Guards and 
 Sentinels at the Gates of the City, and at the door of the Convents ■-, and Proclama- 
 tion was made, that no man lhould go out of the City without a Pafs or Licenie 
 obtained from the Governour, and fearch was made in all Convents, and the 
 corners of them, that nothing could be more diligently performed, unlefs they 
 would have pulled them down. This Watch ana Ward continued in the City 
 for thirty days, without the leaf! news of Aguire, as if he had been funk under 
 ground. At length, wearied with a fruitlefs fearch, the Sentinels and Guards 
 were taken off from the City •, but howfoever a Watch was continued on the 
 High-ways, and maintained with a Uriel: examination of all that palled. At the 
 end of forty days, thefe Gentlemen, called Samllan and Catamw, both of noble 
 extraction, ( with whom I was acquainted, and met one of them in Seville when 
 I arrived firft in Spain) thought fit to free themfelves from the danger which they 
 incurred by concealing.^?*/'™ 3 for they knew that the Judge was a fevere man, 
 and would have no mercy on them in cafe the matter were difcovered •-, whereup- 
 on they agreed to carry him publickly out of the City, and not by any private 
 conveyance 5 the manner was this, they fhaved his head and his beard, and wa- 
 flied his face, head, neck, hands and Arms, and from top to toe, and cleanfed 
 him with water, and then fmeared him over with a fort of wild Fruit, called by 
 the Indians Vitcc, which is not good to eat, or for any other purpofe onely dies 
 with that black hue, that being left on for three or four days, and afterwards 
 warned over three or four times more, it leaves a black deeper than that of an 
 Ethiopian, and which will not be warned off again with any water, untill it be- 
 gins to wear away, which it will doe in ten days time, and then will wafh off 
 with the rine of that which gives the tindture : In this manner they coloured this 
 wretch Aguire, and clothed him in poor habit, like a Corntrey Negroe 3 and with 
 ' this difguife they went out openly about noon day through the publick ffreets and 
 Market-place, with the Negroe Aguire marching before them with a Gun on his 
 Shoulders, and one of the Mailers carried another before him on the Pomel of 
 his Saddle, and the other had a Hawk on his fifl, as if they had been going after 
 
 their 
 
886 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 their game : and in this manner they went to the Hill called Carmenca, which is 
 the road to Los Reyes, and is a great way thither through Streets and publick pla- 
 ces from the houfe ofRodrigo de Pineda : and at laft they came to the out-guards of 
 all •, where being asked for the Governor's licence or pafs-port : he that carried 
 the Hawk, feeming to be troubled for this omifllon, (aid to his Brother, Pray ftay 
 for me here untill I goe and fetch a Licence 5 or if you pleafe to go foftly before, 
 I (hall quickly overtake you ; but he took little care for his pafs-port , fince his 
 Brother with his Neger was paffed the Guards, which being done, they quickned 
 their pace , untill they had got themfelves clear out of the Jurifdi&ion of Cozxo , 
 which reaches fourty leagues in length 5 And being come fo far , he bought a 
 fmall Nag for Aguire , and gave him fome money in his purfe 5 and faid to him 5 
 Brother, fince I have accompanied you fo far, and brought you into a Countrey 
 where you are free and out of danger , you may goe now where you think fit 5 
 for my part, I can do no more for you ; (hift for your felf •, and with that he re- 
 turned to Cozso , and Aguire travelled to Huamanca , where a Kinfman of his lived, 
 who was a Noble perfon and one of the richeft Inhabitants of that City 5 and 
 was received by him as kindly as if he had been his own Son , and was carefled 
 and treated by him for many days , and afterwards was fent away with all things 
 neceffary and convenient for him- We (hall conceal the name of this his 
 Kinfman, becaufe it is not juftifiable to receive and protect a perfon condemned, 
 or who ftands outlawed by the Royal Juftice. This efcape of" Aguire was one of 
 the ftrangeft things that happened in thofe days , confidering the diligent fearch 
 which was made for him by the Judge, and the follies of Aguire after he had 
 committed the Murther , though they happened well , and by his good fortune 
 were the caufe of his prefervation : for if he had taken refuge in a Convent, of 
 which there were but three in Town ■-, namely, that of our Lady, of the Seraphi- 
 cal St. Francis , and of the Divine St. Dcmnick., he had certainly been difcovered 
 and delivered to Juftice : but having thus efcaped, the Governour was not a little 
 angry and afhamed to fee his Juftice eluded, and the Offender placed out of reach 
 of the Law. Howfoever he was praifed by the bold and daring Souldiers , who 
 faid that, if there were many Aguires in the World who durft boldly adventure to 
 vindicate their dishonours by fuch a revenge, the Officers of Juftice would not be 
 fb infolent and arbitrary as they now (hew themfelves. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Wlany Gentlemen of the Countrey goe to kjfs the Hand of the 
 Vice-king. A particular Story of an impertinent Perfon. 
 A Mutiny in Los Reyes , arid how it was punijhed. 
 The death of the Vice-king , and what Troubles hap- 
 pened after it. 
 
 WE have already touched fomething of the Entry of the good Vice-king 
 Don Antonio de Mendoca into the City of Los Reyes, where he lived but for 
 
 a fhort time , and that too with much anguilli and infirmity of body , which is 
 rather to dye than to live; fb that his Government affords us little fubjed for Di- 
 fcourfe. When he came firft into the City, many Planters of the Countrey about, 
 came from all parts of the Empire , from guitu as far as the Choreas , to kifs his 
 hands and welcome him at his firft arrival. Amongft which there was one more 
 kind than the reft, and full of love and affectionate expreflions -, and at the con- 
 clufion of all, Sir, faid he, God take from your days, and add them unto mine. 
 Thofe, faid the Vice-king, will be but few, and ill ones. The poor man, 
 recalling himfelf hereupon, No, Sir, I mean, that God would be pleafed 
 to take from my days, and add them unto your Excellencies. I underftand your 
 Complement, replied the Vice- king* Don't trouble your felf for the miftake. 
 
 Howfoever 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. , gg, 
 
 Howfoever the Story was quickly carried into the outward room, where it occa- 
 fioned much laughter. Some few days after this , a certain Captain whom we 
 have formerly mentioned in this Hiftory came to the Vice-king , pretending to 
 give him fome Informations for better Government of the Empire-, and amongft 
 other things , he faid , there was one Abufe neceflary to be remedied -, the thing 
 is this , There are two Souldiers who lodge in fuch a place , and goe always a- 
 mongft the Indians with Guns in their hands, and eat what they kill , anddeftroy 
 the whole Game of the Countrey ; they alfo make Powder and Bullets , which is 
 of ill example to the Kingdom •, for many times Troubles and Infurredtions have 
 enfued from fuch beginnings ; and therefore fuch men as thefe are to be puni- 
 fhed, or at leaft banilhed from Peru. The Vice-king asked him whether thefe men 
 did treat the Indians ill, or whether they fold them Powder and Bullets, or com- 
 mitted any other Outrages ? No, faid the Captain, Nothing more than what I 
 tell your Lordfhip. Then , faid the Vice-king , thefe are not faults , but actions 
 rather to be encouraged ^ for it is no offence for Spaniards to live amongft the In- 
 dians, and to eat what they get themfelves by hunting, and to make Powder for 
 their own ufe , and not to fell ■-, but 'tis rather commendable •, and fuch actions 
 as are fit for other men to imitate. Go your ways , Sir , in the name of God 5 
 for I defire, that neither you nor others mould bring me fuch Tales as thefe ; for 
 thefe men you complain of muft be Saints, feeing they live fuch innocent lives as 
 you inform me. And in this manner, was the impertinency of this Captain re- 
 quited. 
 
 With this gentle and eafie manner did this Prince govern the Empire 5 but my 
 Countrey was not worthy fo much goodnefs , and therefore Heaven called him 
 thither. During the time of his Sicknefs , the Juftices commanded that the per- 
 fonal fervices of the Indians fhould be taken off, and accordingly it was proclai- 
 med in the City of Los Reyes, in Cozxo and other parts, under fuch penalties and 
 rigorous claufes as gave great offence , and caufed new feditions and mutinies a- 
 mongft the People : for which a chief Incendiary, one Luys de Vargas was condem- 
 ned and executed : but the Examinations and Tryals proceeded no farther, becaufe 
 it was found, that feveral principal men were concerned therein •, and it was be- 
 lieved that the General Pedro de Hinojofa would have been impeached , becaufe 
 three Witnefles were ready to have fworn feveral words which he had faid , 
 though not fufficient to have condemned him -, but the Juftices (as PaUntino faith) 
 being defirous to make an honeft man of a thief, made choice of him to go chief 
 Governour and Lord High Juftice to the Charcot ; for that in thofe Countries 
 there were many Souldiers who lived diffolutely, and without any rule or fub- 
 je&ion whatfoever : And though at firft he refufed to accept the Charge, yec 
 he was perfuaded thereunto by Dodlor Saravia, who was one of the moft ancient 
 Juftices : but as to his Crime, there was rather a fufpicion of it, than any cer- 
 tain proof againft him 5 and the Souldiers themfelves faid, that the hopes he gave 
 them were rather doubtfull than certain -, for all he faid to them was, that when 
 he was in the Charcot, he would doe for them according to their defire, that they 
 fhould goe thither before him ♦, and that when he came thither, he would doe for 
 them to the utmoft of his power. Though thefe words imported no more than 
 general terms, yet Souldiers, who were defirous of Rebellion and Novelty, were 
 apt to interpret them according to their own humour and inclinations : but whe- 
 ther the intention of the General was to rebell or not, he did not declare at that 
 time -, though his a&ions feemed rather to tend towards ill than good defigns. On 
 thefe hopes the Souldiers who were in the City of Los Rejes •, that is, as many as 
 could goe , went to the Choreas , and wrote to their friends in divers parts , that 
 they alfo fhould goe thither. 
 
 The news hereof carried many Souldiers into the Choreas, and amongft them 
 a Gentleman particularly called Bon Sebaftian de CaflMa, Son of Count de la Gome- 
 ra, Brother of Don Bakafar de Cafiilia, of whom this Hiftory hath made mention 
 at large. This Gentleman, with fix other Souldiers of efteem and honour, went 
 out of Coz,co : {oxVofco Godines, who was the chief Promoter of this Rebellion, had 
 wrote him a Letter in Cyphers, giving him an account of all matters then in agi- 
 tation , and that Pedro de Hinojofa had proroifed to be their General : Upon this 
 advice Don Selaftian and his Companions went out of Coz*o by night, without dif- 
 covering the place to which they were defigned : And left the Governour fhould 
 purfue after them, they went through by-ways, out of the common road, and 
 
 through 
 
888 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 through defarts and unpeopled places , untill they came to Potocfi, where they 
 were courteoufly received. So that though the Governour fent immediately af- 
 ter them an Hue and Cry to the Spaniards, to flop and feize them -, yet the Soul- 
 diers with them were fo skilfull in the ways, and knew the turnings and windings 
 of the Conntrey fo well, that the diligence ufed by the Governour availed no- 
 thing : but as to Don Sebaftian himfelf , he was more fit for a Courtier , than to 
 be made the General of a Rebellion, as they made him at laft, and which brought 
 a fpeedy deftru&ion on him •, for he, poor Gentleman, being of a tender nature, 
 and not inured to thofe bloudy Cruelties which his Souldiers required him to com- 
 mit, and which were neceffary in the ftate of Rebellion, became a Sacrifice to 
 the fury of his own Souldiers-, as this Hiftory will declare to us. 
 
 During thefe Revolutions , the Vice-king Don Antonio de Mendo^a happened to 
 dye, to the great unhappinefs of that whole Empire. His Funeral rites were ce- 
 lebrated with all the forrowfull Pomp that could be contrived •-, and his Corpfe 
 were interred in the Cathedral Church of Los Reyes, on the right hand of the high 
 Altar, and inclofed in a hollow nick of the Wall •, and on the right fide of him 
 lay the body of the Marquis Don Frantifco de Picarro, who was Conquerour of that 
 Empire and Founder of that City ■-, for which caufe he had reafon to claim a nea- 
 rer pofition to the high Altar than the Vice-king. After which the Juftices made 
 choice of a Gentleman to be made Governour of the City called Gil Ramirez, de 
 Avahs, who had been a Servant to the Vice-king : And the Marefchal himfelf 
 was fent to the City of Peace, otherwife called the New-city, where his E- 
 ftate was , and the Indians he commanded. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 The Infurreftion and Troubles which happened in the Province 
 of the Charcas, with many [ingle Duels, one of which is 
 related at large. 
 
 IN thofe days all the brave Souldiers and martial Spirits in Pern employed them- 
 felves in the Charcas and in Potocji and in the parts thereabouts: amongft which 
 there daily arofe quarrels and jarrings, not onely between the Souldiers and princi- 
 
 {>al perfons of note, but even the Merchants themfelves were at enmity, and ped- 
 ing Dealers, commonly called by them Pulpones, or Pudding-makers, becaufe one 
 of them was found to fell Paddings in his Shop : And fo common and continual 
 were the fquabbles and fcuffles amongft them , that they were too many for the 
 Juftice to prevent and compofe : at length it was judged fit, as a remedy of 
 thefe matters, to put out an Order, that whenfoever any two fell out, that no 
 Standers-by fhould meddle or interpofe to make peace between them, on penalty 
 of incurring the fame punifhment with thofe who were principals in the quarrel : 
 but this remedy availed nothing, nor whatfoever the Preachers could fay from their 
 Pulpits : for diffenfions daily arofe, as if this Countrey had been the place where 
 Difcord made its aboad, or prefaged and fore-ran thofe Infurreclions and Wars 
 which fome few months afterwards enfued : thefe quarrels often produced chal- 
 lenges and fingle duels: fome of which were fought in (hire and drawers, others 
 naked from the wafte upwards, fome in breeches and waftcoats of crimfon Taflaty, 
 that the bloud running from their wounds might not affright them : befides feve- 
 ral other forms of duel very ridiculous, which the Combatants dire&ed according 
 to their fancies, and would often quarrel with their own Seconds 5 and that they 
 might not be hindred or parted, the place appointed wasfomewhere out of Town, 
 in the open field. Palent'wo , in the fourth Chapter of his fecond Book , tells us 
 the ftory of a remarkable duel $ but in reguard his relation is fomething fliort and - 
 confufed, we (hall enlarge thereupon, becaufe I knew one of the Duellifts at Ma- 
 drid, in the year 15^3. by a good token of thofe Marks and Scans which he 
 
 brought 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 889 
 
 brought from that Combat, for he was fo difabled in both his Arms , that he 
 could fcarce make ufe of his hands to feed himfelf. This duel was between two 
 famous Souldiers, one was called Pero Nunnez, who was the perfon with whom I 
 
 was acquainted, Called by Pa/entino, Diego Nunnez -, and the Other was Baltafur Pe- 
 rez, both of them Gentlemen of good extraction , and of equal bravery and aflii- 
 rance. Their difpute arofe upon fome points of honourable fatisfa&ion given 
 and received between two Duellifts who had fought fome few days before , to 
 whom they had been Seconds. Baltafar Perez made choice of a certain Gentle- 
 man for his Second, called Egas de Guzman, a Native of Seville, who was one of the 
 greateft Bullies and He&ors of that time ; the other Second was Heman Mexia, 
 born alfo at Seville , who hearing of the duel which was to fucceed between the 
 aforefaid Principals , prevailed with Pero Nmnez with much importunity to take 
 him for his Second, that fo he might fight with Egos de Guzman; who presu- 
 ming on his own ftrength and skill at his weapon, had defamed and fpoken night- 
 ly of this Heman de Mexia. When Egas de Guzman underftood that Heman de 
 Mexia was the perfon with whom he was to engage , he fent a meflage to Pero 
 Nunnez, letting him know, that fince the Principals were Gentlemen of good Fa- 
 milies and Noble extraction , he fhould not debafe himfelf and them fo far as to 
 bring a man for his Second who was of a mean and poor birth, and the Son of a 
 Molata or Morifca woman , whofe Trade it was to fell broyled Pilchers in the 
 Market-place of St. Salvador in Seville ; and that he might chufe what other Se- 
 cond he pleafed , though not a Gentleman , provided he were not of that vile 
 and bafe extraction, as was this Heman. Pero Nunnez considering that Egas de 
 Guzman had reafon , endeavoured to acquit himfelf of the word and promife he 
 had given to Heman Mexia to make him his Second , but was not able to prevail 
 upon him, nor would he upon any terms releafe him, when amongft other things he 
 heard that Egas de Guzman fhould fay, that he knew himfelf to have that advantage 
 over him in the ufe of his Weapon, that it was a difparagement to him to con- 
 tend with fuch an Adverfary. When Egas de Guzman underftood that Mexia 
 would not releafe Pero Nunnez of his word , he fent to warn him to come well 
 provided into the field, for that he mould find him armed with a Coat of Male, 
 and a Head-piece , although the Principals were to fight naked from the wafte 
 upwards. 
 
 In this manner both Principals and Seconds went out to fight in a Field at a 
 good diftance from Potocfi .- and at the firft encounter Pero Nunnez , who was the 
 ftrongeft man known in thofe days, ftroak his Adverfary 's Sword afide, and pre- 
 fently clofing with him , threw him on the ground , and being upon him , caft 
 handfuls of duft into his eyes , cuffed him with his fift on the face ; but did not 
 ufe his dagger to ftabb him therewith. In another part of the field, at fome di- 
 ftance from the Principals, the Seconds were engaged •, Heman Mexia was afraid 
 to clofe with Egas de Guzman, becaufe he knew him to be of greater ftrength of 
 body , and more corpulent than he , but entertained him with the nimblenefs and 
 agility of his Sword , in which he had the advantage, leaping and skipping from 
 one fide to the other , without coming fo near as to wound him. Egas de Guzman 
 obfervingthe ill condition his Principal was in, and that he could not catch hold of 
 his Enemy, he took his own Sword by the hilt, and darted it with the point for- 
 wards at the face of Mexia -, who looking on the Sword to avoid it, Guzman in that 
 moment leaped in, and clofed with him, and with the dagger in his hand, wounded 
 him in the fore-head two fingers deep , and there it broke in his skull. Mexia 
 frantick with his wound , ran about the field like a Mad-man , and came to the 
 place where the two Principals were ftruggling 5 and not minding where he ftruck 
 or dealt his blows , he gave his own Principal a flafh with his Sword , and ran 
 wildly away, not knowing whither. Egasde Guzman going haftily to the relief of 
 his Companion , heard Pero Nunnez fay , that the wound he had received was 
 from his own Second , and therewith he redoubled his blows on the face of his 
 Adverfary , and caft more duft into his eyes. Then Guzman , coming to them 
 faid , A curfe be upon fuch a Gentleman as Pero Nmnez: Did not I defire you • 
 and warn you , not to bring fuch a Rafcal into the field, for your Second, as this ; 
 and therewith lent him a cut with his Sword, which he fended off with his Arm' 
 as he did feveral others , till he was fo hacked and hewed , that he lay all raw ', 
 and full of wounds in the field : but Egas de Guzman helped up his Companion 
 from the ground, and having gathered up all the four Swords, he clapt them under 
 
 X x x x x hk 
 
Soo Royal Commentaries. Book VL 
 
 his left arm, and took his Companion on his back, for he was not able to (land 
 upon his leggs, and fo he carried him to an Hofpital, where they received fickand 
 wounded people* where he left him, and told them that there was a man killed 
 in a field hard by , whom they would do well to bury, and in the mean time 
 Guzman fled to the Church. Pero Nunnez. was carried alfo to the Hofpital, where 
 he was cured , though mortified , as before defcribed : but Hernm de Mexia dyed 
 of the wound he had received in his forehead , for the piece of the dagger could 
 not be drawn out of his fcull. Many other Challenges and Duels happened at thac 
 time in that Countrey , not onely between the Inhabitants , but alfo between Tra- 
 vellers , as they encountred on the High-way : I knew fome of them , and could 
 relate the Particulars thereof , but what we have faid already (hall ferve for all 
 others of this nature. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 A Challenge which pafed between Martin de Robles and 
 Paulo de Menefes 5 how that quarrel was taken up. Pe- 
 dro de Hinojofa goes to the Charcas, where he finds ma- 
 ny Souldiers ready to rife up in Arms. Informations were 
 given to the Governour Hinojofa concerning this Mutiny : 
 with what vain hopes he entertained the Souldiery. 
 
 SEveral other private quarrels and challenges paffed at that time , which are re- 
 lated by Palentino, and particularly between Martin de Robles and Paulo de Mene- 
 fes, and many other fober and grave perfons , of whom I could tell many Stories, 
 which I heard in thofe times , but that they feemed rather ridiculous , and to 
 makefport, than any thing of moment. The Souldiers, to caufe quarrels and 
 difturbances to compafs their own ends, raifed falfe reports and lyes upon feveral 
 rich and honourable Perfons , by which the fpirits of men being inflamed , fome 
 ufe might be made of their afiiftence : And to they raifed a report , that Paulo de 
 Menefes , who was then Governour of the Charcas , had been dilhoneft with the 
 Wife of Martin de Robles : Of which Palentino writes a long Chapter , which be- 
 ing too tedious to infert here , we (hall onely repeat the fubftance of it. 
 
 This Difgrace being publifhed , and the Fault aggravated by the Souldiers who 
 came to take part with one fide and the other * and that things were proceeded 
 fo far that both Parties were ready to engage , an expedient was found to recon- 
 cile all : which was , that Paulo de Menefes (hould abfolutely deny the fa& 5 and 
 to convince the World that the teftimony was a falfe and a notorious Lye, he was 
 to marry the Daughter of Martin de Robles, a Child of feven years of age, and he 
 himferf of above feventy : by which means both Parties were reconciled, and the 
 Souldiers on both fides difappointed and jeared by Martin de Robles , who was a 
 witty, pleafant man, and would neither fpare his friend nor his foe, to lofe his jeftj 
 and would laugh to think what fools he had made of his friends, and foes the 
 Souldiers, who were gaping to be employed in thefe quarrels. Palentino, fpeaking 
 of this reconciliation , in the Second Part of his Second Book, hath thefe words $ 
 In fine, faith he, after many Allegations, and Replies, and Anfwers made there- 
 unto -, it was concluded as an expedient for all, that Paulo de Menefes (hould marry 
 with Donna Maria, the Daughter of Martin de Robles, though at that time of feven 
 years of age onely •-, and that her Father (hould oblige him, that when (he came 
 to accomplifh the years of twelve, that then he (hould give to Paulo de Menefes 
 thirty four thou (and pieces of Eight for her Portion. And with this Agreement 
 Paulo de Menefes and Martin de Robles u^ere reconciled and made perfect good 
 friends , which much troubled and difappointed the Souldiers , who defired to 
 filh in thefe muddy waters , and to convert thefe private difcords into publick 
 Rebellion •, whereby every one figured to himfelf fome great advantage , and to 
 
 be made 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 891 
 
 be made fome great Lord or Prince, and to enjoy the fweetnefs of other mens 
 Eftates : with the fubftance of what we have (aid this Authour fills five Chapters ; 
 wherein is nothing but quarrel and difpute. But this marriage lafted not long by 
 reafon of the inequality of age, for Paulo de Menefes died fome few years afterwards, 
 before he had confummated the marriage 5 but the young Lady, though not as yet 
 twelve years old, inherited the Eftate and Indians of her Husband 5 and (as the 
 Ladies of Don Pedro de Afaarado did ufe to fay) (he changed her old Kettle for a 
 new one-, for (lie married with a young Gentleman of about twenty years of age, 
 who was a Kinfman of the fame Paulo de Menefes, and thereby a kind of reftaura- 
 rion or compofition was made for that Eftate. This pafiage we have inferted a 
 little out of its due place, in regard it fell in with other ftories of the fame nature. 
 For not long before this agreement was made, the General Pedro de Hinojofa arrived 
 in the Charcot with the Office and charge of Governour, and chief Juftice of the 
 City of Plate , and the Provinces thereunto belonging, where he found many of 
 thofe Souldiers which he expe&ed there •-, who from the hopes they had received 
 from the Promifes he had made them in confufed and general terms, had made . 
 their rendezvous there, and invited others to the fame place, and proved very 
 troublefome to him, becaufe the Countrey afforded neither convenient quarters, 
 nor provifions neceflary for them : for which reafon Hinojofa took occalion to re- 
 flect upon Martin de Robles and Paulo de Menefes, as if their quarrels had drawn 
 thofe numbers of Souldiers thither. ^ and fo told them plainly, that fince their pri- 
 vate difputes had invited fuch Guefts they ought to provide neceflaries for them, 
 and not fufFer them to die with famine : to which Martin de Robles made anfwer, 
 that many others were concerned in the encouragement which was given them to 
 come thither, and therefore that a general fault ought not to be attributed to them 
 in particular , meaning by General, himfelf, and that he was the caufe of their 
 coming : for Martin de Robles was ufed to fpeak fmartly, and often with reflexion, 
 as we (hall fee hereafter. 
 
 Thus did every man make it his bufinefs to complain of others, and to lay the 
 mifcarriages of Government to other mens charge, nothing was quiet in the City 
 of Plate, or free from malevolent Tongues, fo that the mod fober Inhabitants re- 
 tired from the precin&s of the City, and betook themfelves to the Countrey, or 
 to parts where their Eftates lay, to free themfelves from the infolence and bold 
 practices of the Souldiery --, who were come at length to that pafs, as to hold pu- 
 blick Meetings, and to own their Cabals, and to challenge the General with the 
 word and promife he had given them to bt- their chief Leader and Commander, 
 fo foon as he was come to the Charcot, and that now they offered themfelves be- 
 ing in a readinefs to make an Infurre&ion, and would no longer be delayed. The 
 General, to entertain them with new hopes, told them, that he (hortly expected 
 a Commiflion from the High Court of Juftice to enlarge their Conquefts by a 
 War, which would afford them a good occafion to rife in Arms under colour of 
 Authority. 
 
 With thefe and the like vain excufes and pretences he entertained the Souldiery, 
 being far from any refolution of compliance with them. And though 'tis true 
 that, being at Los Reyes, he fometimes let fall fome dubious expreflions in general 
 terms, which the Souldiers interpreted for promifes •, yet being now come into 
 his Government, and become Mafter of two hundred thoufand pieces of Eight a 
 year, he was willing to fit quiet in the enjoyment of that fortune which he had 
 already acquired, and not to adventure again by a fecortd Rebellion the lofs 
 of thofe riches, which, at the coft and ruine of another, he had gained by the 
 firft. 
 
 The Souldiers obferving this indifferency and coldnefs of the General, confu- 
 ted in what manner to carry on their Rebellion by another hand ■, and according- 
 ly it was agreed to kill Hinojofa, and to fet up Don Sebaflian de Caftilla for their 
 Commander in Chief, being at that time the mod popular man of any : the 
 which defign was treated fo publickly that it was the common difcourfe of the 
 whole Town, and every one talked of it as a Plot ready to be put in execution : 
 wherefore feveral men of Eftates, and perfons who were concerned for the peace 
 and quietnefs of the Countrey, informed the Governour Pedro de Hinojofa thereof, 
 and advifed him to fecure his own perfon, and to drive thefe people out of the 
 limits of his Jurifdiction before they took away his life and defiroyed the King- 
 dom : and particularly one Polo Ondegardo a Lawyer was very urgent with him 
 
 Xxxxx z upon 
 
^ I II 
 
 gn 2 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 upon this point, and amongft other things told him, that in cafe he would make 
 him his Deputy but for one month, he would fecure his life to him, which was 
 in great danger, and free the City from the fears of an Infurre&ion, which thefe 
 Gentlemen Souldiers were contriving to raife : but the Governour repofed that 
 confidence in his Wealth and in the power of his Office, and in the Reputation 
 which he had formerly gained, that he made no account of what they faid, nor of 
 what he faw with his own eyes. 
 
 C H A P. XXII. 
 
 The General receives informations of the Plot by divers other 
 ways and means.- His bravery and courage, and neglecl 
 to prevent it. The Souldiers confpire to k}U him. 
 
 THE Souldiers, proceeding in their rebellious defigns, difperfed many Libels 
 abroad ■-, fome whereof were intimations to Don Sebaftian de Cafti/la, and 
 other Souldiers of note, to be carefull of their own perfons, and to be wary of 
 the Governour, who defigned to kill them : other Libels on the other fide were 
 caft out againft the Governour himfelf threatning his life : all which were fpread 
 abroad by the arts of malitious men, whofe bufinefs it was to raife jealoufies, and 
 inflame the minds of men with, anger againft each other ; as Pakntino frequently 
 exprefles upon this occafion, in divers places of his Hiftory, Chapter eleven, Book 
 the fecond, as followeth. 
 
 At this time Polo the Lawyer did often acquaint Pedro de Hinojofa with thefe mat- 
 ters, perfuading him very much to take the examinations and punifh the Offen- 
 ders : but all he could fay availing little, one Saturday after Mafs, being the fourth 
 of March, he took occafion to declare his mind to the Guardian of the Convent 
 of St. Fr.ixris, perfuading him to fignifie the matter to the Governour, and to tell 
 him, that it was intimated to him in Confeffion : which the Guardian according- 
 ly did, though it made little impreffion on Pedro de Hinojofa. In like manner on 
 the fame day after dinner Martin de Robks fpoke it publickly before much compa- 
 ny, and told him plainly that the Souldiers defigned to kill him : but Pedro de Hi- 
 Hojofa, who had reje&ed the reafons which were formerly given him for driving 
 out the Souldiers from within the limits of his Jurifdi&ion, did not well reliih 
 this difcourfe, and therefore told de Robks, that he fpake thefe words defignedly to 
 have witnefs of what he had alledged before him •, to which Polo the Lawyer, 
 who was there prefent, made anfwer with' fome heat and anger, that he fhould 
 look well to himfelf, and that in cafe Martin de Robks did offer to give his Infor- 
 mation he could not refine to take it ; and if he made not good his Teftimony, 
 and proved what he alledged, he was liable to puniihment and forfeitures for de- 
 fault thereof; but the Information is fo plain, faid he, that it needs no other evi- 
 dence, being not carried on in the dark, but fo openly in the ftreets that the very 
 ftones were ready to cry out and bear teftimony thereof; and therefore it is your 
 duty immediately to take the Examinations, and ufe the diligence required in a 
 cafe Co important and difficult as this ■-, and that he would be contented to lofe his 
 life if he made not good every iyllable of the allegations. In ihort, Pedro de Hi- 
 Kojoft, who was of an humour never to recede from his own fancy, replied, in a 
 haughty, proud manner, that the Souldiers dead in fuch awe of him, that if once 
 he but lifted up his hand they would alj tremble, and have no power to hurt or 
 offend him ; and with that he broke off the difcourfe, charging every one not to 
 urge it farther. The next day, being Sunday, after Dinner, Pedro de Hinojofa, being 
 
 in company with Adartin de Robks, and Pedro Hernandez., de Paniagua, and Other per- 
 
 fons, difcourfing pleafantly of indifferent matters, John de Huarte and other Soul- 
 diers came towards the Evening to make him a Vilit, fuppofing that by his coun- 
 tenance and manner of receiving them they might make a judgment of whac 
 thoughts he conceived in his mind ; for he had the 'character of a plain man, and 
 
 without 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentates. $03 
 
 without diffimulation : thefe Vifitants obferved every word he faid, and all hi: 
 motions and behaviour, which were courteous and obliging towards them, with- 
 out the leaft fymptome of jealoufie or fufpicion of evi! prafticei; and coming to 
 fpeak of the Souldiers, he told them, that he was glad to fee fuch brave fellows 
 in the Town, arid that he efleemed them to be the flower of Peru .- with which 
 faying they parted with great latisfattion from him, and carried the news to Don ■ 
 Seba a i,vi and the r.uerConfpiratours, who thereupon gave immediate order to 
 put off the Sports \ hich were appointed , and that they Ihould afTemble together 
 that night, and in Ehe morning begm the Rebellion, that the Plot which had been 
 fo long concei' ed, and of which they had been long in labour, might not prove 
 abortive ar the laft. And here falenttno ends this Chapter. 
 
 The Souldiers, not being able to faffer any longer delay of a matter which they 
 (b earneftly defired, agreed by common content to kill the General and make an 
 Infuireclior, through the is(hole Cour.trey. The principal perlbns in this Confpi- 
 racy were Von Sebaftiatt de Caftitia, Ego* de Gttfman, Bafio Godincs , Baltafarpelaz- 
 quez, Gomez, Hernandez the Lawyer, he/fides feveral other Souldiers of note, mod 
 of which were then prefentth the City of PLite ; for, as hath been faid, they in- 
 viced and :n : u ageti one the other. Eg.u Guz.rn.vn came thither purpofely to en- 
 ter into " Confult, though he pretended to the General that his defign was to 
 obtain his pardon from the- Crown for having killed Hcm.m de Mexla, which the 
 good General believed to be true •-, and, fufpeding no defign in him againfl: his 
 own life and fatery, he readily gave Letters in his favour both to the Secular and 
 Ecclefiaftic.-' Fudges of Potocfi in both which Courts, as he faid, he was to be ac- 
 quitted. Tl ele Letters of recommendation were fent by the Souldiers (now re- 
 folved to rebel.') to Eg.u At Guzman then at his Lodging in Potocfi, with orders, 
 that fo foon as he ihould heir that the General was killed, that then he and his 
 companions ihould prefently be in Arms. And now every thing being prepared, 
 the Afialfmat^s me: in the Chamber of one Hernando Gtdlkdo, where they refol- 
 ved to act their bloudy intent the next morning by break of day : for execution 
 of which Dei Sebaftian appointed feven perfons onely together with himfelf to 
 kill the General ; for if many were employed, it would give a jealoufie, and oc- 
 cafion the Gates to be (hut, and caufe an alarm over the whole City. Garci Teflo 
 de Guzman had g^t with him into his Chamber about fourteen or fifteen other 
 (tout Companions, who were to divide themfelves in feveral parties about the 
 Streets near the General's Houfe to affift and relieve Don Sebaftian, if occafion 
 ihould be. Another party of about nine or ten perfons, having one Gomez, Mo- 
 golhn for their Chief, were placed in an empty Houfe where none inhabited, be- 
 longing to Hernando Picarro, and there attended for the fame defign. In this po- 
 fture they continued all night, and next morning by break of day they fent Spies 
 to the corner of every Street, to hearken if any noife were in the City, or the 
 Houfe of the General 5 and finding the Gate open, they prefently gave notice 
 thereof to the Confpiratours, -who refolved to kill the General in his Bed. 
 
 CHAR 
 
8oj, Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Don Sebaftian de Caftilla and his Afociates kill the G over- 
 flow Pedro de Hinojofa, and his Lieutenant Alonfo de 
 Caftro. Some of the Inhabitants efcape out of the City, 
 and' others of them are imprifoned. What courje the Re- 
 bels take in their affairs after this. 
 
 SO foon as the Spies brought word that the General's Gate was opened, Don Seba- 
 ftian and his Aflbciates (allied out from their Chamber where they had lodged 
 that night : and though they were all leleft and choice men, yet they were fo af- 
 frighted and (Uftra&ed with the Villany they were going to ad, as if they had 
 been to charge a formidable enemy, whereas indeed they were going to. kill a 
 Gentleman, who fearing and apprehending no evil, gave eafie accefs to all people. 
 In fhort, they entring the Houfe, the firit perfon they met was Alonfo de Caftro, 
 who was Deputy-Governour, who, feeing men come up in that tumultuous man- 
 ner, thought to qualifie them with good words, and faid, Gentlemen, what is 
 the occafion of this commotion ? God fave the King. Prefently Bon Sebaftian y 
 drawing his Sword, 'tis not now feafonable, faid he, for fuch treaties. The De- 
 puty feeing his Sword drawn, turned his back and fled, but a certain Souldier, 
 called Anfelmo efErvias, purfued him, and ran him through with his Rapier, and 
 tucked him to the Wall, with which the point of his Sword being bent, when he 
 would have given him a thruft or two more, the Rapier would not enter, which 
 made the Souldier fay, what a tough hide this Dog Traitour hath, buc others co- 
 ming in to his aid they foon difpatcned him. Then rufhing into the Chamber of 
 PeaVo de Hinojofa, they found him not there, nor in any of the other Rooms of the 
 Houfe, at which they were much troubled, fearing left he had made his efcape : 
 whereupon two of them putting out their heads at the Window of the Street, 
 cried out, the Tyrant is dead, the Tyrant is dead ; which they faid, intending to 
 call their own complotters to their afliftence, before the people of the City could 
 come to the refcue of the General : thofe who remained below in the yard fear- 
 ched for him in all private paflages and entries of the Houfe 3 and at length a 
 Souldier chanced to find him in a fecret corner, near the neceflary Office, and 
 faid, in a jeering manner, Sir, I befeech your Worfhip to come forth, for here is 
 Bon John de Caftilla and other Cavaliers come to fpeak with you and kifs your 
 hands. The General hereupon coming forth in his morning Gown, a Souldier 
 called Gon^ak de Mata went boldly up to him, and faid, Sir, thefe Gentlemen are 
 defirous to have you for their Lord, their General, and their Father, as Pakntim 
 reports Chapter the twelfth, in thefe words. The General fmiling as it were, 
 fpake out aloud, What me ! alas, Gentlemen, command me as you pleafe : to 
 which Garci Telh de Vega made anfwer, A curfe light on you, 'tis now too late, 
 we have a good General already of Don Sebaftian, and with that run him thorough 
 the Body to the very Hilt of his Sword, with which he immediately fell to the 
 
 ground 5 and endeavouring to arife, Antonio de Sepulveda and Anfelmo de Henna*, 
 
 came in upon him, and gave him two wounds more, with which he cried out for 
 a Confeflour, but he fpeedily expired : by this time Don Garci Telh was come 
 down, and being told that the General was dead, he bid them make fure work, for 
 the whole affair depended thereupon : fo Anfelmo de Herviat returned to him, who 
 lay extended on the ground, and gave him a good flafh over the kce, with which 
 he yielded up his laft breath. Then all trie Aflaflinates gathering in a body came 
 to the Market-place, and cried out, God fave the King, the Tyrant is dead, which 
 is the common language of Rebels in Peru ; and then they plundred the Houfe, 
 and in a moment all was carried away, &c Thus far Diego Hernandez. But as to 
 that great cut which they fay Harm* gave him over the face, it was not with a 
 Sword, but a dalh with a flab of Silver which they had taken out of his Clolet, 
 where he had heaped up fo many as if they had been Tiles to cover a Houfe ; 
 
 with 
 
-' ■■ - -■■ ■ ■■-■ ■ ■■—■ - T ' ■ ■ ■ Li a iTO i mn ■._.—... i .. i i ii — 
 
 Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 895 
 
 with which giving him a blow, here, faid he, take thy fill of Riches, for the 
 fake of which thou didft break thy word and faith to us, and wouldft not be our 
 Commander according to thy promife. 
 
 The General being (lain, the Confpiratours ran out crying aloud, Long live the 
 King, long live the King, the covetous Tyrant is dead, the breaker of his Faith. 
 At the fame inftant Garci Tcllo de Guzman appeared with his fifteen Aflociates, 
 who, dividing themfelves into two parties, ran to kill Paulo de Menefes and Martin 
 de Robles with whom the Souldiery was highly difpleafed, becaufe, having called 
 them to their refpedtive aids to joyn with them in their private quarrels one 
 againft the other , as is before related , was afterwards contented to make peace, 
 and be reconciled to the difappointment of the Souldiery, who called it an Affront 
 and a contrivance to fool them. 
 
 But Martin de Robks , having timely notice brought him by an Indian Servant 
 of all that had palled , leaped out of his Bed in his Shirt, and efcaped. Pattlo de 
 Menefes, confidering the infolency of the Souldiers, and that it could not be long 
 before it broke forth into open Outrages, departed from the City that very night, 
 and went to a Countrey Seat not far from thence - 7 where having received in- 
 formation of all that had pafled , he immediately fled to more remote parts be- 
 yond the reach of their power. 
 
 The Souldiers, not finding them, plundered and robbed their houfes of every 
 thing that was in them, and then went to the Market-place, to join with Don Se- 
 baftian ; and becaufe they had a quarrel with every man that had anyEftate, they 
 feifed upon Pedro Hernandez, de Paniagua , who was the perfon employed by the 
 Prefident Gafca to carry the Letters to Gongak Pigarro, and for that Service had an 
 Eftate given him in the City of Plate: they alfo apprehended John Ortez, de Carate 
 and Antonio Alvarez , and all the Citizens that they could catch * for fo fenfelefs 
 were they and inapprehenfive of the licencious Souldiers, that they fufpe&ed no- 
 thing untill they were feifed by them. 
 
 Polo the Lawyer, having timely notice by an Indian Servant called Tacuna, track 
 his efcape on horfe-back. The other Souldiers who were difperfed over the City 
 flocked to the Market-place in a Body. Then Tello de Vega, furnamed the Block- 
 head, took an Enfign or Colours from the Indians, and fct it up in the Market- 
 place, as Palentino faith '-, and iflued out Orders by beat of Drum , that all Inhabi- 
 tants and others, upon pain of death, fhould immediately repair thither, and lift 
 themfelves under that Standard : and hereupon Rodrigo de Orellana, leaving the 
 Staff of his Authority at home, though then Sheriff, came and furrendred himfelf: 
 in like manner John Ramon, and Gomez Hernandez, the Lawyer, did the fame ; and 
 as every one was lifted they came in at one door of the Church , and went out an 
 the other $ fo that the number taken amounted to a hundred and fifty two per- 
 fons. Then was Don Sebaflian nominated for Captain General and Chief Juftice 
 and two days afterwards he caufed the Citizens then in his cuftody to chufe him 
 for their Mayor, and Gomez, Hernandez, the Lawyer, to be Recorder, and John de 
 Huarte was made Serjeant Major ; Hernando de Guillado and Garci Tello de Vega were 
 made Captains , and Pedro de Caftillo, Captain of the Artilery •■, and Alvar Perez. 
 
 Payan, Proveditor General •■, Diego Perez was made High Sheriff, and Bartholomew de 
 Santa Ana his under Sheriff. Thus far Palentino. 
 
 Rodrigo de Orellana took part with the Rebels rather out of fear than love, the 
 like did other Citizens and Souldiers of good reputation , who were truly Loyal 
 to his Majefty* being forced thereunto by the greater power of the Rebels, who 
 had the Arms in their hands, and refolved to kill all thofe who complied not with 
 them. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Sg6 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 The Orders and Methods which Don Sebaftian took in his 
 Affairs. Egas de Guzman is direcled to make an In- 
 furreclion in Potocfi j the feueral jirange Revolutions 
 which happened in that Town. 
 
 DO N Sebaftian himfelf made choice of one of his Souldiers, in whom he had 
 the greateft confidence, called Diego Mendez., to be Captain of his Guard 5 and 
 for better fecurity of his perfon, thirteen Souldiers were chofen to be lifted therein , 
 being all efteemed ftout Men, and true and faithfull to him 5 and yet when this 
 poor Gentleman had occafion for them, not one man would appear in his defence. 
 
 Another Souldier, called Gar pa de Ba$an, was fent with a fmall party to the Eftate 
 and Lands of Pedro de Hinojofa, to feife his Slaves, Horfes and all other his Goods 
 and Faculties ; with Orders to bring back with him thofe Souldiers who were dif- 
 perfed abroad and lived amongft the Indians, for want of clothing , after the Spa- 
 nijh Fafhion, which was very dear •-, for with the Indians, any thing ferved : and 
 alfo Orders were given by Don Sebaftian , to bring Diego de Almendras a prifoner. 
 Other Souldiers were difpeeded away in purfuit of Polo the Lawyer , but neither 
 party had fuccefs-, for Polo parting by the place where Diego de Aimendnu lived, gave 
 him advice of the death of General Hinojofa •, whereupon Almendras getting as 
 many of the Slaves belonging to Hinojofa together as he was able , with feven of 
 his Horfes, he fled away in company with Polo, which foon carried him far enough 
 away out of the reach of the rebellious Souldiers, likewife Don Sebaftian difpeeded 
 away two Souldiers to the quarters of Potocfi, to inform Egas de Guzman of all 
 that had pafled, that he alfo might take up Arms, as others nad done. 
 
 Thefe and all the Actions mentioned in the preceding Chapter, with whatelfe 
 we (hall touch upon hereafter were performed the very day that Pedro de Hinojofa 
 was killed ; of which he endeavoured to fend the firft intelligence to all parts : the 
 Meflengers whereof carried it with fuch fpeed to Potocfi , that though it was fe- 
 venteen leagues thither, and a bad rocky way, and a River to pais, yet they 
 arrived there the next morning by break of day : fo foon as Egas de Guzman re- 
 ceived this news heaflembled his Souldiers, which he had formerly lifted upon this 
 occafion, and with them and the two meflengers which brought the news, and with- 
 out other Arms or Provisions than their Swords and Daggers and Cloaks to co- 
 ver them, they went immediately to the Houfes of Gomez de Soli* and Martin de 
 Almendr as, Brother ofDiegt de Almendras, and took them with great eafe, and car- 
 ried them Prifoners to the Town-houfe , where they laid them in Chains, and 
 lodged them in a Chamber, with a fecure Guard upon them. Upon the report 
 of this pleafing Action, many Souldiers came in and joined with Egas de Guzman, 
 and prefently went to the King s houfe, where they feifed his Treafurer Erancifie 
 de Tfafiga , with his Accomptant Hernando de Aharado, and broke open the Royal 
 Treafury, from whence they robbed above a Million and a half of Silver 5 and 
 made immediate Proclamation, that every man, upon pain of Death fhould repair 
 to the Marketplace to join with the Squadron : Then did Guzman make choice of 
 a Souldier called Antonio de Luxan to be Chief Juftice or Recorder of the Town, 
 who , fo foon as he was in Office , put the Accomptant Hernando de Aharado to 
 death upon an Accufation, as Pa/entino faith, that he had been in the Confpiracy 
 with the General Pedro de Hinojofa , to make a Rebellion in the Countrey. Like- 
 wife Egas de Guzman difpatched away fix or feven Souldiers to a Village called 
 Porcu, to get what Men, Arms and Horfes they could find in thofe parrs. At this 
 time a certain Knight of the Order of St. fob* , being amongft his Indian Vaflals , 
 where he had a good Eftate afligned him, and hearing of the Murther of Pedro de 
 Hinojofa , wrote a congratulatory Letter to Don Sebaftian upon that fubject , wifli- 
 ing him much joy of his high promotion •, and defired him prefently to fend him 
 twenty Mufquetiers, that he might go and take Gomez, de Aharado and Lorenzo 
 de Aidana , who were his neighbours 3 and to take away all jealoufie and fufpici- 
 
 onof 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 897 
 
 on of the defign % he advifed that the Souldiers (hould not be fent by the ordina- 
 ry road, but by private ways and untrodden paths, for which good contrivance, 
 this good Gentleman paid afterwards to his coft. 
 
 The day following after the death of Hinojofi, Bakafar de Velazquez and Bafco 
 Godinez came to the City, who had been chief Instruments in that Mutiny , and 
 fuch as had contrived and fomented the Plot, as will appear hereafter; and which 
 is confirmed by Valentino in thefe words. Whilft Bon Sebaftian was preparing to 
 receive them , they both entred the Town 5 Sebaftian was over- joyed to fee them, 
 and alighting from his Horfe , he met Godinez a-foot , and they both embraced 
 with all the Ceremony of good correfpondence. Then faid Bafco Godinez, to Se- 
 baftian, Sir, about five leagues from hence, I firft received the joy full news of this 
 glorious A&ion fo much defired by me. To which Bon Sebaftian raking off his 
 hat, made anfwer ; Thefe Gentlemen here were pleafed to make choice of me 
 for their General , which Charge I accepted untill fuch time as you arrived here 
 toeafeme thereof ^ which therefore now I renounce, and willingly refign it into 
 your hands. But Bafco Godinez, refufed to accept it ; faying, that that Office could 
 not be better fupplied by any, than by himfelf •, and that his endeavours tended 
 wholly to fee him advanced to that Dignity and Charge. After which Comple- 
 ments they retired from the Company, and difcourfed together privately and 
 apart. After which Bon Sebaftian made Proclamation, whereby Bafco Godinez, was 
 declared Lieutenant General, and that he mould be obeyed accordingly by the 
 Souldiery upon pein of death 5 and Bakafar de Velazquez was made Captain of 
 Horfe. Moreover , Sebaftian faid to Godinez 5 Sir , it was impoflible to have de- 
 ferred this acYion untill your coming , for if we had , we had loft our opportunity, 
 but for the future we ihall regulate our felves by your direction. To which Godi- 
 »« replied, that neither then, nor at any other time could he erre in fuch wife 
 proceedings, and that he hoped in God, that thofe fteps he had made with fo 
 much difficulty and hazard, would tend to the happinefsand fettlementof all 
 things. And fo turning to the Company then prefent, he faid, that fince they had 
 not killed the Marefchal Alonfo de Alvarado , 'twas well he was not prefent at the 
 Jate aftion; and that if he had been acquainted therewith before he had been fo 
 far advanced on his way, he would have returned and have killed the faid Alonfo 
 de Alvarado. And that a matter of this importance might not be omitted, Bon Se- 
 baftian called a Council : at which were prefent Bafco Godinez, , Bakafar Velazquez , 
 Hernando Guillad.i, John Ramon, Gomez Hernandez-, the Lawyer, Biego de Avalos, Pedro 
 del Caftilh, and Bon Gani Tello, befides divers others. Bafco Godinez undertook the 
 defign, and to command the party employed thereupon: but BonStbaftian faid, 
 that he had promifed it already to John Ramon. And it was agreed , that twenty 
 five Souldiers be drawn out for that exploit , and that they mould be commanded 
 by John Ramon, and Bon Garcia, with Orders to take and poflefs themfelves of the 
 City of la Paz, •, Bafco Godinez, faid , that the enrerprife would be eafie , and that 
 he would write to John de Vargas and Martin de olmos to be affiftent therein. Thus 
 
 far Biego Hernandez,. 
 
 yyyy GHAP. 
 
8o8 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 Don Sebaftian and Ins Officers fend Captains and Souldi- 
 ers to {ill the Marefchal ; John Ramon commands the 
 Party , and disarms Don Garcia and thofe who fided with 
 him: ifpon which News t/ye very Sou/diers who had ad- 
 vanced Don Sebaftian , did then murther him. 
 
 TH E fame Authour Hernandez, proceeding in the Hiftory, Chapter the fit 
 teenth, faith as follows. They then took the Names, and made a lift of 
 all thofe who were to goe , and fitted and prepared them againft the next day , 
 being Wednefday , furnifhing them with Arms and mounting them on Beads to 
 carry them. On Wednefday before noon , they accordingly began their march , 
 namely , John Ramon , Don Garci Tello, Gomez Mogollon, Gonfalo de Mata, Francifco 
 de Annanafco , Almanfa ( Hernando de Soria ) Pedro de Cafiro , Mateo de Caflannedd , 
 Campo Frio de Carvajal, John Nieto, Pedro Francifco de Soils, Bait afar de Efcobedo, Di- 
 ego Maldonado, Pedro de Marguia, Rodrigo de Arevalo, Antonio ALtamirano, Lucena and 
 
 Hermofilla 5 who were no fooner out of Town, but Bafco Godinez gave immediate 
 advice to Egas de Guzman of their departure , defiring him to lend fome recruits 
 from the place of his aboad to John Ramon and Don Garcia. The Letter which he 
 wrote was to this effec-t 
 
 Brother of mine, and of my heart ; Our General hath difpeeded our Brother Don Garcia 
 and John Ramon to the new Colony or Plantation, to feife on the perfon of the good Ma- 
 refchal ; mho being taken or killed , there will be an end of our Troubles , for we Jhail the* 
 neither meet with Enemies nor Opfofition •■, but the wey will be of en and eafie to our Vitlories. 
 On this defign twenty five brave Cavaliers are employed of fuch Valour, that I durfi engage 
 them againft all mankind i Wherefore, Brother of mine, fit and prepare your felf with fuch 
 Arms as you can get, and fend fame Forces from your quarters to join with thofe which are 
 fent from our General , who told me , andfo tu my Opinion , that it will he a very accepta- 
 ble fervice. It is the general fenfe of all men here , that you demonflrated great tender nefs 
 of fpirit when you fpared the life of Gomez de Solis: the Clemency you fhewed was 
 fomething extraordinary , but not fo great as common fame would make it to be. 
 
 So foon as Egas de Guzman had received this Letter , Orders were taken to dif- 
 patch away fifty five men for the affiftence of Ramon ; of which Gabriel de Perni* 
 was Captain , and Alonfo de Aria$a was Enfign , their Inftrudtions were to march 
 as far as the new Plantation , there to join with John Ramon .• accordingly thefe 
 Men were put into a readinefs , and marched away with flying Colours : in the 
 
 number of thefe were Ordonno de Valencia , Diego de Tapia the Squint-eyed , Fran- 
 cifco de Chaves the Moor , John de Cepeda , Francifco Pacheco , Pero Hernandez, , one 
 of the CoilfpiratOrS , Alonfo Aiarquina , Pedro de Venavides , John Marquez, , Luys 
 de Eflrada, Melchor Pacho, Antonio de Avila, with Others who Completed the num- 
 ber of fifty five Souldiers. Thus far are the words of Diego Hernandez,. 
 
 The Rebellion being now made publick and openly declared, thofe very Soul- 
 diers who plotted the Defign , and had made Don Sebafiian de Cafiilla the Head 
 and General thereof, did now confpire againft him and caballed and contrived to- 
 gether how they might kill anddeftroy him whom but the other day they had en- 
 gaged in their TreaTon , and as it were compelled him to be their General and k 
 Commander in Chief: but fo the Fate was, and it was commonly pra&ifed by 
 the Souldiers in that Empire ever fince the Wars of Gonc-alo Picarro, to raife fome 
 Tyrant or other to be their Leader , and then prefently to renounce him and kill 
 him, and pretend all for his Majefty's fervice, and in recompence thereof to de- 
 mand fome great Eftate and Lands to be given and fettled upon them. John de Ra- 
 mon, who with Don Garcia was appointed chief Captain of the Forces which 
 were to march to the City of la Paz , there to kill ( as hath been faid ) the Ma- 
 refchal Alenfo de Alvarado 5 was no fooner departed from the City of Plate, than 
 
 he be- 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. goo 
 
 he began to enter into Treaty with fome Friends , that it \vou ; u ne ^cod uoifcy 
 to renounce the Caufe of Don Garcia and Don Sebaflian, and to declare themlelves 
 for his Majefty, againfl: all Rebels: And whereas the humour of the Souldiers- 
 was generally inclined hereunto , the Propofal took very well amongft chem fo 
 that, they marched away with this good intention. And as Don Garcia was upon 
 the way, he received intelligence of the Defign and Plot of Ramon , which was 
 not flrange , becaufe it was ufual for them to fell one the other 5 but he took lit- 
 tle care of his perfon , and flighted the information : for, being a young man, and 
 of little experience, and unskilfull in military affairs, he formed vain confiderati- 
 ons within himfelf , which failed him in the end : and , not fo much as acquain- 
 ting his Friends with the Advices he had received, he proceeded on his way, till 
 he fell into thofe Snares which with due circumfpe&ion might have been a- 
 voided. 
 
 fohn Ramon , in his fecond day's march , received intelligence , that Don Garcia, 
 was acquainted with his Defign ■-, for thofe People plaid a double Game, and car- 
 ried News and Informations to all Sides and Parties. Wherefore John Ramon , 
 thought it time to make fhort work , and fo prefently difarmed five of the 
 principal Souldiers which belonged to Don Garcia, and took away their Horfes 
 from them : and haftning with what fpeed they could after Don Garcia, who was 
 advanced before them, they foon overtook him and his Companions, who were 
 four perfons, and difarmed them of their Lances and Mufquets, and difmounted 
 them from their Horfes •, but not to put a farther affront on them, they devefted 
 them not of the privilege of Souldiers to wear their Swords girt about them. Don 
 Garcia,be'mg forry that he had not ferved Ramon the fame Trick that Ramon had plaid 
 upon him, offered to join with him, and declare for his Majefty ; but his propo- 
 fal was rejected, becaufe Ramon was refolved to appropriate all the merit to him- 
 felf. 
 
 Don Garcia and his Comrades , finding themfelves in this deftitute and forlorn 
 condition , refolved to return to Don Sebaflian de Caftilla : and on the road they 
 difpatched away a Souldier called Rodrigo de Arevalo with the News •, who made 
 fuch expedition , as Valentino faith , that he arrived in the City that night about 
 nine a clock, being the eleventh of March ^ which being the hour when the Soul- 
 diers were drawn up in the Market-place, and difcourfed and converted together, 
 they favv Arevalo coming a-foor, with a melancholy and deje&ed countenance, at 
 which fight they all flocked about him to hear the News ; as did alfo Don Seba- 
 flian, who was not the leaft concerned therein. 
 
 Don Sebaflian, having underftood the News, called a Council of thofe whom he 
 efteemed his moft affured and intimate Friends , namely , Vaflo Godinez, , Baltafar 
 Velasquez, and Tello de Vega , and demanded their advice and fenfe upon the pre- 
 fent Emergency •-, but they, being all divided in their opinions, Vafio Godinez,, who 
 had been the moft aclive Man in this Rebellion, ( as he himfelf had confeffed ) 
 took Don Sebaflian afide and apart from the reft , and told him plainly , that if he 
 would fecure his Party and make good his Caufe •, he muft immediately kill eigh- 
 teen or twenty Men who were then actually in the Market-place , being notori- 
 oufly known to be affected to the King's party ■-, who being taken off, there would 
 be none remaining befides Friends and fuch as he might confide and truft himfelf 
 with •, and that nothing then could ftand in his way to oppofe the attainment of 
 his ultimate defires. Don Sebaflian of whom we have formerly given the charac- 
 ter of a Noble and generous nature ■-, anfwered him, what have thefe Gentlemen 
 done to me, that I fhould kill them ? and commit an outrage fo bloudy and unpa- 
 ralleled as this? If it be neceffary for the fuccefs of my defigns, to kill thefe men, 
 I would rather be unfortunate , and fuffer them to kill me , than draw fuch guilt 
 upon my felf. No fooner had Godinez, heard this faying, and underftood the fenfe 
 of Don Sebaflian, than he refolved at the fame moment to kill him, fincehe would 
 not affent to the death of thofe whom he profcribed for enemies 5 and then he faid 
 to him, Sir, Pray expedt me awhile here, and I will return to you again prefently •-, 
 having faid this, he went into the Market-place , where the Souldiers wexe (till 
 remaining =, and feeking amongft the croud for thofe whom he had named, and 
 profcribed to be killed , he found them divided in feveral parties , and becaufe he 
 could not fpeak privately to them , by reafon of the company then prefent , he 
 took them one by one fingly by the hand, and fqueezed them hard three or four 
 times , which was the token given them to prepare , and affift him in the Trea- 
 
 Y y y y y 2 fon which 
 
ooo Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 (on which he was going to act. Having done this, he returned to the houfe, and 
 in his way thither he met with Gomez, Hernandez, , to whom in a few words he 
 communicated his Defign, which he faid, tended to the puhiick good, and which 
 would undoubtedly be well accepted by his Majefty as a piece of great and glori- 
 ous fervice •, and that therefore he iTiould call fuch to his affiftence as he knew 
 would favour this enterprile : Gomez, Hernandez, went accordingly into the Market- 
 place, and called fome of them by their names, but men were timorous and fear- 
 full to engage in the Defign. 
 
 Whereupon Gomez, Hernandez, returned alone and entered with Bafio Godinez, in- 
 to the room where Don Sebaftian remained, and both immediately clofed in with 
 him, and gave him many Stabbs with their Daggers 5 and though he wore a 
 Coat of Mail, yet they made a lhift to wound him through it. Bait afar Velasquez, 
 who was prefent at the beginning of the Scuffle, gave a Screek, and retired back 
 upon the hidden furprize ■■, but perceiving that their intent was to kill him , he 
 came alio to their affiftence , and gave him feveral Stabbs, that he might gain a 
 (hare with them in the merit of that action : another alfo moke him with a Hal- 
 bert , which he wielded about , without refped to any , by which fome of his 
 Friends (landing by were wounded •, as Pakntim affirms, Chap. 1 6. but notwithr 
 (landing all this , Bon Sebaftian got from amongft them with many Wounds , and 
 crept into a dark room , and endeavoured to efcape out at the back door into the 
 Market-place, which if he had done, it had caufed great daughter and effufion of 
 bloud. Baltafar Velazquez, and four or five others followed him into the dark 
 room, but durft not fearch after him with their Weapons, for fear of wounding 
 one another : and in the mean time Velazquez, adviled them to carry the News into 
 the Market-place , and to declare his Death , that fo his Friends might not at- 
 tempt to fuccour him ; and told them, that he would ftay behind to difpatch and 
 make a final end of him : thus whilft every one did his part Velazquez had found 
 Don Sebaftian , and gave him many more Wounds both in his Head and Neck 5 
 and then the poor Gentleman cried out for a Confeflbur, untill his voice failed 
 him : then Velazquez, left him, and went to feek for help to drag him out to the 
 
 Souldiers, and to that purpofe he Called Diego de Analos and Gomez, Hernandez, -, but 
 
 when they came to the place where he was, they found he had crept to the door 
 of his Chamber, where he lay extended and panting ■-, and then they redoubled 
 their ftroaks untill he expired his laft breath, which was about ten a Clock at 
 night : in this buttle Vafco Godinez, received a flight wound in his right hand. 
 Then they drew out the dead Body of Don Sebaftian amongft the Souldiers, cry- 
 ing out before it, God fave the King, the Tyrant is dead •-, Vafco Godinez was the 
 mod forward of any to proclaim this action, God fave the King, faid he, the 
 Tyrant is dead, and I killed him : though it is molt certain that there was not one 
 of thefe Affafhnar.es who was not a greater Rebel, Tyrant and Traitour than this 
 Gentleman ; which they Chewed and evidenced to the world when they became 
 Minifters of Juftice, and under that name perpetrated the moft bloudy and horrid 
 Villanies in the world. Thus far Diego Hernandez in the Chapter aforefaid. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 The choice of Officers both civil and military. Vafco Go- 
 dinez h declared General. The death of Don Garcia 
 and others, without admitting them time -to confefs. 
 
 THUS this poor Gentleman, Don Sebaftian de Caftilla, being aflaffinated by 
 thofe who had perfuaded him, and as it were forced him to kill the General 
 Pedro de Hiwjoft then Governour j thefe good and godly men now made them- 
 felves Judges, and erected a Court of Juftice to try thofe who had been the Mur- 
 therers of the Governour, fuppofing thereby to gain favour and credit, and ren- 
 der themfelves faichfull and loyal Subjects to his Majefty. And though thefe fel- 
 lows 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. ooi 
 
 lows had been Traitours more than twice or thrice to the King, and falfe to their 
 Friends, as will appear by the Sentence which, fome few months afterwards, was 
 pafled upon Gojtnez ; yet they cry up nothing now but duty and loyalty to the 
 King. And here it is remarkable, that from the Murther of the General Pedro 
 Hinojoft to the death of Don Sebaftian, there was not above the fpace of five days 
 between (as Pukntino writes) for Hinojofa was killed on the (ixth of March, and 
 Ben Scbaft-.vi on the eleventh following, in the year 1593. 
 
 And now Bafto Godinez and his Comrades having killed Sebaftian, they delive- 
 red fohn Ortiz de Carate and Pedro Hernandez, Paniagua OUt of Prifon and Chains, 
 
 and let them at liberty, and told them, that what they had acted was with intent 
 to give them their freedom, and to deliver the City from that total ruine and de- 
 ftruction which thofe Rebels and Traitours had plotted againft it, and alio out of 
 a principle of Loyalty to ferve his Majefty. And Vafco Godinez particularly faid 
 thefe words (as are repeated by Palemino, Chap. 1 7.) Gentlemen, for the love of 
 God, fince you fee that I have received a wound in my Hand, be pleafed to apply 
 your felves to the Souldiery, and encourage and exhort them to ftand firm in their 
 loyalty and fervice to his Majefty. But when fohn Ortiz, de Carate faw that all the 
 Aflaffmates and Murtherers of the General were actually amongft the Souldiers, 
 and that the principal Ruffian and Villain called Hernando Guillada was a Captain, 
 he began to fear left they fhould kill him, to prevent which, he cried out aloud, 
 that they mould make Gmllada their Captain, and perhaps he thought it might be 
 convenient fo to be. Thus far Palentino. Thole words of fohn Ortiz, de Carate were 
 wifely and feafonably fpoken, for 'tis believed that they faved their lives thereby ; 
 in the mean time Vafco Godinez went to have the wound of his Hand dreffed, of 
 which he was more tender than of the life of Don Sebaftian .- the fame night he 
 difpatched away fix Mufquetiers to guard the ways leading to Potocft, to intercept 
 all Advices which might be fent hereof to Egos de Guzman, and prefently feifed 
 three of his Souldiers, and before it was day he hanged them up, for he knew 
 that they were Villains, who were acquainted with all his Plots, Treacheries and 
 
 Intrigues : fo foon as it was day, he fent to call John Ortiz, de Carate, Pedro Hernandez, 
 
 Paniagua, Antonio Alvarez and Martin Adonge, who were all Citizens and Free-men 
 of the City, befides which there were no others at that time •, and he told them, 
 with high commendations of his own merit, the great danger he had incurred in 
 killing the late Tyrant, the fervice he had done his Majeff y thereby, and the par- 
 ticular benefit and happinefs he had procured to them in particular, and to the 
 whole City in general : And that now in return and recompence of fo great and 
 meritorious Services, he defired nothing more of them than to be chofen Chief 
 Juftice of that City and the parts adjacent •■, and to be nominated Captain General 
 of the Forces, fince that Eg*t de Guzman was very ftrong, and had many Souldi- 
 ers with him in Potocft •■, and to maintain this degree and quality, he defired to 
 have the Manors of the General, and thole Vaffalages of the Indians conferred 
 upon him, being now vacant by his death. To which the Citizens made anfwer, 
 that they were not a number fufficient to agree upon fuch Elections, and feared 
 to run themfelves into danger in cafe they did. But John Ortiz,, apprehending left 
 Godinez, mould take this refufal in ill part, anfwered, more out of fear than affec- 
 tion, that in cafe Gomez, Hernandez,, who was a man learned in the Law, would 
 give his opinion that they might legally doe it, that then they would readily com- 
 ply with his defires : to which the Lawyer gave his opinion readily, and that 
 they might doe it and much more, in refpect to the great merit and fervices of 
 Godinez,. Hereupon a publick Notary was called, and before him Gcdinez, was 
 nominated to be Lord Chief Juftice, and Captain-General of the Souldiery •, and 
 for fupport of thefe great Dignities, the Eftate of the late General Pedro de Him 
 jofa was fettled upon him, which (as we have faid) with the Mines of Silver, 
 yielded him two hundred thoufand pieces of Eight of yearly rent : an excellent 
 and worthy reward for two fuch famous pieces of Treafon and Murther which this 
 Villain had contrived and woven, purpofely to wind himfelf into this great Eftate, 
 which he was refolved to poflefs by any means or ways whatfoever. And in 
 like manner this honeft Lawyer got himfelf into another allotment called Pma, 
 and to hold it in Cnftodiam, untill it fhould be othenvife difpofed. Upon this 
 paflage Diego Hernandez faith as follows. It is manifeft that they intended to pay 
 themfelves^ and to fell at a good rate the power they had over the Souldiers, and 
 make advantage of the dread and terrour which the Citizens conceived of them, 
 
 who 
 
902 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 who feared left they fhould be more cruel towards them than Don Sebaftian had 
 
 been. Thus far Diego Hernandez,. 
 
 Then they nominated the Lawyer Gomez, Hernandez to be Lieutenant-Genera! 
 of the Army, and fohn Ortiz de Caratc 2X\c\ Pedro del Caftillo to be Captains of 
 Foot : this Election was made, to fignihe, that they would not difpofe of the mi- 
 litary Offices arbitrarily, but in fuch a manner as that the Citizens fhould have a 
 iliare with them in the Government, which they accepted more out of fear than 
 good will towards the Caufe or Perfons with whom they were embarked. Here- 
 upon Proclamation was made that all people fhould obey Bafco Godinez, as Genera!, 
 and Baltafar Velazquez, as Major-General ; and fix Souldiers were prefently difpat- 
 clied away to feife upon Don Garcia and the reft who were returned from the good 
 employment they were fent about for killing the Marfhal Alonft de Alvarado. 
 
 Baltafar Velasquez,, to fhew the power of his Office, cauled two Souldiers of 
 note to be drawn and quartered, who brought Letters and Advices from Egos de 
 Guzman at Potocfi to Don Sebaftian de Cafiilla. He fentenced another Souldier to be 
 hanged, called Francifco de Vil/alobos, and two other Souldiers, who were Friends 
 to him, to have their hands cut off, but by the mediation of the other Souldiers, 
 a remiffion was granted to have onely one hand difmembred : all which this good 
 Major-general acted within the fpace of four hours after he was promoted to this 
 
 honour. The day following Martin de Robles, Paulo dc Menefes, Diego de Almtndras 
 
 and Diego de Velazquez, entred into the City, having fled from the Souldiers who 
 fought to take them, together with feveral others of lefs note and efteem. The 
 which being known to Bafco Godinez,, who kept his Bed in tendernefs to his wound, 
 he fent to call John de Ortiz to him, and defired him to perfuade Paulo de Menefes, 
 Aiartin de Robles and the reft, who were newly arrived, to affemble together in 
 Council, and join with the reft in confirming the Election of him to be Chief 
 Juftice and Captain-General, and alfo the Settlement made upon him of the 
 Eftate of Pedro de Hinojofa. To which demand they made anfwer, that they had 
 no power nor authority fo to doe, nor was an ad of theirs either legal or valid 5 
 and if he would take their counfel as Friends, they would advife him to defift 
 from fuch like pretentions -, for that it would look as if the killing of Don Sebaftian 
 de Caftilla had been acted by him for the fake of his own intereft, and not for the 
 fervice of his Majefty : with this anfwer Godinez, grew highly incenfed, and with 
 a loud voice vowed, that whofoever pretended to abate the leaft tittle of his ho- 
 nour, he would pretend to take away their lives. Wherefore he commanded 
 them all to enter into Confultation, and having let fixty or eighty Souldiers at the 
 Door of the Room where they were affembled, he gave orders to kill him or 
 them who fhould refufe to fign or fet his hand to any thing which he required to be 
 done : which when Paulo de Menefes and his Companions underftood, they appro- 
 ved the Election, though much againft their will, and would have done much more 
 • if it had been demanded •■, for Gomez, Hernandez,, the Lawyer, allured them that in 
 c ife they complied not with him he was refolved to put every one of them to death. 
 Godinez, finding himfelf now confirmed by the authority of two Affemblies, was 
 very much pleafed, though both Sentences ferved onely for his greater condemna- 
 tion. Rib a. Martin, who was the chief of five Mufquetiers, fent to take Dm Gar- 
 cia Te/lo de Guzman, had the fortune to apprehend him about Hve leagues diftant 
 from the City, being on his way thither, in hopes of the favour and protection of 
 
 Don Sebaftian de Caftilla and his party : but when he underftood that Bafco Gedintz 
 
 and Baltafir Velazquez,, and Gome z, Hernandez, who had been the chief Confpira- 
 tours and contrivers of the Murther of Pedro de Hinojofa, and had been deepeft in 
 the Rebellion, and who had been the mod intimate Friends of Don Sebaftian, 
 were the perfons who had aftaffinated him, he could not but greatly admire and 
 remain aftonifhed, thinking it impoflible that thofe who were more deeply con- 
 cerned in that black Murther and Rebellion than Dm Sebaftian, fhould object that 
 crime to him onely, and kill him for that which was their own Plot and Confpi- 
 racy. And wheieas he was a Man who had been principally concerned in all the 
 Plots and Intrigues of the Rebels, he told Riba Martin that he did not queftion but 
 that they would kill him to prevent the difcoveries he might make of all the Plots 
 and Villanies they had contrived and acted : And fo it happened, for fo foon as he 
 was brought to the City, Bafco Godinez, gave Older to Velaz,qucz,, as Valentino faith, 
 to kill him 5 which he accordingly performed, to prevent the Teftimonies and 
 Evidence which he might produce againft them. Thefe are the words of that 
 
 Authour 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 003 
 
 Authour, who afterwards proceeds as follows. When Don Garcia perceived, faith 
 he, that he had but a (hort time to live, he defired to be admitted to confeflion ; 
 and when John Ortiz, de Carace came in to fee him, he befeeched him, that fince 
 he was mortly to die, he would intercede for him to have one days time to re- 
 collect himfelf, and confider of his fins, for that he was a young man, and had 
 been a great (inner. At that inftant Baltafar Velazquez, entred the Chamber, and 
 without fuffering f»hu Ortiz, fo much as to fpeak, he commanded him to void the 
 Room, and told Don Garcia that he had but an hours time given him to live, 
 which he was to make ufe of for preparation of his Soul : and being in confeflion, 
 he often admonilTied him to difpatch •, and before he had done, he threw the 
 Cord about his Neck, which he drew fo hard that it brake ■■, and then applying 
 another Rope, which he fuppofed too flow in doing execution, he drew out his 
 Sword and cut his Throat and Head off therewith 5 which being done, fohn de 
 Ortiz, clothed him in his Burial Shrouds, and caufed him to be interred. The like 
 fort of Juftice they parted upon others, not admitting any of them to confeflion, 
 nor to any legal proceedings, left at the Tribunal of Juftice, they (liould have im- 
 peached them to have been the chief and original Plotters and Contrivers of this 
 Rebellion. Thus far Diego Hernandez,, Chap. 19. whoa little before difcourfing 
 of this matter faith as follows : It was the great Mafter-piece of all their policy, 
 to put men to death without giving them time to confefs, left they (hould accufe 
 them, and difcover their Plots and Treacheries 5 and as to thofe in whom they 
 had any confidence of being fecret and faithfull to the defigns, they would keep 
 in hand and encourage, allowing them time to be gone and make their efcape ; 
 which they a<5ted by traverfing Juftice to that fide and party whereunto their 
 own intereft moft chiefly directed. 
 
 Herewith Diego Hernandez, concludes his eighteenth Chapter •, and with much 
 reafon detefts the abominable practices, cruelties and treacheries which thefe men 
 acted upon their beft and moft intimate Friends : for they were the wretches who 
 had defigned and contrived the death of Pedro de Hixojoja, and had above three 
 years before refolved to kill him, in cafe he fhould refufe to become their Head 
 and chief Commander in their intended Rebellion. And then afterwards the vil- 
 ]any and barbarous cruelty of thefe men is not to be exprefled -, who killed thofe 
 who knew their wickednefs, and caufed themfelves to be elected Judges and chief 
 Magiftrates, to condemn thofe whom they had caufed to fin and rendred guilty of 
 all thofe murthers and bloudy cruelties which they had plotted and contrived. 
 But Heaven found them out at laft and punifhed them according to their demerit, 
 as we (hall fee hereafter. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIL 
 
 Of what happened in Potocfi. Egas de Guzman is. drawn 
 and quartered. Other outrages are committed by the Soul- 
 diers. Many brave men are put to death. Cozco arms 
 again/i the Rebels. 
 
 THefe and many others were the horrible and execrable Villanies which paf- 
 fed in the City of Plate ■. and now we (hall proceed to what was committed 
 in Potocfi, where they robbed all the Treafure belonging to his Majefty, which 
 was fo great and vaft a fum that it amounted to a million and a half of pieces of 
 Eight, which all vanimed to nothing, and never was there one farthing of it re- 
 covered '■, for it was taken away after the death of Hernando de Aharado, his Maje- 
 fty's Accomptant-General, whom Antonio de Luxan, having made himfelf Chief 
 Juftice of that Town and parts thereunto belonging, had fentenced to die, and as 
 he went to Execution he publiflied his Crime to have been, that he had fided with 
 the General Pedro de Hinojofa, with intention to raife all the Kingdom in arms 
 
 againft 
 
q I Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 againft his Majefty. And now we muft underftand, that a certain Friend of An- 
 tonio de Luxan, called John Gonzales, wrote a Letter to him giving him advice of 
 the death of Don Sebafiian, of the imprifonment of Don Garcia and of the depar- 
 ture of John Ramon and others, with intent to join with the Marfhal Alonfo de Alva- 
 rado. This Letter was fent by a Janacuna (which fignifies an Indian Domeftick 
 Servant educated in a Family) who are commonly the beft Spies in the world ; 
 and the Letter was made up in the foal of his Shoe, to keep it from being inter- 
 cepted by the Guards, which were placed on the way where he was to pafs ; 
 herein he was counfelled immediately to kill Egat de Guzman, for that therewith 
 all the Plots of thofe who were concerned in the death of Don Sebafiian would be 
 entirely overthrown : fo foon as Antonio de Luxan (who had made himfelf chief 
 Juftice) had received this Letter, he imrhediately caufed the Drum to beat, for 
 afiembling the Souldiery in the Market-place, where Egos de Guzman coming 
 amongft the reft, demanded the reafon of that convention. Antonio de Luxan, to 
 make trial whether this Letter were true or feigned, and alio to create a confidence 
 of Egos de Guzman in him as his Friend, he publickly produced the Letter in view 
 of all thofe then prefent ; and asked, whether that were the hand and firm of 
 John Gonzales, ancfwhen it was faid, that it was very like Goncaleis hand, and that 
 probably it was his and no others , Egos de Guzman changed his countenance, 
 which (hewed the inward trouble and apprehenfion of his mind. Upon this cer- 
 tification and affuranceof the death of Don Sebafiian thofe who had before an in- 
 tention to join with hgas de Guzman changed their minds, and declared themfelves 
 Servants to his Majefty, which was the defign of Antonio de Luxan in publifhing 
 the Letter •, and alfo to make the Souldiers his inftruments in killing Egos de Guz- 
 man, as that paper advifed : upon reading whereof, thofe prefent looked one upon 
 the other, and without fpeaking one word they underftood each others meaning : 
 fo that Antonio de Luxan and his party adventured to lay hands upon Egos de Guzman 
 notwithstanding he had many that fided with him, and fet Gomez, de So/is, and 
 Martin de Almendras at liberty, and thofe very Chains and Irons with which they 
 had been manacled, they put upon Egos de Guzman, and ftripped off his Coat of 
 Mail, and gave it to Gomez, de Soils : and within the fpace of fix hours Ego* de 
 Guzman (notwithftanding all his courage and bravery) was drawn and quartered, 
 together with another Companion of his called Diego de Vergara. 
 
 This effect had John Gonca/es's Letter in Potocf .- and at the fame time the Inha- 
 bitants of the City of Plate, of which the principal perfons were Bafco Godinez, 
 Bakafar Velazquez and Gomez Hernandez the Lawyer, Having confulted with others 
 of the fame City, they agreed all to march to Potocf in a pofture of War againft 
 Egos de Guzman, not knowing as yet what had been the fate of that poor Gentle- 
 man. Bafco Godinez went General and Judge- Advocate of the Army, which they 
 fo called, though it fcarce confifted of an hundred men, and looked more like a 
 training of Boys, and a mock-fhow rather than an Army •, for to fo few men they 
 had two Captains of Foot, and one of Horfe, with a Lieutenant-General : and 
 having marched about two leagues they received intelligence that Egos de Guzman 
 was killed, and the Town reduced to the fervice of the King : upon which it 
 was agreed, that Bafco Godinez fhould return again to the City of Plate, and that 
 
 ■Bait afar Velazquez and Gomez Hernandez, with fifty felecl Souldiers, fhould pro- 
 ceed forward to Potocf, and farther in purfuit of Gabriel de Pernia, whom (as we 
 have faid) Egos de Guzman had fent with fifty five Souldiers to the City of Peace, 
 
 there to kill the Marfhal Alonfo de Alvarado. But Gabriel de Pernia, having with 
 
 his people travelled feveral leagues, received the news that John Ramon had dis- 
 armed Don Garcia ■. upon which he declared for the Marfhal, and fent him word 
 by Ordonno de Valencia that he was coming to ferve him ; but he had not marched 
 many leagues farther before his own Souldiers feifed upon him, and declared for 
 Don Sebafiian, and with their Colours flying returned back again, leaving Pernia 
 with three other Companions to follow their own imaginations, who accordingly 
 joined themfelves with the Marlhal's party : but the Souldiers returned back with- 
 out Captain or Leader, or Counfel either of themfelves or others, and travelled 
 untill they received news of the death of Don Sebafiian 5 and then they proceeded 
 as Palemino writes Chapter 21, in thefe words : They pretended that the Enfign 
 or Colours they carried were difplayed in the name and for the fervice of his Ma- 
 jefty, fo that their Banner changed like the Weather-cock, which turns to the 
 part where the wind blows ftrongeft 5 and fuch was the loyalty of this people 
 
 who 
 
11 ..... 
 
 Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 005 
 
 who always cried aloud, may he live who overcomes : fo when they came to 
 meet with Baltafar Velazquez, •, the Enfign who carried the Colours, with Pedro 
 Xuares, and two other Souldiers, put themfelves in the Front of all the reft, and 
 loaring their Colours three times, refigned them up into the hands of Velazquez.-, 
 who immediately from thence difpatched Riba Martin and Martin Mone-ja to the 
 City of Peace to fignifie unto the Marfhal, that in regard the City of Plate was 
 in quietnefs and peace, and reduced to the obedience of his Maje'fty, he was re- 
 turning thither, and carried with him Prifoners, Alonfo de Ariaca, Framifco Amao, 
 
 Pero Xuarez, Alonfo de Marquina, Francifco Chaves the Moot', and John Perez : and 
 
 when he came within a league and a half of the place, he caufed Francifco de Amao 
 to be executed, and cut into four quarters ; and as he entred into the Town, 
 Alonfo de Marqu'ma was by his order drawn and quartered. And the fame night 
 he entred into die Monaftery of the Merceds, and from thence drew out Pedro del 
 Cotro, and caufed him to be hanged, though upon his repentance, for having had 
 a hand in the death of the General, he had admitted himfelf in the Convent and 
 turned Friar. Thus far Diego Hernandez. 
 
 But to abbreviate that which he difcourfes much more at large, we fay, that 
 Baltafar Velazquez delivered up the Other Prifonei'S to Bafco Godinez., that fo he, 
 who had made himfelf Chief Juftice, might bring them to their Trial, or difpofe 
 of them as he (hould think fit •, that is, that he might kill and deftroy all fhch as 
 had been privy to his plots and defigns ■-, which he accordingly did, and banifhed 
 many into parts far remote from the City of Plate, namely four, five and fix hun- 
 dred leagues from thence : he caufed alfo GarciTello de Vega to be quartered, who 
 was one of Don Sebaftians Captains, and had been commiffionated thereunto by 
 Bafco Godinez himfelf: he alio condemned another Souldier called Diego Perez to 
 be difabled in both his Feet, and afterwards to ferve in the Galleys ; for a Galley- 
 flave hath not much ufe of his Feet : thus did they contrive and meditate new 
 ways of cruelty. Then he difpatched Baltafar Velazquez, with another Souldier 
 of note called Pedro del Caftillo, to go to Lima, there to publifh and extoll the great 
 fervices which Bafco Godinez and they had done : which are the words of Patenting, 
 who therewith concludes that Chapter. 
 
 Though Baltafar Velazquez, by being abfent in the Charcot, efcaped the punifh- 
 ment which Alonfo de Aharado had defigned for him, yet he could not avoid a 
 more fevere judgment which Heaven had prepared to bring him to his end. The 
 news of the Infurre&ion of Don Sebaftian de Caftillia ran like lightning through the 
 whole Kingdom, to the great trouble and confternation of thofe who had Mates 
 in the Countrey, for thefe were they who were likely to fuffer by all wars and 
 confufions which arife : for not onely being Lords of Manors holding many Indi- 
 ans in vaflalage they were upon all occafions of this nature put to a vaft expence -, 
 but iikevvile they held their lives by a hair or thread, being ever in danger of be- 
 ing killed in thofe rebellious tumults by the Souldiers, who gaped and longed af- 
 ter the enjoyment of their poflelTions. So foon as this news came to the City of 
 Cozco-, they put themfelves into a pofture of defence againft the enemy •-, and by 
 confenr of the Corporation, they elecled Diego Maldonado, furnamed the Rich, to 
 be their General, having formerly been the moft ancient Governour of any in that 
 
 City. Garplaffo de la Vega, and John de Saavedra were made Captains of Horfe '-) 
 and John Julio de Hojeda, Thomas Vazquez^ arid Antonio de Jguinnoncs, and another 
 
 Citizen, whole name I have forgot, were made Captains of Foot : who prefent- 
 ly applied themfelves with all diligence to raife Souldiers, and herein John Julio de 
 Hojeda was fo active that in five days time he marched into the Market-place with 
 three hundred Souldiers after him all very well armed and accoutred, which feem- 
 ed ftrange in fo fliort a time : Three days after this (making eight days in all with 
 the former five) news came of the death of Don Sebaftian, which put an end to 
 the War for the prefent. The like happened in the City of Los Reyes, as Diego 
 Hernandez mentions, Chap. ti. i« thefe words : The Court of Juftice received in- 
 telligence of all the revolutions and tempefts which were arifen : for at the end of 
 March news came of the death of the General, and of the rebellion of Don Sebafti- 
 an : fix days after which came news that Egos Guzman was up in Arms in the quar- 
 ters ofPorocft: and in four days more advices were brought of the death and deftruc- 
 tion of thofe rebellious Tyrants, for which great rejoycing was made in the City of 
 Lima. Thus far Diego Hernandez. We (hall now in the following Chapter relate ; 
 what courfe and methods were' ufed to bring thefe men to condign puniihment. 
 
 Zi?7? CHAR 
 
n 5 Royal Commentaries. Book VI. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 The Royal Court of Juftice co?iftitutes the Marjhal Alonfo 
 de Alvarado to fit Judge on the Trial of the Rebels. 
 Decrees and Orders were iffued out by the Judge, and 
 others by the Souldiers. The Impifonment of Bafco Go- 
 dinez, and of other Souldiers^ and Men of Eftates. 
 
 TH E days of joy and feftival being part in the City of 1st Reyes for the death 
 of Don Sebaftian de Caftillia, and the defeat and deftru&ion of the Rebels, in 
 which Ordonno de Valencia (whom Diego Hernandez often mentions in his Hiftory) 
 had proved a principal Inftrumenc, though he had acted a double part, and been 
 concerned on both fides. Howfoever his good fortune guiding him to bring the 
 firft news of the death of Don Sebaftian ; the Judges in reward thereof bellowed 
 upon him a divifion of fome Lands v, ith vaffalage of Indians in the City of Cozco, 
 to the value of five or fix thoufand pieces of Eight of yearly Revenue, where I 
 left him in the enjoyment of the fame when I came for Sfain. 
 
 But others failed in that defign, and gained a contrary reward, being accufed 
 and endicled before a High Court of Juftice, of which the Marfhal Alonfo de Alva- 
 rado was conftituted Lord Chancellour by Commiffion from the Lords Juftices 5 
 for that he being known to be an upright and a fevere perfon, was efteemed a proper 
 Inftrument to puntfh thofe many outrages, murthers and violences which had been 
 committed againft God, and contrary to the peace and quietnefs of our Sovereign 
 Lord Charles the Fifth Emperour and King of Spain. In like manner for Trial of 
 Offenders in the Chares, John Fernandez the King's Attorney General was ordai- 
 ned, and appointed to proceed againft and judge thofe Delinquents. Moreover 
 another CommilFion was privately tealed, whereby Alonfo de Ahartdo W2s ordai- 
 ned chief Governour and Jufticiary of all thofe Provinces, and Captain General 
 of all the Forces, with full power to raiie SoaldiferS, and to pny them, and all ne- 
 ceflary Expences of the War out of the Royal Treafury. Thefe Commiffions 
 were fent to Alvarado in the City of Peace, by vi: rue of which he immediately 
 applied himfelf to the trial and puniihment of the Rebels : and in order thereun- 
 to he difpatched feveral perfons of entire confidence and integrity, into divers 
 parts to feife and apprehend fuch as had been guilty, and were fled to avoid the 
 courfe of Juftice into private cornets, and concealments amongft the Indians. One 
 of thofe employed upon this meflage was called fdfn de Henao, who purfued them 
 fo hard, as to fearch for them with Cktioes , or Indian Boats , in certain little Iflands 
 within the Lake of Titicaca, and to hunt them amongft the Ofiers and Ruflies 
 which grew by the Banks of thofe Iflands, and having taken above twenty of the 
 moft malignant and culpable amongft them, he delivered them into the hands of 
 Pedro Encifo then Governour in Ckucuyttt-. who having firft examined them, and 
 taken their Confeffions, he fent them with a fafe Guard to the Marfhal. It be- 
 ing by this time made known over all the Charcas and Potccp, that the Marfhal 
 was by Commiffion conftituted Judge of thofe Provinces, divers Souldiers, who 
 were cOnfcious of their own guilt, advifed Bafco Godinez (whofe crimes they be- 
 lieved were too black to admit of Pardon) to be wary and cautious of his own 
 petfon, and to raife Souldiers to refift the Marfhal 5 the which (as Diego Hernan- 
 dezes, Chapter the twenty fecond) they reprefented to him, as a matter very 
 eafie to be effected ; and that he fhould caufe it to be publilhed abroad, that the 
 Marfhal, and Lorenco de Atdana, and Gomez, de Alvarado intended to raife Arms, 
 and in an arbitrary "manner to tyrannize over the Countrey : which being once 
 fixed in the minds of the people, he might have a very laudable pretence to kill 
 them all $ which being done, there could be none to oppofe or confront him. 
 Howfoever Bafco Godinez, was of another opinion -, for, depending much on the 
 fervice he had done his Majefty in killing Don Sebaftian de Caftan*, and upon the 
 enmity which was between him and John Ramm, who accufed and complained of 
 
 him, 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. oo 7 
 
 him for not {landing firm to his principles, he refolved to come and claim a re- 
 ward for his Services : of which the NJarfhal having intimation, he gave it out 
 that he had a power in his Commiffion to gratihe all thofe who had had a hand 
 in the death of Don Sebaflian, and had been inftrumental in fupprefling Rebels : 
 and that there was a particular Claufe impo wring him to confer the Eftate and 
 Indians formerly belonging to Alonfo de Mendoga upon Bafco dc Godinez, and John 
 Ramon. This rumour being published abroad, Alonfo Velazquez was difpatched 
 away with fome Orders and Inftru&ions for Potccf, and with a particular Warrant 
 to take and apprehend Bafco Godinez 5 though it was commonly given out, that 
 he carried a power to inveft Godinez in an Eftate and Lordlhip over Indians, Thus 
 far Diego Hernandez in the Chapter before mentioned. 
 
 Bafco Godinez, being then at the City of Plate, received a Letter from a Kinf- 
 man of his that Alonfo Velazquez was bringing the Order of the Juftices to confer 
 on him the Eftate of Alonfo deMendoca •■, at which Godinez feemed much offended 
 and angry, that it was not the Eftate of the General Pedro de Hinojofa, which he 
 had before allotted and appropriated to himfelf by his own power and arbitrary 
 pleafure : of which, when he read the Letter, he greatly complained to thofe who 
 were then prefent, but they moderated his paffion a little, by telling him, that 
 thefe were good beginnings, and that he was in a fair way to better his fortunes : 
 but he ftormed and raged like a mad man, as did other Souldiers then with him, 
 who, Entertaining an overweening opinion of their own merits, pretended to the 
 beft, and the moft opulent Eftates in all Peru. Soon after Godinez had received this 
 feigned news in a Letter (which was never intended for him) Alonfo Velazquez 
 arrived at the City of Plate, and being accompanied with fome Friends of his, he 
 went direftly to the Lodging of Bafco Godinez and faluted him with the ufual 
 forms of ceremony and complement ; to which he returned a furly kind of an 
 anfwer, and looked very fullen and melancholy, becaufe all Pern was not confer- 
 red upon him for a reward of his deferts. But not to fuffer him to proceed far- 
 ther in fuch vain imaginations as thefe •, Alonfo Velasquez, delivered him a Letter 
 from the Marfhal, with others, which were feigned to amufe him a while with 
 vain hopes •, but whilft he was attent in reading them, Alonfo Velasquez, laid hold 
 on his Arme, and faid, Senior Godinez,, you are my Prifoner : with which he be- 
 ing much furprifed, he asked him by what Warrant ? Velazquez (as Diego Hernan- 
 dez, fays) made anfwer, that he charged him to go with him to a certain place, 
 where he would (hew him by what authority : No, faid Godinez,, let thefe per- 
 fons prefent fee your Orders and Warrant, and afterwards we fliall refolve to doe 
 what is requifite in the cafe. Then Velazquez, with more choler and heat than 
 before, told him plainly, that he would not capitulate with him, but charged 
 him without farther difpute to go with him, and ufing fome violence drew him 
 into the Prifon 5 and as he was going, Godinez, defperately tore his Beard with his 
 hand, and lifted his eyes to Heaven : which fome feeing comforted him, and ad- 
 vifed him to patience, in regard, that by this imprifonment, the Juftice of his 
 Caufe, and the fignal Services he had done his Majefty would more eminently 
 appear. But Godinez, replied onely with Oaths and Curfes, and that the Devils 
 would now fetch him, who had referved him to that unhappy time. In fhort> 
 Velazquez, clapt him up into clofe Prifon with Chains and Manacles, and com- 
 mitted him to the cuftody of a ftrong Guard 5 and immediately wrote away to 
 the Marlhal giving advice of what had pafled •, who fpeedily coming to Potocji, 
 feifed on many Souldiers and Inhabitants, intending to bring them to condign 
 punifhment : And in the firft place he made Procefs againft Martin de Robles, Go- 
 mez, de Soils and Martin de AlmendrM, and others, allowing them to make their le- 
 gal defence, and bring their witneffes, and fuch proofs as were conducing to their 
 difcharge, and herein efpecially he indulged the Citizens, and thofe who had 
 Plantations in the Countrey, affording them a large time to make their defence, 
 moft of which were faved by prolongations and delays, rather than acquitted by 
 the Sentence of Juftice ; as will hereafter appear. Thus far Diego Hernandez, who 
 therewith ends this Chapter. In the conclufion of which, he feems to have re- 
 ceived his information from fome perfon prepoffeffed with a prejudice againft the 
 Gentlemen who had Eftates, and were Lords of Vaffals in Peru-, or perhaps he 
 himfelf was fo : for he lays no crime to the charge of thofe againft whom the 
 Marlhal proceeded 5 but rather excufes them, and fays, that the Rebels feifed on 
 Gomez de Soils, and Martin de Almendras 5 and that Martin de Robles efcaped from 
 
 Zzzzz a them 
 
oog Royal Commentaries, Book VI. 
 
 them in his Shirt. And yet after this, he fays, that their lives were rather faved 
 by prolongations and delays, than acquitted by the courfe of Juftice ; which 
 {hews him guilty of an apparent partiality, as we thall obferve in many paflages 
 for the future. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 The Judge puts many of the Rebels to death in the City of 
 Peace, and in the Village of Potocfi ; others were whip- 
 fed and fent to the G allies : the like Jufiice he doth in 
 the City of Plate. The Sentence and Execution of Ba- 
 fco de Godinez. 
 
 THE Marflial began now to exercife his power in punifliment of the Rebels 
 in the City of Peace, where he had ere&ed a Court of Juftice : all the Pri- 
 foners fent him by Pedro de Endfo taken in the great Lake, and other parts, he 
 condemned ; fome of them were hanged, others beheaded, fome were whipped, 
 and others fent to the Gallies, lb that all of them received their juft reward. From 
 the City of Peace, the Marflial travelled to Potocfi, where he found many Prifoners 
 of thofe Bravoes and Hediors that belonged to Egos de Guzman and Don Sebaflian 
 de Cafiilla -, on whom he executed the fame juftice as on the former ; as namely, 
 fome were hanged, and others beheaded, whipped and fent to the Gallies. He 
 apprehended the perfon of He-man Perez, de Peragua, who was Commiflary-Gene- 
 ral, and accufed for holding a correfpcndence (as we have faid before) with Bon 
 Sebaftian, to whom he wrote a Letter to fend twenty Mufquetiers to take him, 
 that he might not feem to furrender himfelf , but in regard he was a Knight of 
 the Habit of St. fohn or a Knight of Malta ; they connfcated the Plantation and 
 Indians which he poflefled in the City of Plate, and fent his Perfon under a fecure 
 Guard to the Mafter of Malta. Thefe Seflions being ended at Potocfi, the Mar- 
 flial went to the City of Plate, where Bafco Godinez remained a Prifoner, with le- 
 veral as brave Souldiers and men of note as any were within thofe Provinces : on 
 all which they executed the Sentence of the Law, as before on thofe in Potocfi 
 and in the City of Plate ; but very few were condemned to the Gallies, by reafon 
 that it was troublefome and delatory to fend them into Spain ; and befides in their 
 way thither they might find means to make their efcape ; as thofe had done who 
 were committed to the charge of Rodrigo Ninno ; for of all his number, which 
 were eighty fix, there was but one that arrived in Seville. We do not undertake 
 here particularly to fet down the precife number of thofe who were put to death 
 and whipped ■-, being fo many that an exaft number could not be kept of them, 
 onely a calculate may be made of them 5 from the latter end of fttne, Anno 1)5-3, 
 to the end of November of the fame year, when a new Infurreclion was begun by 
 Francifco Hernandez Giron, every day was a day of Affile, whereon four, five, or 
 fix a day were condemned, and the next day they were executed. The which 
 expedition of juftice could not be avoided, confidering how full the Prifons were, 
 and how neceffary a Gaol-delivery was for fecurity of the Conntrey 5 which was 
 put into that amazement and confufion by the boldnefs and infolence of the Re- 
 bels, that no man remained fecure either of his Life or Eftate. Howfoever the 
 malitious and unthinking people ftyled the Judge with the terms of cruel and im- 
 placable, and of another Nero, who could with fo little remorfe and companion 
 condemn four or five a day unto death, and thofe of the mod principal Souldiers, 
 and fuch as perhaps had been either deceived or enforced to a compliance 5 and 
 yet when he arofe from the Bench, and was returning to his own Houle, he 
 could entertain light and indifferent difcourfes laughing and jefting with the At- 
 torney-General, as if thofe who were condemned to die were Capons or Turkies 
 entred in a Bill of Fare to be ferved up at his Table. And fuch other Libels and 
 
 fcanda- 
 
Book VI. Royal Commentaries. 909 
 
 fcandalous Speeches were vented againft the Government, that it had been well 
 if Laws had been made to reftrain the excefles and liberty of malitious and viru- 
 lent Tongues. 
 
 In the month of October of the fame year (as Diego Hernandez, faith) Bafco Godi- 
 nez, was charged and arraigned of many heinous and crying offences, which are 
 fpecified in the Sentence pafled on him, for which he was condemned to be drawn 
 and quartered. And it is certain that the Marfhal was troubled that he could not 
 meet with Bait afar Velazquez, (who was gone to Lima) for had he been found he 
 would have incuned the fame punifhment that Godinez. had done, &c. The de- 
 claration of the Crimes of Bafco Godinez, were contained in a few words ; proclai- 
 med by the Executioner ; which were thefe 5 This man having been a Traitour to 
 
 God, to his King, and his Friends, is fentenced to be drawn and quartered. The which 
 
 faying is fo full and pithy, that it contains as much as can be faid or wrote in ma- 
 ny Chapters. And thus did the feverity of Juftice pafs on the Offenders, untill 
 towards the end of November (as we have faid -, ) when news coming of a new Re- 
 bellion railed by Franafio Hernandez, Giron, aftop was given to farther proceedings 
 againft the reft of the imprifoned Souldiers : which feemed to happen opportune- 
 ly, that the fear of a fecond Rebellion might moderate and allay the feverity ex- 
 ercifed againft the firft. 
 
 The Indians of Coz,co prognofticated this Rebellion openly and loudly in the 
 Streets, as I heard and faw my felf : For the Eve before the Feftival of the moft 
 Holy Sacrament, I being then a youth, went out to fee how the two Market- 
 places of the City were adorned •, for at that time the Proceffion pafled through 
 no other Streets but thofe ■-, though fince that time, as I am told, the perambula- 
 tion is double as far as before. And being then at the corner of the great Chapel 
 of our Lady of the Aferceds, about an hour or two before day, I faw a Comet 
 dart from the Eaft fide of the City towards the Mountains of the Antis, fo great 
 and clear that it enlightned all places round with more fplendour than a full Moon 
 at midnight. Its motion was directly downwards, its form was globular, and its 
 dimenfion as big as a large Tower •, and coming near the ground, it divided into 
 (everal fparks and ftreams of fire •, and was accompanied with a Thunder fo low 
 and near as ftruck many deaf with the clap, and ran from Eaft to Weft : which 
 when the Indians heard and faw, they all cried out with one voice, Auca, Auca, 
 Auca, which fignifies in their Language, as much as to fay v Tyrant, Traitour, Rebel, 
 and every thing that may be attributed to a violent and bloudy Traitour, as we 
 have before mentioned. This happened on the nineteenth of June in the year 
 15-53- when the Feaft of our Lord was celebrated ■■, and this prognoftication which 
 the Indians made, was accomplished on the thirteenth of November in the fame 
 year, when Vramifco Hernandez Giron began a Rebellion, which we fball relate in 
 the following Book. 
 
 The End of the Sixth Book 
 
 Royal 
 

.(9»») 
 
 Royal Commentaries. 
 
 book vir. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 News being fpread of the fevere Proceedings of Juflice in 
 the Charcas, Francifco Hernandez Giron confpires with 
 the Planters and Souldiers to raife a Rebellion. 
 
 COmmon Fame publifhed in all parts of the Empire , with what Severity 
 they proceeded in the Charcot againft thofe who had been concerned in 
 the Rebellion of Vafio Godinez and Don Sebaftian de Caftillitt , and their 
 Adherents : in like manner it was reported, (whether true or falfe it mat- 
 ters not much ) that the Marfhal was preparing farther procefs againft fuch Of- 
 fenders as lived without the Precindts of his Jurifdi&ion. And that by a Letter • 
 which was written from Cozco, it was advifed ( as Valentino relates , Chap. 24. in 
 thefe words.) That in Potojl they had lope off the branches , but that in Cow, 
 they would extirpate them from the very roots : the which Letter, though writ- 
 ten , as is faid , by John de la Arreynaga without malice or defign , yet it ferved to 
 awaken Francifco Hernandez. Glron , and caufed him with more vigilance to place a 
 watch on the road , to bring him information of all people that pafled , left the 
 Marihal ihould (urprize him unawares : and moreover , he advifed his Friends to 
 difcover, if poffible, the correfpondence which pafled between Gull. Ramirez, 
 ( who was at that time Governpur ) and the Marfhal : thefe are the very words 
 of that Authour who farther fays, that all the Inhabitants were in an uproar up- 
 on Proclamation made, that every one was to acquit and difcharge the Indians of 
 their perfonal fervices , and that the Governour had rejected and torn a Petition 
 which was tendered to him in the name of all the Inhabitants , reprefenting this 
 aggrievance. 
 
 The truth is, I cannot but much admire how it is poffible for men to report 
 things lb different from all reafon and probability, as to fay, that none of the In- 
 habitants of that City were difecntented and fcancalized at the fevere proceedings 
 againft the Rebels , but onely Francifco Hernandez Giron , who had been engaged 
 in the two late rebellions , as this Hiftory makes mention. Nor is it to be be- 
 lieved, that the Governour, who was a Gentleman of Quality, and one educated 
 under fo religious and good a Prince as the Vice-king Don Antonio de A-fendoca , 
 mould perform an a&ion (o odious and unpolitick, as to tear a Petition fubferibed 
 by above eighty Lords of Vaflals- and Inhabitants of a City which was the Me- 
 tropolis of all that Empire. For if fuch a thing had been done, it had not been 
 ftrange (be it (aid with all refpeft to his Royal Ma iefty ) if they had given him 
 
 fifty 
 
oi2 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 fifty ftabbs with their Daggers , as this Authour averrs •, faying , that Francifco 
 Hernandez Giron and his Affociates had confpired fo to doe either in the Town- 
 houfe or in the Shop of a Publick Notary , where the Governour ufed to hold 
 his Court of Juftice. Thus far Palemino. 
 
 And becaufe it is not reafon, that we fhould fo pofitively contradict the Wri- 
 tings of this Authour , which in many places may be taken up -from vulgar Re- 
 ports-, we mall therefore omit all farther computation, and proceed according to 
 the method of our Hiftory in the relation of what really patted in the City of 
 Cozco , where I was perfonally prefent , and was an eye-witnefs of what was 
 there tranfa&ed •, which was this ; The Offence taken at the Severity of Juftice 
 executed in the Charcot, did feem to concern no other Citizen of Coz,co, than one- 
 ly Francifco Hernandez. Ciron , who kept no converfation or correfpondence with 
 the Inhabitants, but with the Souldiers onely, which was a fufficient indication 
 of his evil Intentions. And receiving informations, that the Marihal made En- 
 quiries after him , and being confcious to himfelf of his own guilt , he became 
 wary of his own perfbn, and refolved fpeedily to break forth into open Rebellion. 
 To which end he entered into communication with fome Souldiers who were his 
 Friends, being not above twelve or thirteen in number •, namely, fehn Cobo, Anto- 
 nio Carrillo , of whom we have made mention in the Hiftory of Florida, Diego Ga- 
 
 vi/and and John Gaviland his brother , Nunno Mendiola , and Diego de Alvarade the 
 
 Lawyer, who availed himfelf more of his skill in War, than in Law, and indeed 
 he had reafon not to boaft himfelf much of his Learning, for he had never (hewn 
 any, either in War or Peace ; thefe Souldiers, though poor, were yet honourable, 
 and of noble extraction. Befides thefe , he imparted his defign to Francifco Her- 
 nandez, and Thomas Vafqitez., who was a rich Citizen, and a principal perfon of 
 the Corporation, and one of the firft Conquerours, when Atahna/pa was a priso- 
 ner : and with him he entred into a Difcourfe of thefe matters, upon occafion of 
 a quarrel which fome few months before had arifen between this Thomas Vafauez. 
 and the Governour Gtl. Ramirez, de Avalos ; who out of paffion rather than reafon 
 apprehended Vafquez, , and clapt him into the publick prifon , proceeding againft 
 him rather like a party than a Judge •, of which ill ufage Vafquez had reafon to 
 complain , fince that to perfons of his quality and ancient family it was ufual to 
 fhewall honour and refpect. Francifco Hernandez, taking hold of this difpofition 
 in Vafquez to revenge the injuries he had received , eaiily prevailed upon him 
 to accept the propofal and to engage himfelf to be of his party : in like manner 
 he drew another to join with him, called fehn de Piedrahita, a man of a mean for- 
 . tune, and one who for the moft part of the year lived in the Countrey with his 
 Indians ; he was alfo of an unquiet temper, and fo needed no great perfuafion to be 
 
 prevailed Upon by Francifco Hernandez,. 
 
 Thefe two Citizens, and another called Alonfo Diaz, engaged with Hernandez, in 
 the infurredion he made ( though Palmino names another called Rodrigo de Pineda ) 
 but neither he , nor others who went with him to the City of Los Reyes , did 
 join with Hernandez, in his rebellion , though they followed his party afterwards , 
 ( as will appear in this Hiftory ) rather out of fear than love, or any intereft 
 whatfoever ; for they abandoned his party with the firft opportunity that presen- 
 ted, and revolted over to his Majefty's fervice •, which was the ruine and deftruc- 
 
 tion of Hernandez,. 
 
 Pakntino having nominated without any diftinclion Citizens and Souldiers that 
 were engaged in this confpiracy ■, he fays, that they plotted to kill the Governour, 
 and raife a tumult in the City, and over all the Kingdom : but I am confident, 
 that this report was framed by a perfon who was ill affected to the Inhabitants 
 of Peru, for he never fpeaks of them , but with a prejudice , calling them Tray- 
 tours and rebellious perfons. 
 
 The truth is, I am a native of that City and confequently a Son of that Empire; 
 and therefore it troubles me to hear my Contreymen fo cauflefly reproached 
 with the terms of difloyalty , who never offended his Royal Majefty ; nay, they 
 condemn them of rebellion , or at beft fufpect them of treafon , who did the fer- 
 vice to acquire to his Majefty a vaft Empire, and fb wealthy as hath filled all the 
 world with its riches. For my part , I proteft in the faith of a Chriftian , that I 
 willfpeak the truth, without any partiality or favour; and will declare and 
 plainly confefs the truth of all the proceedings of Hernandez,, and where they are 
 obfcure, confufed or doubtfull , I fhall render them as plain and manifeft as I am 
 
 able. 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 912 
 
 able. Know then , that Francifco Hernandez, confpired with thofe whom we have 
 before mentioned , and with another Souldier called Bernardino de Robles , and an- 
 other called Alonfo Gonzalez, a man as vile and bafe in his extraction and manners 
 as he was ugly in his perfon, form and Ibape : for he proved the bloudieft Villain 
 in the World, killing every one who flood in his way , even thofe whom Her- 
 nandez, had pardoned 5 pretending that Execution was done before the pardon ar- 
 rived : His trade was, before this rebellion broke out, to keep Hogs in the valley 
 of Sacfahuana, which was in the Eftate and Allotment o{ Hernandez, from whence 
 began that great friendfbip and dearnefs which was between them. 
 
 The rebellion being refolved , it was agreed that it (kould break forth on the 
 thirteenth of November, in the year 15^3. being the day when a marriage was to 
 be celebrated between Alonfo de Loayfi, one of the richeft and moft principal In- 
 habitants of that City , and Nephew to the Arch-bimop of Los Reyes and Donna 
 
 Maria de Cafiriliia, Niece to Baltafar de Caftri/lia, Daughter to his Sifter Donna Le- 
 
 enor de BobadHU and of Nunno Tovar a Cavalier of Badajoz, •■, of whom we have 
 made mention at large in our Hiftoiy of Florida. And now , in this following 
 Chapter , we will relate the beginning of this Rebellion which was fo vexatious, 
 expenfive and ruinous to this whole Empire. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez raifes a Rebellio?i in Cozco. What 
 hapfe?ied in the night of this Rebellion. Many Inhabi- 
 tants fly from the City. 
 
 TH E day of the Nuptials being come , all the Citizens and their Wives 
 drefled themfelves in their beft Apparel to honour the Wedding : for on 
 all fuch folemn occafions as this, either of Feftivals, or days of mourning, it was 
 the cuftome amongft thefe Citizens to rejoice or condole together, as if they had 
 been all Brethren of a Family, between whom were no private grudges, animo- 
 fitiesor fa&ions. Many of the Citizens and their Wives dined and fupped at 
 the Wedding, at which was prepared a folemn Banquet. After dinner an enter- 
 tainment was made in the Streec of throwing balls made with Earth by Horfe- 
 men at each other (which is a fport ufed in Spain) I remember that I faw it from 
 the top of a ftone Wall , over againft the houie of Alonfo de Loayfa .• and I faw 
 Francifco Hernandez, fitting on a Chair in the Hall, with his Armes folded on his 
 Breaft, and his Eyes looking downwards 5 in which pofture he feemed more pen- 
 five and thoughtfull than melancholy it felf. It is probable, that he was then con- 
 triving what he was to ad and execute that night •-, though that Authour faith , 
 that Francifco Hernandez, had mewed himfelf very merry and pleafant that day at 
 the Wedding , and perhaps it was becaufe he was there prefent , rather than 
 (hewed any good or pleafant humour. 
 
 The Sports of «the City being over , and the Evening come , they (ate them- 
 felves to Supper in a lower Hall , where at leaft fixty were at the Table , for the 
 Room was both long and wide ■-, the Ladies fate together in an inward Room, and 
 from a little Yard, which was between thefe Apartments, they ferved the Meat 
 onto both Tables. Don Baltafar de Caftillia , who was Uncle to the Bride , and a 
 very gentile man, performed the Office of Ufher of the Hall. I my felf came 
 to the Wedding-houfe towards the end of Supper, to attend my Father and 
 my Step-mother home at night : And coming into the Hall, I went towards the 
 upper end of the Table, where the Governour was fet, who being a very obliging 
 Gentleman , was plealed to caft his eyes upon me , and call me to him ; though 
 I was but a Boy of fourteen years of age-, and bid me (it down by him , fince 
 there was no other Chair for me , and reached me fome of the Comfe&s and 
 fweet drink which Boys are beft pleafed with. At this Inftant fome body knock- 
 
 A a a a a a ed at 
 
o i4 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 ed at the door and faid , that Francifco Hernandez, Giron was there 5 Don Baltaf-.r de 
 Caftillia being near the Entry ; Oh, Sir, faid he, how comes it to pafs that you are 
 (o late to honour us with your Company ; and immediately ordered the door to 
 be opened, whereupon Francifco Hernandez, ruihed in with his Sword drawn in his 
 light-hand and a Buckler in his left, and a Companion on each fide with Parti- 
 fans in their hands. 
 
 The Guefts fitting at Supper affrighted with this appearance arofe from the 
 Table in great Confufion: then faid Hernandez, Gentlemen, be not afraid nor 
 ftir, for we are all engaged in this Plot. The Goveruour, without hearing far- 
 ther entered in at a door on the left-hand , and went in at the apartment, where 
 the women remained : in another corner of the Hall there was another door lea- 
 ding to the Kitchin and to the other Offices of the Houfe: by thele two doors all 
 the People pafled who were in the Entries: but thole who were near the great 
 door of the Hall were in mod danger, not knowing which way to efcape. John 
 Aknfo Palomino was feated juft over againft the door of the Hall, with his back to- 
 wards it •, and being known to Diego de Alvarado the Lawyer, and thofe who were 
 with him , they gave him five wounds ; for he, and his kinfman GerommoCoftilUa 
 were fet down and deftined to be murthered ■-, for having oppofed Francifco Her- 
 nandez, in a late mutiny, which he had caufed, as before related. John Aknfo Palomino 
 dyed the next day of his wounds in the Houfe of Loayfa , not being able to goe 
 forth to be cured elfewhere. 
 
 They alfo killed John de Morales, a rich Merchant, and a very honeft man, as he 
 was at the Wedding-fupper, and happened to beamongft the other Citizens; for 
 he, without confidering what he did , intended to put out the Candles which 
 were on the Table , that in the dark their efcape might be the more eafie •, and 
 therewith drawing away the Table-cloth , ten of the eleven Candles fell down , 
 • and were all extinguished •, but one remaining ftill lighted ■■, one of the Compa- 
 nions of Hernandez, thruft his Partifan in at his mouth, and cut him therewith from 
 one Ear unto the Other •-, faying , Tractor , Wouldft thou have us all to be killed here ? 
 Then another Souldier gave him a Thruft through the left Pap , with which he 
 immediately fell down dead, fo that the unhappy man had no time to tye his gol- 
 den cup to his Girdle , as fome have malitioufly written concerning him. The 
 next day I faw his Body in the condition here related, for which, and the reft of 
 the Tragedy, thofe who were A&ours therein did much applaud themfelves. 
 
 My Father, and Diego dc Los Rios, and Vafco de Guevara, and two other Gentle- 
 men, who were Brothers and Kinfmen of his, called Ffculantes and Rodngo de Leon. 
 Brother of Pero Lopez, de Cacalla , and other Citizens and Souldiers, in all to the 
 number of thirty fix, paffed out ar the fame door with the Governour, and I al- 
 fo amongft the reft , not by the apartment of the Women, but took to the right- 
 hand , to find a paffage out by the yards of the Houfe, and here meeting a Ladder, 
 they climbed up to the roof of the Houfe •, intending to pafs over into the Houfe 
 of John de Figueroa, which was the next houfe to them, and onely a (ingle Wall 
 between •, from whence there was a door opening to another Street ; my Father 
 finding that there was a Paffage that way, called to the Company to ftay until! 
 he could goe and call the Governour , by whofe means he hoped to remedy the 
 farther progrefs of this Evil : And going to the place, where the Governour was, 
 he called to him, and told him, that there was a paffage that way to efcape, and 
 that there were people to fuccour and defend him : and that, if he pleafed to goe 
 with them into the Market-place, and caufe the Bells to be rung out, and an A- 
 larm founded , he did not doubt , but that the AflaiTinates and Rebels would im- 
 mediately fly away , and Ibift for themfelves : but the Governour not receiving 
 this counfel, returned no other Anfwer, than that he defired him to fufter him to 
 remain there. My Father returning to his Companions found them all climbed 
 up to the top of the roof, leading to the Houfe of John de Figueroa .• wherefore 
 he defired them once more to ftay, and expect him, untill he could goe, and per- 
 fuade the Governour out of his place of concealment , where going a fecond 
 time , he ufed all the Arguments and Reafons in the World to induce him there- 
 unto, but was not able to prevail, becaufe the Governour finfied , that they ' 
 were all in the Plot, as Francifco Hernandez, declared at his firft entrance into the 
 Hall. 
 
 Garplaffo, my Father , being out of all hopes to prevail , went his way, and 
 at the Foot of the Ladder loft one of his flippers which he had put on over his 
 
 Pumps 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 955 
 
 Pumps , after they bad ended the Game at Balls : but it was not time now to 
 look after it , but to mount the Ladder as faft as we could , and I after him j 
 when we were at the top , we drew if up , and pafled it over into the Houfe of 
 John Figueroa , and therewith they all defcended , and I among the reft. And ha- 
 ving opened the door of the Street, they fent me out before, as a Spy, to difcover 
 if the way were clear, fuppofing that I, being a Boy, the lefs notice would be ta- 
 ken of me •, and in cafe I found nothing in the way, I was to whittle at the cor- 
 ner of every Street , which was the token for them to follow me. In this man- 
 ner We went from Street to Street untill we came to the Houfe of Antonio de ^uin- 
 nonet, who was Brother in law to my Father Garcilajfo, they having married two 
 Sifters, lit was our good fortune to find him, and he was much joyed to fee my 
 Father , for he was in great Fear for him , and trouble of mind to know , what 
 was become of him : But Antonio de guinnones himfelf had a narrow efcape, 
 and had certainly been killed, had he not been favoured by one of the Confpira- 
 tours called John de Gaviian , who in remembrance of fome good Offices he had 
 done him in times pa ft , opened the principal door of the Hall , at which he let 
 him out, together with John de Saavedra , who was in his company ; and whifpe- 
 ring to him , faid , Sir , Hafteyou away home , with Seignior John de Saavedra , and 
 flay there untill I fee you in the morning ; by which accident it was my Father's for- 
 tune to meet him within doors ■-, but notwithftanding this advice, being met to- 
 gether in the Houfe of Antonio de ^uinnones , they all agreed to leave the Town 
 that night, and goe to the City of Los Reyes. 
 
 John de Saavedra was unwilling to goe , on pretence that he wanted all things 
 neceflary for fo long a journey, but when they took off that excufe by provi- 
 ding a Horfe , a Hat and Boots and a Scarlet Cloak for him ^ he then faid , that 
 the truth was , he was ill , and wanted health for fo long a journey ; fo that , noc 
 ip importune him farther, they left him at home-, we fhall fhortly declare the 
 true reafon and caufe why he did not accompany them •, which coft him his Life 
 andEftate. All the other Citizens and Souldiers, who efcaped to their own 
 Houfes, did there immediately fit and prepare themfelves for a journey to Los 
 Reyes. Garplatfo, my Mafter, fent me home, which was not far from his Houfe, 
 to bring him the bell of his Horfes which remained faddled ever fince the after- 
 noon when he returned from the fport of Balls. As I went to fetch the Horfe , 
 paffing by the Houfe of Thomas Vazquez, I faw in the Street two Horfes faddled, 
 with three or four Negroes with them , in difcourfe together, and when I retur- 
 ned, I found them in the Streets, where I left them : of which when I acquain- 
 ted my Father and the reft, they were much troubled, imagining that thofe Hor- 
 fes and Slaves belonged to the Confpirators. At that very inftant Rodrigo de Leon, 
 Brother of Pero Lopez de Cacalla called to me, and defired me to goe to his Bro- 
 ther's Houfe, which was in the fame Street, but far from the place where wa 
 were •-, and to tell the Porter, who was an Indian, that he defired him to hide the 
 Coat of Male and Head- piece which he left in his Chamber •, becaufe it was 
 believed, that the Confpirators would that night fack and plunder the whole City. 
 I made all the hafte I could , but before I returned, my Father, and his two 
 Kinfrnen, who were Diego de LosRks and Antonio Quinnones, were departed, ha- 
 ving taken a large compafs through Back-ways and By-ftreets, to avoid the door 
 of Thomas Vafyuez, : but I returned to my Father's houfe, which is juft oppofite to 
 the two Squares , which were not then fo curioufly adorned , as the Houfes are 
 now, which are fituate by the Stream fide, and in the Squares of Market-places. 
 And there I remained full of expectation to fee the iflue of that fad and difmall 
 night. 
 
 Aaaaaa z GHA P. 
 
oi6 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez dijcovers the Governour, and tak,es 
 him and goes into the Market-place ; he opens the Prifon 
 doors and fets the Prijoners at Liberty : he caufes Don 
 Baltafar de Caftillia , and the Account ant John de Car- 
 ceres to be killed. 
 
 ALL this time Francifco Hernandez, Giron and his Affbciates remained in the 
 Houfe of Alonfi de Loayfa purpofely to take the Governour , fuppofing that 
 if they had him in their hands , all the City would yield and furrender to them. 
 And being informed that he was concealed in the room with the Women , they 
 ran a Bench againft the firft door , and broke it open , and coming to the fecond, 
 thofe within parlied with them, defiring them to pafs their words, not to kill the 
 Governour, nor do him other hurt ; which Hernandez, having given accordingly, 
 the doors were opened •, and the Governour being taken , Hernandez, carried him 
 to his own Houfe , where he left him under a fecure Guard •-, and then he went 
 into the Market-place , with all his Companions , who were not above-twelve or 
 thirteen in number. 
 
 But this Imprifonment of the Governour, that is, the taking of him and car- 
 rying him to his Houfe , and committing him into fafe cuftody, was not perfor- 
 med in lefs than three hours and a half's time : by which it plainly appears, that 
 in cafe the Governour had gone forth, as my Father and other friends advifed him, 
 and had made good the Market-place , and founded an Alarm, fummoning all his 
 Majefty's loyal Subjects to his AiTiftence , no doubt but the Rebels would have 
 been afrighted, and foon abfconded themfelves in places where they could have 
 found the beft refuge : the which every one confefled after the matter was over. 
 And now having the curiofity to fee what was a&ing, I went out into the Mar- 
 ket place, where I found a few of thofe poor rafcally fellows, who were ready to 
 run away in cafe they had feen any to oppofe them : but the darknefs of the night, 
 and the boldnefs of thofe Confpiratours to enter into a Houfe fo full of people, 
 affrighted the Governour and all the Company with'a furprizing fear, and chafed 
 all the Citizens and Souldiers out of the Town $ who joyning together might ea- 
 fily and without the leaft difficulty have confounded the Rebels. About half an 
 hour after midnight, when I was in the Market-place, came Thoma* Vafquez, pran- 
 cing on Horfe-back, and another following him with their Lances in their hands, 
 and asked Hernandez, what fervice he had to command them ? to which he an- 
 fwered , that all he had to delire at prefent was, that they would goe the rounds, 
 and advife all people that they met, not to be afraid ; and in cafe of trouble, or 
 danger, that they {hould apply themfelves to him, who was in the Market-place, 
 ready to fuccour and ferveall his Friends and Matters. In like manner foon after 
 this , came another Citizen called Alonfi Diaz, mounted on Horfe-back with his 
 Lance in his hand ; to whom Hernandez, ordered the fame thing as he had done 
 to Vazquez, : fo that all the Citizens who were engaged in this Confpiracy were 
 
 onely three, namely , Thomas Vaz,quez, , John de Pedrahita, and Alonfi Diaz, , for he 
 
 that was with Vazquez, was a ftranger , and no Citizen •, though foon afterwards 
 feveral others came and joyned with them , more out of fear than aflfe&ion , as 
 plainly appears : for they all left and deferted them with the firft occafion which 
 prefented. Thefe poor Rebels, finding themfelves few in number, and that none 
 came in to their aiTiftence ; went directly to the Frifons, and opened the doors, to 
 recruit their numbers 5 and marched direftly with them to the Market-place , 
 where they remained untill break of day , and then they found that all the For- 
 ces they could make, did not amount to above forty men. And though Palentino 
 makes a long and formal ftory of this bufinefs , and tells us , that they ran about 
 the Streets crying out Liberty , Liberty , and that they produced great ftores of 
 Pikes and Mufquets, and fet up a Standard 3 and that Hernandez, made Proclama- 
 tion 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. oi7 
 
 tion, that all people, upon pain of death, (hould come in to their party 5 and that 
 Lights were fet up in the Streets , and Guards placed , to prevent the efcape of 
 any perfon whatsoever. I fay notwithstanding, that nothing pafied more that 
 night than what is before related •-, for , I being then a boy , had the Liberty to 
 run about , and was an eye-witnefs of all that palled •-, for thefe people being 
 fo few in number , could neither fet up Lights , nor appoint Watches and Guards 
 in all parts of the City, which was above a League in Compafs. The next day 
 they went to the Governour's Lodgings , where they examined his Clofet and 
 Papers-, amongfl which (as they report) were found above eighteen feveral 
 Orders of the Juftices, all tending to the damage and prejudice of the Citizens •, 
 namely , that they mould free and acquit the Indians of all perfonal Services, that 
 none of them fhould be compelled to labour in the Mines, nor to receive or quar- 
 ter Souldiers, nor to maintain them either fecretly or in publick, all which were 
 Inventions to raife Mutinies, and incite the Souldiery to join with them. 
 
 The third day after this Rebellion Hernandez was employed in making Vifits 
 to the principal Citizens at their own homes : and amongft the reft , coming to 
 my Father's Houfe, where I, and my Mother-in-law were onely prefent, he told 
 us, amongft other things •-, that what he had done, was for the publick good and 
 well fare of all the Souldiers, Citizens and Planters, of the whole Empire. That 
 the fnpreme Charge and Super- intendency of all thefe matters he referved not for 
 himfelf , but to beftow it on feme other who beft deferved it : And he defired 
 my Mother to prevail with my Father not longer to conceal himfelf, but to meet 
 him and the reft of his Aflbciates in the Market-place, to confult and order mat- 
 te s at a time when the difficulty of affairs required his affiftence. 
 . The like Difcourfes he ufed in other Houfes where he made his Vifits, belie- 
 ving that thofe who did not appear had abfeonded themfelves, not imagining that 
 th tie fkd to Lot Reyes : but when my Mother-in-law allured him, that fince 
 th< Wedding-night, (he had not feen my Father, nor had he entred into his Houfe 5 
 which my Mother affirming with all the Oaths and Afleverations (he could make, 
 fhe desired him in cafe he believed her not , to make fearch in all the parts and 
 corners of the Houfe •, he then was convinced, and faid, that he wondered at it 5 
 and fo cutting oft all farther difcourfe , he took his leave , and went to vifit other 
 Houfes , where he found the fame verified, as in this place. For the truth is, 
 they did not all fly away the fame night, but four or five nights after , as they 
 found convenient •, for having no Guards in the Streets , nor at the Gates , every 
 one efcaped without rruch difficulty. 
 
 About eight days after this Rebellion was begun , one Bernardino de Rubles , a 
 
 bold and lude fellow informed Hernandez, Giron, that Bakafar deCafiillia and John de 
 
 Carceres the Accountant were preparing to make their Efcape and carry with them 
 divers others, and that all their wrought Plate and other moveables they had fecured 
 in a Monaftery : which fo foon as Hernandez, underflood, he prefently called for 
 his Lamer Diego de Alvarado, and ordered him to examine the matter, and punifh 
 the Offenders according to their demerit. The Lawyer required no great Forma- 
 lity in the Procefs or of Witnefles to give their Teftimonies ■-, for he owed an old 
 grudge to Bahafar de Caflillia , on the (core of a quarrel which about two months 
 before happened between them in the chief Market place of the City, in which 
 it was the fortune of both of them to be wounded 5 which the Lawyer not eftee- 
 ming a fufficient fatisfadion, was angry that he had not killed him •, for, as we 
 have faid , he prefumed more on his Weapon than on his Learning : and now , 
 having an opportunity to vent his Anger with Colour of Authority , he exercifed 
 his Commiflion with all Severity upon innocent men, who, as report goes, were 
 not guilty of the leaft offence : for the fame night that he received his Warrant, 
 he went diredly to the Houfes of thofe who were accufed ■■> and allotted them a 
 fhort time , not fufficient to make their Confeflion , and then delivered them in- 
 to the hands of the Hang-man John Enriquez, to be Strangled •, who was the fame 
 Executioner who had beheaded Gon$alo Pi$arro and hanged and quartered his 
 Captains and Lieutenant General. The next day after this Rebellion of Hernan- 
 dez had broken out , this Bloudy Rogue (hewed himfelf openly in the Market- 
 place , with bundles of Halters about him , and all the Inftruments of death and 
 torment 5 prefuming that there would now be work for him and employment for 
 a man of his Office : he alfo drew out his brought Sword to cut off Heads 5 but 
 he payed afterwards for this prefumption, as we (hall find by the fequel : How- 
 
 foever, 
 

 oi8 Royal Comment arks. Book VII. 
 
 foever, in the mean time he laid hands on thefe two poor Gentlemen , and ftran- 
 gled them in a moment: after which he (tripped Don 3-thafar , and left him as 
 naked as he was born •, but he fuflfered fohn Carceres to remain in his Shirt , per- 
 haps becaufe his Linen was not fo fine as was Ba/tafar's •, then he drew their Bo- 
 dies into the Market-place , and laid them at the foot of the Gallows , where I 
 faw them about nine a Clock that night. It is reported that Francifco Hernandez, 
 did the next day reprove his Lawyer , for being fo hafty in his execution of Ju- 
 ftice, before he had communicated the matter firft to him •-, but this was onely a 
 feigned pretence to gain efteem and credit with the People-, but fecretly he was 
 pleafed with it , obferving the terrour and confternation this aftion had operated 
 in the minds of the People, for fince they had not fpared his Majefty's Accoun- 
 tant, nor one of his Captains in the late Wars, who had a revenue of fifty thou- 
 fand Ducats a year, with a great command over Indians ; what could others ex- 
 ped of lefs condition 5 whereupon all the Citizens fubmitted to them , efteeming 
 their condition fecureft , who were already fled , and had made their efcapes ; 
 but the Affaffmates grew more infolent and tyrannical than before. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez names and 'appoints a Lieutenant 
 General and Captains for his Army. Two Cities fend 
 Ambafadours to him. The number of Citizens that were 
 fed to Rknac. 
 
 1 
 
 HErnandez having by this time aflembled about an hunched and fifty Souldiers 
 belonging to the City and the parts adjacent •-, he began to appoint Officers 
 and Commanders •, and named Diego de Aivarado his Lawyer to be his Lieutenant 
 General, and Thomat Vazquez,, Francifco Nmnez, and Rodrigo de Pineda, to be Cap- 
 tains of Horfe. Thefe two laft, being Citizens, were much in favour, and kind- 
 ly treated by Hernandez, ever fince the beginning of the Rebellion •, and to oblige 
 and engage them the more, he conferred on them the Commands of Captains of 
 Horfe •, which they accepted rather out of Fear than out of affedlion to his caufe, 
 or intereft, or expectation of benefit, or honour from this preferment. His Cap- 
 tains of Foot were fohn de Pedrahita, Nunno Mendicla and Diego Gavilan, Albertos de 
 
 Ordunna was made Standard-bearer, and Antonio Cari/lo Serjeant Major. So eve- 
 ry one refpe&ively repaired to his Charge and Command, to raife Souldiers for 
 completing their Troops and Companies. 
 
 Their Enfigns and Colours were made very fine , with Infcriptions and Mottoes 
 on them all relating to Liberty, fo that their Army named themfelves, the Army 
 of Liberty. The report of this Infurrection being noifed and bruted abroad in 
 general, without any particulars •-, it was believed, that all the City of Cozco had 
 joined unanimoufly in the rebellion •, on which fuppofition, the Cities of Hua- 
 manca and Arequepa , fent their Ambafladours to Cozco , defiring to be admitted 
 into the League and Society with them , and to be received into the protection 
 of the Metropolis and Head-city of the Empire, that fo they might join together 
 to reprefent their cafe to his Majefty, which was very burthenfome and oppreflive 
 by reafon of thofe many grievous Ordinances which were daily fent them by the 
 
 Judges. The Ambafladour from Arequepa was called Valdecabr a*, with whom 
 
 I was acquainted •, though Palemino lays he was a Frier called Andres de Talavera y 
 perhaps they might both be fent. He that was fent from Huamanca was called Her- 
 nando delTiemblo\ and both thefe Ambaffadours were received by Hernandez Gi- 
 ron with much kindnefs and refpeel: , who began now to become proud of his 
 caufe and enterprife , which appeared fo popular , that the whole Kingdom in a 
 fhort time was ready to efpoufe and embrace it: and farther, to magnifie his Ac- 
 tions, he publiflied abroad, that upon the News of what was a&ed at Cozco, the 
 
 people 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. qio 
 
 people of the Chares following the example thereof, had killed the Marlhal de 
 Alvarado. But lb foon as the Cities of Huamanca and Arequepa were rightly infor- 
 med, that this Infurre&ion at Cozco was not raifed by the Corporation, or by and 
 with the confent and counfel of the whole City, but by the contrivance of a 
 fingle perfon, who being confeious of his paft Crimes, had raifed this mutiny to 
 fecure himfelf from the punilhment •, and how k\\; and of what mean condition 
 the Confpira tours were -, they altered their refolutions and opinions, and with 
 joynt confent prep.ii ed themfelves to ferve his Majefty as others had done in Cozco, 
 
 namely Gar.iiajfo de la Vega, Antonio de Quinnones, Diego de los Rios, Geronimo CojlilU 
 
 and Garei Sanchez, de Figtitrqa, my Father's elder Brother, who, though he had no 
 Eftate given him, was yet an old Souldier, and one who well deferved of the Coun- 
 trey : thefe five Gentlemen efcaped out of Cozxo on the fame night of the Rebel- 
 lion, the others which we (hall name, fled, three, four, or five nights afterwards, 
 as opportunity prdented : fo Bafio de Guevara a Citizen, and the two Efchalantes, 
 his Kinfmen, elcaped the fecond night. Alonfo de Hmojofa, and John de Pancorvo, 
 fled the fourth night ; and AlwCo de Mefa the fifth night, having ftayed to conceal 
 and fecure his Silver, which the Rebels afterwards difcovered and converted to 
 their own ultr, as we lhall relate hereafter. My Mafter Garcilajfo and his Com- 
 panions, proceeding on their journey, met with Pero Lopez, de Ca$alla about nine 
 leagues ciftant from the City, where he lived upon his own Eftate, of whom we 
 have made mention in the Ninth Book of the Firft Part of this Hiftory Chap. 26. 
 and with him was his Brother Sebaflian de Cafiilla •, who being informed how mat- 
 ters had paffed at Cozco, they refolved to accompany thefe other Gentlemen for 
 
 the fervice of his Majefty: The Wife of Pero de Lopez,, called Donna Francifca de 
 
 Cunmga, was of noble defcent, very handlbme, vertuous and difcreet, was unwil- 
 ling to be left behind, but defirous to accompany her Husband in that journey : 
 And though (he was a tender Woman, and of a weak conftitution of Body, yet 
 lhe adventured to rice alone with a Side-faddle on a Mule 5 and paffed all the 
 bad ways, endured all the fatigues, and held out as well as any one in the com- 
 pany. And every night, when they came to their Lodging, (he took care to pro- 
 vide Supper and Break-faft next morning, with help of the Indians, and directed 
 the Indian Women in what manner to drefs the Victuals : all which I have heard 
 thofe who kept her company, difcourfe concerning this famous Lady. 
 
 Thefe Gentlemen proceeding on their journey, and being come to Curapampa 
 about twenty leagues from the City, they met Heman Bravo de Lagma, and Ga- 
 fparo de Sotelo Citizens thereof, who had fome Lands an.d Indians in vaflalage in 
 thofe parts •, to whom having given a report of what had paffed at Coz,c 0, they 
 refolved to accompany with them, as did many other Planters and Souldiers, 
 whom they met on the way, untill they came to Huamanca ; the Inhabitants of 
 which City did wonder much _to lee fo many principal perfons and men of quali- 
 ty there •-, whofe prefence confirmed them in their fii ft refolution to ferve his Ma- 
 jefty in union with perfonages of fo much honour as thefe 5 fo as many as could 
 go at that time went, and were followed by others, as their conveniences ferved. 
 
 But to look a little backwards, we forgot to fay, that when my Mafter Gar$i- 
 iajfo and his Companions paffed the Bridge at Apurimac, they confidered that many 
 people out of Cozto and other parts, were likely to follow them in fervice of his 
 Majefty, and therefore it would not be fit to hinder their paflage by burning the 
 Bridge, for that were to deliver them into the hands of the Rebels : wherefore 
 they agreed to order two men to remain for Guards at the Bridge, and to fuffer 
 all perfons to pais who (hould come thither within the fpace of five or fix days, 
 and then to fet fire to it •, whereby they ftiould travel more fecurely and free of 
 fear from purfuits of the enemy : which was accordingly performed, fo that thofe 
 who came within the fpace of thofe days found a paflage contrary to expectation, 
 for they feared much that they fhould find the Bridge burnt by the firft who 
 pafled. Other Citizens of Cozco went to Los Rejes by other Roads 5 for it hap- 
 pened that many of them at that feafon of the year were at their Houfes and Plan- 
 tations with their Indians, namely, John fulio de Hojeda, Pedro de Orue, Alartin de 
 Arbieto, Rodrigo de Efyuivel ; all which pafiiilg by the Plantation of Don Pedro de 
 
 Cabrrra took nim with them, and travelled all together to Los Reyes. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
o2o Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 
 Letters are written to the chief Rebel, and the Governour is 
 banijhed out of Cozco. 
 
 PAlmino, in the twenty fifth Chapter of his Book, coming to touch upon this 
 paffage, faith, as follows : 
 About this time Michael de VilUfuerte arrived at Cozco, with credential Letters 
 
 directed to Francifco Hernandez, from Pedro Lewis de Cabrera, who was then at Co~ 
 
 tabamba with fome Souldiers and intimate Friends when the Infurreclion was firft 
 made ; and with them alfo were Hernando Gnillada, and Diego Mendez, who were 
 engaged in the Rebellion ofSebaftian de Caftilla .- the Letters were to this effect : 
 That fince it was not the fortune of Don Pedro to have been the firft in this Infur- 
 reftion, but that Francifco Hernandez had got the ftart of him, and preceded him 
 by four days time, he defired him to profecute his defign, and endeavour to ob- 
 tain a general addrefs from the people, lupplicating him to take upon him the fole 
 administrate of the whole Kingdom : That he for his part, had already fet up his 
 Standard in his name, and was marching towards Los Reyes, with intention to 
 force the Court of Juftice to nominate him for Captain-General •, and that fo foon 
 as he was inverted in that charge, he would then advife him to feife on the Judges 
 and fend them into Spain. This Letter was feconded by another from Don Pedro 
 to Hernandez, fent by the Son of Gomez de Tlrdya, giving him to underfiand, that 
 he was certainly informed, that Garplajfo de la Vega, Antonio Qmmones, and others 
 who were gone to Los Reyes, had no intent to favour their Caufe -, for though 
 they defigned to joyn with Don Pedro in the Rebellion, yet when they found that 
 he (that is Hernandez) had anticipated the matter, and was the firft in the Plot, 
 they then fell off from farther profecution thereof ^ And that this was his defign 
 plainly appears j for when he firft went from his Plantation, he caufed Mais to be 
 laid, which being ended, he made Oath upon the Altar, in hearing of the people, 
 that he was going to Lima with no other intent or purpofe than to feife on the 
 Judges and to Ship them away for Spain. But Francifco Hernandez, knowing Don 
 Pedro to be a fubtile and a double-hearted man, confidered all thefe ftories to be 
 fictions of his own, whereby the better to fecure himfelf, and without any op- 
 »ofition to pafs over together with his Souldiers to the other party : wherefore, 
 having taken away the ftaff of Juftice from the Governour Gil Ramirez, he com- 
 mitted him to the cuftody of fehn de Piedrahita, with orders to convey him with 
 a Guard of Mufquetiers out of the City of Cozco, and conduct him twenty leagues 
 on his way towards Los Reyes, which was accordingly done, without taking any 
 thing from him : Moreover Inftruftions were given to Piedrahita to find out Don 
 Pedro and tell him, that he fhould not need to go to Lima, but rather to doe 
 him the favour to come to Cozco: which if Don Pedro fhould refute to doe, he 
 then required him to feife on him and bring him thither in fafe cuftody : but Don 
 Pedro being too far advanced before, Piedrahita could not overtake him, and there- 
 fore returned back to Cozco without eflfeft, &c Thus far that Authour. 
 
 But becaufe thofe matters are not fet down methodically as they pafied, we 
 lhall defcribe them more orderly, and (hew every paffage, as it fucceeded, and 
 
 by what way Piedrahita guided the Governour : now as to Don Pedro de Cabrera, 
 
 his circumftances were fuch as not to ftand in need of any correfpondence with 
 Francifco Hernandez, nor did he ever intend or deiign any luch thing, being a per- 
 fon who both in Mind and Body was unfit for War ; for he was the moft corpu- 
 lent man that ever I faw ; and with fuch a Belly, that, as I remember two years 
 after the Batrel of Sacfahuana, a Tailour, who was a Negrec, and a Slave to my 
 Father, but a very good Workman, made a Doublet for him of Cordovan with 
 a Gold Fringe, which being almoft finiihed, three other knavilh Boys like my felf 
 about ten or eleven years old, came into the Chamber where the Tailour was at 
 work, and finding this Doublet on the Shop-board, bordered with a Silk Ga- 
 bon, we looked on it, and feeing it fo wide, we all covered our felves within ir, 
 and ftill there was room for another of our fize and bigneif. And having fo great 
 
 a Belly 
 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 02 
 
 a Belly he could not ride on a Gennet's Saddle, which hath a high Pommel before, 
 but as his occalion ferved he rode on a Mule, with a Saddle low before, ufed for 
 racing-, though his bulk was fo burthenfome that he never engaged himfelf in 
 exercifes of Activity. And though in the Wars againft Go»$alo Pi^arro he had" the 
 command of a Troop of Horfe, it was given him as a reward for being inftru- 
 mental in furtender of the Fleet_ unto the Prefident, and with it, after the War 
 was ended, he was farther gratified with a good allotment of Lands with vaffal- 
 nge of Indians thei eunto belonging, as we have before mentioned : then as to his 
 humour and manners, he was the moft luxurious man in his diet, and the greateft 
 glutton that ever was known 3 he was very pleafant and facetious in his converfa- 
 tion ; he would tell fuch comical ftories, all of his own making, as w r ere very de- 
 lightfull 5 and, for want of better company, he would put jefts and tricks upon 
 his Pages, Lackeys and Slaves, and entertain himfelf with laughing at them : I 
 could here recount many of his Jefts, but let that of his Doublet pafs for all, it 
 not being fit to intermix too many of thefe trivial matters with others of more fe- 
 rious and weighty importance. His Houfe was near to my Father's, and there 
 was feme kindred and alliance between them ; for the Mother of my Lady Donnd 
 Elcm de Figueroa, was of the Houfe of Feria, fo that there was great intercourfe 
 between the two Houfes, and they always called me Nephew .- and afterwards in 
 the year 1 J62. when we weie at Madrid, and there occafionally difcourfing of the 
 death of this Don Pedro, we repeated and called to mind many of thefe particu- 
 lars : which will ferve to (hew how improbable it was that this Don Pedro, who 
 lived in all the plenty, eafe and profperity that his heart could defire, mould turn 
 Rebel, and engage in the defperate Caufe of Hernandez, Giron ; for he for the moft 
 of the year lived in the Countrey with his Indians, and half a dozen good fellows 
 with him, being merry without thoughts of State matter, or black defigns of Re- 
 bellion : (6 that bis whole defign of fending thefe meflengers was onely to be 
 truly informed of all particulars relating to this Rebellion of Hernandez-, how ma- 
 ny, and who were the Citizens that were fled, and who were thofe who remai- 
 ned, and fided with the factious party. For he and his Companions being refol- 
 ved to go to Los Reyes, they drought it neceffary to inform themfelves of all things 
 at Cozco, fo as to give a diftinct account and not in a confufed blind manner, both 
 on the way and at Los Reyes when they arrived there ; and to take off all fufpi- 
 cion from the meflengers which he fent to Hernandez., he gave them Letters of 
 credence, that he might permit them to return with the anfwer. Then as to the 
 Road towards Los Reyes, Don Pedro had well fecured it ', for Don Pedro's place of k 
 refidence, was feated fifteen leagues on the way from Coz.co to Los Reyes, the Ri- 
 ver Afurimac being between ; of which when the Bridge was burnt, it cut off all 
 paftage from the enemy : and thus Don Pedro and his Companions, having recei- 
 ved information of all they defired, travelled fecurely to Los Reyes, and laughed 
 at the Rebels. 
 
 The Orders given by Hernandez, to John Piedrahka, were to conduct the Gover- 
 nor Gil Ramirez, de Avalos with fix Mufquetiers, not by the way of Lima, which 
 is Northward, but by the way of Arequepa, which is to the South •, with farther 
 Inftructions that when he had brought him at the diftance of forty leagues from 
 the City, that he lhould then leave him at liberty, and fuffer him to take his own 
 courfe and way as he pleafed : but this journey of Piedrahka w r af not made with- 
 in the time of the firft eight or ten days after the Infurrection, but forty days af- 
 terwards. And the caufe why the Governour was fent by the way of Arequepa, 
 and not by the direct way, was to prolong his journey to Los Reyes, and make 
 him to mifs the company of thofe Citizens who were going to Rimac. By all 
 which it appears, that the relations given to Diego Hernandez, of thefe matters, were 
 as the vulgar fort report them to be, who always fpeak with variety, and as they 
 fanfie and defire things to be ; but what I have here faid, I know to be true^ 
 both having feen them, and heard them from undoubted witneffes, 
 
 Bbbbbb CHAF. 
 
02 2 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez caufes himfelf to be chofen Captain, 
 and Procurator-General of the whole Empire. The Judges 
 appoint Officers for their Army, and the Marfljal doth the 
 like. 
 
 Fifteen days were now paft fince the Rebellion firft began, when Hernandez, 
 finding himfelf ftrengthened with a number of Souldiers, and dreaded by all, 
 for the cruelty he had executed on Dm Bahafar de Caftilla, he thought it now time 
 to fortifie his authority (as he foolifhly imagined) with fome fpecious name and 
 title, which might found great in the ears of the people , who feeing him owned 
 by the City which was the Metropolis of the Empire, might be more eafily induced 
 to follow his caufe and defigns, which he knew not himfelf what they were, or 
 what they were likely to prove. To this end he fummoned a general Aflembly 
 of the whole City, at which were prefent twenty five Citizens and Lords of Indi- 
 ans, as Diego Hernandez, counted them, and I was acquainted with them all , amongft 
 which there was but one head Conftable, and two Juftices, and none of the others 
 had any Office or right to fit in that Aflembly. The Court being fet, he acquain- 
 ted them, that the reafon he had to call them together, was to lay before them 
 the frequent Orders and Commands fent from the Juftices to the great damage 
 and prejudice of the people, to free them from which, he prqpofed to them, as 
 the beft expedient, to eledt him for Procurator-General of the whole Empire, and 
 to authorife him in their names humbly to petition and fupplicate his Majefty to 
 take off fuch aggrievances as they mould judge moft oppreffive 5 and to enable 
 him farther in this Office, that they would elecl him for Captain-General, and 
 chief Jufticiary of that City and of the whole Kingdom, to protect and govern 
 them in War and Peace. All which was granted to him without any fcruple or 
 demurr-, more out of fear (as Children fay) than (hame or love, being over-awed 
 by a Band of about an hundred and fifty Souldiers commanded by two Captains, 
 called Diego Gavilan and Nunno Mediola, who were drawn up in the Market-place 
 at the door of the Tholfey, where the Council was aflembled. So foon as the 
 Court was rifen, Proclamation was made of the Power and Authority which was 
 given to Francifco Hernandez, ; with which not being fully fatisfied, he forced the 
 Citizens and Inhabitants to declare themfelves well contented with all his actions, 
 and that what they atted was by their own free will and confent without any force 
 or compulfion upon them. Whilft things were thus adting in Cozc-o, the news and 
 intelligence thereof was carried to Los Reyes, which the Judges would not believe 
 at firft 5 conceiving it to be a ftrategeme of the Meffenger, who was a great Friend, 
 and as they fay, Fofter Brother with Francifco Hernandez, Giron, to try how the 
 people would take it, and to fee how they flood affe&ed to his caufe and intereft : 
 and upon this belief they apprehended Hernando Chacon, being the perfon who 
 brought the news, which when they found verified and confirmed from other hands 
 and places, they then fet him again at liberty 3 and thought it time to provide for 
 Wai, and to make choice of Officers and Commanders of their Army : We can- 
 not here fpecifie the names of them particularly, becaufe many of them refufed the 
 Commands which were offered to them, efteeming them inferiour to their worth 
 and dignities, who deferved to be Generals and to command in Chief: wherefore 
 we will pafs over thefe Elections for the prefent, and onely fay, that all was carried 
 on with heat and faction, as is ufual in tumultuous meetings, where every one 
 commands and rules : by this time alfo news of the Rebellion raifed by Hernandez, 
 was come to Potocfi, where the Marlhal Alonfo de Alvarado was a&ually employed in 
 doing juftice upon Offenders guilty of the Murther of Pedro de Hinojofa, and Con- 
 fpiratours with Don Sebaflian de Caflilla : but fo foon as this news came, a ftop was 
 given to farther profecution of thole who deferved death as well as thofe againft 
 whom Sentence was already given : and inftead of punithment, it was thought fit 
 to convert all into clemency and pardon, which tended much to the quiet of the 
 
 people, 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 023 
 
 •r ■ ' - - — — — — — — — — 1 — . .. — ■ 1 , — 
 
 people, who were greatly troubled and fandalized to fee fuch daily effufions of 
 bloud and {laughters amongft their friends and acquaintance : Hereupon fuch as 
 were condemned had their reprieves granted, and by way of punimment were to 
 ferve his Majeily at their own coft and charges : amongft thefe was a certain Soul- 
 dier called — de Bilbao, whom a friend of his feeing at liberty, congratulated with 
 him for the fafety of his life and freedom, telling him that he was obliged to return 
 thanks to Almighty God for this great deliverance: to which the Souldier made 
 anfwer, and faid, that he rendred thanks to his Divine Majeily, and to St. Peter, 
 and to Sl Paul, and to St. Francifco Hernandez Giron, by whofe merits and means he 
 had been faved, and that he could not doe lefs in acknowledgment thereof than to 
 go and ferve him, the which he accordingly did, as we ihall fee hereafter. 
 
 Befides this Souldier above forty more were delivered out of prifon moft of 
 which would have been fentenced to dye, and others at leaft condemned to row 
 in the Gallies , which was the beft they could expect 3 but thofe Citizens and 
 Souldiers who were not fo deeply concerned as others , the Marfhal was plea fed 
 to fet at Liberty without any farther procefs, but thefe prifoners refufed to accept 
 thereof , but to be brought to their Tryal, as Tidentim faith, Chapter the fortieth , 
 in thefe words. 
 
 Some of the Prifoners underftanding that they were to be fet at liberty without 
 tryal, refufed to accept thereof without a fentence in their caufe, becaufe they be- 
 came liable thereby to be taken up again and punimed when the Judges or their 
 Enemies were defirous to accule them : wherefore, to make difpatch in this mat- 
 ter, he fined Gomez, de Soli* in five hundred pieces of Eight, to be paid as Fees to 
 Iiis Keeper and Guards : Martin de Almendras had the like Fine, as alfo Martin de 
 Robles •, others were condemned in two hundred, a hundred, fifty and twenty pie- 
 ces of Eight, proportioning the Fine according to. the ability of the perfon, rather 
 than to the degree and quality of his Crime. Thus far Diego Hernandez,. 
 
 Moreover the Marfhal gave order to provide Arms 3 and to make Pikes in 
 thofe Provinces , where wood was plenty , and to make Powder in cafe necefllty 
 fhould require. Some few days afterwards came two Commands from the Jufti- 
 ces , the one fufpending the execution of the Decrees formerly made for freeing 
 the Indians from their perfonal fervices, which was to laft for the fpace of two 
 years, and'to take off many other things which caufed great Commotions and Dif- 
 turbances amongft the Inhabitants and Souldiers of that Empire , and had been 
 ( as the Governours well knew ) the fpring and original of thofe rebellions , 
 mutinies and factions which raged in the minds of the people , the other Com- 
 mand was a Commifllon conftituting the Marfhal Captain General of the For- 
 ces raifed againft Francifco Hernandez, , and with an unlimited power to expend 
 his Majefty's Treafure in this War, as far as occafion fhould require, and to bor- 
 row or take up money, in cafe the Exchequer mould fail. By virtue hereof the 
 Marfhal appointed Captains both of Horfe and Foot, befides other Officers whom 
 we (hall name hereafter. He defigned to make Gomez de Ah or ado his Lieutenant 
 General , but he refufed it , becaufe another Gentleman who was brother to the 
 Marfhal's Wife, pretended thereunto, called Don Martin de Avendanno, for whom 
 the Wife made great inftance •-, and as it were compelled her Husband , much 
 againft his own inclinations, to confer it upon him ■■, and though he was a young 
 man , and of little or no experience , he ccndefcended thereunto rather than to 
 raife War in his own Family.; He alfo difpatched Warrants and Orders to the 
 Curacas to gather what provisions they were able , and to appoint eight or nine 
 thoufand Indians to carry the baggage of the Army. He fent alfo into feveral 
 parts to raife Men , Horfe and Arms , and to take up all the Slaves they could 
 find. And here we will leave them in thefe Preparations to fee what becomes of 
 Francifco' Hernandez, and what lie is afting, and carry on the bufmefs of both Par- 
 ties, as the method of Hiftory requires. Whilft thefe things were in agitation in 
 the City of Los Reyes and Potocfi , Hernandez was not negligent of what concer- 
 ned his intereft , but ordered Thomas Vazquez, with a fquadron of about fifty 
 Souldiers well armed to march to the City of Arequepa , and in his name to take 
 the poffeffion thereof, and to treat peaceably with the Citizens , letting them 
 know , that the Corporation of Cozco had made choice of him to be Captain 
 General and chief Judiciary of all the Kingdom. In like manner he fent Franci- 
 fco Nunnez, a Citizen of Coze , to Huamanca , whom he had enticed by fair and 
 flattering promifes and with the Command of a Troop of Horfe, to be of hk 
 
 Bbbbbb 2, Party- 
 
o24 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 Party , though in truth fear, rather than all his favours, induced him thereunto 5 
 and with him John Gavilan was fent with fourty other Souldiers, whofe Orders 
 and Inftru&ions were the fame with thofe of Thomas Vazquez,-., and that moreover, 
 they (hould tell the City, that though they had allured him already by their Am- 
 bafladours, that they would join and correfpond with him in all his defigns, yet 
 for farther confirmation thereof, he required them to call a Court , to ratify their 
 former engagement, and to own and acknowledge him in that Sphere and Station 
 wherein he adted. The truth is , Hernandez, fent and employed thefe two Cap- 
 tains out of a defign to give reputation to his caufe by the fpecious colour of uni- 
 on between him and two Cities, rather than from any expectation he had of 
 bringing them over to his fide and party ■-, for he was not ignorant that they had 
 already retracled their former afturances, and repented of the Offers they former- 
 ly made him. Befides the Commiffions and Inftruciions given to thefe Captain?,* 
 he delivered letters to them for particular perfons, who were men of power and • 
 intereft in their Countrey, alfo Letters from himfelf, and from the City of Co*,co 
 to the Corporations of thofe Cities , defiling them to join with them in this 
 caufe , which was for the common good and welfare of the whole Empire : He 
 alfo caufed the City of Cozeo to write unto the City of Plate in the fame manner, 
 and to the fame effeft , as to the other Cities : and Hernandez, himfelf wrote 
 Letters to many Planters in the Charcot, and to the Marftial Alonfo de Aharado and 
 to his Wife Donna Anna de Velafco , the fubftance and Contents of which was Co 
 ridiculous , as ferved onely for fport, and laughter ; and were not thought worthy 
 of an Anfwer. He that hath the Curiofity to reade them, may find them in the 
 
 Hiftory of Diego de Hernandez, Chap. 27. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 The Juftices nominate Officers for the War. The [everal 
 Pretenders to the Command of Captain General. Fran- 
 cifco Hernandez leaves Cozco , and marches againft 
 the Juftices. 
 
 NEWS coming to Los Reyes, that Francifco Hernandez increafed daily in men, 
 reputation and authority , the Juftices thought it time to appoint their 
 Captains and Officers for the War. Paulo de Menefes was named for Lieutenant 
 
 General, and Don Antonio de Ribera , Diego de Mora , Melchior Verdugo , a Knight of 
 
 the habit of St. James , and Don Pedro de Cabrera were made Captains of Horfe ; 
 but the two laft refufed this Preferment , as too mean for men who had fo good 
 an opinion of themfelves , as to believe they deferved to be made Generals of 
 Armies greater than this. The Captains of Foot were Rodrigo Ninno, once con- 
 demned to the Gallies , Lewis de Avalos, Diego Lopez de Cenniga, Lcfe Martin Lu- 
 Jitano , Antonio de Luxan , and Baltazar Velafiuez, who in the laft rebellion of Don 
 Sebaftian de Caflilla , efcaped from the Juftke of the Marfhal Alonfo de Aharado ; 
 
 as hath been already mentioned. Lope de Gua$o was made Standard-bearer Gene- 
 ral 5 and the Command of Horfe refufed by Melchior Verdugo was beftowed up- 
 on Pedro de Carate ; And Alonfo de Carate, a Citizen of Arequepa, was alfo made Cap- 
 tain of Horfe. Francifco de Pinna was made Serjeant Major, and Nicholas de Ribera 
 
 Junior , was made Captain of the Guards to the Juftices , with Title of Cap- 
 tain of the Guard to ; the Royal Seal, which was , as Patent ino faith, to difguife 
 the Prefumption of raifing a Guard for themfelves. But when they came to 
 make choice of a Captain General , a great Tumult and Sedition arofe by three 
 Pretenders , who were all men of Eftates and Intereft , and each abetted by a 
 considerable Party- The Perfons in nomination were, Santillan, one of his Ma- 
 jefty's Juftices , who had the beft reputation of them all , and was allyed to 
 many of the Nobility who had gained the Empire , and who appeared in favour 
 
 of 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. qz^ 
 
 of his Election. The fecond who pretended thereunto was the Arch-biihop of 
 Los Reyes called Don Gerommo de Loajft : but what reafbn Ihould incite this religious 
 Perfon, who was of the Order of Preachers and Archbifhop in the Church of 
 God , to be General of an Armtt againft Chriftians is not known ; though 
 Souldiers took the Boldnefi to affign the caufe thereof to Ambition and Vanity 
 of a Prelate , whofe duty it was to remain in his Church , praying for the Peace 
 of thofe Chriftians, and for the Converfion of Infidels, by preaching the Gofpel, 
 rather than to appear a Fomenter of the civil War. The third Pretender was 
 Dr. Saravia , one of his Majefty 's Jullices of the fame Tribunal; who , though 
 he was fufficiently aflured , that he was never likely to carry his pretention , yet 
 out of oppofition to Santilkn, and from a fpirit of Emulation, he was refolved to 
 appear againft him, and finding^ his Party too weak then to join them with that 
 of the Archbilhop's. In this iufpenfe matters remained for feveral days, with- 
 out any determination : untill atlength the Electors finding that time was loft in 
 thefe quarrels, to the hindrance of affairs and to the weakning of the authority 
 of the Army, they agreed as the beft expedient to gratifie both parties, to make 
 choice of two Generals-, namely, Santillan, and the ArchbifhopofZw Reyes, fup- 
 pofing thereby to have fatisfied the defires of Doctour Saravia and his Party. 
 Whilft thefe things were in agitation News was brought to the Juftices and Let- 
 ters from the Citizens of Cozco , giving an account of the numbers and qualities 
 of the perfons who were gone from thence to ferve his Majefty. But fuch was 
 the jealoufie and fufpicion which the Juftices entertained of every perfon and ac- 
 tion in that rebellion, that they even miftrufted each other and much more the 
 advices and Intelligence which came from the quarters of the rebellious party :' 
 wherefore they lent them word not to advance nearer to Los Reyes untill farther 
 order. But no fooner had they difpatched away the Meffeoger with this Com- 
 mand , than they difcovered their own Errour , and began to confider how preju- 
 dicial it might prove to the fervice of his Majefty to reject and refufe admiffion 
 to fuch principal perfons who were coming to their Party, and had chofen to 
 abandon their Houfes, Wives and Children, rather than to remain in the power 
 and at the difpofal of the Rebels : wherefore they inftantly difpeeded away ano- 
 ther Mefienger , with a kind invitation to them , fignifying in the moft obliging 
 terms how acceptable their coming would be to the City •, and encharged the 
 meflenger to make fuch fpeed , as to overtake the former , and require of him his 
 difpatches which he was to ftifle , that nothing of the Contents thereof might be 
 known; which being performed accordingly, the Citizens of Cozco arrived at Los 
 Reyes where they were received with all the kindnefs and refpecl: imaginable. 
 
 The Ele&ion of Captains and Generals being at length made and agreed, Or- 
 ders were fent by the Judges to all the Cities of the Empire, giving them to un- 
 derftand that Hernandez, Glron was in actual rebellion , to fupprefs which it was 
 their duty to arme themfelves , and appear for fervice of his Majefty : And a 
 Lift was fent of the Names of all the Captains who were to command Horfe and 
 Foot in the feveral Plantations. Moreover Proclamation was every where made 
 of General Pardon to all thofe who had been engaged in the late Wars with Gon- 
 falo Pifarro or Don Sebaftiaa de Caflilla , provided that within fuch a time , they 
 came in for Service of his Majefty. For it was well known , that many of thofe 
 people had concealed themfelves amongft the Indians, not daring to Ihew them- 
 felves in the Spamfh Plantations. It was farther thought neceflary to fecure the 
 Seas , for which Service Lope Martin was appointed to embark on a Gabon , then 
 in Port with fourty Souldiers , and to fit and equippe what other Ships he could 
 provide; Lope Martin accordingly a&ed, but his Command lafted not above 
 eight days , for he was too paffionate and cholerick for fuch a charge , which re- 
 quired a perfon of a more phlegmatick conftitution and better temper. Wherefore 
 Geron'mo de silva was put into his place, which he executed like a Gentleman and 
 a Souldier well experienced in affairs both by Sea and Land ; and Lope Martin 
 returned to his command of a Foot-company , where we will leave him , to de- 
 clare the things were acting by Hernandez, Giron. 
 
 Who now perceiving himfelf ftrong in men, and in the increafe of his forces 
 to the number of four hundred , who were come to him , from divers parts , be^ 
 fides thofe he had lent to Huamaca and Jreqttepa he refolved to march towards 
 the City of Los Reyes, to fight the Army of the Juftices , as he called it: mea- 
 ning chat his Army was the Royal Army , and raifed for fervice of his Majefty, 
 
 And 
 
o2'5 .Royal Commentaries. Book VIL 
 
 And though he had above four hundred men with him, well clothed, armed and 
 mounted j yet it troubled him to obferve, that he was not backed andieconded by 
 the concurrence and authority of the feveral Cities,' Towns and Villages, for whofe 
 intereft, fafety and honour, he pretended to hg^ railed that War r But before he 
 refolved on his march to Los Reyes , he was cindering with himfclf, whether it 
 were not better to proceed firft againft theMarlhal, whofe party he looked upon to 
 be weakeft and ill affe&ed to him, by reafon of the great rigour, cruelty and feve- 
 rity he had lately exercifed , to the great fcandal and difpleafuie of all lides and 
 parties, whom he had in fome way or other difobliged by the death of their friends, 
 kindred or relations. Upon which ground many perfons, skilfull both in the af- 
 fairs of War , and the circumftances of thofe times, were of opinion , that in cafe 
 Hernandez, had in the firft place attached the Marlhal , it had fucceeded better for 
 him, in regard the beft Governour in the World cannot rely on a discontented 
 people the which Patent ino confirms, Chap. 60. in thele words. 
 
 It vvas the misfortune of Hernandez,) that he did not proceed firft to Potocfi rather 
 than to Lima-? for certainly, had he bent his courfe againft the Martha], he had in 
 all probability fubjeded thofe Provinces, and conferved his men, who would ne- 
 ver have gon over to one fo generally hated, and abhorred by them , ss was the 
 Marlhal-, though they did revolt afterwards when they came to Lima. Nor was 
 itbelieved, that the Marshal's men would have refilled or fought, nor indeed were 
 they provided for it, becaufe the Marlhal had lb many Enemies about him, that 
 all preparations for War moved ilowly. Thus far this Authour. 
 
 But God, who governs ail things, would not permit Hernandez, to take that 
 courfe , which was beft for him , for then the evils and miferies he would have 
 brought upon the people had been irreparable : but being infatuated he refolved 
 on a March to Lima, as Hiftory relates, leaving Alvarado the Lawyer his Lieute^- 
 nant General in the City, and to bring up the remainder of the forces, becaufe they 
 could not all go out together : but before Hernandez, left Cozco, he very generoufly 
 declared , that he was willing to difmifs or difcharge any perfon who was delirous 
 to remain behind , and rather (lay at home , than adventure on that enterprife : 
 the which offer he made upon confideration that preffed or forced men could ne- 
 ver be good and fa ft friends, or fuch as he could rely upon in times of necellity ; 
 efpecially if fuch were Citizens and men of Eftates, who would draw many after 
 them in cafe of revolt. Onely he importuned and almoft forced Diego de silva to 
 accompany the Army, prefuming that his prefence carried authority, and would 
 much animate and confirm the Souldiery. Diego de Sylva complied accordingly, 
 rather out of fear than Love , as appears in that the firft opportunity he forfook 
 his Party, and fled to the enemy, as we fhall fee hereafter. So that now Hernan- 
 dez, had procured fix friends, who accompanied him out of Cozco, three of which 
 
 Were Thomas Vazquez, John de Piedrahita and Alonfo Diaz,, who were all engaged with 
 
 him in the night of the rebellion 5 but the other three, who were Frandfco Nunnez, 
 Rodrigo de Pineda , and Diego de silva he obliged , and engaged to him afterwards 
 by fair words and promifes, and by preferments and offices, the firft to be Captain 
 of Horfe, and the fecond of Foot. Eight days after Hernandez, was marched out of* 
 Cozco, he was followed by his Lieutenant General with 200 Souldiers more; a- 
 mongft which were 20 conducted thither fome few days before, by [Frandfco de 
 Hinojofa, who brought them from Contifuyo .- for the truth is, all thole who went 
 under the name of Souldiers, followed the Party of Hernandez, Giron, whom they 
 efteemed their Protedour againft the rigorous Decrees and Edids of the Juftices, 
 which were daily promulged, and published to the damage and prejudice of the 
 Souldiery. Befides this Hinojofa, came another Souldier from the parts of Areque- 
 fa, called John de Vera de Mendo^a, who had been formerly of the King's party •, he 
 was young, and a Gentleman, and very ambitious of the honour to be a Captain 5 
 which being refufed to him by the King's Minifters becaufe of his youth-, he came 
 over to Hernandez Giron with a Companion of his called Mateo Sanchez,, whom he 
 named his Enfign, and both arrived at Cozco fome few days before the departure of 
 Hernandez, from thence 3 and to obtain this preferment for himfelf and his Com- 
 rade by the grace and favour of the General , they came together into the Town , 
 Mateo Sanchez, carrying a Towel on a Staff, in refemblance of his Colours, which 
 he as Enfign was to carry. But what was the Event of thefe matters we lhall fee 
 
 in the following Chapter. 
 
 CHAR 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 927 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 John de Vera de Mendo^a revolts from Francifco Hernan- 
 dez. The People of Cozqo go to feek^ out for the Marjhal. 
 Sancho Duarte raifes Men, and calls himfelf General of 
 them. He is reproved by the Marfhal. Francifco Her- 
 nandez comes to Huamanca. The Scouts of the two 
 Camps meet. 
 
 ALvarado the Lieutenant overtook his General about eight leagues from the 
 City of Cozco, where he flayed untill he came up to him •, and then they 
 all in a Body pafled the River Apurimac, and before night marched two leagues be- 
 yond it : but were four days in pafling the Bridge with their Men, Horfes, Am- 
 munition and Provilions. During which time John de Vera, de Mendoca confidering 
 that he had been already fifteen days in the Army, and no preferment given him, 
 nor confirmation of the title of Captain, which he fo paflionately defired, he re- 
 folved to leave Hernandez, and return to the King's party, which appeared more 
 like a Farfe in a Comedy than the action of a Souldiery, and for fuch we have in- 
 ferred it in this place. John de Vera agreed upon this delign with four other young 
 Souldiers like himfelf, who with his Enfign made fix in all •, and they that night 
 pafled the Bridge and afterwards burnt it, to prevent any purfuit which might be 
 made after them. And entring into Cozco the night following, they founded an 
 alarm, which put all the City into a confternation and tumult, fearing left the Re- 
 bels were returned with intention to doe them farther mifchief, fo that none durft 
 ftir abroad, or put his head out of doors that night. But lb foon as it was day, be- 
 ing better informed, that it was onely Captain John de Vera and his Followers, who 
 ftill carried his Colours flying, the Citizens went out to him, and agreed to go with 
 him to find out the Marfhal, who they knew, and were well afliired, was fortified 
 with a ftrong Army : John deSaavedra a principal Citizen was made their Chief-, and 
 John deVera de Mendoca would not be put by his Captain-fhip, nor march under any 
 Banner but his own, and though he came to the place where the Marfhal was, he 
 had neither the fortune to better his Colours nor advance his Title,, but pafled for 
 a Boy more forward and confident than difcreet. Thofe at Cozco, who met and 
 agreed upon this defign, were about forty in number, fifteen of which were Citi- 
 zens who had command over Indians, the reft were Merchants and Officers whom 
 the Rebels had left behind as ufelefs perfons : and thefe, fuch as they were, travel- 
 led towards ColUo, where the Marfhal Alonfo de Aharado kept his head Quarters : 
 who having underftood that many of the Citizens of Coz,co were coming in fearch 
 of him, he fent them Advice and Orders by no means to pafs out of the limits of 
 his Jurifdi&ion, but rather to expecl: him there, for that he was moving on the 
 way to meet them. 
 
 Sancho Quarte, who was then Governour of theCityof/Vrfre, raifed Souldiers 
 for the Service of his Majefty, and fetting up his Standard, marched towards Cozco 
 with above two hundred men divided into two Companies, one of Foot com- 
 manded by Captain Martin de o/mos, and the other of Horie of which he called 
 himfelf Commander with title of General. Being come to the Bridge where the 
 River empties it felf, he ftaid there fome few days, and having there received in- 
 telligence that Francifco Hernandez, was departed from Cozco, and was on his march 
 
 towards Los Reyes, lie Continued his way towards Cozco in purfuit of Francifco Her- 
 nandez, 5 for he, as the humour was at that time, defiring to command and not to 
 be commanded, avoided joyning with the Marfhal, that he might not be hisSoul- 
 dier, or fall under his Banner : which when the Marfhal underftood, he fent him 
 two Commands : the firft was a Letter requiring him to return within the limits 
 of his Jurifdidion, and to exped: his coming thither: for that it was not to the 
 fervice of his Majefty to have (o many fmall Armies disjoined from each other : 
 with this Letter he gave another more pofitive Command to the Meflenger in a 
 
 different 
 
o28 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 different ftyle, fubfcribed Captain-General, directing more magifterially, that in 
 cafe Sancbo Duarte mould not comply with every point commanded in the Letter, 
 that he mould certifie the fame back to him : bat Samhs Duarte upon thefe fum- 
 mons became very tradable, and returned again within the limits prefcribed him, 
 though before fuch fummons he feemed to fet up for himfelf, and in an arbitrary 
 manner to follow his own humour and pretentions. 
 
 And here we fhall leave him and fee what Hernandez, Girm is doing whom we 
 lately left in Apurimac .- Girm, proceeding on his way, underftood in Athkuylla that 
 all the Souldiers and Citizens of Huamarx* had declared themfelves for the King's 
 party, and that fohn Alonfo de Badajoz, who had called himfelf Lieutenant-General 
 of thofe Companies, was joyned with thofe few Souldiers which Francifco Nun- 
 nez, had raifed in Cozco, and were gone together unto Huxmaxca .• which Hernandez, 
 much refented, and complained thereof to his Friends, wondring that the Cities 
 who at firft had owned his caufe and approved his proceedings, fhould with fo 
 much facility abandon him and difown his actions. Howfoever he proceeded on 
 his march to the River Vilka, where his Scouts difcovered fever al of his Majefty s 
 Army : for that the Juftices being informed that Hernandez, was marching againft 
 them, gave orders to Captain Lope Martin to advance with a party of thirty Soul- 
 diers to inform them of the enemy, and of the place where they were quartered, 
 and with all fpeed to return with the advice 3 accordingly Lope Martin proceeded, 
 and having difcovered the enemy, gave an account of their condition and place 
 where they lodged. But Francifco Hernandez proceeded on his march to the City of 
 Huamanca, where he ftaid in expectation ofThomu Vazquez 3 for when he fent him 
 to Arequepa, he told him, that he would not pais that City untill his return. Vaz- 
 quez, having made but one days flay at Arequepa, marched thence by way of the 
 coaft, untill he overtook Francifco Hernandez 3 for he found that he had little to 
 doe there 3 for though that City, upon falfe reports and mifreprefentation of things - , 
 had underftood, that the City of Cozco had unanimoufly concurred to chufe Her- 
 nandez for their Procurator-General, to reprefent the cafe and (fate of their aggrie- 
 vances to his Majefty, and to lay them before the Lords Juftices, they then lent 
 their Ambafladour to Cozco (as we have faid) to fignifie their concurrence with 
 them : but when they rightly underftood, that all this Iniurrection was nothing 
 but the Rebellion of a few defperate men, they then were afhamed of their mel- 
 fage 5 and the whole City declared themfelves refolved to fpend their lives and 
 fortunes in the fervice of his Majefty, fo that Thomas Vazquez, finding none with 
 whom to treat, returned without effecting any bulinefs 3 but that it might not be 
 faid but he had done fomething, he killed Martin de Lezcano upon the way, who 
 had been his great Friend and old Comrade, to be before-hand with him, and to 
 prevent his killing him 3 for he fufpedted that he had a defign to declare for his 
 Majefty. He alfo hanged up another Souldier of good efteem and note, called 
 Alonfo de Mur, becaufe he fanfied that he had a mind to efcape, having received 
 both Horfe, and Arms, and Money from Hernandez .• when Hernandez heard that 
 Vazquez, was near the City, he went forth to meet him with his own Equipage and 
 Retinue, and they entred both together without much order or ceremony 3 which 
 was fo contrived not to lhew the fmall numbers which Vazquez, brought with him. 
 Captain Francifco Nunnez, who came out of Coz,co with forty Souldiers, with de- 
 fign to take pofleffion ofHuamanca, and to perform all other things which he was 
 commanded to doe, found matters therein the famepofture that Vazquczhad done 
 at Arequepa 3 that is, that all the Inhabitants were fled and gone to the fervice of 
 his Majefty 3 Onely fohn Alonfo de Badajoz,, and Sancho de Tudela, an old fellow of 
 eighty fix years of age remained behind, who followed the fortune of Hernandez. 
 untill the end of his Tyranny and Rebellion, and then he was killed amongft the 
 reft. 
 
 With thefe two and fome few Souldiers more Francifco Nunnez went forth to re- 
 ceive their General, whom they found much out of humour to find thofe who at 
 the firft feemed to abett his caufe and his intereft, now to deny and revolt from 
 him : but to comfort and cheer him upa little, two Souldiers of good efteem and 
 note, belonging to Lope Martin, revolted to him, one of which w'as afterwards 
 made Enfign-bearer to his Lieutenant-General the Lawyer Alvarado 3 by whom he 
 was fully informed of the ftate of the Camp which appeared for his Maje/ly. Af- 
 ter which he marched out of Huamanca with above feven hundred Souldiers, to- 
 wards the Valley of Sa*fa, from whence he fent two Captains with theii Squa- 
 drons 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 92a 
 
 drons into divers parts 5 one of whidi was John dc Piedrahita with fixty Souldiers, 
 and the other was Salvador de Logana with forty others. From his Ma jelly's Camp 
 Geronimo de CoflilU, a Citizen of Cozco, was ordered with twenty five Souldiers to 
 fcour the Countrey, and difcover the enemies quarters •, It was his fortune to take 
 that way by which John de Piedrahita was coming 3 but having intelligence that he 
 was not above four leagues diftant, and that he was fixty men ftrong, he made 
 his retreat, not being able to engage with fo great a number. But on the other 
 fide Piedrahita having advice from the Indians (who as we have laid are Spies for 
 both parties) that Geronimo Coftilk was not far from him, he marched in the night 
 towards him, and by break of day beat up his Quarters, where, furprifing him un- 
 awares, he routed him, and took three prifoners, and therewith returned to the 
 Army. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Three of the Kings Captains take a Captain and forty Soul- 
 diers belonging to the Rebels : they deliver them up to one 
 of the Juftices. Francifco Hernandez finding many of his 
 Souldiers to revolt from him, refolves to engage the Royal 
 Army. 
 
 According to the fuccefles of War, which are always various and doubtfull, 
 it was the fortune of Geronimo de Coflilla in his retreat to meet with Geronimo 
 
 de Siha, whom the Juftices had fent after him with fome recruits ■-, and being 
 fearfull that Hernandez was drawing towards them with his whole Army, they both 
 judged fit to retreat, and in the way it was their chance to take an Indian who 
 was a domeftick Servant to Captain Salvador de Logana •■, to whom they put divers 
 queftions, and forced him to confefs in what place his Matter was, and what num- 
 ber of people he had with him : of which they fent advice to the Judges, and de- 
 fired a fufficient recruit of Men to furprife and take them. The Juftices immedi- 
 ately upon this notice difpatched away Lope Martin with fixty men more for their, 
 affiftence, who joyning with Geronimo de Coftilla, and Geronimo de SUva, fo well ma- 
 naged their bufinefs, that though the enemy were good Souldiers, and well armed 
 with Fire-locks, and had ported themfelves in a fart place, yet upon promife of 
 pardon for all their part offences to his Majefty they fubmitted and furrendred them- 
 felves, and came quietly out of their Fort, fuffering themfelves all to be taken, 
 except one man, who made his efcape to carry the news thereof to Francifco Her- 
 nandez, who was greatly troubled thereat, becaufe he confided much in Locana and 
 his Souldiers, who were the belt and choiceft men that he had in all his Army. 
 The prifoners being carried to the King's Camp, the Juftices would have hanged 
 them all, but that the Souldiers began to mutiny, protefting that they would never 
 more make excurfions into the Countrey, nor adt farther againft the enemy, in 
 cafe thefe men were executed , for that might provoke the contrary party to re- 
 turn them the like, and oblige the Souldiery to att on both fides in a defperate 
 manner : the Captains alfo took up the matter in favour of their Souldiers, and 
 petitioned the Court of Juftice to moderate the Sentence: who thereupon to put 
 them out of fight and view of the Army, fent Locana and his Souldiers to Ahami- 
 rano his Majefty 's Judge Advocate at Sea, to difpofe of them as he thought fit ; 
 who by virtue of that Warrant hanged up Log ana and other two of the moft culpable 
 amongft them, and banifhed all the reft out of the Kingdom. 
 
 Though this lofs of Captain Locana and his Souldiers very much troubled and 
 affli&ed Hernandez, yet, not to (hew himfelf difmayed, he proceeded forward with 
 his Army, depending much upon the plots and ftrategems of War which he had 
 contrived : and being come to the Valley of Pachacamac four leagues diftant from 
 the City of Los Reyes, he called a Council of War to refolve on matters which 
 were to be afted : and there it was refolved, that by night they fhould furprife 
 that part of the Army which was encamped without the City.; and that they 
 
 C c c c c c fhould 
 
Q5o Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 fhould drive before them the Cows which were in that Valley with lighted Mat- 
 ches faftned to their Horns, and guided by many Indians, and Negroes, and Mufque- 
 tiers, who were to turn and force them directly upon the enemy i the which ac- 
 tion was agreed to be put in execution four nights afterwards. 
 
 Diego de si ha, a Citizen of Cozco, was prefent at this Confultation, with whom 
 (as is faid before) Hernandez had prevailed to countenance and encourage his Soul- 
 diers with his prefence ; and to (hew the efteem he had of him, he always called 
 him to be affiftent at every Confultation : during which time the Scouts from 
 each party viewed and furveyed each others Forces, and carried the intelligence. 
 The Juftices and their two Generals prepared and put themfelves into a pofture 
 of defence, to obviate any ill accident which might poffibly happen : the Captains 
 alfo did the like, exercifing their Souldiers every day with Skirmifhes between 
 themfelves, and mooting at marks, and for better encouragement gave Jewels and 
 Rewards to the moft dexterous Marks-men. In this Camp were numbred above 
 1 300 Souldiers, 300 of which were H0rfe,<5co Mufquetiers, and about 4jo Pikemen. 
 
 And here it is to be obferved, .that fo foon as the Juftices had received news of 
 the removal of Francifco Hernandez from Huamanca, and that he was on his march 
 to meet and fight them ; That the better to fecure themfelves of the good will and 
 affections of the people, and loyalty of the Souldiers of the Countrey, they refol- 
 ved to fufpend the execution of the lace Decrees which were published, and by 
 Proclamation to declare, that thofe Edicts which exempted the Indians from their 
 perfonal fervices to the Spaniards, and which enjoined and forbad Spaniards to make 
 ufe of Indian Women or Men in their Travels were all abolifhed and made void 
 for certain years : and in the mean time they generally agreed to make choice of 
 two Procurators, who were to be fent into Spain, and there, in the name of the 
 whole Empire, to lay before his Majefty the hardfhips and aggrievances which were 
 impofed on them, and with all humility to fupplicate a redrefs, in fuch manner as 
 his Majefty fhould in his wifedom judge moft fit and requifite to be granted. The 
 perfons nominated and elected for this fervice, were Don Lewis de Cabrera a Citizen 
 of Cozco, who by reafon of his great Belly (as we have intimated before) was un- 
 wieldy and unable for action in the War •, and the other was Antonio de Ribtra a Ci- 
 tizen otRimac, both which prepared for their Voyage into Spain, where Don Antonio 
 de Ribera arrived in fafety, but Pedro de Cabrera made a flop by the way and came 
 not thither. 
 
 Two days after Hernandez was entred into the Valley of Pachacamac, a party of 
 his Souldiers (allied out to skirmifh with the enemy, who being engaged together, 
 were affifted by others who came in to their aid, and the numbers of each fide in- 
 creafed, both of them being delirous to make trial of their skill and valour : amongft 
 the reft Diego de Silva, to (hew his forwardnefs and zeal for Hernandez, was one 
 who appeared in the firft Rank, but finding his opportunity, he revolted over to his 
 Majefty 's Camp, carrying with him four other Souldiers of good reputation, one of 
 which was called — Gamboa, and was Enfign to Captain Nunno Mendiola, to whom 
 by this flight he caufed great mifchief, as ue fhall fee hereafter 5 and thefe were 
 followed that day by divers others, which put an end to that skirmifh. The like 
 was acted by others the day following, and all the time he ftaid in Pachacamac his 
 men deferted him in twenty and thirty in a company who revolted over to the 
 King's party : which when Hernandez obferved, and that no remedy could be con- 
 trived to prevent it, he refolved to retreat back to Cozxo before he was abandoned 
 by all his Souldiers •, fo now the ftrategeme of the Cows was laid afide, in regard 
 that Diego de Silva had difcovered it, and that the Juftices, as might be prefumed, 
 had provided to countermine and prevent that defign. In purfuance of this refo- 
 lution, Hernandez,, to prove and try the inclinations of his Souldiers, told them 
 plainly, that he gave free liberty and licenfe to any perfon whatfoever, who was 
 not fatisfied with his caufe, to pafs over to the contrary party : but none took ad- 
 vantage of this permiffion, unlefs fome few mean and unferviceable fort of people, 
 whom the Lieu tenant- General Aharado ftript of their Clothes, and devefted of 
 their Arms and Horfes before they departed. And fo Hernandez retreated out of 
 Pachacamac in the beft order he was able, being moved thereunto more out of an 
 apprehenfion he had that his people would defert him, than any fear he conceived 
 of danger from the enemy : for it was evident that fuch was the confufion of Coun- 
 fels in the Camp of the Juftices by reafon of many Rulers that nothing was deter- 
 mined and concluded in its due time and feafon. As will appear by what follows. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 9?i 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez retires with bis Army. In bis Maje- 
 ft/s Camp is great Conf/ifion by diverfity of opinions. A 
 mutiny is raifed in the City of Piura ; and bow it was 
 pacified. 
 
 FRanclfco Hernandez according to his former refolution withdrew his Forces from 
 Pachacamac in fuch hafte that the Souldiers left behind them all things which 
 were ufelefs and cumberfome to them , which were all taken away by the King s 
 Party, who upon retreat of the Enemy , without order from their Commanders , 
 plundered every thing that remained : Upon this alteration of affairs, the Juftices 
 entered into confuhation with the Field Officers •, and fummoned unto the Coun- 
 cil of War , befides the Captains , feveral Planters , who were men of Eftates in 
 the Kingdom, and were well experienced in the Affairs of that Countrey : but in 
 fuch variety of opinions, there was great confu (Ion, every one peififting in his own 
 pei iuadon, pfefled eagerly that his Counfel might be taken. Atlength after long 
 debates , it was concluded that Paulo de Menefes , with fix hundred fele<5t men , 
 fhould purfue after Hernandez, : the next day the detachment being made, the two 
 Generals contradicted the refolution concluded at the Council of War, and orde- 
 red that no more than a hundred men (hould be drawn out, for that it would be 
 too great a weakning to the Camp to be devefted of the greateft number of the 
 choiceft men. Howfoever the Juftices remained conftant to their firft Relblves , 
 and again commanded that the detachment ihould be made of the fix hundred 
 men •, which was again contradicted by the two Generals, who were of opinion 
 that a hundred men were Sufficient to keep the Enemy in Alarms, and to receive 
 fuch as were defirous to revolt. Between thefe contradictory Orders Paulo de Me- 
 nefes was greatly confufed, and much more troubled, becaufe he was not permit- 
 ted to take with him thofe Comrades and Friends of his in whom he moft con- 
 fided to ftand by him, and who were defirous to keep him company. And here 
 we will leave them to declare thofe matters , which palled at the fame time in 
 
 the City of St. Michael de Piura. 
 
 The Juftices, as we mentioned before, had fent advices to all the Governours of 
 the Kingdom concerning the rebellion of Hernandez, and iflued out their Orders 
 and Warrants to raife and arm Souldiers to refift and deftroy the Rebels. The 
 
 Governour of Piura , called John Delgadillo , gave his Commiffion to Francifco de 
 
 Siha, a Souldier of good fame and reputation, who lived in that City, with In- 
 fl ructions to leavy Souldiers in Tumpz,, and along the coaft , and to bring with 
 him as many as he could raife. Francifco de Siha went accordingly and returned 
 to Piura with a party of about twenty fix or twenty feven Souldiers, who having 
 remained there about twelve or thirteen days without any care taken to provide 
 them with Victuals, or Lodging, and being poor men, and not able to maintain 
 themfelves , they came to the Governour with their Captain Francifco de Siha 
 and defired his Licence to goe to the City of Los Reyes to ferve his Majefty. The 
 Governour being prefled by the Intreacies and Importunities of all the Citizens af- 
 fented thereunto 5 but the next day, the Souldiers being drawn out, and ready to 
 march, the Governour, without any reafon for it, revoked his Licence, and gave 
 a pofitive Command, that every one Ihould repair to his quarters, and neither go 
 out from thence , nor out of the City without farther order. Francifco Hernandez 
 and his companions , finding that no entreaties could prevail on the Governour, 
 they refolved to kill him , and plunder the City , and then depart and offer their 
 Service to Hernandez, Giron, fince they were denyed leave to ferve his Majefty. The 
 matter was foon agreed , and about twelve or thirteen of them well armed went 
 into the Governours houfe , and took him , and killed a Juftice of Peace of the 
 lower rank, and made feizure of Guns, Head-pieces, Swords, Bucklers, Lan- 
 ces, Halbards, with a great provificnof Powder-, and then carrying forth the 
 Royal Standard they proclaimed upon pain of death , that every man fhould re- 
 pair thereunto ; then they broke open the royal Treafury , and carried all the mo- 
 
 C c c c c c 2, ney 
 
a^z Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 ney from thence s the like they did to particular mens houfes , which they facked 
 and plundered , not leaving any thing of value therein. And it happening, that 
 a certain Souldier came at that time from R'mac, being banifhed thence, they cau- 
 fed him to report, that Hernandez, was marching with a very ftrong Army to Los 
 Reyes , and that all the Kingdom had declared for him , and that the Juftice San- 
 tilUn himfelf, with many of his Friends and Relations were paffed over to that 
 party, befides a multitude of other Lyes which they caufed him to report, 
 which ferved thefe poor Rafcals for the prefent, and puffed them up as full of 
 vanity as if they had been truths , and made them to confider themfelves no lei 
 than as Lords and Matters of all Peru, and when this Souldier declared his in- 
 tention to follow Hernandez, , they all became of the fame mind , and presently 
 proceeded to join with him. 
 
 TheGovernour they carried with them in Chains, and eight or nine Citizens' 
 and men of Eftates befides , with Collars of Iron about their Necks, ■ after the 
 manner of Gaily- (laves. In this manner they travelled above fifty Leagues with 
 all the boldnefs and infolence imaginable , untill they came to Cajfamarca $ where 
 they met with two Spaniards who lived by their labour and honeft dealings, aod 
 from them they received true information of theftateand condition of Hernandez, 
 Giron, and how he fled, and was purfued by the Juftices ■■, and that it was credi- 
 bly believed that at that very time he was defeated and killed. With this News 
 Francifio de Silva and his Companions were extremely darned and confounded, 
 and began to bewail their follies •, and, to fave themfelves, they defigned to fur- 
 prize fome Ship , if it were poffible , to make their efcape. The Governour 
 and his Companions were now freed of their Chains and fet at Liberty, but ex- 
 tremely incommoded. And the Rebels, being about fifty in number, divided 
 themfelves into little parties of about three or four in company to pafs more free- 
 ly without any notice taken of them. 
 
 The Governour finding himfelf at Liberty , fummoned people in the King's 
 name and took fome of them , whom he hanged and quartered. And the Jufti- 
 ces being informed of the Outrages committed by thefe Villains , fent a Judge 
 called Bernardino Roman! with Commiffion to punifli the Offenders 5 who in pur- 
 fuance thereof took and hanged almoft all of them, and the remainder he fent to 
 the Gal lies, but Francifio de Silva and his Companions, efcaped to Truxillo, where 
 they entred into the Convent of St. Francis , and there difguifing themfelves in 
 that habit, they travailed to the Sea-coaft , where they embarked on a Ship 
 which rranfported them out of the Empire, and fo faved their lives. 
 
 In thofe days came lad and lamentable News from the Kingdom of Chile brought 
 by a Citizen of St. J ago called Gafpar Otenfe , giving an account , how that the A- 
 raucan Indians of that Kingdom had made an infurrec"rion> and had killed the Go- 
 vernour Pedro de Vddivia and his People, of which we have rendred a large relati- 
 on in the feventh Book of the firft part of thefe Commentaries. This difturbance 
 amongft the Indians was of great confequencc to all Peru : for it began towards the 
 end of the year i s" 5 3 , and hath continued to the end of this, being 1611, in 
 which we are now writing thefe matters , and yet the War is not at an end ; but 
 the Indian* are more proud, and (land more on their terms, than at firft, being en- 
 couraged by the many Victories they obtained , and the Cities they deftroyed j 
 God in his Mercy put a good end hereunto, as is moft for his Glory. Perhaps 
 in the following Book, we may touch upon fome later aclions of the Araucam. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of fome unhappy Misfortunes which befell both Armies. The 
 death of Nimno Mendiola, a Captain belonging to 
 Francifco Hernandrz, and alfo of Lope Martin, a Cap- 
 tain in his Majefi/s Army. 
 
 BUT to return to the Affairs of Peru ; We fay, that Hernandez, Giron being 
 departed from Pachacamac, marched with great care and vigilance, keeping his 
 baggage clofe to him, and always ready, and in a pofture to repuife the Enemy, in 
 
 cafe 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 025 
 
 cafe they fhould purfue, and fall on him in the rere : but after he had marched 3 
 or 4 days, and found that no purfuit was made after him •-, and had underftood by 
 his Spyes -, that the Councils held in the Enemies Camp were various, and com- 
 monly contradictory, and that what the Juftices ordered, was again countermanded 
 by the Generals 5 he took courage and marched more leifurely and with more eafe 
 and fecurity than before. Howfoever things pafled not fo fmooth and fair neither 
 between him and his moft intimate friends, but that many quarrels and difputes arofe 
 amongft them, for being come to the valley called Huarcu, he hanged up two of his 
 principal Souldiers, upon a bare fufpicion, that they intended to revolt % for amongft 
 them a jealoufie onely was fufficient to take away the life of any man whatsoever -, 
 though he were the greateft Confident, and the moft zealous for their caufe. Her- 
 nandez proceeding forward came to the valley otchincha, which was a Countrey a- 
 bounding and plentifullof all provisions-, for which reafon Captain Nh»»o MendioU 
 advifed Hernandez to remain there for three or four days for refreltiment of his Soul 1 
 diers and making Provilions which were neceflary for their farther march ; bat /%- 
 nandez.. would not admit of this Counfel •, and looking at the fame time on MendioU 
 he faniied, that his countenance changed at the refufal, and that he feemed difcon- 
 tented 3 which opinion others nourifhing in him, endeavoured to mcreafe and im- 
 prove, and told him plainly that MendioU was refolved to pafs over to the King's 
 party, which belief Hernandez, eafily admitted, when he called to mind that Gam- 
 boa who was his Enfign was already revolted with Diego de Silva, and thence he cer- 
 tainly concluded that it was with defign to make way for his Captain, and to treat 
 and fecure conditions for him agakift the time that he fhould find opportunity to 
 efcape ; upon which fufpicion onely he ordered his Lieutenant General to take 
 away his Horfe and Arms, and to difcharge him the Army •, which was according- 
 ly executed •, and not onely fo, but with them alio he was deprived of his life. 
 And thus poor Captain Nanno Mendiola ended his days, which was a due reward of 
 his demerit, having been one of the Confpiratours engaged in this rebellion. Not- 
 withft rding which feveral Souldiers ftill continued to revolt, and came in to FW« 
 de Menefes, giving him advice, that Francifco Hernandez, was in great diforder by 
 reaibn that he was deferted by many of his Souldiers, fo that he had fcarce 300 
 men with him, though in reality they were above joo. Paulo de Menefes being 
 encouraged with this News, entered into confultation with'his friends of the man- 
 ner how he might beat up the Enemies quarters in the night •, which being agreed, 
 and the Souldiers on the march, they called to mind, that they had made no provi- 
 fion of Corn for their Horfes, which w as a matter which fhould have been thought 
 upon before : but whilft they were confidering hereof, a certain Souldier, who was 
 one of chofe which had lately revolted from Hernandez., called Francifco de Cuevaf^ 
 ftept out, and told them, that he knew from whence to fetch a fufficient quantity 
 
 of Ad*pU : whereupon Paulo de Menefes fent him away with a dozen of Indians to 
 
 carry trie provifion. The Souldier accordingly went and difpatched away the Indi- 
 ans with their full burthens, ordering them to go before, and that he would pre- 
 fently follow, fo foon as his Horfe had eaten his Corn : when the Souldier found 
 himfelf alone , inftead of returning to Paulo de Menefes, he pafled over to Francifco 1 
 Hernandez, --, to whom he gave an account of the number of his Enemies, that they 
 were marching againft him, and of their ddign to beat up his quarters, the night 
 following : He then asked his pardon for having deferted him, faying, that it was 
 the Providence of God which had dire&ed him for good, and fent him to bring 
 this Intelligence, that the Enemy might not take him upon furprize. Now it is 
 faid, that the reafon of this revolt of the Souldier again to Hernandez was occasio- 
 ned by a word which fell from a certain Souldier belonging to Paulo de Menefes, 
 who, difcourfing with another concerning the Rebels , faid , that fo foon as the 
 War was ended, the beft of thefe Runagates would be called to an account and whip- 
 ped, and fent to the Gallies : which being over-heard by this Souldier, he refolved 
 to return to his former Captain, and to merit his Pardon, by the intelligence he 
 brought him. Francifco Hernandez, allarum'd with this information, remained all that 
 Evening and the night following in a pofture of defence and ready to receive the 
 Enemy : but when Paulo de Menefes and Lope de Martin and the other Captains 
 found that Francifco deCueva came not back, they prefently fufpedted, that he was 
 returned to Hernandez, and had given him advice of their defign to furprize him in 
 the night s wherefore they changed their refolution, and ordered their Souldiers 
 to march unto a place called VMacm, about five Leagues diftant frojnicheir former 
 
 quarters 
 
934 ' R°y a l Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 quarters, leaving thirty of their beft Horfe behind for a rere Guard, and to give 
 intelligence of what pafled in thofe parts. Lope Martin, with three other Compa- 
 nions, offered himfelf for this fervice, and polled himfelf on a high Hill which fur- 
 veyed the River Tea-, from whence he might difcoverand obferve the motion of the 
 Enemy. But as Lope Martin with his three Companions were on the Hill , they 
 were difcovered by a certain Indian of Cannari belonging to Hernandez,, from the 
 lower parts which are full of thickets and trees -, of which he immediately carried 
 the Intelligence to his Captain -, upon which advice Hernandez, with his Souldiers 
 encompaffed the Hill on all fides, fo that it was impoffible for any of them to e- 
 fcape 5 for though Lope Martin could fee at a diftance, yet by reafon of the thickets 
 and bullies , he could difcover nothing that was near at hand ; nor could he fee , 
 when any pafled the River Yea, which runs juft under the mountain. I remem- 
 ber that having had occafion once to pafs that way with fome Companions of mine, 
 we had the curiofity to go up to the top of the Hill, to fee the place where Lope de 
 Martin was furprized , which indeed is fuch a Situation , that an enemy cannot be 
 difcryed untill he juft appears clofe at hand : and lb it happened to Lope de Martin 
 and his three Companions, who fell unexpectedly into the hands of a Party fent 
 from Hernandez, without pofhbility to efcape, being all four taken. And whereas 
 it was not known, which was Lope de Martin, a certain Moor of Barbary who had 
 been a iervant to Alonfo de Alvarado, who was Brother-in-law to Thomas Vazquez, 
 they having married two Sifters, chanced to know him, and told thofe f hat carri- 
 ed him, that they ought to look well to their Prifoner, who was Lope & Martin. 
 The Souldiers triumphing with fo great a prize, carried him with milch joy to 
 Hernandez, Giron \ who refufed to fee him 5 but calling to remembrance how that 
 Lo$ana, one of his Captains, was hanged by Altamirano, the Judge Advocate, he 
 inftantly pafled fentence on Lope de Martin, and upon one of his Companions that 
 had formerly deferted him, and caufed them both to be executed without farther 
 delay. Lope Martin was beheaded, and his Head pitched upon the point of a Lance 
 was carried for a Trophy to Villacori , as we (hall prefently relate : And thus Lope 
 Martin ended his days , who was one of the firft Conquerours of that Empire, 
 and concerned in the imprifonment of Atahualpa, and one of the Chief Citizens of 
 
 Cozco. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 The Juflices fend recruits to Paulo de Menefes : Fran- 
 cifco Hernandez returns uf on him , and defeats bin/. 
 The death of Michael Cornejo. The faithfulnefs of 
 a Horfe to his Mafte>. 
 
 PAhU de Menefes going, (as we have faid before) in purfuit of 'Hernandez,, wrote 
 to the Juftice Santillan , and to Don Geronimo de Loayfa , Archbilhop of Los 
 
 Reyes, who were the Generals of the Army, advifing them that the Enemy was 
 very ftrong, and that his Forces were weak $ and therefore he defired them to 
 fend him recruits without delay , not doubting but to defeat the Rebels in that 
 expedition. The Generals with .all readinefs complyed with his defires , and lent 
 him a hundred men well armed and provided, amongft which were divers Citi- 
 zens of Cozco, Huamanca and Arequcpa -., who made fuch hafte in their march, that 
 they arrived at Villacori, fome time before Paulo de Menefes himfelf came thither •-, 
 to the encouragement and fatisfadtion of both Parties at their meeting. They 
 were well informed , that the Enemies quarters were not above five Leagues di- 
 ftant, and that Lope de Martin and his three Companions were upon the watch , 
 and remained for Centinels, attending the motion of the Enemy. With which 
 News they confidently repofed and remained in fecurity without fear or fuf- 
 picion of danger : whkh was an errour in the Captains , who in War ought 
 
 ever 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. q? e 
 
 ever to apprehend the worft, and provide againft the furprife of an enemy, though 
 diftantand far removed-, for example of which we (hall lay before them thepre- 
 fent misfortune. For Francifio Hernandez, having been informed from Lope Martin 
 and his Companions of the quarters and condition of Paulo de Menefes, he prefently 
 put his Forces in order to march againft him with all poifible diligence : and here- 
 in fortune favoured him very much 5 for though one of Martin Lope's Companions 
 had made his efcape, yet he was lb affrighted with the apprehenfions of death, that 
 he hid himfelf in a Cave, and had not power to go forward with this information 
 to Paah Mcnefes, which was of thehigheft importance to him •, for want of which, 
 on confidence of fuch vigilant Sentinels as Lope Martin and his Companions, both 
 he and his Souldiers repofed fecurely without fear or fufpicion of any furprife. 
 About break of day in the morning a certain Souldier, who went out of the Camp 
 to gather a little Ms/*, in thofe Fields, heard on a fudden the noife of people co- 
 ming towards him ■■, and looking about him, efpied a party of about thirty Horfe, 
 which Hernandez, had fent for the Van-guard to amufe the enemy, and entertain 
 them with skirmilhing untill the reft of his Forces were come up to their affiftence. 
 The Souldier immediately ran in with the advice, and gave the alarm •-, but Paulo 
 de Mcnefes fuppoiing that the enemy was not more numerous than what the Soul- 
 dier reported them to be, he kept his ground and would not retreat, untill feeing 
 the enemy very near, and appearing on the Sands, and himfelf almoft furrounded 
 with Forces far greater than his own, he then gave orders to make a retreat with 
 all fpeed, whilft he in perfon defended the Rere againft the enemies attempt, in 
 which marly were killed and wounded on one fide and the other 5 and in this 
 manner they continued righting and skirmilhing the greateft part of the day, un- 
 till the whole Force of Hernandez, was come up •, and then the confufion was great 
 as well amongft thole who purfued as thofe that fled, not being able by reafon of 
 the noife and duft to diftinguilh one from the other : this purfuit continued for 
 the fpace of three leagues, in which Captain ctAvalos with five or fix more were 
 wounded, and about fourteen or fifteen were killed, and amongft them Michael 
 de Cornejo a very honeft man, and a Citizen of Arequepa, and one of the firft Con- 
 
 queroUl'S, to whom Francifco de Carvajal, Lieutenant-Genera! tO Gen^alo Pifarro, 
 
 made many acknowledgments of friendihip for the kindnefs and generofity he had 
 fhewn him, as we have formerly mentioned. His death was occafioned by the 
 Borgonion he wore, having the Vifard clofe (hut down, whereby, and with the 
 duft raifed by thofe who purfued, and thofe who fled, and by the violent heat 
 which is always in thofe Valleys, he was ftifled and fuffocated. He was much 
 lamented by all that knew him, being a perfon of great goodnefs and honour, as ap- 
 pears by the entertainment and reception he gave to Francifio de Carvajal, his Wife 
 and Family, when he found them in the Market-place diArequepa deftitute of Lodg- 
 ing, or Money, or Friends to entertain them. Notwithftanding this fuccefs which 
 the Rebels had in purfuit of their enemies, who fled before them, yet their lofs was 
 greater by the revolt of many of their own Souldiers to the King's party 5 which 
 caufed them to give over the purfuit, and found a retreat, left the example of 
 thofe who fled (hould be the caufe of a general mutiny and defection amongft their 
 Forces. John Rodriguez, de Villakbos a Citizen of Cozco, was one of thofe who re- 
 volted that day from Hernandez, whom though he had endeavoured to engage to 
 him by the marriage of his Wife's Sifter, yet the loyalty he owed to his Prince 
 was of greater prevalency with him than the bond and tie of alliance : but Hernan- 
 dez, feemed to make light of his defertion, fwearing, in contempt and difdain of 
 him, that he was more troubled for a Sword he carried with him than he was for 
 his perfon or any other concernment relating to him : And farther to (hew his con- 
 fidence, and the affurance he had to prevail, he again publickly declared, that he 
 gave free liberty to any man who was weary of his fervice to pafs over to the fide 
 of the Juftices, for he pretended not to entertain forced and prefled Souldiers, but 
 willing and faithfull Friends. As to Paulo de Menefis himfelf, he left his Souldiers 
 and fled to Chincha, which Pakntino teftifies in thefe words : 
 
 When Paulo de Mcnefes, fays he, faw that his Souldiers fled, and that his Body 
 of Horfe ran away in full carriere, he turned out of the way, and pafted through a 
 fandy Countrey towards the River Plfio, and with three other Companions, who 
 followed him, came to Chincha, &c. Thus far this Authour. 
 
 As the Rebels returned from the purfuit, they gathered up all the Arms, Coats, 
 Cloaks and other things of burthen, which the King's, party had fcattered in the 
 
 way 
 
no 6 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 way and thrown from their Horfet and Mules to cafe rhem in their flight ; like 
 thole who are in a ftorm at Sea, throw their Goods and Lading over Board to fave 
 their Veflel and their Lives. And fuch was the fortune of thefe Royalifts, who 
 but even now being in a condition to threaten their enemies with a total deftruc- 
 tion, were in the next moment forced to flight and entirely defeated. 
 
 In this place it will be no great digreflion from our purpofe, to relate a ftory 
 concerning the faithfulnefs of an Horfe (which I knew) towards his Mafter, be- 
 caufe it is rare and curious, and becaufe fuch accidents as this feldom happen in the 
 world. In this Battel of Spurs (as we may call it) there was a certain Gentleman 
 engaged of his Majefty's party called John Julio de Hogeda, a Citizen of Cozco, and 
 one of the firft Conquerours of that Empire, who, amongft other Horfes which he 
 kept, was mounted that day at Vilkcari upon one with black fpots, and running 
 full fpeed, as Palentiw faith, Hogeda fell from his Horfe, which feeing his Mafteir 
 on the ground, gave a flop amidfl three hundred other Horfes and Beads of bur- 
 then, and would not ftir untill his Mafter got up again and was mounted on his 
 back-, which faithfulnefs of an irrational Beaft faved the life of his Mafter, and 
 may be recounted for a ftory without example ; unlels it were another of the like 
 nature performed by the fame Horfe, of which I my felf was a witnefs, at Coz.co 5 
 wheie, after the War was ended, certain Gentlemen exercifing their Horles after 
 the Genet fafhion, as they dually did in the common courfe every Sunday, it 
 happened that a School- fellow of mine, of mongrel race, whole Father was a Spa- 
 niard and his Mother an Indian, called Pedro de Altamirano, Son of Antonio de Aha- 
 
 mirano, one of the firft Conquerours, being mounted on this Horfe, and running 
 full fpeed by a Window on his left hand, he efpied a fair young Lady looking out 
 from the Houfe belonging to a lonfi de Mefa, the fight of whom caufed him to for- 
 get his race, and at the next courfe, having the Window on his right hand, he tur- 
 ned his head two or three times to fee the beauty of the Lady. The third time 
 paffing the fame place, the Horfe being fenfible that his Rider checked him in his 
 carriere, he ftrained harder than before to gain the Race 5 but the young Gallant 
 being more intent on the beauty of his Miftrefs than the Government of his Horfe, 
 he leaned too much on one fide and fell to the ground : which when the Horfe 
 perceived, he gave a flop in his full fpeed, and flaid without moving untill the 
 Gallant arofe, and again mounted upon him, and then he continued his courfe, to 
 the great admiration of thofe who were prefent. All which I my felf faw from a 
 Gallery of my Father's Houfe 5 the which action may ferve to confirm the truth 
 of the former unto thofe who had not the faith to believe it at the firft. And fo 
 we fhall return to the Army of the Juftices, where we fhall find nothing but ani- 
 mofities, and troubles, and changes of Officers, and places of Truft. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 The Juftices deprive the two Generals of their Office. Fran- 
 cifco Hernandez conies to Nanafca. A Spie carries the 
 news of the many changes. The Rebels compofe an Army 
 of Negroes, 
 
 SUch were the quarrels and diflenfions in his Majefty's Camp between the two 
 Generals, that the Captains and Souldiers were fcandalized thereat, and trou- 
 bled to fee on all occafions things diverfly and contrarily difpofed. The Generals 
 being informed of thefe complaints and murmurings of the Souldiery, were per- 
 fuaded at the inftance of feveral principal perfons to dine one day together, in 
 order whereunto with much intreaty they brought the Juftice Santillan from his 
 quarters two leagues off, where he was retired to a meeting with the Archbifhop, 
 and after Dinner they were made Friends, to the great fatisfadion, as Pakmino 
 faith, of the whole Army. The fame day towards Evening news was brought to 
 she Camp of the defeat aqd rout given at Villacori, at which they much admired, 
 
 having 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 927 
 
 having according to their beft intelligence received daily advice, that Paulo de Me- 
 tiefes was much ftronger than the enemy. The Juftices, Captains and other Offi- 
 cers were highly fenlible of the lofs they fuftained by this defeat, and found by 
 experience that the original of that and other misfortunes proceeded from the dif- 
 cord and milunderftanding of the two Generals, to the great difgrace and difcou- 
 ragement of the Imperial Army. And though they endeavoured as much as was 
 potfible to palliate this lofs, faying, that thole who came over from the enemy 
 made reparation for the numbers of thofe who were killed, yet they could not 
 digeft the lofs of reputation which the Royal Army fuftained by the contrariety 
 of their opinions and oppofite commands ; and therefore calling a Counfel, the 
 Officers by a Royal Mandate difcharged the two Generals of their Commands, 
 and conferred the Office of Commander in Chief upon Paulo de Menefes, and con- 
 ftituted Pedro Ponocarrero his Lieutenant-General : which likewife caufed mur- 
 murings and difcontent in the whole Camp ; and men talked loudly, that it was 
 a fhame and reproach to them to make choice of an unlucky fellow who but the 
 other day had loft a Battel, and had rather deferved ignominy and puniihment for 
 his ill conducl, and to be debafed to the meaneft Souldier in the Field, than to be 
 raifed to the highefl dignity and place of command. Howfoever the election was 
 confirmed and the refolution notified to the two Generals, who made fome de- 
 mur thereupon, but they were over-ruled and forced to fubmif, and farther it 
 was agreed to purfue the Rebels with eight hundred men, and for better expe- 
 dition to march without Baggage or other incumbrance : but this determination 
 met with delays like the reft, fo that it was not put in execution till three days af- 
 terwards. For the Juftice Samillan being upon his return to Los Reyes, was atten- 
 ded on his way with a numerous train of Friends and Relations to the number of 
 about an hundred and fifty perfons, to the great diminution of their Forces, and 
 dilcompofure of their affairs : of which SamilLw being made fenfible by one of his 
 Friends, who told him, that the taking many men from the Army would look 
 like a Rebellion, and give his Adverfaries occafion to pretend that he was jealous 
 of his fafety, and fufpicious of Plots and defigns againft him : he prefently appre- 
 hended the inconveniences, and difmift his Friends and Kindred, defiling them to 
 return to the ferviceof his Majefty in the Army, which was much more neceflary 
 than their attendance upon him : which they accordingly performed, fo that San- 
 tillan entred into Los Reyes with no greater attendance than of his own Servants.' 
 By this time Hernandez, was come to Nanafca, being about fixty leagues diftant 
 from Los Reyes, to which place he had marched without let or hindrance whatso- 
 ever : for fuch had been the confufion and difference in his Majefty's Camp, that 
 nothing could proceed to his hurt or interruption : and for his better advantage 
 and information of every thing, the Juftices gave ear to the propofal of one who 
 was a Serjeant in the King's Army, and had been a Souldier in the Plot and Con- 
 fpiracy of Diego de Rojas, who offered to adventure into the enemy's Camp in the 
 habit of an Indian, and to bring them from thence a true information of the ftate 
 of their affairs. The Juftices aflenting hereunto gave him free licenfe ■-, fo that he 
 as a falfe and treacherous Spie went over to Hernandez, and told him, that he had 
 clothed himfelf in that habit to pafs more eafily to his Army ; for that in the 
 King's Camp there were fuch quarrels and difcords amongft the Officers, and dif- 
 contents amongft the Souldiers, who had no will or courage to fight, that nothing 
 but deftruclion could be the end and iflue thereof 5 and for that reafon, out of a 
 principle of felf prefervation, he refolved to fave himfelf in his fervice. Moreover 
 he reported, that the Juftices were much troubled and confufed upon the news 
 they rad received, that the City of St. Michael de P'wra was in Rebellion againft 
 his Majefty, and had declared themfelves for Hernandez Giron -, and that a certain 
 Captain named Pedro de Orfia was coming from the New Kingdom with many 
 men in favour alfo of Hernandez ^ all which being of great encouragement to his 
 people, he caufed them, for better credit thereof, to be declared by publick out- 
 cry. But to quaiifie this news a little, he told them, that the Marfhal was coming 
 from rhe Charcot with a powerfull force of twelve hundred men, but they char- 
 ged the Spie to make this report, or at leaft to moderate it, and fay, that he 
 came with no more than bx hundred men, left it fhould prove too great a difcou- 
 ragement to the Souldiers. At the fame time letters were intercepted from the 
 Camp of the Juftices, conveyed by an Indian, directed to a Souldier ■■, for which 
 both of them were hanged, though the Souldier after he had endured the torment 
 
 D d d d d d twice 
 
oog Royal Commentaries. Book VIJ # 
 
 twice, would make no confelfion •, and that after his death, in the Collar of his 
 doublet a Parchment was found with a Pardon from the Juftices for Thomas Vaz- 
 quez,. The which Pardon was preiently publimed by Hernandez, , with Afiuran- 
 ces in the name of the Juftices of great Rewards and of Lands with Services of 
 Indians to whomfoever ihould kill Hernandez, and other principal peribns who 
 were about him. 
 
 But before the Defeat given at T'illacori , Francifco Hernandez, had railed a Com- 
 pany of Negroes confiftirjg pf about an hundred and fifty black fellows , which 
 they had taken out of the feveral Plantations , Villages and Colonies which 
 they had plundered, to which he afterwards added above three hundred Ethiopian 
 Souldiers 5 and to encourage them the better, he formed them into Companies di- 
 ftinCt from the others. Of thefe he ordained a Captain General called Mr. John, who 
 was an excellent Carpenter, ( for I was well acquainted with him) and had been a 
 Slave to Antonio Altamirano, as I have formerly mentioned. Their Lieutenant was 
 Matter Antonio , to whom a principal Souldier of the King's Camp had furrende- 
 red his Arms-, it is not fit to name him, though I was well acquainted with him : 
 the report whereof coming into Spain, caufed a Gentleman who had lived in the In- 
 dies, and was acquainted with this Souldier, to fend him a Sword and a Dagger band- 
 fomely gilt, more in fcorn to upbraid his Cowardife, than on the fcore or in token of 
 friendlhip, which occafioned much difcourfe after the Wars were at an end : Be- 
 sides thefe chief Officers , he appointed their Captains , and gave them leave to 
 make choice of their Enfigns, Serjeants, Corporals, Drummers and Pipers, and 
 make their own Colours. All which the Negroes performed very handlbmely, which 
 was a means to allure and invite many of that fort from the King's Camp •, who 
 feeing their Relations and Kindred fo highly honoured and advanced in the Camp 
 of Hernandez, were induced to follow their example, and fo were engaged againft 
 their Matters during all the time of this War. The Rebels made great ufe of thefe 
 Souldiers, whom they fent abroad with a fmall party of Spaniards to forage and 
 gather provifions-, which the poor Indians in fear and dread of them, and torefcue 
 themfelves , their Wives and Children from their Cruelties', did readily admini- 
 fter and fupply them with 5 which afterwards was thecaufe of great famine and 
 diftrefs in the Countrey. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 The Marfhal makes choice of Captains for his Army. He 
 comes to Cozco, and marches apainft Francifco Her- 
 nandez. The unfortunate death of Captain Diego de 
 Almendras. 
 
 IN the mean time, whilft matters were thus tranfacted in Cozco, Rimac and Vilk- 
 cori, the Marfhal Alonfo de Aharado, who was in the Kingdom and Provinces 
 of the Charcot, remained not idle or una&ive : for as we have faid before, he em- 
 ployed himfelf in railing men for his Majefty's fervice, and providing Arms, Am- 
 munition , Victuals , Horfes and Mules , and what elfe was neceflary for the ufe 
 of the Souldiers. He made Bon Martin de Almendras, a Gentleman, who had mar- 
 ried his Sifter, his Lieutenant, and Diego de Porras, a ftout and valiant Souldier his 
 Standard-bearer general •, Diego de Villavhennio was made Serjeant Major , in which 
 Office he had been in the War which Prefident Go/ca waged againft Goncak Picar- 
 
 ro. He nominated Pero Hernandez Paniagua and John Ortiz de Car ate, who had E- 
 
 ftates in the Charcas for Captains of Horfe, with another Gentleman of Noble 
 
 extra&ion called Don Gabriel de Guzman. Gomez, Hernandez,, the Lawyer, was made 
 
 Judge Advocate of the Camp, and John Riba Martin Chief Apparitor. Of the In- 
 fantry he conftituted fix Captains, three of which had Eftates and Plantations, 
 
 namely, the Lawyer Polo, Diego de Almendras and Martin de Alar ecu. The Others, 
 
 who 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. p->g 
 
 who had no EftateS, were Hernando Alvarez de Toledo, John Ramon and John de Ar- 
 
 rejnagas all which Commanders fo diligently applyed themfelves to their charge 
 and employment, that in a few days the Marfhal had an Army compofed of about 
 eight hundred men, of which Pakmino, Chap. 41. fpeaks as followeth. 
 
 His Forces were in number feven hundred feventy five men, all good Souldiers 
 well armed and richly clothed, and with great attendance, the like of which 
 hath never been feen in Peru. And indeed it was no wonder they Ihould be fo, 
 coming from the Mountain or Hill , which is the richeft of any difcovered as yet 
 in this World. Thefe are the words of Pakntino, of which I am lure he fpeaks 
 very true, fori faw them my felf fome few days afterwards in Cozco, and then they 
 appeared unto me to be as brave and as well accoutred as this Authour exprefles : 
 fo that being thus powerful] in Men and Arms , and provided of all things ne- 
 ceflary the Marfhal marched towards Coz.ce ; in his way to which, feveral Parties 
 often and twenty in a Company came to join with him for the fervice of his Ma- 
 jefty. And after he had paffed Arequepa with the difficulties before related, there 
 came to him about forty Souldiers : And Sancho Duarte and Captain Martin de 
 Olmos, who refided in the City of la Paz,, came forth to the Marfhal, with above 
 two hundred good Souldiers, at which meeting they teftified great joy with vol- 1 
 lies of mot and other Martial falutations. The Army marching forwards came 
 within the jurifdidion of the great City of Cozco, where they were met by a 
 fmall fquadron under the Command of John de Saavedra 5 which though few in 
 number , and not exceeding eighty five men , were yet confiderable for their 
 Eftates and Intereft in the Countrey amongft which were thirteen or fourteen Ci- 
 tizens of Cotuo, being all Conquerours of that Empire of the firft or iecond Ad- 
 venture : Of thefe men there were fixty Horfe and the reft were Foot, moft men 
 of Eftates , and fuch as had fled from the Rebels to Los Reyes , with intention 
 to ferve his Majefty. With the appearance of fo many good and brave Souldiers, 
 whom the Rebels once believed would have joined with them, the Marfhal was 
 animated and encouraged ; and marched to the entrance of the City oCCozco, being 
 then above twelve hundred ftrong ; of which three hundred were Horfe , three 
 hundred and fifty Mufquetiers, and about five hundred and fifty Piques and Hal- 
 berts : Every Troop and Company marched by it felf with five in a File or Rank ; 
 and afterwards drew up in the Market-place-, where the Horfe and Foot made a 
 feigned skirmifh for fport and diverfion, and afterwards were all quartered with- 
 in the Precin&s of the City. The Biihop of Cozco, called Frier John Solano, atten- 
 ded with his Dean and Chapter came forth to meet and welcome the Marfhal and 
 his Army, and to give them his benedidion. Howfoever, remembring the hard- 
 ihips he had endured when he accompanied Diego Centeno in his long marches, he ' 
 was unwilling to follow the Camp, but rather chofe to remain in his Church, and 
 pray for their fuccels, and the peace of the Countrey. From Cozco the Marfhal if- 
 fued out his Warrants and Orders to repair the Bridges of the Rivers of Apurimac 
 and Amancay, intending to pafs that way in queft of Francifco Hernandez, of whom 
 he had heard nothing of late, nor was it known what was become of him. At 
 this time Advices were fent from the Juftices of the ill fuccefs of Paul de Menefes 
 at Villacori , and that the Rebels were encamped in the Valley of Nanafca: upon 
 which intelligence, the Marfhal altered his defign, and returned back the fame way 
 he came, to avoid paffing by Arequepa and the Charcot, which would have been a 
 great hurt and damage to the Countrey, and a means to prolong the War. Where- 
 fore the Marfhal changed his Orders concerning the Bridges, which he commanded 
 now to be burnt, to hinder the paffage of the Enemy, in cafe they fhould defign to 
 return that way again. The Marihal departing from Cozco marched fourteen or fif- 
 teen leagues along the Road to the Collao, and then took the right-hand way which 
 leads to Nanafca, where he expected to meet Hernandez,-, but hearing no News of 
 hirrvhe marched towards Parihuanacocha, though in the way thither he was to pafs 
 a rocky defart of above thirty leagues over : In this paffage four Souldiers having 
 robbed two Mules, one belonging to Gabriel de Pemia and the other to Pedro 
 Franco (who were Souldiers of good reputation) and therewith fled over to Hernan- 
 dez,, the Marfhal upon notice thereof prefently commanded the two Souldiers to be 
 mangled, fufpecting, that they themfelves had been confenting thereunto -, which 
 being efteemed by all to be a piece of great injuftice and cruelty , caufed murmu- 
 rings and difcontent in the Army, and a thoufand Curfes againft the Marfhal. As 
 Pabtfim mentions, Chapter 41. Thefe four Souldiers which revolted met with 
 
 D d d d d d z the 
 
040 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 the Scouts of Hernandez Giron, and went with them to Nanafta, where in private 
 they gave a true account of the force which the Marfhal brought with him , and 
 that he was coming to feek them by the way of Paribnanacocba t though in pub- 
 lick, not to difcourage the People, they reported, that his force was weak and in- 
 confiderable : but Francifto Hernandez difabufed his people , and told them the 
 truth : for, as Palentim faith, he fpake to them in thefe words. 
 
 Gentlemen, do not flatter or deceive your felves, but clinch your Fifts dole, for 
 I affure you, that you have a thoufand men coming againft you from below on 
 one fide, and 1 ico from above, which by the help of God, I efteem as nothing, 
 for let me have but a hundred ftout and valiant friends, who will flick to me, and 
 I (hall not doubt, but to defeat them all. And hereupon having prepared for his 
 departure ■■, upon the eighth of May he left Nafta and marched to Lucanes by way 
 of the mountain, with intent topoflefs himfelf of Parinacocha, before the Marfhal 
 came thither, &c Thus far this Authour, Chapter 41. 
 
 Howfoever the Marfhal Alonfo de Alvarad* continuing his March, entered upon 
 the Defarts of Parilmanacccba, where by reafon of the bad and craggy ways and 
 rempeftuous weather , or the unhealthfulnefs of the Climate, above fixty of their 
 beft Horfe dyed, though they were led by hand, and well covered with Clothing^ 
 without any reafon given for the fame -, the Grooms faid, that they were taken with 
 a fhortnefs of breath like Horfes that are broken winded, at which all people won- 
 dered, but none knew the reafon-, onely the Indians efreemed it ominous, and to be 
 a forerunner of ill fuccefs. Diego Hernandez, Chap. 42. fpeaking of this pafiage, faith, 
 as follows. When the Marfhal was come unto Cbumbibittas, and had there provi- 
 ded himfelf with all things neceflary for his Camp j he adventured to pafs the de- 
 iart of ' Par'wacocha, which is about 32 leagues over, which was fo full of boggs and 
 morifh places, fnow and rocky afperous paffages, and fo many broken cliffs and wa- 
 ter-galls, that many Horfes perifhed in that defblate Land, which feemed at that 
 time to be a corner of Hell, where was nothing but mifery and famine, &c. Thus 
 far this Authour, whofe Authority we have brought to confirm the truth of what 
 we have before alledged. 
 
 The Marfhal left Captain Sancfa Dugarte in Paribmnatocba fkk of a Flux or Dif- 
 fentery, of which in a few days afterwards he dyed : the Army ftill proceeding in 
 their march the Scouts happened to take one of the Scouts belonging to Hernandez; 
 and to fave his life, they reported, that he voluntarily was coming to ferve his Ma- 
 jefty , and from him the Marfhal was informed , that Francifco Hernandez, was not 
 above twenty leagues diftant from that place-, for which reafon he kept his peo- 
 ple on the Watch, not to be furprized or to have their quarters beaten up in the 
 night. When the Army was about two days march from Paribnanacocba, a bold ac- 
 tion was performed by a certain Negro which alarum'd the Army, and was this : 
 
 Captain Diego de Almendrat, according to his ufual Cuftome, did often feparate 
 from the Army to fhoot wild Beafts, of which there were very many in thofe De- 
 farts 5 and being in this manner one day upon the ramble, it was his fortune to 
 meet amidft thofe rocks with a Negro belonging to Serjeant Major Villavicencio y 
 who had run away 5 and whom Almendras would have bound , and brought back 
 to his Mafter. The Neger flood ftill, as if he would have fubmitted 5 but fo foon 
 as Almendr.-vs came near him , thinking to bind his hands with match , the Negro 
 ftooped down, and catched hold of the Ankles of his Leggs,and running his Head 
 againft his Breaft, threw him backwards ■-, and then with his own Dagger and 
 Sword, he gave him fo many Wounds, that he left him dead. After which the 
 Negro fled to the reft of his Kindred and Relations who were with Hernandez, ; and 
 having recounted to them this brave exploit, by which he made his efcape, they 
 all rejoyced, and gloried in the action, every one boafting of it, as if it had been 
 done by himfelf. A young man of mongrel race half Spaniard and half Indian being 
 with A/mendraf, and feeing his Mafter on the ground, and ill treated in that man- 
 ner, took the Negro by the Shoulders to free his Mafter from him ; but Almendras be- 
 ing fenfible that ne was mortally wounded, called to the youth to fly before he was 
 killed by the Negro .• and fuch was the Cry and Groans he made , as gave an alla- 
 arum to all the Army : he was afterwards carried to Paribuana to be there cured , 
 but he dyed in his way thither, fuch was the end of this poor Gentleman, who loft 
 his Life in hunting after another man's Negro - 7 the which unhappy accident both 
 Indians and Spaniards interpreted as an ill omen of their future Succefles. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 04! 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 The Marfhal receives intelligence of the Enemy t He fends 
 fame Forces againft them : A Skirmifh happens between 
 the two Parties. The general opinion of the Officers to 
 decline ftghti?ig with the Rebels. 
 
 THE day following after this unhappy misfortune befallen Captain Almen- 
 drat -, the Marfhal receiving advice that the Enemy was not far diftant he 
 marched eight leagues farther with his Army 5 and then made a ftrong detachment, 
 which was required to haften with all expedition, and to carry no other baggage 
 or incumbrance, than onely Provifions for three days : and in this manner, as Pa- 
 Imino faith, they palled a defart Countrey full of marines and boggs, and deep with 
 Snows-, and that night they lodged in the open Air, without Tents, or other cove- 
 ring : and having travelled eight leagues farther 5 the next day they came very weary 
 to a People called Guallarifa, where they received News, that Trantifco Hernandez had 
 departed thence three days before, and was then ztchuquinga about four leagues di- 
 ftant from them, where he ftaid to refrefh his Army, which was greatly tyred and 
 difcompofed by the Fatigues of a long march over mountainous and defolate Coun- 
 tries. At this time the Commiflary Romero and Garica de Mck came to the Marfhal 
 with a thoufand Indians that were Souldiers bringing Provifions and Ammunition 
 to him from the Province of Andaguaylas 5 from them he received a relation of 
 all matters concerning Hernandez, and how he had ftrangled Diego Orihwl, a Na- 
 tive of Salamanca, having taken him as he was coming to the Marfhals Camp to' 
 ferve his Majefty. Thus far Palemim. 
 
 The Marfhal having certain intelligence that the Enemy was near , he greatly 
 defired to engage with them, and therefore refolved to detach two Captains with 
 a hundred and fifty choice Mufquetiers, who early in the Morning were to give 
 the Enemy an Allarum, and receive fuch as would pafs over to his Majefty's fer- 
 vice. But the Captains and other perfons of quality and intereft, who were well 
 informed of the ftrength of the place wherein Hernandez, was encamped , would 
 have difluaded the Marfhal from the defign , giving him very good realbns , why 
 it was not fit or fafe to attempt the Enemy within their Fortifications , or to ha- 
 zard the lofs of an hundred and fifty of the choiceft Mufquetiers in the whole Ar- 
 my, on whofe fuccefs the fortune of the day depended : but the Marfhal replyed , 
 that he himfelf would follow them in the rere, and fuccour them with the whole 
 Army , and fecond them fo warmly with his Troops,^ that the Enemy fhould be 
 able to prevail little on them : and fo he inftantly defired licence of the Captains 
 to draw out from their Companies a hundred and fifty choice Mufquetiers, which 
 he committed to the command and charge of his Lieutenant General , and of 
 Captain foh* Ramon, with Directions to approach as near to the Enemy as was pof- 
 fible. The Captains accordingly about midnight marched out with this detachment, 
 and about three hours afterwards the Marfhal followed them with the whole Ar- 
 my. Hernandez who was well advifed of the near approach of a fevere and incen- 
 fed Enemy, was vigilant not to be furprized unawares-, and having his forces al- 
 ways in a pofture of defence, he kept Guards on the Avenues, which were but 
 two, where it was poffible to be attacked by an Enemy. 
 
 Before break of day in the morning the King's Forces came to the place where 
 the Enemy was fortified ; and without any noife endeavoured to furprize them 
 before they who were on the other fide of the River Amancaj could hear any thing 
 of their approach : but whilft they moved thus foftly, they were difcovered by 
 an Indian belonging to Hernandez, who prefently ran to his Mafter, and told him, 
 that the Enemy was near at hand. 
 
 Francifio Hernandez, immediately caufed an Allarum to be founded 5 and difpo- 
 fed his people in fuch places as were moft for their fecurity -, and on both fides 
 Vollies of Mufquets were interchanged without damage unto either, for they fired 
 at a great diftance. About nine a clock the Marfhal brought his whole Army in 
 fight of Hernandez, 5 and then the skirmifh was renewed with more heat and cou- 
 rage 
 
94 2 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 rage than good difcipline: for the Rebels having confidered the fituation of the 
 place, ordered and difpofed their Souldiers to the moft advantage , It was no plain 
 or open Countrey where they were to fight, but amongft Bufhes and Trees, and 
 great Rocks and Caves, by which the River Amancay paffes. Hernandez, his Soul- 
 diers divided themfelves into feveral parties and places covered and fheltered with 
 Trees and Buthes. The Marlhal's men boldly and openly defcended from a Hill, 
 and being come within Mufquet-ihot , every one to fignalize himfelf the better , 
 told his Condition, and his Name, who and what he was. 
 
 The Enfign o[fohn Ramon named Gon^alo de Mat a came fo near the Enemy, as 
 to call to them, and cryed out aloud, I am Mata, I am Mata; one of thofc who 
 lay clofe in the Buihes perceiving him within Mufquet-fhot, anfwered him, I am 
 a Matador, a Matador, or a Killer of him ; and with that let fly at him, and {hot 
 him full in the Breaft, with which he fell dead to the ground : the like happened 
 to others , of which many were killed and wounded , without feeing who hurt 
 them : And though the Marfhal re-inforced the detachment with frelh Forces, fo 
 that the Skirmifh continued untill three a clock in the afternoon, in which above 
 forty principal perfons were killed and wounded, yet no advantage was gained by 
 this Engagement : amongft thefe a young Gentleman of about eighteen years of 
 age, called Bon Felipe Enrique* had the misfortune to be flain, and was much la- 
 mented by both Armies •, and Captain Ayrenaga was wounded. The King's party 
 having fuftained this lofs in the Skirmifh, were not a little cooled in their courage 
 and abated in their mettle. During the Fight two Souldiers belonging to Hernan- 
 dez revolted to the Marlhal , one of which was called Samho de Vayona .• and one 
 Souldier of the Marshal's pafledoverto Hernandez,, named —de Bilbao, of whom 
 we have formerly made mention, and how he declared, that wherefoever be firft 
 faw Hernandez, he would fly to his Party. 
 
 The Skirmilh being ended , and the Souldiers retired : Valentino , Chapter the 
 forty fourth , faith 5 That the Marfhal entered into confultation with Lorenzo de 
 Aldana , Gomez, de Alvarado , Diego Maldonado , Gomez, de Solis , and Other principal 
 perfons in the Camp •, to whom he fignifyed the great defire he had to engage the 
 Rebels, upon affurance that Bayona the Souldier (who was juft then come over from 
 the Enemy ) had given him , that for certain they would never ftand a fhpck , 
 but turn their backs at the firft charge : but Lorenzo de Aldana and Diego Maldona- 
 do being of another opinion, took him afide, and perfuaded him to decline an 
 Engagement, and to have patience for a while : fince he had fuch manifeft ad- 
 vantages over the Rebels , both in men , and in the ground where they were en- 
 camped : and moreover, all the Indians and all that Countrey were difpofed to fa- 
 vour and ferve him. As to the Rebels , they had no other refuge or fortification 
 than thole Rocks and Woods •, in which being kept in by the Indians , and as it 
 were befieged on all fides , they muft in a ihort time be compelled by famine 
 to one of thefe two things , either to abandon their faft places , and then they 
 will either disband, or feparate of themfelves, or be eafily routed by us •, or the 
 greateft part of them, will pais over to us, without hazarding the life of any of 
 thofe Loyal Gentlemen who are engaged in this quarrel : all fwhich will eafily be 
 effeded , by ftanding ftill without adion , and onely keeping a good watch and 
 ward in cafe the Enemy mould make an attempt, and efpecially upon that high 
 point of Land which runs out upon the River , and which overfees both Camps ; 
 which pafs if he could make good, he would be better fortified and fecured than 
 the Enemy. In this advice and opinion moft of the principal Officers concurred : 
 onely Martin de Robles (to whom the Marfhal had given the Company which be- 
 longed to Diego de Almendras ) and fome few others were of a contrary opinion , 
 and infifted much to give them battel : howfoever horenp de Aldana was Co ear- 
 ned in the matter , that the Marfhal promifed and gave him his word , that he 
 would not fight. And upon this refolution he difpatched a Meffenger away pre- 
 fently to the Camp of the Juftices , to fend him fome fmall Field-pieces with a 
 recruit of Mufquetiers, to play upon that point of the broken part of the Moun- 
 tain which the Enemy had poffefied ; for that driving them out from thence, they 
 would either be forced to yield, or elfe to fight their way in open field. Thus 
 far Valentino, by which appears the great defire of the Marlhal to engage the Rebels, 
 contrary to the opinion of all his Officers, and to the great and weighty reafons alle- 
 ged by them^ which Council not being followed, occafioned the ruine and de- 
 ftrudion which infued •, as will fpeedily appear in what follows. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. qai 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 John de Piedrahita alamis the Camp of the Marfhal. Ro~ 
 drigo de Pineda comes over to the Kings Party j and per- 
 fuades them to give the Enemy Battel. The debates there- 
 upon. The Marshal refolves to engage. 
 
 SO foon as it was night John de Piedrahita with a party of thirty fix Mufquetiers 
 divided into three Companies alarm'd the Marfhal's Camp in three feveral 
 quarters ; which was not much regarded by them, and onely a few mot returned 
 to (hew that they were not afleep : fo foon as the day began to break Piedrahita 
 retired without effecting any thing, onely he thereby gave occafion to Rodrigo de 
 Pineda, a Citizen ofCozco and Captain of Horfe, upon pretence and colour of gi- 
 ving aihfreme to Piedrahita, to make his efcape to the Marfhal 5 of which Palen- 
 tbw gives this account : 
 
 So foon, fays he, as Rodrigo de Pineda was come to the Marfhal, he aflured him, 
 that many, if not the greateft part of Hernandez, his Souldiers would have made 
 their efcape had it not been for the ftri«5t watch which is always kept, and that in 
 the night when he came over, he found the River fhallow and eafie to be forded : 
 upon this advice, the Marfhal prefently called a Council of all the Captains and 
 men of Intereft and Eftates then abiding in the Camp, and, having repeated to 
 them all that Pineda had acquainted him with, he told them plainly, that he was 
 refolved to fight the enemy, delivering his reafons for the fame : but ftill many of 
 the Council oppofed this opinion, perfifting, that it was not fafe to make an at- 
 tempt on a Fortification with fo much difadvantage : when, the Marfhal faw that 
 he was oppofed by fo many principal perfons, he defired Pineda to repeat himfelf 
 before them all what he had before declared, and what was his opinion concerning 
 the ftate of Hernandez his Camp, and how and in what manner he believed they 
 would aft. Then Pineda told them, that the Forces which Hernandez had, might 
 amount unto three hundred and eighty men, of which two hundred and twenty 
 were Mufquetieis, but all ill provided, and moll of them inclined to defert him, 
 and revolt to the Marfhal ; and that he might have about a thoufand Horfes and 
 Beads of Burthen. And as to what he believed of the ftate of Hernandez, he was 
 of opinion, that they would march away that night if not prevented, being af- 
 frighted, and forced thereunto for want of provifions: That in cafe they did 
 march away, the purfuit after them, through craggy and mountainous Countries, 
 would be very difficult and ruinous to the Army, as well as deftruclive to the 
 Kingdom : and that the paflage over the River was eafie, and the way open to 
 make an aflaulr. Hereupon the Marfhal declared pofitively his refolution thac 
 day to engage the enemy 5 and that he would not fuffer them to efcape out of his 
 hands as they had formerly done from the Juftices •■, and prevent them from do- 
 ing any farther mifchief than what they had already committed 5 and that to fol- 
 low and purfue after them could not be done without hardfhip, damage and fuf- 
 fering of the whole Army : but fome made anfwer and replied hereunto, that 
 whilft Hernandez, remained in that faft ground, it were more fecure to let him 
 efcape from thence than to attempt him in that Fortification 5 for that it was pro- 
 bable, that having abandoned that place, his Forces would disband of themfelves, 
 without hazarding the life of one Souldier : but the Marfhal was not fatisfied 
 with this anfwer, and find, that it was not correfpondent to his duty, nor futable 
 to the honour of (0 many brave Cavaliers and good Souldiers as were there pre- 
 fent, to fuffer thofe Rebels to range and wander up and down robbing and fpoiling 
 the Countrey without controll, and therefore he declared himfelf refolved in de- 
 fpight of all oppolition to give the enemy Battel. Herewith many of the princi- 
 pal Captains who were prefent at this Confultation in the Marfhal's Tent, went 
 out from thence much diipleafed and diflatisfied : and particularly Gomez de Alva-, 
 rado faid, Come, fince we muft die, let us go, for I am fure it will be my fortune 
 to be killed- Thus far are the words of Pakntim; 
 
 When 
 
Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 When the Council was rifen, feveral of the Inhabitants of Cozco and of the 
 Charcot, being men ofEftates, to the number of about thirty, returned again to 
 
 the Marfhal, amongft which were Lor&fco de Aiding John de Saavedra, Diego Mal- 
 donado, Gomez Alvarado, Pero Hernandez, Paniagua, Polo the Lawyer, John Ortis de 
 Carate, Alonfo de Loayfa, John de Salas the Agitant , Martin de Alencfes, Garcia de 
 Melo, John de Berrio, Anton Rttyz, de Guevara, Goncalo de Soto, Diego de Truxillo a]] of 
 
 them Adventurers in the conquelt of Peru •, who taking the Marfhal afide, did 
 earneftly entreat him to retract his determination concerning the Battel ; that ha 
 would confider of the fituation of the place wherein the enemy was ported, which 
 was very ftrong ; and that his own was equal to it, and as advantageoufly feated 
 as theirs : that he mould obferve and remember w hat Rodrigo de Pineda allured him 
 of the fcarcity and want of all Provifions in the Camp of Hernandez,, by reafon of 
 which they would be forced to quit their quarters there in the fpace of three days; 
 that he fhould expeft untill the end of that time and fee the idue, after which he 
 might confider farther, and take fuch meafures as Ihould then feem moft advanta- 
 geous and convenient : and in the mean time the enemy remained there before 
 them, and could not take a flight through the air, but on the land onely ; on which 
 they might be intercepted and obfhucled in their paflage by orders and inftru&i- 
 ons fent to the Indians, whenas on the contrary, it could not but prove deftruc- 
 tive to attack the Enemy in fo difficult a (ration 5 it was well known that the 
 event of War hath been always doubtful! ; and that to play fuch a defperate game 
 was to deliver up their Souldiers to daughter, and to (land ftill untill they were 
 all killed by the fhot of the Enemy •, That he mould confider the ftate of his own 
 Forces, which were in a much more happy condition than the Enemy ■-, for they 
 neither wanted Provifions, nor the attendance of Indians, nor other neceflaries to 
 conferve them in the Camp. That the onely game they had now to play was to 
 ftand ftill, and that then a Vidtory would follow of courfe, without lofs or ha- 
 zard of his men •■> and that it was not good to adventure, without fome cogent rea- 
 fons, the lofs of what they had already gained. The Marfhal, not reflecting, or 
 calling to mind , that on the fame River a Battel of the nature of this was 
 loft (as before related) anfwered with fome choler, that he had well confidered 
 all thefe particulars ; but that it correfponded not with his duty, nor was it reafo- 
 nable or finable to their reputation, to fuffer fuch a company of pitifull Rebels to 
 march away with fuch boldnefs and infolence, and every night to alarm him in 
 his Camp ; which not being able to fupport any longer, he was refolved to fight 
 them that very day, not doubting but that before Sun-fetting, he fhould kill and 
 cut in pieces three hundred of their men : wherefore he conjured them to talk no 
 more of declining the Battel, but that every one fhould repair to his charge and 
 command, and acquit himfelf of his duty , upon penalty of being proceeded 
 againft asTraitours and difobedient to the command of their General. 
 
 There was now no farther place for Anfwers and Replies, the Die was caft and 
 the refolution fixed, which caufed many of the principal men to depart with a 
 heavy heart, and to difcourfe amongft themfelves, that the Marfhal was prodigal 
 of the lives of his Souldiers ; for if he looked upon them as his Friends, his Kin- 
 dred, or Sons, he would not expofe them in that manner to be deftroyed and 
 flaughtered by the Enemy. But what could be faid more, it was their misfortune 
 and unhappinefs to be fubje&ed to the command of a paflionate and an inflexible 
 General, who would not be perfuaded to accept of a Victory which was offered 
 to him, but rather yield it to his Enemy at the expence of their lives and fortunes : 
 this and much more was exprefied, lamenting their condition, and prefaging as 
 it were that ruine which enfued within the fpace of {}k hours afterwards. Thus 
 in defpair, the Captains, and moft confiderate of the Souldiers, prepared them- 
 felves : though there were fome, who taking their meafures from the numbers, 
 and looking upon themfelves as twelve hundred to four hundred or three hundred 
 and fifty, were fo certain of fuccefs as if the Enemy had been already in their 
 hands: but thefe did not confider the difficulties of the way •-, or that they had a 
 deep and rapid River to pafs, nor the turnings and windings, and narrow paf- 
 fages before they could come at the Enemy, whereby their Horfe would becorre 
 ufelefs 5 and that nothing but their Fire-arms could ferve, of which the Rebels 
 were well provided, and their Souldiers fuch excellent Marks men that they could 
 kill a fmall Bird with a fingle Bullet •, amongft which there were fome of mongrel 
 race, between Spaniards and Indians, and particularly one called Grauado of the 
 
 Countrey 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 045 
 
 Countrey of Mexico ( who had taught the reft ) that could fhoot either upon 
 Refts, or at Arms length, as they pleafed. Moreover, it was certainly believed, 
 that Hernandez, compounded his Powder with a certain fort of Poifon : for the 
 Chirurgeons reported, that the wounds made by the Rebels Gun-mot, though 
 never fo flight, were incurable, and which was contrary to the nature of fuch 
 wounds, which are always more eafily cured than thofe which are made by Lance, 
 or Sword, or Halbert, or fuch like Weapons : but notwithftanding all thefe difficul- 
 ties engage they muft, which coft many a man his life, to the defeat and ruine of 
 the whole Army. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 The Marjhal draws up his Men in order of Battel. Fran- 
 cifco Hernandez does the like in defence of bimjelf. 
 The fever al Ajfaults that were made. The death of many 
 ■principal perfons. 
 
 IT was prefently after mid-day when the Marftial gave the fignal for the Bat- 
 tel, and having drawn up the Souldiers in their feveral Companies, he gave 
 orders to Captain Martin de Robles with his Company of Mufquetiers, to march 
 to the left, and attack the Enemy on that fide ; the Captains Martin de oimos and 
 John Ramon were commanded with their Forces to march to the right, and to make 
 the on-fet together at the fame time, when they heard the Trumpet found, which 
 was to be the fignal for the Aflault: the reft of the Infantry, with all the Horfe 
 were commanded to defcend by a very narrow paffage, there being no other way 
 than that to go down unto the River, which, having pafled, they were to draw 
 up in a little Plain, and then in a Body to attack the Enemy with all the fury 
 poflible. Francifco Hernandez,, who from his ftation obferved all this motion of 
 the Enemy, and that they were difpofed to aflault them in three feveral places ; 
 called to his Souldiers, and laid, Now, Gentlemen, we muft either conquer or 
 die, for the Enemy is coming upon us with all their fury : Hereupon a certain 
 Souldier of good experience in the War, whom Hernandez, and his men called Co- 
 lonel Villalva, perceiving that the General and his Souldiers feemed fomewhat 
 cold and defponding •, bid them, as Valentino reports, to be of good courage, for 
 that the Marftial could never maintain his Order, nor was it poffible for him to 
 pafs the River without being overthrown •, and that the place where they were 
 ported was fo ftrong as could not be taken by ten thoufand men •■, and that all 
 of them muft be cut off and perifh in the aflault, with which faying of Villalva 
 Hernandez, and his men were greatly encouraged, &c. And indeed it proved ac- 
 cording to the words of the Colonel : For Hernandez, having drawn up fome of 
 his Mufquetiers and all his Pikemen in a narrow way, commanded by Piedrahita, 
 and Sotelo, with orders to fight jointly in a Body or feparately, and to relieve 
 each other, as occafion fhould require. Another great Body of above an hundred 
 Mufquetiers he divided into feveral parties, of four and fix together, and lodged 
 them in the dofe paflages, and behind Rocks, Bufhes and Thickets which grew 
 by the River fide $ where was too place to draw up men into a Body, but every 
 one muft fight by himfelf fingly •-, And thence the Rebels could (hoot with a fted- 
 dy hand, refting their Mufquets on Bulhes, or Stumps and Branches of Trees. 
 Martin de Robles and his Company of Mufquetiers having pafled the River, eftee- 
 med themfelves fo fecure of Victory, confidering the fmall number of the Enemy, 
 that they prefled haftily to attack them, intending to gain the honour of the 
 Victory unto themfelves •, which they did with fo much precipitation, that they 
 would not ftay untill all their men were pafled over, but attempted the Enemy 
 with the Van or Front onely, whilft the reft were wading through the Rivet 
 with water to their middles, or to their Breafts, and fome, intent on other mat- 
 
 E e e e e e ters, 
 
046 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 ters, fuffered their Flasks of Powder to be wetted with hanging in the water ; 
 but others, more wary, carried their Powder and Mufquets on their heads. Cap- 
 rain Piedrahita, feeing Martin de Robks in fuch hafte and ciforder coming to attack 
 him, (allied out with gieat courage, and gave him fuch a volley of (hot as killed 
 him feveral men •, which drove him and his men back again over the River ; 
 with which Piedrahita returned very gravely to his former port. By this time the 
 
 Captains Martin de Olmos and John Ramon were Come up near to the Fort of Piedra- 
 
 >.;, who feeing how ill it had pafled with Martin de Robles, were defirous to re- 
 pair the cifgrace and recover the honour which the other had loft : but the Ene- 
 my, being flelhed and encouraged^ with the late fuccefs, received the Aflaiianrs 
 with the like Volley as they had done the others •, and though the fight continu- 
 ed feme time, yet at length the Victory inclined to Piedrahita, and the contrary 
 party forced to retreat to the River, many of them being killed and wounded, 
 and many of them repaffed it again. Captain Piedrahita, being greatly animated 
 with the fuccefs of thefe two encounters, returned to his former ftation, to be in 
 a readinefs to apply himfelf to thofe parts '.vhere neceffity moft required. Now 
 whilft thefe two misfortunes had befaln the Mar(hal, caufed by the hafty precipi- 
 tation of Martin de Robles, who would not attend the fignal of the On-fet, nor 
 the Orders given him ; the Captains and the other parties of Souldiers defcended 
 down to the River, and pafled it with extraordinary difficulty ; for in that part 
 the water was fo deep that the Infantry wetted both their Powder and their Muf- 
 quets, and the Pikemen loft their Pikes in the ftream. Now the Mufquetiers of 
 Hernandez,, who, as we faid before, were lodged in Ambufhes, covered with 
 Rocks, Thickets and Caves bordering on the Banks, feeing with what difficulty 
 their Enemies were labouring to pafs the ftream, they aflailed them within trie 
 water, and killed many of them in the River before they were able to pafs over; 
 for, (hooting with their Mufquets on Refts, they feldom failed to hit the mark 
 ' at which they aimed ; and fo many were killed and wounded both in that Pais 
 and in the Plain where they defigned to draw up, that they could not difpofe their 
 Squadrons in the order intended. 
 The principal perfons killed were fohn de Saevedra, the Serjeant-Major, Villavi- 
 
 cencio, Gomez de Alvarado, Captain Hernando, Alvarez, de Toledo, Don Gauriel de Guz- 
 man, Diego de VIloa, Francifco de Barrientos 3. Citizen of Cozco, and Simon Pinto an 
 Enfign. The perfons WOUnded were Martin de Robles, Captain Martin de Alarcon, 
 
 and Goncah Siheflre, of whom we have formerly made mention at large ; and who 
 loft a Horfe that day killed under him, for which, two days before, Martin dt 
 Robles, (to whom the Prefident had given a Revenue of forty thoufand pieces of 
 Eight a year) had offered the fum of twelve thoufand Ducats, and he refufed to 
 accept it, having occafion of a good Horfe at that time for this Battel. We 
 have mentioned this paflage before in the fixteenth Chapter of the ninth Book of 
 the firft Part of thefe Commentaries -, but not having fpecified their names in that 
 place, it comes opportunely and to the purpofe to infert them here, and to de- 
 clare that Goncalo Silvefire had his Leg broken with the fall of his Horfe, but by 
 the help of his Indian, who brought him another, though not fo good as the former, 
 was carried off, and conducted by him to Huamanca, where he ferved him untill 
 the end of the War with as much fidelity and affection as if he had been his own 
 Son. Befides thefe perfons of note before named, (ixty common Souldiers of 
 good efteem were killed likewife, who never came to dint of Sword, or pufh of 
 Pike, but were (hot and birded offat a diftance. 
 
 Thefe were the moft remarkable paflages which happened in this Battel, for 
 what fucceeded afterwards was nothing but confufion and diforder •-, for the grea- 
 teft part of the Marinal's Souldiers refufed to pafs the River, for they had had 
 enough of the firft day's Skirmifh, having tried the fmartnefs of the Enemy's fire; 
 the fear and dread whereof remained on their fpirits untill the totaldefeat. 
 
 A certain Souldier, named Perales, revolted over to the Marinal's fide, and de- 
 fired to have a Gun charged to (hoot at Hernandez,, for he faid he knew him well, 
 and had obferved the colour of his Clothes : a Gun was accordingly given him, 
 with which he made a (hot, and killed John Alonfi de Badajoz, whom he miftook 
 for Hernandez,, who had the fame coloured Clothes, and was much of the fame 
 iliape and proportion with him. Howfoever he publickly praifed himfelf for 
 the fervice he had done ; but when the Victory appeared for Hernandez, he retur- 
 ned to him again, and told him, that he had been taken prifoner by the Enemy, buf 
 
 upon 
 
Book VIjL Royal Commentaries. qaj 
 
 upon the rout they had releafed him •, but this piece of Treachery did not pafs un- 
 punifhed : for fome few days afterwards , when Perales was at Cozco with the 
 Lieutenant General Diego de Afaarado , Hernandez, was informed that Perales made 
 his braggs and boafted that he had killed him ; whereupon Hernandez wrote to his 
 Lieutenant to hang him, which he accordingly performed , for I my felf faw him 
 hanging on the Gallows in that City. But to return again to the Battel; Picdra- 
 hita obferviog the fear and confufion which was in the Marfhal's Camp ,. fallied 
 out of his Fort with about fifty men , crying out and finging , Victory , Victory , 
 and firing as they went wherefoever they faw twenty or thirty in a company to- 
 gether 5 all which yielded themfelves with their Arms and Powder , being that 
 which they moft needed ; and in this manner they made Prifoners of above three 
 hundred men whom they carried with them , and who durft not depart from 
 them or leave them , left they fliould fall into another Parties hand , who would 
 treat them worfe than thofe of Pledrahtias men to whom they had yielded them- 
 felves Prifoners. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez gains the Viftory. The Marjhal and 
 bis Souldiers are put to fight. The Indians kill many of 
 them on the way. 
 
 WHEN the Marfhal Alvarado faw that many of his Souldiers declined the 
 Fight, and would not pafs the River ■■, he in perfon led the way, in hopes 
 to animate them to follow his Example: but all his Cries and Calls and Perfuafi- 
 ons could avail nothing •-, for they all fled before P'udraHta, who was now in hot 
 purfuit of them. Wherefore fome of the Marfhal's Friends told him, that it was 
 in vain to endeavour to ftop the flight of his Souldiers, being purfued by the E- 
 nemy •, for that it was never known that ever any Army rallied again or flopped 
 their courfe who had once turned their backs to the Enemy , unlefs fome new 
 fuccour appeared , or fome ftrange accident offered it felf for their encourage- 
 ment. 
 
 This being faid, the Marfhal lhifted for himfelf and as many as could followed 
 him , and the reft were fcattered in divers parts where they thought they could 
 beft have refuge: fome whereof went to Arequepa, fome to the Charcot , others 
 to the new Plantation , and Hmmanca , and others travelled along the Coaft 'to 
 join with his Majefty's Army under command of the Juftices : fome few, not ex- 
 ceeding {even Souldiers, returned to Couo, of whom we will give fome relation 
 hereafter. 
 
 On the way, which was far and long, which thofe who fled from the Enemy 
 were to pafs , the Indians killed many of the Spaniard; , for they having no of- 
 fenlive Arms with them , were expofed to the mercy of all they met. Amongft 
 thofe who were thus killed , was the Son of Don Pedro de Afaarado , who was a 
 perfon of great quality, of whom we have given a relation formerly, and that he 
 brought eight hundred men with him into Peru ; this Gentleman was named Bon 
 Diego de Afaarado, a Son worthy of fuch a Father •, and his untimely and unfortu- 
 nate death was much lamented by all thofe who had any acquaintance with his 
 Father : That which induced the Indians to adventure upon this infolence and cru- 
 elty , was a Command given by the Officers of the Marfhal's Forces , ( I fhall 
 mention no man's name particularly ) who fanfying to themfelves an aflurance 
 of victory, in confidence thereof gave Orders to the Indians to kill all thofe whom 
 they fliould meet wandering and flying out of the battel -, not expecting that this 
 Command fliould fall on themfelves, but on the Rebels onely whom they inten- 
 ded totally to deftroy : but it had a contrary effect , and eighty of them were 
 maffacred by the Indians. The number of thofe killed in the Battel and in the 
 firft day's Skirmifh was above an hundred and twenty , and ( as Pakmino faith ) 
 
 Eeeeee i , two 
 
948 Royal Commentaries Book VII. 
 
 two hundred and eighty were wounded, of which above fourty dyed for want of 
 care and good attendance, and for want of Chirurgeons, Medicines and good Diet 3 
 In fine, every thing was unlucky in that difmal and fatal day. So that the mm 
 killed on the Marfhal's fide , by one way or other , were near two hundred and 
 fifty in all , and of the Rebels not above feventeen. The plunder of the Field 
 ( as this Authour faith ) was very confiderable , being the richeft that ever had 
 been in Peru : for the Marfhal had engaged in this Battel an hundred of the rich- 
 eft and principal perfons of that Countrey , and many who had fpent fix and fe- 
 ven thoufand pieces of Eight, and other two, three, and four thoufand pieces. 
 
 At the beginning of the Fight Hernandez, gave order to his Serjeant Major An- 
 tonio Carillo to guard a narrow paffage with eight or nine Horfe, to intercept fuch 
 as fhould fteal away out of cowardife, and fly from the danger. In the heat of 
 all the Battel , Albertos de Ordmmi , Standard-bearer General to Hernandez, came 
 running to them trailing his Colours on the ground, and told them that they muft 
 (hift for them ielves, for that their General was killed, and their Forces defeated 5 
 whereupon they all fled and travelled eight or nine leagues that night: but the 
 next day receiving intelligence from the Indians, that the Marfhal was routed, and 
 that Hernandez, remained Conquerour , they returned to their Camp with fuffici- 
 ent fhame and reproach for their Cowardife 5 though they pretended to have 
 gone in purfuit of the Marfhal's men , of which many were fled by thofe ways : 
 and to countenance them herein, and not to fhame them, Hernandez, was pleafed to 
 own , that he had given them Orders to purfue thofe who had taken their flight 
 by thofe ways. The Victory being thus gained by Frandfio Hernandez,, his Lieu- 
 tenant-General was defirous at the end of the Fight to (hew himfelf brave , and 
 a Man of action, though during the Battel, he neither acquitted himfelf like an 
 Officer , nor as the meaneft or loweft of the Souldiers : but now to doe fome- 
 thing , when the Souldiers brought a Gentleman of Camora prifoner, named Ro- 
 mero the Commiffary, who but four days before had conducted a thoufand Indians 
 laden with provifions to the Marfhal's Camp , as we have formerly mentioned , 
 of which when the Lieutenant was informed, he fent an Emiffary of his ( whom 
 he ufed to employ upon fuch like Meffages, called Aknfo Gonzales) with Orders to 
 put him to death, before he was brought into the General's prefence, well knowing 
 that he would grant him his Pardon, in cafe any intercefllon was made for him, 
 which the bloudy Hangman accordingly executed. Then they brought another Pri- 
 foner before Hernandez, , called Pero Hernandez, the Loyal , having deferved that 
 Surname of diftinction for the fervice , duty and fidelity to his Majefty , having 
 always been engaged on his fide , but in the War againft Goncak p'^arro , and al- 
 fo ferved in quality of a Captain under John Vazquez, Coronado, a Citizen of Mexico^ 
 when the feven Cities were difcovered , as we have given a relation in our Hi- 
 ftory of Florida •, And now alfo he was engaged in the Army of the Marfhal a- 
 gainft Frandfio Hernandez •, he had alfo the Title of Loyal , to diftinguifh him 
 from other feditious and rebellious Subjects of the fame name, fuch as Pero Her- 
 nandez, who was concerned in the Conspiracy of Mufu with Diego de Rojas, as wc 
 have already related. This Pero Hernandez the Loyal , as Pakntino faith , was a 
 Taylor , with which Francifco Hernandez, reproached him after he had given him 
 his Pardon at the inftance and requeft of Chrifiopher de Funes , calling him pitiful! 
 rafcally Taylor , that fhould dare to rife from his Shopboard , to erect a Standard 
 in the name of his Majefty. But this report of him was falfe ■, for I knew him 
 all the time that he was in Peru, for he lodged and dieted in my Father's houfe 5 
 for before he came into the Indies , he had been a domeftick Servant in the Illu- 
 ftrious and moft Excellent Family of Feria, from which by the bleffing of God 
 my Father is defcended by a younger Son. Wherefore in regard this Pero Her- 
 nandez had been a Servant to that Family , and a Vaflal to thofe Lords , and a 
 Native o{OHva in the Kingdom of 'Valencia •? my Father was kind to him, and trea- 
 ted him with as much refpect as if he had been his own Brother : and on the 
 other fide this Pero Hernandez behaved himfelf like an honeft worthy perfon , and 
 kept his two Horfes , one of which he called Paxarillo, or Sparrow, for the fwift- 
 nefs of his running •, I knew this Horfe very well , and I had reafon fo to doe } 
 for with his Horfe after the Wars with Hernandez were ended , a ftrange accident 
 full of danger befell me, but by the mercifull providence of God, I was preferved 
 from death. This very man, Pakntino fays, was a Taylor •, but it was a miftake 
 cf his, and muft have been fome other man , who was a Taylor , and that fet up 
 
 a Stan- 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries* 94^ 
 
 a Standard in Cozco againft Hernandez, .• and not this Pero ; for during all the time 
 of this War, I remained at Cozco, and then in cafe this Pero Hernandez who loci 
 ged in my Father's houfe had fet up any Standard or Colours , it could not have 
 parted without my knowledge ; and therefore in this matter I may rather be cre- 
 dited than this Auchour. The Youth whom I mentioned in the twenty fifth 
 Chapter of the fecond Book to have had an Infirmity in his Eyes, and that by 
 applying a certain medicinal Herb thereunto I recovered his Sight which was in 
 danger to be loft , was the Son of this honeft Souldier , and was born in my Fa- 
 ther's houfe : and now in this year, 1611. he lives at Oliva in Valencia, his Fa- 
 ther's Countrey , and is called Martin Loyal , whom his Excellency the Duke of 
 Feria, and the Right Honourable the Marquis of VHUnueva de Barca Rota , do em- 
 ploy in their fervice whenfoever they have occafion to buy Horfes, or breed them 
 up to the Manage-, for he became an Excellent Horfeman in dreifing the Genet, 
 which was the Horfe that gained and conquered our Countrey , &c. 
 
 When Pero Hernandez, the Loyal received the firft Intelligence of the Rebellion 
 of Hernandez, Giron , he was then in the AntU , trading for the Herb called 
 Cuca, which, with an Herb called Tunu, yields a great Revenue to his Majefty : 
 And then leaving his employment , like a loyal Subject to his King , he went to 
 the Marshal's Camp, where he remained untill he was taken Prifoner at the Bat- 
 tel of Cbuqujnca, and prefented to Francifco Hernandez, for a Perfon of Quality, and 
 one eminent for the many Services he had formerly a&ed in fervice othis Impe- 
 rial Majefty , for which reafon Hernandez, gave prefent order to have him execu- 
 ted ■■, and accordingly the Hangman ordering him to kneel down , that he might 
 put the Halter more conveniently about his Neck 5 and it happening at the fame 
 time, that a certain Souldier asking the Executioner fome queftions, which whilft 
 he turned about his Head to anfwer , and was in difcourfe with the Souldier , up 
 rofe this Pero , and ran with fuch fwiftnefs , that a Horfe could not have overta- 
 ken him-, and directly coming to the prefence of Hernandez, , he caft himfelf at 
 his Feet , and embracing both his Legs , he moft earneftly prayed and begged his 
 mercy: this Petition of his was feconded by all then prefent, and particularly 
 Chrifiopker de Funes, a Citizen of Huamanca, interceded for him, faying, that the 
 poor Wretch had already tafted of death by the apprehenfions he had conceived 
 of it when the Halter was about his Neck 5 Francifco Hernandez, at the importuni- 
 ty of fo many friends , rather than his own inclinations , gave him his Pardon. 
 This particular palled in the manner before related •, for afterwards in the time of 
 peace, I have heard the Story repeated in my Father's houfe, both in the pre- 
 fence and in the abfence of this Pero Hernandez the Loyal ■■, whofe efcape out of 
 the hands of the Rebels unto his Majefty's Camp we (hall relate in its due place. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
oeo Royal Commentariei. Book VII. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 The great Trouble and Vifiurbance which the News of the 
 lofs of the Marjhal caufed in his Maje/i/s Camp. The 
 means which the Jujiices took, to repair this Lofs. The 
 Difputes and Differences amongft the Officers , whether 
 the Army ought to march , or not to march a gain ft the 
 Rebels. One of the Captains of the Rebels revolts to the 
 Kings Forces. 
 
 TH E fame rumour which at the Battel of Chuquinca affrighted Antonio de Car- 
 rillo, Serjeant Major to Francifco Hernandez, and Albertos de Ordunna, and cau- 
 fed them to fly upon a groundlefs report that Hernandez was (lain , and which af- 
 terwards was contradicted, and the truth divulged of the Vidory he had gained: 
 the fame rumour being fpread amongft the Indians was related to the Spaniards 
 who lived in the Countries thereabouts ; who taking the News upon Hear-fay, 
 wrote it to the Juftices , with demands of a reward for their good tydings •, but 
 it was not long before winged fame brought the true relation of the fatal over- 
 throw of the Marftial and his Forces, which raifed great confternation and trouble 
 in his Majefty's Army •, and came to that height, that, as Pa/entino faith, Chap. 46. 
 a Council was held amongft the three Juftices, without any reafon or caufe for it, 
 either to put the Juftice Santillan to death, or to fend him Prifoner into Spain, upon 
 pretence that this Santillan had caufed the lofs of the Battel , but Dodour Sara- 
 via differing from the reft in his opinion, nothing was determined againft him. 
 And indeed we are not to think it ftrange , that men fhould imagine fome foul 
 play in this matter •, for this Vidory of Hernandez, was fo contrary to the expeda- 
 tion of all men who had any knowledge in the Affairs of Peru, that no man would 
 believe but that the Marftial was betrayed, and fold by his own people, and con- 
 fequently they pitched upon the perfons whom they fufpeded and imagined to be 
 the Contrivers of it ; And herein they fo confidently ftood , and believed , that 
 if an Angel from Heaven had come and revealed the truth, they would not have 
 been perfuaded into another belief ^ untill they favv many of thofe whom they 
 fufpeded of this Treachery, and who were fled from the Battel, to come to his 
 Majefty's Camp for refuge, (bowing the Wounds they received , and the Marks 
 of their ill treatment-, and then they were convinced of the Errour they had recei- 
 ved, and begun to entertain a good opinion of their faithfulnefs and loyalty : Co 
 foon as the people were recovered from their amazement , the Juftices ordered 
 Antonio de guinnones , a Citizen of Cozco , with a party of fixty Mufquetiers, to 
 march to the City of Haamanca for the defence thereof , and to receive fuch as 
 were fled thither from the Battel , and to hinder the Enemy from taking any re- 
 freihments or fuccours from thence , of which they might ftand in need -, and Co 
 it happened accordingly •, for Hernandez fent Captain Cobo to the City for Provi- 
 sions and Medicines to cure his wounded men -, but Cobo having intelligence that 
 Antonio guinnones was coming thither, he retired from Huamanca without doing 
 what he deligned. 
 
 At this time two Letters were brought to the Juftices from divers parts almoft 
 at the fame inftant, one was from the Marftial de Alvarado, complaining of his ill 
 fortune and the refradarinefs of the People who would not obey his Orders, nor 
 follow his Diredions : the other was from Lorenco de Aldan*, which in very few 
 words gave an account of the ill fuccefs of the'Battel , faying that it was done 
 againft the fenfe and opinion of all the principal Officers of the Army : as Valen- 
 tino writes, Chap. 47. in thefe words : 
 
 Upon Monday laft I wrote to your Lordftiip , flgnifying what I then fufpeded 
 and feared j for I had no fooner concluded my Letter, than Lucifer entered into 
 the Marftial and moved him to refolve inftantly to aflault Hernandez in the Poft 
 where he had fortified himfelf againft the fenfe and opinion of all his Officers, and 
 
 particularly 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. o^t 
 
 particularly againft mine : the which was performed with that difadvantagetous, 
 jfraatiernandezi ihot and killed cur people , and defeated us, without moving out 
 of the covert of his Fortification, many of our principal men and perfons of Qua- 
 lity are killed •, the pecifc number I cannot tell, becaufe the Marlhal retired "be- 
 fore Hernandez, {'allied out of his Fortification : they fay the Marlhal is wounded, 
 but I am lure it was neither with fighting nor giving encouragement to his Soul- 
 diers, &c. Thus far Pvlextino. 
 
 The News of the lols which the Marlhal fuftained being now confirmed by all 
 hands 5 the Juftices commanded that the Army lhould march, and follow Her- 
 natiJez.'-, and refolved, that the Court of Juftice lhould accompany the Army, to 
 give greater authority and reputation, as Palentlno faith, to their Caufe and Procee- 
 dings, and to take off the murmurings of the Souldiery, who perhaps might com- 
 plain of the hardlhips they underwent , whilft the Juftices were folacing and en- 
 joying themfelves at home : but Judge Ahamlrano oppofed this refolution, alledg- 
 ing that his Majefty having confined the Court of Judicature to Lima, the Bench 
 had no power or authority without the Precinfts of that Jurifdiftion 3 nor ought 
 they to remove from thence without exprefs command from his Majefty. But 
 Doftour Sarkvia earneftly infifting that the Court was in this emergency obliged 
 to move with the Army 3 Ahamlrano pofitively declared, that he was refolved 
 not to ftir, for that the King had not given him a Commifllon to fight, but to fie 
 upon his Bench , and there to judge fuch Caufes as mould be brought before him. 
 To which Doftour Saravia replyed , that he would fufpend him of his Office in 
 cife he followed not the Army , and that he would fend Orders to the Officers 
 of the King's Treafury to flop the payment of his Salary ; and accordingly the 
 fame was notified, though afterwards it was made good by a particular Warrant 
 from his Majefty. Thus far Valentino. 
 
 After long Dilputes of this kind , it faas at length determined , that the three 
 Juftices, viz,. Doftour Saravia , Judge Santillan , and Mercado , fhould attend the 
 Royal Army 3 and that Altamlrano , who had profefled himfelf ignorant and un- 
 skilfull of Arms , and would wage no other War than civil Pleadings at the Bar, 
 fhouid remain in the City of Los Reyes in quality of Lord Chief Juftice; and that 
 Diego de Mora, a Citizen of Truxl/lo, ( who, as we have faid, brought a good com- 
 pany of Mufquetiers to the Army, ) was appointed Governour of the City , and 
 his Company given to another Captain called Pedro de Caratc. Things being or- 
 dered and difpofed in this manner, and a fufficient Guard being appointed for the 
 Sea-coaft, the Royal Army marched to Hmmanca, on the way whereunto, a Soul- 
 dier of great reputation, named John Chacon, came to them, having been former- 
 ly taken by the Rebels in the Rout at Viilacorl 3 but having the credit and efteem 
 of a good Officer , Hernandez, was very defirous to oblige him to be his friend , 
 and for that reafon had given him the command of a Company of Mufquetiers: 
 but John Chacon, being a perfon of Loyal Principles to his Majefty, fecretly plot- 
 ted with other friends to kill the Tyrant 3 but as at that time there was no faith 
 or honefty amongft that fort of People 3 but that they fold and betrayed one the 
 other, as they could bell make their Market 3 fo they difcovered to Hernandez, the 
 Plot intended againft him, of which John Chacon having intimation, he efcaped be- 
 fore they could feize him, and ran away in the fight of Hernandez and all his Soul- 
 diers : howfoever in the way his Life was in great hazard 3 for (as we have faid 
 before) the Indians having received Commands to kill all thofe who fled from 
 the Battel , they had certainly alfo killed Chacon , had it not been for a Carbine he 
 carried with him , which he often prefented at the Indians , and thereby faved his 
 Life : howfoever he came wounded to the Royal Camp , where he gave a large 
 account of the State of Hernandez, and his Forces , and of what they intended and 
 defigned to aft 3 which information the Juftices made ufe of for their better govern- 
 ment, and with much fatisfaftion they marched to Huamanca 5 where we will 
 leave them to relate what Francifco Hernandez, was doing at the fame time. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
pc2 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 What Francifco Hernandez atled after the Battel. He 
 [ends Officers to fever al parts of the Kingdom to plunder 
 the Cities. The quantity of Silver which they robbed 
 from wo Citize?is at Cozco. 
 
 AFter the Battel Francifco Hernandez, remained forty days within his Fortifi- 
 cation; both to pleafe himfelfwith the thoughts of Victory, and to cure 
 thofe of the King's Party who had received wounds in the Fight, whom he carefled 
 and treated as kindly as was poflible, to oblige them to remain his Friends, of 
 which many followed him untill the day of his overthrow : during which time, 
 he difpatched his Lieutenant-General Alvarado to Cozco in purfuit of thofe who 
 had efcaped out of the Battel : and likewife ordered his Serjeant-Major Antonio Car- 
 rillo, to go to the City of Peace, to Cucuito, Potocfi and the City of Plate, and to tra- 
 vel over all the Provinces to gather what Men, Arms and Horfes he could find ; 
 that by fuch an employment he might divert and recover himfelf from the melan- 
 choly he had conceived for his late ihamefull flight out of the Battel of Ckuquinca • 
 and particularly he charged him to get what Gold and Silver he could find, and alfo 
 the Wine which was hidden =, for a certain Souldier, lately of the Marfhals Army, 
 named Francifco Botonna, told him, that he knew where a great quantity was concea- 
 led : to bring which, Antonio Carrillo, with a party of twenty SouldiCTS, taking Fran- 
 cifco Bolonna together with them, was ordered abroad =■ of which twenty Souldiers 
 two onely were belonging to Hernandez, and the reft had been the Marshal's men : 
 for which reafon it was generally fufpe&ed, and fecretly whifpered, that Hernandez 
 had fent his Serjeant-Major with thefe men to confound and deftroy them, and not 
 to the end declared*, which accordingly happened, as we {hall fee hereafter. 
 Likewife John de Piedrahita was fent to the City ofArequepa, to provide what Men, 
 Horfes and Arms he could find : and upon this occafion he gave him the Title of 
 his Major-General of the Army of Liberty 5 for fo Hernandez ftyled his Forces, cal- 
 ling them Reftorers of the People's Liberty: And then to Alvarado he named him 
 his Lord Lieutenant, that with thefe fwelling Titles thefe two great Officers might 
 be encouraged with more pride and vain-glory to aft the part they had undertaken. 
 According to Orders Alvarado went to Cozco in purfuit of thofe who had fled from 
 the Battel at Chuquinca •, and the day before he entred into the City feven Souldiers 
 of thofe formerly belonging to the Marfhal came thither (the chief of which was 
 called fohn de Cardona) and brought the fad news of the Marihal's defeat, to the 
 great grief and amazement of the whole City, who could not believe it poflible for 
 fuch a ruinous fellow as Hernandez to gain fuch a Vi&ory : and being now affrigh- 
 ted with the cruelty of this Tyrant, they refolved all to fly, and abandon the Ci- 
 ty rather than to fall into his mercilefs hands. Francifco Rodriguez, de Villafuerte, 
 
 who was then High Conftable, gathered what people of the City he could toge- 
 ther, which, with the feven Souldiers that were fled, could fcarce make up the 
 number of forty men, and with thefe he marched by the way ofCo/lao .- fome of 
 thefe took up their lodging for the firft night about a league and a half from the City 
 of which the High Conftable was one, but others proceeded three or four leagues 
 farther, by which means they preferved themfelves: for this honeft fohn de Cardona 
 feeing the Conftable take up his Quarters fo near the Town, he ftole privately 
 away from them, and came to Cozco about midnight, where he gave information 
 to Alvarado where Villafuerte and about twenty others with him remained about 
 a league and a half from the Town : whereupon he commanded A/onfi GoncaUz 
 the Hangman General with a party of twenty men immediately to march forttiand 
 take Villafuerte and his Companions •, which was performed with that diligence, 
 that the next morning before eight a Clock Villafuerte and his Companions 
 were all brought back to Cozco, and delivered into the hands of the Lord 
 Lieutenant Alvarado -, who intended to have put Villafuerte and feveral of thole 
 with him to death-, but in regard no crime could be laid to their charge, the 
 
 inter- 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 9 5 3 
 
 intercelTion of the Friends and Relations of Hernandez. G iron in their behalf, 
 prevailed for them, and obtained their Pardon. Amongft the many Evils and 
 Impieties which this Akvatado committed by order and direction of his Gene- 
 ral in this City of Coz.co j k was none of the leaft, that in a Sacrilegious manner 
 he robbed the Cathedral Church, and the Monalteries of the Bells belonging to 
 them. For from the Convent of our Lady of the Merceds, they took one of 
 their two Bells, from the Dominicans they did the like ^ but from the Convent 
 of St. Francis they took none, becaufe they had but one, which at the earneft 
 intreaty of the Friers, they were perfwaded to leave. From the Cathedral, 
 out of five Bells they took only two, and would have taken them all, had not 
 the Bilhop with his Clergy appeared in their defence, and thundered out his 
 Curfes and Excommunications againft them ; for the Bells of the Cathedral 
 were very great, and had been bleiTed and confecrated by the Hands of the Bi- 
 lhop with Chrifm and holy Oyl. Of thefe four Bells they founded fix pieces of 
 Cannon, one of which burft upon the tryal •, and upon the biggeft of their Guns 
 they impreft the word LI BERTIE, which was the plaulible name they gave 
 for a pretence of their Rebellion. Thefe Guns which were made of hallowed 
 and fanctified Metal, did never do any fervice, nor was any Man killed there- 
 by, as we ihall fee hereafter. Befides this piece of Sacriledge, this Lord Lieu- 
 tenant committed feveral Robberies and Spoils upon the Eftates of thofe who 
 were fled, and of thofe who were killed at the Battel of Chitquinca, and had the 
 reputation of being rich, becaufe they were better Husbands, and not fo prodi- 
 gal as others who lived in that City, and who, as it was believed, had many 
 Bars of Silver in their pofletfion : Alvarado by his Induftry, and by threats and 
 menaces affrighted the Indians into a difcovery of two Pits which Alonfo de 
 Me fa had made in the Garden of his Houfe ; from each of which they drew 
 out fixty Bars of Silver, every Bar being of the value of Three hundred Du- 
 cats. I my felf had the fortune to fee them taken out, for the Houfe of A- 
 lonfo de Mefa being in the middle of the Street where my Father's Houfe is, I 
 went thither at the (hout they made upon the difcovery of fo great a prize. 
 Some few days after they took away from the Indians, belonging to John de 
 Saavedra, an hundred and fifty Sheep of that Countrey, laden with three hun- 
 dred Bars of Silver, all of the fame fize and value with the others. And now 
 it was believed, that the reafon why this John de Saavedra would not fly out of 
 the City the night on which Hernandez, began his Rebellion, as my Father and 
 others would have perfwaded him, wa&to conceal and fecure his great quanti- 
 ty of Silver, which was the caufe he loft both that and his Life with it. Thele 
 two parcels of Silver, according to the ufual valuation, amounted unto a hun- 
 dred twenty fix thoufand Caftilian Ducats, of three hundred feventy five Mara- 
 vedis to each Ducat. And though Palentino faith, That Diego Ortiz, de Guzman 
 had fome fhare in the lofs thereof •, for my part, 1 muft fay, That I knew nothing 
 of it, nor did I ever hear, that any other was concerned betides the two before 
 mentioned. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of the Robbery committed by Antonio C?xn\\o^nci of the man- 
 ner of his Death. Thefuccejfesoj Piedrahita at Arequepa; 
 
 the Vittory which was obtained by means of the differences 
 which arofe there. 
 
 •* 
 
 NOr had the Sargeant Major Carrilh been lefs notorious for his Robberies 
 (had his Life continued) than were thofe before named j for he facked 
 and plundered the new Plantation, and the other Cities of the Diftridt of Col- 
 Ufnyu- and in a very few days he plundered the Caciques of that Junfdiftion 
 1 J ' F f f f f f of 
 
954 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 of the Tribute which they owed to their Mafters, and of other things, which 
 amounted to an incredible fum, as Palentmo Ck.ip. 49. declares, in thefe 
 
 words, 
 
 Antonio Carrillo took the Collectors of the Monies belonging to Men 
 who had Eftates in that Country, with all the Caciques, and kept them Prifo- 
 ners threatning them with Punifhment and Death, unlefs they delivered up 
 the Moneys and Tributes belonging to their Mafters-, from whom, and from 
 many Pits where Silver was buried in the Monaftery of St. Francis, and other 
 parts within the City and without, they robbed in the fpace of five days above 
 the value of five hundred thoufand pieces of Eight in Gold and Silver, belides 
 Wine and other things, &c Thus far this Author. 
 
 AH which was effected by the Directions and Contrivance of Framifco Bolo. 
 nam who was well acquainted with all the fecret concealments of thofe things ; 
 and'this Plunder and Robbery had proceeded farther, had not the difcoverer 
 thereof, by the checks of his own Confidence, and by the perfwafion of "John 
 Baz.qmz.Govkxi\o\xr of Chncmtu, been rnftrumental toreftoreall the Plunder 
 back again to the true Proprietors: for he and other Comrades of his killed 
 poor Antonio Carrillo with their Swords and Daggers in his own Chamber, and 
 reduced the City to the ferviceof hisMajefty, as formerly it had been : And in 
 this manner the unfortunate Carrillo ended his days. But the Major General 
 John Piedrahha fucceeded better in Arequepa than the Sargeant Major Carrillo 
 had done, by reafon of the difpuce and difference between the Governour of 
 Areqaepa, and Captain Gomez, de Soils, whom the Tufticcs had fent thither with 
 Commifiion to Command in Chief all the Forces wnich were raifed there againft 
 Hernandez. : At which the Governour took great offence, efteeming himfelf a 
 better Souldier, and more experienced in the War than Gomez, de Solis. As 
 Diego Hernandez, relates, Chap. 5 1. in thefe words, 
 
 When Gomez, de Solis was departed from his Majefties Camp with his own 
 Commifiion, and another for his Enfign Vicemio de Monte, the news of his 
 coming was brought to the City before his arrival, which caufed many to pre- 
 pare themfelves to go forth and meet him ; but the Governour Gonfalo de Torre t 
 highly refenting to have another fet over him, declared, That the Juftices had 
 no power in his Jurifdiction ; and consequently, that Gomez, de Solis was not 
 authorized by Sufficient warrant-, nor was any perfon capable of fuch Command 
 whilft he was Governour in that City j and thus publickly profeffing his difiike 
 of this matter, would not confent that any perfon fhould go forth to meet, and 
 receive him, ere Thus far Diego de Hernandez.. 
 
 Whilft thefe matters were in debate, news was brought, That John de Pie- 
 drahita was marching thither with a hundred and fifty Men, of which a hun- 
 dred were the moft expert Mufquetiersof any amongft all the Forces of Her- 
 nandez.; withaffrightment of which, all the Inhabitants ran into the Great 
 Church, carrying their Wives and Children, and Houfholdftuff along with 
 them, and fenced it about with a high Wall, to hinder the entrance of the E- 
 nemy thereinto : and at the corner of every Street they placed thofe few Muf- 
 quetiers which they had in the Town, to fire on the Enemy from the Windows 
 and Loop-holes, without being feen by them. But in a Country where Civil- 
 wars are, there are always Factions, and Parties, and falfe Brethren, by 
 N whofe means Ptedrahita received information of the Ambufh which was laid for 
 
 him , wherefore altering his courfe, he entered by another Street, by way of 
 the Bifhop's Houfe, where he met with a fmall refiftance, but nothing confidc- 
 rable. In the mean time came a Dominican Frier fent from Ptedrahita, who 
 allured them, That Piedrahita would not break with them, but defired to main- 
 tain a Friendfhip, and good Correfpondence with them, leaving the Souldiers 
 of one fide and the other free, and at their own choice, either to ferve the 
 King, or to joyn with Hernandez, as they were guided by their Inclinations, 
 only the furplufage of the Arms, of which they had no uie*, he defired might 
 be furrendred up into his Hands. Gomez, de Solis would not accept of thefe 
 Conditions, iWeeming an infamous action for him torefign Arms to an Enemy, 
 though fuch as were fuperfluous \ howfoever the next day he condefcended to the 
 Articles, and even begged for them, becaufe that night they had burnt fome 
 Houfesof his, (though his Eftate was chiefly in the Charcas) with other princi- 
 pal Houfes of that City. And though they made a Truce for three days, yet 
 
 the 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 9 5 5 
 
 the Rebels broke it fo foon as they heard that many of Gomez, de Soils his Men 
 were fled, and the reft refufed to fight, upon wliich they were fo encouraged, 
 that they attempted the Wall and Barracadoe which was made. When Gomez, 
 de Solis % and other Men of Eflates, who were with him, perceived that their 
 Men would not fight, they fled, and made their efcape in the beft manner they 
 could, leaving Ptedrahita in poflelfion of all the Riches and Wealth they had 
 gathered, with which the Enemy returned fully laden and fuccefsful to their 
 Captain General Francifco Hernandez.: And though in the return, above twen- 
 ty of thofe Souldiers formerly belonging to the Marfhal, which Ptedrahita car- 
 ried with him, fled away and left him, yet he confidered them as nothing, being 
 forced Men, nor valuable in refpect of that immenfe booty and fpoils which 
 they had taken, in Gold, Silver, Jewels, Arms, and Horfes. 
 
 Hernandez, (whom we left in the Fortrefs, where he fought the Battel of 
 Chuquinca) having remained there a Moneth and a half, for the fake of the 
 wounded Men •, marched afterwards in the beft manner he could to the Valley 
 of Antahuailla^ being highly incenfed againft the Indians of the Choreas for 
 daring to fight againft him at the Battel of Cbuqumca, where they killed fe- 
 veral of his Souldiers with Stones and Slings ; wherefore being come into thofe 
 Provinces, he gave orders to his Souldiers, as well Negers as White-men, to 
 plunder the People, and burn their Houfes, and to do them all the ruine and 
 mifchief they were able. From Antahuatlla Hernandez, fent for his Wife, and 
 for the Wife of Thomas Vaz-que^ for whom the Souldiers made a Solemn Re- 
 ception, and were fo foolifh and impudent as to ftile Hernandez, his Wife 
 Queen of Peru. Having remained a few days in the Province of Antahuailla, 
 and there vented their Anger and Spleen againft the Indians, they marched 
 towards Coz.co, and having intelligence that the Kings Forces were coming after 
 them, they palled the two Rivers of Amamay and Apurimac ^ which Hernan- 
 dez, furveying, andobferving the many difficult paflages which were there, and 
 places fo naturally ftrong, as might eafily be defended againft any Army which 
 fhould aflault him therein -, he would often fay. That in cafe he had not fen! 
 away his Major General Ptedrahita with his choice Men, he would have ftay'd 
 and given the Juftices Battel in fome of thofe ftrong and difficult 'pafles: 
 Whileft Hernandez, marched in this manner, fix Souldiers of note, which for- 
 merly belonged to the Marfhal, adventured to run away in fight of the whole 
 Army, with their Horfes, Arms, and other Conveniences. Nor would Her. 
 nandez, fuffer them to be purfued ; for fince they were no more than fix in all, 
 he was contented to let them go, rather than to adventure others to fetch them 
 back, left they alfo fhould follow their example. Thofe fix Souldiers being 
 come to his Majefties Camp informed them, How that Hernandez, was march- 
 ing to Cozxo, with intention to proceed to the Collao. Upon which intelli- 
 gence the Juftices gave order to the Army to march with all expedition, and 
 yet with fuch due caution and circumfpedion as was requifite, though by rea- 
 ion of the many animofities and differences which arofe amongft the principal 
 Officers, the progrefs of matters was much obftruclied, and his Majefties Ser- 
 vice prejudiced and delay'd. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez dares not to adventure into Cozco ; 
 he carries his Wife with him from thence. 
 
 FRancijco Hernandez, palled all his Army over the River Apurimac^f wa y of 
 the Bridge, to guard which, he left one Falderravano with a Party of 
 twenty Souldiers \ but not confiding in the Honefty or Conduft of the Man, he 
 fent two days afterwards John Gavilan to take that Charge, and ordered Pal- 
 derravano to follow him to his Head-quarters. John Gavilan having the Guard 
 
 Ffffffz cf 
 
9^6 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 of the Bridge committed to him, he had fcarce been there two days, before 
 the Van of his Majelties Army appeared ; upon fight of which, not flaying any 
 longer, or obferving who they were, or in what number, he fet fire to 
 the Bridge, and burnt it, and afterwards returned to his Captain General 
 with all expedition \ which A&ion,as Palentino faith, fo much difpleafed Her- 
 nandez,, that he gave Gavilan very fevere words for having fo done : Though 
 1 cannot imagine, what reafon he fhould have for it j for fince he had no in- 
 tention, as may be believed, to return again by that way, I know not what dam- 
 mage his Party could receive thereby j and it is very evident on the contrary, 
 that the enemy was damnified and forced to great trouble, and difficulties in 
 their paflage over. Hernandez, marched by the Valley of Tucay, to enjoy (tho* 
 but for 2 days) the pleafures of that delightful Country: and being come with 
 his Army within a League of Cozxo, he turned ofFby the left hand j being per- 
 fwaded by the Allrologers, Diviners, or Prognoflicators, not to go thither ^ 
 faying, that his entrance there, would be unfortunate, and prove his overthrow: 
 to evidence which, they produced many Examples, as well of Indian Captains, 
 as of Spaniards, who had been defeated after their entrance into Cozxo •, but 
 they did not fpecifie thofe who had been fuccefsful, of which we could give 
 many particulars, in cafe it were pertinent to our purpofe. In confirmation 
 hereof, Diego Hernandez., {chapters 32, and 45jnames4 Spaniards, and a Morif- 
 can Woman, who were eileemed skilful in the Art of Necromancy, and who 
 gave out, that they held a correfpendence with a familiar Spirit, which difco- 
 vered to them all the fecret counfels,and actions which were refo!ved,and which 
 palled in his Majelties Camp ; which report ferved to keep many people fo in 
 awe, that they durft neither adventure to fly, nor atl; any thing to the prejudice 
 of the Rebels, left the Devil fhould make a difcovery of their intentions. I 
 my felf faw a Letter which Hernandez, wrote to Pkdrahita at Cozxo, when orders 
 were fent him to go to A^equepa, as we faid before : And in that he tells him, 
 that he fhould not remove out of the City on fuch a day of the Week, but on 
 fuch a day ^ and that his name of Juan .was not to be written henceforward 
 with an V. but with an 0. of which nature were many other things in the 
 Letter, which I cannot fo particularly remember, as to deliver them in Writing, 
 only lean fay, that he was generally efteemed for a Cheat, and. an Impo- 
 rter : And by this fort of Conjuring and Tricks, (as is ufual) he haft- 
 ned his own Tuine and deftru&ion, as we fhall fee by the fequel. 
 
 The Well-wifhers of Hernandez., who were acquainted with the Correfpon- 
 dencies and Compacts which he had with Wizzards ; made it a queftion amongft 
 themfelves, why he made no ufe of the Indians of the Country who were fa- 
 mous for Conjurations, and Diabolical Arts: To which anfwer was made, 
 that their General had no Opinion of the Magick and Witchcraft of the/«- 
 dians, which were fooleries, rather than any real contraft, or dealing with the 
 Devil. And herein they had fome reafon, as we have proved and evinced by fe- 
 veral lnftances, in the firft part of thefe Commentaries, Book^the 4. Chap. 16. 
 One of which, was their Prognostication of good or bad Fortune, by the pal- 
 pitation or twinkling of the Eye ; and another fort of Divination they took 
 from the buzzing, or finging of the Ears, which, as we mentioned in the 
 foregoing Chapter, fo we fhall hear repeat it again } having the Authority of 
 a Synod held in that Empire, whereby this vain Superftition is condemned 
 by a Catholick Cannon ^ and Advertisements are given to ConfefTors, to let ' 
 them know, that the Indians take their Superftitious Divinations from feeing 
 and hearing: That of the hearing, I have obferved many of them to ufe 
 in this manner, when they found at any time a humming or buzzing in tneir 
 right Ear j they faid, that fome Friend or Kinfman was lpeaking well of them; 
 and to know who this Friend was, they would clap the Palm of their right 
 hand to their Mouth, and breathing hard upon it, they would think of fome 
 Friend, and then carry it clofe to the Ear-, and if th^ humming did not pre- 
 fently ceafe, they would think of another Friend, and do as before ; and then 
 of aTiothggf and he, with thoughts of whom the humming went away, it was 
 ccncludefl, that he was theperfon who fpake well of the Party. 
 
 In like manner, when they found a humming in their left Ear, they would 
 fay, that an Enemy fpake ill of them ; and to find out who it was, they ufed 
 the like application of their left hand, and he, with whom in their thoughts 
 
 the 
 
Book V 1 1. Royal Comment at -ics m 957 
 
 the humming ceaied, they concluded, fuch peilon to bs the evil fpeaker, and 
 from that time, they would conceive malice .againic him, and for ever prove 
 his Enemy. And upon fuch fooleries as thefe, the Friends of Hernandez, de- 
 clared, that the Indians had no Art in Necromancy, nor was any Faith to be 
 given to their Progno/tications. 
 
 The Rebel Hernandez, overtook his Army in a plain, which is behind the # 
 Fortrefs of Cocco, where, as Valentino faith, he made a vifit to Francifco Rodri- 
 guez, de Villa fuerte , who was Juftice inordinary of that City ; complainiug 
 highly of the Citizens of Coz.co, and fwearing that he- would kill and deftroy 
 them, becaufe they had done him all the mifchief that they. were able: but he 
 had a mind to quarrel with them becaufe they efpoufed not his Caufe, nor fol- 
 lowed him as he defired. From thence he marched his Army over thofe Hills 
 which are Eaftward from the City, as his Aftrologers j, ac j directed, and 
 carried his Wife with him to the great grief of all her Friends and Relations, 
 faying, That he would not leave her in the power of his Enemy, to revenge 
 themielves on her for the Crimes of which hehimfelf was only guilty j and fo 
 he proceeded to the Valley of Orcos, about five Leagues from the City : And 
 here I will leave mm for a while, to fpeak of the Prefent which the Son of this 
 Francifco Rodriguez.de Villa fuerte made me in Spain, though I had formerly never 
 feen him, nor had any other acquaintance with him than by intercourfe of 
 Letters. The fecond Son, 1 fay, of this Gentleman, was fent into Spain to 
 ftudy, andliv.ed in Salamanca feveral years, where he improved gwatly in all 
 Sciences j he was called Don Fehciano Rodriguez, de Villa fuerte, which name agreed 
 properly with the Gallantry and Ingenuity of his Spirit. At the beginning 
 of this Year 16 u, this Gentleman did me the favour to fend me a little Box 
 about the length and breadth of half a" Sheet of Paper, all filled with Holy 
 Reliques, wrapt up in feveral parcels with Infcriptions thereon, what, and of 
 whom they were •, and amongft the reft, there was a little piece of the Holy 
 Crofs, put into a Frame of Wood curioufly Carved, and covered with a 
 Glafs, and gilded about the Crofs, which was eafie to be feen. With this 
 Box of Reliques he fent me two Dials made by his own Hand, one of the Sun, 
 with a Needle turning to the North, the Shadow on which perfectly Ihews 
 the Hour of the Day. Another Dial was of the Moon curioufly Wrought ac- 
 cording to the exact Rules of Aftrology, with all the Circular Motions divi- 
 ded into twenty nine parts, which make up the Days of the Lunary Moneth : 
 It hath alfo the true Figure of the Moon with its Increafe and Decreafe, its 
 Conjunction and Full: It alfo by the fhadow call on it (the Gnomen thereof 
 being altered according to the age of the Moon) (hews the Hour of the Night ; it 
 hath alfo many other Curiofities which I lhall omit in this place, all which was 
 made by his own Hand, without any other aid or directions whatfoever, both 
 as to the' Material Part, as alfo to the Mathematical, to the great admi- 
 ration of many curious. Men, as well Virtuofi as others: And for my part, I 
 cannot but glory and boaft very much to fee a Man born in my Country and 
 my City, to have been the Matter of fo excellent a piece of Ingenuity and 
 Learning, fo much admired by the Artifts of this part of the World ; the 
 which may ferve for a demonftration of the Natural Genius of the Peopls of 
 Peru, and their capacity to receive all Am and Sciences, as well thofe who 
 are of Mongrel Race between Spaniards and Indians, as all others born there, 
 the which we touched upon before, and fignified how much fome have been 
 improved therein by the Induftry and Authority of our Schoolmafter John de 
 Cuellar, who was a Canon of the Holy Church of Cozco, who taught Grammar . 
 in that City, though but for a Ihort time. Praifed be our Lord God for the 
 fame. Amen. Which having faid, we (hall return to Peru, to relate the fuc- 
 cefs of his Majefties Army in their March, having left them formerly in the 
 City of Huamanca. 
 
 * C H A P. 
 
958 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 ♦ 
 
 The Royal Army pafes the Rivers of Amancay, and Apuri- 
 mac, with more facility and eafe than was expetled. 
 The Scouts and Van of the Army come to Cozco. 
 
 WHen the Kings Army marched out of Huamanca in purfuit of Frmcifco 
 Hernandez., of whom they had received intelligence, that he had taken 
 the way towards Cozxo ; they proceeded with all care and due circumfpection, 
 having their Scouts and Spies before them : When they came to the River A* 
 mancay, they forded it over where it was molt fhallow ; but for their Footmen, 
 who were laden, and fuch as carried the Artillery, they made a Bridge at a 
 place (with much eafe) where the River is very narrow : At this place an un- 
 lucky accident fell out, which was thi«, Captain Antonio Luxan having pafled 
 the River v (looped down on the. fide of the Bank to drink, and taking up the 
 Water with his Hands, as he was rifing up, both his Feet Aid from under him 
 on the Rock whereon he flood, and fo he fell backwards into the Water, and 
 funk down, and never appeared more, though all pofiible care and dili- 
 gence was ufed to recover him ; only about two years afterwards the Indians 
 brought his Coat of Mail unto Cozxo, at the time when my Father was Chief 
 Juftice of the City. The Command of his Foot Company was afterwards 
 conferred on John Ramon, though he had lately loft his former Company in 
 Chuejuinca. 
 
 The Army being come to the River of Apurimac received the news of this 
 unhappy accident ; and alfo was informed, That one of the Scouts named Fran- 
 cifco Menachfi with about forty more of his Companions had pafled the River, 
 and that he like a brave and refolute Souldier had (hewed and led them the way 
 which never any had attempted before ; and that he had boldly caft himfelf in 
 at the place which is now called the Ford, and that he had pafled and repaired 
 it feveral times whileft the Camp was marching thither, the which raih and 
 precipitate action in him gave boldnefs to the whole Army to follow his Ex- 
 ample, and to pafs over wichout lofs of time, which would have caufed great 
 delay, had they attended there until a Bridge could have been erected : And 
 for the better fecurity of their Footmen with their Burdens, and for the In- 
 dians, who carried the Artillery -, the Horfe were ordered to flank them on 
 the fide to break the force of the Currant, by which- means all the Footmen 
 and Indians who were laden, came fafely to the other fide without any lofs or 
 danger ; as Valentino confirms, Chap . 50. And herein the Providence of God 
 is much to be admired, for though an Army pafled then without danger, yet 
 fince" that time no fingle perfon hath adventured upon it, nor durft any Man 
 attempt to wade or ford it over. And now being got to the other fide, they 
 entered on a Mountainous and Rocky Way, full of labour and difficulty, and 
 the fecond Day afterwards they came to Arimacrampu, feven Leagues diftant 
 from the City: And from thence they proceeded farther the very Night they 
 
 ' came thither, though the Officers were much difquieted and troubled to fee 
 the Orders given by one Party, to' be again prefently Countermanded by 
 others of a different Faction •, which was the caule that the Scouts and Van of 
 the Kings Army, and of Hernandez, his Forces, marched always in view each of 
 the other" ; for the Rebels feemed not to fly, but to proceed on their way in an 
 orderly manner, as if they apprehended no danger from their Eacmy in the 
 Rear : Thus at length they came to Sacfahuana four Leagues from the City, 
 from whence tfiofe who were Citizens of Coz.co, were deiirous to be ordered 
 abroad upon tfte Scour, with which occafion they made a vifit to their Wives 
 
 •fid Children at heme, where rhey came about Noon, and the fame Day in the 
 Morning Alvarado the Lieutenant General of the Rebels had departed thence. 
 ThatNi^ht the Citizens would notlie in their own Houfes, left the Enemy 
 
 ihould 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries, 959 
 
 fhouid return, and furprize them, but they contrived to lodge altogether with 
 fome few Souldiers, which they had brought with them, and fortified thetn- 
 felves in the Houfe of John Pancoroo, to which there was no entrance, or accefio, 
 by any backpaffage, but only by the Fore-gate of the principal Street :, and at 
 the diftance of feven or eight paces from the Gate, they railed up a Brealt-work, *. 
 with Loop-holes to (hoot out at with their Mufquets, by which they could fire 
 into three Streets, one on the right hand, and the other two on the fide, 
 where they remained all night in fecurity , having placed their Centinels 
 in all Avenues leading towards the Houfe : 1 was with them all the night, and 
 was fent three or four times with MelTages to the Neighbours Houfes. 
 
 The next day, being in my Father's Court-yard, about 3 a clock in the Af- 
 ternoon, I faw Pero Hernandez, the Loyal, come galloping in at our Gate, on 
 his Horfe Paxarillo ; at which I was fo over-joyed, that, without fpeaking to 
 him, I ran in to my Father to carry him the good news \ on notice of which, 
 my Father inftantly ran to meet him, and "they both embraced with great kind- 
 nefs : And Pero told him, that the day before the Rebels marching , fomething 
 more than a League from the City •, he took an occafion , on pretence of fome 
 neceffities of Nature, to go afide from them, and taking towards the left hand- 
 of the way amongft fome high Rocks, he hid himfelf there for awhile, and 
 then climbed up the Mountain, whence feeing the Rebels at a diftance, he made 
 his efcape, and was come thither. After which he went with my Father to the 
 King's Army, and there ferved until the end of the War , and then returned 
 back again with my Lord Garplaffb into Coz.co. Of all which I was an Eye Wit- 
 nefs, and as fuch have given this faithful Relation. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 His Majefties Camp enters into Cozco, and from thence mar- 
 ches forwards : An account is given how the Indians carried 
 the Train of Artillery on their Shoulders. Part of the Amu- 
 nition arrives at the Royal Army. • 
 
 THE third day after the Citizens had made a vifit to their Relations and 
 Concernments in the City, the Royal Camp made their Entry with the 
 Troops and Companies in good order. The' Infantry drew up in the Chief 
 Place or Square, and the Horfe skirmiihed with the Foot, according to the 
 Rules of Military Difcipline, and both charged each other with handfome Vol- 
 lies, and quick Fire ; for the Souldiers were become very ready and expert at 
 their Arms. And though Patent wo faith, that Don Pbelipe de Mendopa, who was 
 General of the Ordnance, brought his great Guns into the Parade, and fired 
 them feveral times, and that the Mufquetiers, marching the Round, made fe- 
 veral handfome Vollies ; but herein this Writer was much miflaken, as he 
 hath been in many other PaG'ages j for the Artillery could not be eafily fixed, 
 and put in order, fo as to be ufed atevery turn, and unneceffary occafion ; for 
 they were not drawn on their Carriages, but carried on the Indians Shoulders, 
 and that with fo much difficulty, that to manage eleven pieces of Cannon only 
 with their Carriages, was the work of ten thoufand Indians : I my felf faw 
 them brought into Coz-co, and was then in the place when they were again car- 
 ried out; and the manner how they mannaged them was this. 
 
 Every piece of Ordnance was faltned to a large Beam of about forty foot in 
 length ; under this were fixed feveral crofs B2rs, about the bignefs of a Mans 
 Arm at two foot afunder, and of about half a yard long on each fide the 
 Beam ■ under which two Indians were placed, one on one fide, and one on 
 the other, after the manner that the Palanqitines are carried in Spain. The bur- 
 then they carried was laid on their Shoulders dofe to their Necks, where they 
 
 wore 
 
y6o Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 wore a Pad or Pannel to keep them from galling with the weight, and at 
 every 200 paces they were relieved by a frelh Company. And here we may leave 
 the Reader to confider, with how much trouble and labour thefe poor Indians 
 carried thefe weighty Burdens over thofe Rocky and Mountainous ways which 
 are in my Country ■, and over afcents, and defcents of three and four Leagues 
 long, and fo fteep, that many Spaniards, whcm I have fcen travelling, have 
 for eafe of their Horfes and Mules, alighted off from their backs, efpecially 
 at a defcent, which are many times fo fteep that a man cannot fit in his Saddle, 
 but it will be on the horfe-neck, notwithflanding the Crupper, which often 
 breaks : and fuch kind of way as this we have from Qitim to Cozso, which 
 are 500 Leagues Jiftant ; but from Cozxo to the Charcas the way is more plea- 
 fant, being for the molt part a plain Countrey. And hereby we may underfland, 
 that, what Patent ino faith concerning the Artillery which Fcltpe de Mendofa 
 brought into the Parade, and fired feveral times, was rather* to fpeak fine 
 things, as in a Romance, and toembe-llifh his Hiftory, than that any fuch thing 
 was really acted, or put into practice •, as we have faid before. 
 
 His Majefties Army marched out, and encamped about a League from the 
 City, where they continued about five days to put all things in a readinefs, 
 and make Provifions of every thing they flood in need ; and until the Indians of 
 the neighbouring Places could bring in the Victuals and Stores they had ga- 
 thered j there was need of Horfe-Shoes and other Iron-works; and before the 
 one could be forged, and the- other got together, time was required: And this 
 certainly was the reafon that detained the Army fo many days ; and not what 
 our Author alledges, Chapter the %oth. in thefe words, The Camp, faith he, 
 remained in the Salinas five or fix days, in expectation of Indians to carry the 
 Baggage , but they came not, but rather feveral of them fled to their own 
 Homes •, and becaufe they belonged to Planters, who had their Eftates and 
 Lands near to Coz.co, it was fufpected that they were fent away by order of 
 their Mafters. I am troubled to find this, and fuch like Paflages in the Hiftory 
 of this Author, which argues fome kind of Pafllon or Pique he had againft 
 the Inhabitants of Coz.co, whom he frequently blames on all occafions, in mat- 
 ters whereof they never were guilty : And indeed it were more reafonable to 
 believe, that thefe Citizens, and Men of Eftates, fhould contribute all they were 
 able to put an end to this War, rather than to do any act which might be a 
 means to protract and hinder the final determination of it ; nor could it be 
 to the advantage of the Citizens, no be acceflory to any Act (fuch as 
 fending away the Indians) which might occafion the flay of the Army in 
 parts fo near the City, from which they could not expect other than troubles, 
 perpetual moleftations, and damages to their Eftates, during all the time of 
 their quarters in that place. And moreover this Author feems to contradict 
 himfelfi, in faying, that the Army was detained in expectation of Indians to 
 carry their Baggage, and for want of them they could not proceeed ; and then 
 afterwards, he faith, that many of them fled away, and yet the Army raifed 
 their Camp, and departed without them : But the truth of what palled in 
 this particular, was this-, That, by order of the General, many of the Indians 
 who were appointed to carry Burdens wejedifmift, by reafon that the way af- 
 terwards being plain and without Rocks, or Mountains, or hollow Cavities, 
 they' flood not in need of the Service of fo many Indians as formerly, and< 
 therefore difcharged feveral of them as ufelefs and cumberfom to the Camp. 
 In fiDe, the Army, after five days flay, departed from their Quarters near the 
 City, and marched in good Order, and always in a readinefs to engage the 
 Enemy, in cafe they (hould be attacked by them in any of .thofe narrow pafla- 
 ges which are between the City and Quequefana : But the Rebels had another 
 Game to play, fuffering them to pafs quietly and undifturbed, until they came 
 to the People called I 'near a, about forty Leagues diftant from Cozco, only they 
 found themfelves fomething diftrefled for want of Provifions, becaufe the 
 Neaers, who were Souldiers to the Rebels, having divided themfelves into 
 two bands on both fides of the Road, had droven all the Cattel away, and 
 taken all the Provifions with them that they could find, leaving nothing 
 behind for fubfiftance of his Majefties Army. And now the Scouts of both 
 the parties met each with the other, and yet no Skirmilhes, or Encoun- 
 ters pa(Ted between them -, only the Juftices received Intelligence, that the 
 
 Rebels 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. y&i 
 
 Rebel's Army expected them in Pvcara, with intention to give them Bat- 
 tel ; for ac that time there were Fugitives from both Parties; fome of 
 the King's Army flying to the Rebels, and fome of the Rebels to the Roya- 
 lifts, fo that by fuch an intercourfe no Counfels or Defigns could be concealed. 
 The Jufhces being on the march to Pwara, fent away with all hafte to 
 have the Powder, Ammuniton, Match and Bullet to be brought to them 
 which had been left behind in AntahnailU, by the negligence of fome 
 Officers: Howfoever by the care and diligence of Pedro de Cianca, who was 
 appointed for that Service, fuch expedition was made, that the Ammunition 
 arrived at the Army in good time, and the day before the Battel, to the great 
 fatisfaclion and encouragement of the Army. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 The Kings Army comes to the place where the Rebels had 
 fortified themselves. They encamp in a Plain, and in- 
 trench j feveral Skjrmijhes happen, to the disadvantage 
 of the Kings Party. 
 
 TH E Juftices, as they were on their march, received the ill news of the un- 
 fortunate lofs of Gomez, de Solis in ^reqnepa ; at which though they were 
 much troubled, yet being that which could not be remedied, they diflembled 
 the refentment of it, and proceeded on their way to Pucara, where the 
 Enemy had fortified themfelves to great advantage, in a place fo fituated, 
 and ftrong by Nature, that they could not be attacked on any fide : it be- 
 ing encompaffed about with a Mountain fo fteep and cragged, that it was 
 not paflable without much difficulty, andfeemed to be a wall made by Hand 
 and Art ; the entrance thereunto was very narrow, with windings and turnings 
 to the right, and left, but the lodgment therein was wide and capacious, fuffi- 
 cient to receive their men, and beafts, with all the appurtenances belonging to 
 their Camp. They had ftore of all Provifions and Ammunition, for after fo 
 fignal a Victory as that obtained at Chuqmnca, they could want nothing-, 
 and moreover their bands of Negers, or black Guard, brought daily in fuch 
 Provifions as they found in the neighbouring Parts. On the other fide, his 
 Majefties Camp was pitched in an open plain, without any natural Fortificati- 
 on or defence, and ill-provided either with Victuals or Ammunition, (as we 
 have faid); howfoever not to lye open,and expofed to the Enemy ,they intrench- 
 ed in the beft manner they were able \ calling up ' earth breaft high round 
 the Camp; which was not difficult to be done, by the help of fo many Indians y 
 who having been formerly employed in carrying the Artillery, did nowferve 
 for Pioneers, and other Offices belonging to the Camp; and by their labour in a 
 very fhort time a Trench was call: up quite round the Army. Franafco Hernandez. 
 obferving in what manner his Majefties Forces were encamped,mounted a battery 
 of Cannon on the top of a Hill, from whence he could ihoot into the Enemies 
 Camp \ and oftentimes in bravery would fhoot over into the plains ; and thus 
 continued firing day and night, 'to the great difturbance of the Juftices and all 
 their Army": and howfoever (which is ltrange) the Bullets, as if they had been 
 pellets of wind, did no hurt either to Man or Beaft : The which we inuft attri- 
 bute to the Myftery of Divine Providence, which would not permit thofe Guns 
 made, and founded out of the confecrated Metal of Bells dedicated to God's 
 Service, to be ufeful in fuch bloody Tragedies, as was obferved Dy confidering 
 men, both in one Camp and in the other. Both Armies being thus encamped in 
 light of each other ; the Officers and Souldiers delired to lignalize their 
 valour by fome feats of Arms; in the fint Skirmifhes two Souldiers of good 
 Reputation on the King's fide were killed, and five or fix others ran. 
 
 Gggggg away 
 
$62 
 
 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 away to Hernandez., and gave an account of the State and Condition of the 
 Royal Array •, and how that fome few days before their coming to Pucara, 
 the General Paulo ds Menefes, in difcontent, would have laid down his Com- 
 miffion, by reafon of Ehe Fa&ions and Differences which were continually a- 
 mongft the Officers, who would not obey his Orders, but rathercontrad idled, 
 and oppoP:d them , fo that he deiired rather to have no Charge," or Office at 
 all, than one fo incumbred, by the refra&ory humour of Souldiers, who would 
 not obey, but pretend to Command : And accordingly Menefes would have ac- 
 quitted himfelf of his Charge,had he not been perfwaded to the contrary by Do- 
 tlovSaravia, who told him, that in the prefent Conjuncture he fhould rather 
 lofe his Honour by fuch an Action, than gain Reputation. This was joyful 
 news to Hernandez, and his Souldiers, who hoped by fuch Diflentions as thefe,to 
 make their Benefit,and fuch advantage as fhould with time facilitate their Viclory. 
 
 On occafion of thefe Skirmifhes, fome pleafant fayings were uttered by both 
 fides :, which being (as Diego Hernandez, fa'ith) the Jefts of Souldiers, they may 
 come pertinently to be inferted in this place •, and which we fhall explain more 
 clearly than this Author, who, in the 5 ifi. of his Book, fpeaks confufedly, and 
 darkly, asfolloweth. 
 
 As fome Souldiers came forth to skirmifh, it was the Fortune oft-times for 
 Friends and Acquaintance to meet, and they inftead of fighting would enter in- 
 to difcourfe, and expoftulate the matter : Scipio Fenara who was of the King's 
 Party, met with P*via t who had been fellow Servant with him in the Family 
 of the good V ice-King, Don Antonio de Mendofa : and he began to ufe perfuafive 
 Arguments unto him, to bring him over to the King's Party ; to which Pavitt 
 made anfwer, that the Party with whom he was engaged, had honeftly won 
 him by War'; andfoif they were defirous to regain him, it muft be in like man- 
 ner by War, &c. 
 
 This Paviafoid in reference to the Battel of Chuquinca, where he was taken 
 by the Rebels, and kindly ufed and treated by them, which made him to fay,that 
 he could not deny them, but if the King's Party were defirous of him, they muft 
 win him, as the others had done. In like manner, Captain Rodrigo Ninno en- 
 tertained Difcourfe with John de Piedrahita, perfwading him to come over to 
 the Service of the King, with Promifes of great Rewards and Promotions from 
 the favour of the Juftices : to which Piedrahita made anfwer, that he knew very 
 well how the Juftices did ufe to reward thofe whodeferved their favours, which 
 might incline him at another time to a different refolution, but for the prefent he 
 had a profpect of the Game he intended to play. This was the reply oiPiedra, 
 hita, depending with others of Hernandez, his Confidents, on the vain Delufions 
 and Predictions, which Witches, and Men pretending to Necromancy, had infa- 
 tuated them with, afluring them of Vicf ory over the King's Forces : tho' a few 
 days afterwards he was undeceived, and changed his mind, as we fhall fee hereaf- 
 ter. And this Author proceeds, and farther fays, That the like Conferences 
 palled between Diego Mtndtz, and Hernando Gmllada, and alfo between Captain 
 Rnyb/aba, and Bernardino deiiobles his Son-in-Law : But no Benefk,or effectjieful- 
 ting from thefe Difcourfes, the Juftices commanded for the future, that no Man, 
 upon pain of Death, fhould entertain any Communication with the Enemies Party. 
 However it was agreed between Captain Ruybarba, and Bernardino de Robles, to 
 meet again the next day, and to finifh their Difcourfe •, and the better to know 
 each other, they appointed to wear their Scarlet Cloaks. Bernardino de Robles 
 came attended with 10 or 12 Officers, and Souldiers, and treacheroufly feized up- 
 on Ruybarba, and carried him before Hernandez., giving out amongft the Souldi- 
 ers, that he came in voluntarily, and of his own accord ; which when Ruybarba 
 fiiard, he denied it, and faid, That whofoever reported, that he came in with 
 his ownConfent, did not fay true-, which, with Licenfeof Hernandez., he was 
 ready to make good, cither a Foot, or Hprk-back, againft any Man whatfoever, 
 unlefs againft his Son-in-Law, by whofe Treachery he was betrayed into the 
 hands of his Enemies. Francifco Hernandez, was over-joyed to fee him brought 
 in, and went with him to his Wife Donna Mencia : See, Madam, faid he, what a, 
 Prifoncr I bring yon, look,tohim well^ for I commit him to your Charge. J accept faid 
 Donn.-z Afencia, oftheTruj},andflulltakgcareofhim, as yon require. After this 
 R.mdona made a Sally abroad, and had fome Difcourfe with John deYlUnes, Sar- 
 jeant Mijor to Hernandez. : Rar.dona thinking to take him by the fwifenefs 
 
 of 
 
— — — — ^— — — — - — . - ^ - 
 
 Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 96? 
 
 ofhisHorfe, letlooiehisRan, and fpurred alter him in full fpeed ^ but his 
 Horfe being faint, and low, he was too fir engaged to get off, and fo was him- 
 felf taken. As they were carrying him away Prifoner, he told them, that he 
 hadpromifed the Juftices not to return without a Prifoner of the belt quality 
 amongft the Enemy, and for that reafon he had given chafe to the Sai jeant 
 Major. At which faying fomeof the proudeft of them weie fo offended, that 
 they protefted not to fight, unkfs Ear/dona was firft put to Death, for that fuch 
 infoleat and daring Perfonsasthefe, ought not to be fuftered to live. Hereupon 
 they immediately committed him to the Tent of Alvarado the Lawyer, and ad- 
 vifed him to make his Confeffion ; and in the mean time Alonfo G on fakz. kept the 
 door, to advife them in cafe Htrna.nd.tz. fhould pafs by, that they might kill 
 him before he could come to interpofe his Authority : Toltdo the Law- 
 yer, Advocate General to Hernandez., and Captain Ruybarba prevailed with 
 Hernandez, to fpare Random, and grant him his Life. To which he aflented, 
 and in token thereof fent his Gloves by the Meffenger, who carried the Pardon. 
 Alonfo Gonzalez, having intimation, that the Act of Grace was coming , he en- 
 ter'd into the Tent, and charged the Prbft to make an end of his Work, for 
 he would not ftay longer , whereupon the Father haftning the Abfolution, fo 
 foon as it was ended, Gonfalez. cut off his Head with a great Knife-, which having 
 done, he went out of the Tent, faying, That he had made good the word of 
 this little Marquefs, who had promifed the Juftices, to bring the Head of an E- 
 nemy, or to leave his own with them : and caufing his Body to be drawn out, 
 it was expofed to publick view, to the great trouble of many of the Spectators, 
 but moreefpeciallytotheforrow of his friends in the King'sCamp, when the 
 news thereof was made known to them. 
 
 This Randona, as wehavefaid, was a rafh Souldier, more Couragious than 
 Wife : his Horfe was very good, but he ufed him ill, being always on his back, 
 fhewing how well he could prance, and carvet } which was the reafon, as Va- 
 lentino faith, that he i ail'd him, when he had molt ufe of his Service. We may 
 fee alfo how wife he was to tell the Enemy what he had promifed to the Jufti- 
 ces i upon which the Executioner General Alonfo Gonzalez, took occafion to exer- 
 cife his Cruelty. Valentino on thefe paffages proceeds and fays, That the Ju- 
 ftices fent feveral Pardons to particular Perfons, by the hands of Negers, and 
 Indian Domeftick Servants, who continually paffed between both Camps, car- 
 rying intelligence from one to the other, all which were brought to Hernandez^ 
 who caufed them to be publickly cryed, and with Scorn and Contempt declared 
 as infignificant and of no value : Moreover they cut off the Hands and Nofes of 
 thofe who brought them, and tyed them about their Necks, and in that manner 
 returned them to the King's Camp again. Thus far this Author, and therewith 
 he concludes this Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 The treacherous practices of fome falfe Souldier s. Piedrahita 
 gives an Allarm to the Kings Army. Hernandez refolves 
 to give Battel to the Juftices, and in what manner it was 
 prevented by them. 
 
 SUch Affronts as thefe were daily offered to his Majefties Camp, during all 
 the time that Francifco Hernandez, was lodged in Pucara : For fcarce a day 
 palled without ILme remarkable difadvantage to the King's Forces, who con- 
 tinually loft Men, Horfes, and Arms: For many of the Souldiers being of a 
 Mutinous and Seditious temper, and falfe and perfidious in their dealings, 
 
 Gggggg2 did 
 
964 Royal Commentaries. Book VI I. 
 
 did oftentimes appear to go forth and skirmifh, and with that occalion yield- 
 ed themfelves Prifoners, and called for Quarter to the Eaemy, faying, 1 fub- 
 mit and furrender my felf, together with my Arms : And this was the fub- 
 tle defign of thefe Souldiers to fave themfelves ; for in cafe the King over- 
 came, they had to alledge, That they were taken Prifoners by the Rebels ; 
 and if the Rebels were victorious, they could plead, and fay, That they had 
 revolted to them, and had contributed to the fortune of the Day. The Ju- 
 ftices fufpecting this piece of policy amongft the crafty Souldiers, they gave 
 Ordets, forbidding all Skirmilhes for the future, and all Communications and 
 Conferences with the Enemy, though on pretence of Kindred, Friendship or 
 Alliance, for that no good effects did ever relult from fuch Interviews. Fran* 
 ctfco Hernandez, obferving, that an end was put to the Skirmilhes and Confe- 
 rences between the Souldiers ; he gave Orders to his Major General, Captaia 
 John de Piedrahita, to allarm the Kings Camp, thinking thereby to provoke 
 them to fight ; and with eighty Mufqueteers to aflail them by Night , and 
 gave them particularly in charge to obferve with what readinefs and .vigi- 
 lance they were received by the Enemy •, and with fuch Allarms they intend- 
 ed conftantly to moleft and difturb them, until in this manner har raffing the 
 Souldiers, they fhould with watchfulnefs and continual Duty tire them out, 
 and defeat them- Piedrahita accordingly allarmed the Enemy with his Soul- 
 diers as far as he durft adventure; but to little effect i nor did the Kings For- 
 ces return any anfwer, feeing that all was but a Bravade, without any real 
 Defign to engage : howfoever Piedrahita returned to Hernandez, boafting much 
 of the great Actions he had done, and how he found the Enemies Camp 
 without Guards or Centinels, and fleeping with fuch fecurity, that in cafe he 
 had had but two hundred and fifty Mufqueteers with him, he fhould not have 
 doubted but to have defeated the Enemy, and have taken the Juftices and all 
 their Captains Prifoners. Befides which he vapoured, and told many other 
 Stories of the like nature, as is the cuftom of Bravadoes, who talk more than 
 they do j and though Piedrahita was an eminent Captain in this Rebellion, 
 and had been fuccefsful in many Encounters j yet in this laft he did no- 
 thing more than what we have mentioned* and talked more than what he 
 had acted. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez, founding himfelf much upon the Reports he had received 
 from his Major General, conceiving them all to be true, and 2II0 upon the 
 Informations which were given him by certain Souldiers, who were revoked 
 from the Kings party unto his, did really believe that the Kings Camp was 
 in great want of Powder, xMatch, and all forts of Ammunitions : in confidence 
 of which, he refolved one of thofe Nights to attack the Enemy, feeing that 
 they deligned not to aflault him within his Fortifications-, which he interpre- 
 ted to be fuch a piece of Cowardife and lownefs of Spirit in the Enemy, that 
 he efteemed them already his own, and conquered by him. Hereupon lie call- 
 ed his Captains to a Council of War, laying before them the ftate of the E- 
 nemies Camp, with the Circumftanccs of ir, and his Opinion to attack them, 
 denting their Concurrence with him ^ alluring them of Victory, not only be- 
 caufethe Enemy was weak and difcouraged, but alfo from certain Predicti- 
 ons which Wife-Men had foretold of thefe matters, which he termed Prophe- 
 cies, though they deferved no better name, than of Witchcrafts and Sorceries. 
 The Cap.ains however were of a different Opinion, and faid, That there was 
 110 neceflicy of engaging the Enemy, and that their bulinefs was only to remain 
 quiet, and on thedefeniive part, which they could eafily do, being well for- 
 tified in a place inacceffible to an Enemy, and provided with all things necef- 
 fary for their fubliftance : when on the contrary, the EnemyTaboured under 
 great wants of Victuals and Ammunition: And in cafe they defired to reduce 
 them to greater extremities, they had nothing to do but to march away to 
 the Choreas :, where having feized all the Silver of the Country, and therewith 
 paid the Souldiery, they might afterwards m?rch along the Coaft by the Sea fide, 
 ro the City of Los Reyes, which they would find open to them, and without 
 Souldiers or Garrifon to defend it. Moreover the Enemy wanting Horfes, 
 and Beaftsof Burden, andiron to Shoe them vvith, were not in a condition 
 to make a purfuit after them ; and in cafe they did, they might eafily worfl 
 them, whenfoever they made Head to oppofe them. And lince that, by 
 
 this 
 
Book VII. Kojal Comment am s. 965 
 
 this method, things had Succeeded well, it were not good to change the 
 courfe of their proceedings, left therewith they Inould change and alter the 
 Current of their Fortune: An Example whereof they had fecnand proved by the 
 Enemies fuccefs at Chuqrar.ca. How confident, faid they, were they of Victo- 
 ry, and with what heat and courage did they ailiiil us, and how on a fudden 
 were they overthrown and defeated ? Notwithstanding all this Difcourfe, 
 Hernandez, declared his Refolution to beat up the Enemies Quarters thac 
 Night with the force of all his Army ; and that he would never turn his Back • 
 to the Juftices ■-, for fome Wife Old Woman had foretold good fuccefs to him 
 in that place : wherefore he intreated them all, not to contradict or oppofe 
 him in this matter, but to prepare themfelves for that night's Euterpnfe. 
 
 Thus ending the Confutation, the Captains arofe very much dilcontented, 
 and out of humour, feeing fuch a Refolution taken as was contrary to the com- 
 mon Opinion of all the Officers of the Army, and which was fo full of hazard 
 and danger, that they feemed rather to be led forth to Slaughter, than to 
 the doubtful chance of War : And though the General obferved iadnefs and 
 a cloud on the Brow of all his Captains, yet depending on his Sorceries and 
 Enchantments, nothing could alter the Refolution he had taken \ but Orders 
 were given to prepare for an Aflault after Midnight, about fetting of the 
 Moon, and becaufe it would be then dark, every one was to be cloathed in 
 White, to diftinguilli themfelves from the Enemy After Sun-let a Mufter 
 was taken of all the Souldiers, whereby two Souldiers appeared to be want- 
 ing, who formerly belonged to the Marfhal, and were fufpected to be revol- 
 ted over to the King's Party \ but fome, who were willing to pleafe Hrnan- 
 dez., did aver, that they were informed by Indians, That one of thole miffing, 
 who was the moft confiderable of the two, was feen and met on his way to- 
 wards the Charcas •, and the other of lefs account, was a Man fo filly, and 
 ■without Senfe, that the Juftices would never give credit to any Report he 
 fliould make them. Thefe Stories were fufficient to fatisfie Hernandez., who 
 with an unparallelled temerity gave orders for all things to be in a readiriefs 
 againft the hour appointed. The two Souldiers, who were fled, came though 
 late to his Majefties Camp, where they gave intelligence of the intention of 
 the Enemy to attack them that Night in two Bodies, for perceiving that they 
 did hot attempt them within their Fortification, they rtfolved themfelves to 
 be the firft Altailants. The juftices, Officers, and Counfellors, who were' 
 of the moft Ancient Conquerours of Peru-, and who by leng experience in 
 War were become great Souldiers, were of Opinion, that it was better to 
 falley out of their Intrenchment, and to draw up their Forces in the open 
 Field, rather than to fight within their Trenches, which were ftrait, and 
 filled with Tents, Mules, and Indians, which would be incumbrances, and 
 obftru&ions in the time of Battel. And though many things were urged 
 againft this delign, faying, That Cowards, and Men pf little Courage, would 
 fight better under the flicker of a Mud-wall, than in open Field - yet by 
 Gods Mercy and Providence, the firft Refolution prevailed, and both Horfe 
 and Foot were drawn forth into the Plain, which formed a very handfome 
 Squadron, well furnifhed and provided with Mufqueteers, and lined with 
 Pikes and Halberd?, and eleven pieces of great and heavy Cannon. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
966 Rtfjvj/ Commentaries. Book VIJ. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez proceeds forth to Battel \ He miffes of 
 his defign, and retreats back again to his Camp. Tho- 
 mas Vazquez revolts over to the Kings Party. Hernan- 
 dez the Rebel declares a PrediHion which was made con- 
 cerning himfelf. 
 
 TH E time being come, that the Rebel calculated to be the aufpicious hour, 
 he faUied out of his Fortrefs, with 800 Foot, of which (as Palenctno 
 fays) 600 were Mufqueteers, and the reft Pike-men •, his Horfe were few, and 
 not exceeding thirty in all : His Neger Souidiers, or black Guard, to the 
 numher of 250, he fcnt by another way, joining about feventy Spaniards with 
 them, to lead them on, and to govern and direct them in what they had to do : 
 But in thefe they repofed no great Confidence, intending them only to divert, 
 and arcufe the Enemy, who in the Night could not diftinguifh the difference 
 of one from the other. The Orders were, that thefe Negers mould affail the 
 Juftices in the Front, and Hernandez, in the Rear; and in this manner they 
 (ilently marched towards his Majefties Camp, with their Matches and Lights 
 covered. In like manner the King's Squadrons were all drawn up in poftureof 
 battel, and remained quietly, and without noife with their Fires covered. The 
 black Guard came firft to the Intrenchment before Hernandez., where finding 
 no refiftance, they entred in, and killed all the Indians, Horfes, and Mules, 
 which they found there, together with five or fix Spanifli Souidiers, who out 
 of Cowardife had left the Army, and hid themfelves within the Intrenchment. 
 Hernandez, coming afterwards, fired a whole Volly of (hot into the Fortifica- 
 tion, without receiving any return from thence-, but finding that the King's 
 Party fired all their Mufquets upon them, with their whole Train of Artillery, 
 from another place , they were much amazed, in regard that contrary to 
 their exp;<ftation, the Enemy had quitted their Intrenchments, and drawn up in 
 open Field : Howfoever no great hurt was done on either fide, for the Night 
 being very dark, every one ihot at random, and without any aim : Had thefe 
 Vollies of above 1300 (hot palled by day, and fo near each to other, it had 
 been impoffible, but that the Fields (hould have been covered with the Bodies of 
 the (lain. The Rebel perceiving that he was difappointed of his defign, gave 
 himfelf over for loft, and fo retreated back to his Fortification in the beft 
 order that he could. Howfoever he could not retire in fuch manner, but that 
 200 of his men foribok him, who formely belonged tc*the Marfhal, and who now 
 making u(e of this occafion to efcape, threw down their Arms, and revolted 
 to the Juftices. In the mean time, the King's Forces would have purfued the Ene- 
 my in their flight, but were countermanded by their General, and other Offi- 
 cers j who ordered that no man (hould ftir out or his Rank, but fhould keep 
 his ground ■■, the which Rule was happily obferved ; for a Party of Horfe per- 
 ceiving that the Enemy intended not to fight, Tallied out upon them to ob- 
 ftruct their retreat ^ in which Aclion a Cornet of Horfe was killed, and three 
 Citizens of Cozxo were wounded, namely Diego de Silva, Antonio Ruyz. de Gue- 
 rara., and Diego Maldonado the Rich ^the Wound of this laft was never cured 
 to the day of his death, which happened to be eleven or twelve years after- 
 wards •, for it was always kept open by the advice of Chyrurgeons, and Phyii- 
 cians, who were of opinion that the nature of the Wound was fucb, that it 
 would prove mortal, in cafe it were clofed up and healed. By this refiftance 
 which the Rebels made, they made good their retreat, and returned to their 
 ftrong Hold ; and greater had the (laughter been, had they been intercepted in 
 their pallage thither. And now Hernandez, having not much reafon to boaft of 
 hisfuccels, abated greatly of his pride and haughtinefs, when he found that 
 
 his 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. $67 
 
 his Magtck Spells failed, and that # he was deluded by the vanity of Prophefies 
 in which he molt confided : Howfoever not todifcouragc his Souldiers, he put a 
 good face upon the matter, but could not fo well diflonble, but that his me Ian - 
 cholly was difcovered through all his difguifes. 
 
 This was the whole^Aclion of this Battel, and all that palled } for Patenting 
 faith, that of the Juftices fide five or fix were killed, and about thirty wounded. 
 Of the Rebels about ten were killed, and as many wounded: The Prifoners, 
 which this Author fays were 200, were fuch as had been Souldiers to the Mar- 
 fhal, and who with this occafion returned again to their Duty j but of Hernan. 
 dez.ti\s Souldiers, not above fifteen were made Prifoners. Thofc who were kil- 
 led and wounded in the King's Camp, were for the moil part killed and woun- 
 ded by their own men ; for the night being dark, as we faid, the Rear-guard, 
 commanded by Captain John Ramon, firing at random to affright the Enemy^ 
 happened to kill and wound their own People ^ the which is evidenced by the 
 Wounds they received, which were all in their backs and hinder parts : amongft 
 which a Gentleman was flain, called Suero de Quinnoxes-, Brother to Antonio de 
 Qiunnones a Citizen of Coz.co ; and a Coufin German of his, called Pedro de 
 CJuinnones, was likewife wounded. The day after the Battel nothing happen- 
 ed confiderable on either fide, only towards night the King's Forces, upon a 
 report that the Rebels defigned again to beat up their Camp, drew out, and 
 put their Squadrons in pofture of defence, as they had done the Night before ■ 
 but the intelligenc.8 was falfe, nor was there any ground for it, for the unfor- 
 tunate Hernandez, was rather contriving within himfelf, how he might fly, and 
 efcape D^ath, than of a manner how -he might make another afTault on the Ene- 
 my. Thethird'day after the Battel, Hernandez, to fhew his Spirit and Courage, 
 gave orders to his Captains and Souldiers to draw out into the Field, andskir- 
 miihwith the Enemy,and provoke them to an engagement \ but this bravade pro- 
 duced nothing of moment j only it gave occafion to Thomas Vazquez, with ten or 
 twelve more of his Friends, to revolt over to his Majefties Forces, bringing with 
 them a filver Helmet belonging to their Major General Piedrahita, which he fent 
 as a Token and AfTurance of his intention alfo to leave the Rebels, which he 
 deferred for a while, until he could decoy and bring more Companions with him. 
 The coming in of Thomas Vazquez, and his Friends, and the news they brought 
 with them, was extreamly welcome to the Juftices and the whole Army, who now 
 began to look on the Rebels as totally overcome, and an end put to all their 
 Violences and Cruelties : For this Thomas Vaz.quez. was efteemed the principal 
 and main fupport of all their Actions, and one ofgreateftintereft, by whofe fai- 
 lure it was expected that all their defigns would come to ruine : Hereupon thofe 
 who fallied forth to skirmilh, made their retreat back to their Quarters : And 
 left the Souldiers fhould be difcouraged, and become over fenfible of the lofs 
 of Vazquez,-, he made them this fhort Oration, which we find in Palentino, Cbap. 
 55. in thefe words. , 
 
 My Mafters, and Gentlemen, I formerly acquainted you with the caufe, 
 and reafons which induced me" to commence this Enterprise, which was groun- 
 ded on the agrievances, and oppreffions under which this whole Kingdom 
 groaned ■■> for both Citizens, Planters, and Souldiers had their Eftates ta- 
 ken away, and were deprived of the fervices and vaflallage of their Indi- 
 ans, without any remedy or courfe of Juftice. Thofe who were principally 
 engaged in this Enterpriz^ with me, and complotted with me herein, have 
 abandoned me at the fnoft critical time of any, amongft which is this 
 Thomas Vaz.quez. : But 1 befeech you not to be troubled for this his trea- 
 cherous defcrtion of us, for he is but a Man, and no more. I would not 
 advife any perfon to truft to the Pardon they fhall give him, for the 
 next day they may hang him with that about his neck. Confider well 
 therefore, Gentlemen, your prefent cafe, for we have a better game to 
 play, than Thomas Vaz,qnez., and all thofe who revolted with him, whom 
 notwithftanding all their kindnefl'es and careffis to them at prefent, they 
 fhall fentence to death and execute, fo foon as I come to fail, and am 
 fubdued. I am not troubled for my felf, being but a fingle man, and if 
 by my life I could refcue and fave yours, I would facrifice it immediately 
 for your prefei vation : But I am will alTured, that whofoever efcapes 
 the Gallows) will at leaft be condemned to perpetual flavery in the Gallies. 
 
 Confider 
 
j6% Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 Confider therefore your condition, and entourage one the other, to confult 
 your fafeties by a valiant purfuance of our firft Engagement: Our cafe is 
 not defperate, but hopeful ; for having 500 men on our fide, 2000 againft 
 us can never hurt us, unlefs we prove falfe to our felves : See then to the 
 main point, and confider what will become of you jf I mifcarry. Thefe 
 and many other things to this purpofe, were fpoken by Hernandez, to his 
 Souldiers, who, notwithftanding all that was faid, could not but be fenfible 
 of the lofs they fuftained by the revolt of P r az.<]uez. 1 &c. Thus far Palen- 
 tino. 
 
 That which Hernandez, faid concerning the Pardons, That they would be 
 hanged with them about their Necks , was fulfilled with more certainty 
 than all the Predictions and Propheiies in which he trufted : for tho' neither 
 Vazquez., nor Piedrahita were hanged, yet they were both ftrangled in the 
 Prifon, notwithftanding their Pardons, which they fued out of Chancery 
 under the Great Seal, and notwithftanding the Pleas they made, that a 
 Man having obtained his Pardon, and not committed any offence afterwards, 
 ought not to fuffer Death or any other Punifhment. Thus what Hernandez. 
 foretold of this matter was accomplished, which we having anticipated out 
 of its due place , we fhall not need to repeat, or , enlarge upon it 
 hereafter. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 Francifco Hernandez flyes away alone.His Lieutenant General 
 with a hundred men take another way. They are purfued by Pau- 
 lo de Menefcs, and are taken, and brought to Jujiice. 
 
 Notwithftanding all that Hernandez, had faid to his Souldiers, he was 
 yet fo troubled and confufcd within himfelf for the lofs of Faz.quez., 
 that he refolved that very Night to run away, and leave his Souldiers-, 
 for fufpition and jealoufie had fo feized on all the faculties of his Soul, as 
 to afflicT: him with all thofe torments, which the Divine Anofto defcribes 
 in five Cantos of his Poem; which caufed him to believe, that his own 
 Souldiers would kill him, in hopes by fuch a piece of Service, to efcape 
 the punifhment they had deferved, by joyning with him in all his bloudy 
 Murders and Treafons againft his Majefty. As Palentino faith, Chapter 55. in 
 thefe words. 
 
 In Fine, Hernandez, refolved to leave his MenJ and run away that night, 
 upon a fecret intimation given him, That his Captains were confpiring his 
 Death, &c. And tho' in reality there was no fuch Plot or Defign, but chat 
 every man would certainly have died with him, had he trufted to their 
 Fidelity, as will appear hereafter : Yet fo violent was the Jealoufie he con- 
 ceived of this matter, that he would not entruft this fecret to his Wife, though 
 a Woman both Noble and Vertuous, nor to ajiy of the moft faithful and 
 intimate of all his Confidents: But fo foon as it was Night, telling his 
 Wife, and thofe then prefent with him, that he was going about fbme bulinefs 
 relating to the Army, he called for his Horfe Mmaraz., which he fo named 
 from Almaraz. his Kinfman, from whom he had bought him j and mounted on 
 him, faying to thofe ftanding by, that he would prefently return ; and fo part- 
 ed from them, not knowing or defigning any place whereunto to repair , for 
 fo prevalent was the fear which pofleffed him, that he could not be at reft or 
 repofein his own mind, until he had quitted his Friends and Souldiers: 
 Nor did any thing appear comfortable or pleafant to him, but only foli- 
 tude. Thus did this miferable Hernandez, wander without any Companion •, 
 only two or three Friends followed him by the track, whom when he heard 
 coming, he Hole away from them, and hid himfelf in a hollow Cave: 
 
 And 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries, o$ o 
 
 and in fuch a blind manner did he wander all night, not knowing where he went, 
 that upon break of day in the Morning, he found himfelf near to his own Forti- 
 fication ; which when he perceived, he prefently drew from thence, anddefpe- 
 rately enterd into the Wildernefsof a Snowy Mountain, not knowing which 
 way to come out from thence ; though at laft by the goodnefsof his Horfe, he 
 made a fhift to get thorough, tho' noc without much danger of being drowned 
 or fwallowedup intheSnow- This was all the noife, or Ceremony that was 
 made at the departure of Hernandez, from his Army ; tho' Palentino tells us 
 a longftoryof the Difcourfe which pafied between him and his Wife, with 
 the Tears and Sorrows with which they parted ; which in reality never was, 
 for fuch was the Violence of his Jealoufie, that he would entruft none with the 
 Secret. The Lieutenant General who remained in the Camp, refolved with 
 fuch as would follow him, to go in queft of Hernandez., of which a hundred 
 of thofe the mod Guilty, and deepeft engaged in the Rebellion followed him; 
 howfoever feveral of the Chief Leaders, and who had been as Criminal, as 
 any in the Rebellion, namely Piedrahita, Ahnfo Diaz., Captain Diego Gavilan-, 
 with his Brother John Gavilan, Captain Diego Mendez,, and Enfign Marco 
 del Sauz., with feveral others of the fame Quality, who were as black in their 
 wickednefs as any whatfoever, knowing that Hernandez, had deferted his 
 Camp, came all over to the Juftices, and claimed his Majefties gracious 
 Pardon ; the which was accordingly given to them, and pafied under the 
 Great Seal ; and all of them were received with great fatisfaftion, and a kind 
 Welcome by the Juftices, who notwithftanding remained all the night 
 drawn out in pofture of Battel, expeding the event of thefe matters, for 
 they feemed not to trull to the reports of thofe Fugitives. The day fol- 
 lowing the Juftices being well aflured of the flight of Franci/co Hernandez. 
 and his Souldiers, gave orders to the General Paulo de Menefes with a de- 
 tachment of about a hundred and fifty men, to make purfuit after them, 
 and to take, and punilh them according to their demerit. The General was 
 in fo much hafte, that he could not ftay to get together above a hundred 
 and thirty Souldiers, with which he followed the Path and Track of Diego 
 de Alvarado Lieutenant General to Hemande.z,, who having about a hun- 
 dred Spaniards, and twenty Negers in his company, could pafs no way, 
 but Tidings were given of the places where they quartered and lodged : So 
 that after having been in purfuit of them for the fpace of eight or nine 
 days, he overtook them ; and tho' they were fewer in number than the Ene- 
 my, by reafon that many Souldiers, who were ill mounnted, and whofe 
 Beafts could not endure fuch lopg marches, were left behind, yet the Re- 
 bels yielded themfelves without making any refiftance or defence. The Gene- 
 ral prefently did juftice on the Chief Leaders, namely Diego de Alvarado^ 
 John Cobo, Diego de Villalva, de Lugones, Albertos de Ordumna, Bernardino 
 de Robles, Pedro de Sotelo, Francifco Rodriguez., and John Henriquez. de O- 
 rellana ; the laft of which, whofe name was honourable, yet he availed 
 himfelf much on the Office he had to be the Executioner and Common 
 Cryer; this man was he, who, as we have faid, hanged Francifco de Car- 
 vajal, and was now made the Executioner of Alvarado and others, by 
 order of the General Paulo de Menefes; who faid to him, fince thou art 
 fo skilful in this Office, I would have thee hang thefe Gentlemen thy 
 Friends, and the Juftices will give thee a reward for thy pains. This 
 Hangman hereupon whifpered in the Ear of a certain Souldier, whom he 
 knew, and told him with a low voice, I believe that my reward will 
 be to be hanged my felf, after I have executed the Sentence of Juftice 
 upon thefe. And indeed the matter happened juft as he faid, for after 
 he had done his Office in hanging his Companions, and had cut off their 
 Heads, who were about eleven or twelve Souldiers, he was himfelf ftran- 
 gled by two Negers. Paulo de Menefes fent the Prifoners he had taken to 
 Coz.co, under a fecure Guard, with nine Heads of thofe whom he had killed. 
 I faw them all in the Houfe of Alonfo de Hmojofa, where Diego de Alvarado 
 lodged when he aded the part of Lieutenant General to Hernandez.; and to 
 imitate Francifco de Carvajal, he always rode upon a Mule, for I never faw 
 him on Horfe back. And now fince we are almoft at an end of the Vio- - 
 lencesand bloody Tragedies acted by the Rebels : I cannot omit one Story, 
 
 Hhhhhh which 
 
97o Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 which fhews the impudence of thofe Souldiers, which was this, The very next 
 day after the flight of Francifco Hernandez., my Mailer Gar cilia fo de la Fega 
 being at dinner with eighteen or twenty Souldiers, for he commonly kept an 
 open Table for fuch a number •, it being the cuftom in the time of War, for all 
 Men of Eftates, to be hofpitable in like manner according to their ability, he 
 obferved amongft his guefts a certain Souldier belonging to Hcm.ir.tkz,, and who 
 had been with him from the beginning of the Rebellion, to croud in at the 
 Table with all the boldnefs and freedom that an honeft Gentleman might 
 prefume to ufe \ he was by his profeffion and trade a Black-fmith, but in the 
 War he was as richly cloathed as the greateft Gallant of them all. My Father, 
 feeing him fit down wich much Confidence, faid to him, Diego de Madrid, 
 fince thou art feated at the Table with thefe Gentlemen, eat thy Dinner, and 
 welcome : But come no more hither, I charge you ; for he who yefterday would. 
 have cut off my head, if he had been able, and therewith have gained a Reward 
 from his General, is not company for me to day, nor for thefe Gentlemen, 
 who are well- withers to my Life and fafety, and devoted to his Majefties 
 Service. To which Max did made anfwer \ Sir, if you pleafe to command me, I 
 will arife at this inftant: No, faid my Father, 1 do not bid you rife now; but 
 if you have a mind fo to do, you may ufe your pleafurc. Hereupon the Smith 
 arofe, and quickly departed^ leaving fhfficient Subject of Difcourfe to the 
 Guefts, and to admire and quarrel at his impudence. Thus were the Souldi- 
 ers of Hernandez, hated, and detefted by all mankind ; for their Rebellion 
 and Treafon againft his Majefty was not to be parellelPd in aDy Age, 
 whereby a company of pitiful Rafcals pretended to deprive him of his Em- 
 pire, and to aflaflinate and murder all the Gentlemen of Eftates, that they 
 might poflefs and inherit their Lands, and Indians. The Wife of Fran- 
 cifco Hernandez, remained in the Power of Captain Ruybarba -, and his Sifter 
 in Law was committed to the care of John Rodriguez, de FUla Lobos, to carry 
 her to Cezxo, and there to deliver her into the hands of her Kindred and 
 Relations, which was accordingly performed. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 The Major General Don Pedro de Portocarrero is fent 
 in fearcb of Francifco Hernandez. Other two Captains 
 are fent by another way, whofe Fortune it was to take the 
 Rebels whom they carried, to Los Reyes, and entered with 
 him into the City in manner of Triumph. 
 
 THe General Paulo de Menefes having fent the Prifoners he had taken to 
 Cozxo, with the heads of thofe he had cut off"; and hearing no news of 
 Hernandez, himfelf, he refolved to return, and render an account to the Jufti- 
 ces cf what he had afted in this Expedition. The Juftices having routed, and 
 difperfed the Rebels, marched to the Imperial City, where they received in- 
 telligence, that Hernandez, was gone towards Los Reyes ; upon this advice, 
 they difpeeded Bon Pedro Portocarrero the Lieutenant General in purfuit 
 of him, with 800 men, by way of the Plains: And two Captains, who were 
 come from the City of Huanacu with two Companies to ferve his Majefty 
 in this War, were ordered to make fearch after the Rebels by way of the 
 Mountains ; and that he might not efcape either by one way, or the other, they 
 had a CommilTion given them, to execute fpeedy juftice on all fuch as they 
 mould take : The Captains, who were John Tello, and Michael de U Ser^,having 
 eighty men under their command, performed every thing according to the 
 
 lnftruftions 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 971 
 
 Inflections they had received : And being come to the City of Humane*, they 
 were informed that Hernandez, was gone to Rimuc by way of the plains j aud 
 according to that Inceliigence they followed him, and after a few days 
 March, they were advifed that he was quartered about fifteen Leagues from 
 them, with 300 Souldiers, of which 150 were Mufqueteers. The Captains, 
 not affrighted with his numbers, continued their purfuit after him, and 
 the next day they were told by the Indians, that they were only 200, 
 and fo daily the report of their numbers decreafed , until they were laid 
 to be no more than one hundred. This variety of reports given by the 
 Indians concerning the number of the Enemy, had fomething of truth 
 and foundation in it ; for Hernandez, being fled, his Souldiers difperlld them- 
 felves by twenty and thirty in a Company, and at length came to meet 
 together, and form a body of about 200 men, moft of which had belonged 
 co the Marfhal, but afterwards taking affection to Hernandez., they follow- 
 ed his Fortune. 
 
 But in regard they were men running away, and poffcfTed with a fear of E- 
 nemies purfuing after them, they were forced to hide themfelvesin Woods,and 
 Caves, wanting all things neceffary for their convenience and fupport ^ fo 
 that when* the King's Forces approached near to them, they were not above 
 one hundred in all : For the Indians in the firlt report they gave of them, 
 accounted them to be more than they really were, in the fecond relation 
 they reckned thofe whom they found wandring on the way, and in the laft, 
 thofe who were met and joyned in a Body. So we may believe that if 
 Hernandez, had not forfaken and abandoned his Souldiers, he might ftill have 
 conferved himfelf and them, for it would have been very difficult to have 
 taken, or deftroyed them. The Captains being now about three Leagues diltant 
 from the Enemy, difpatched away a Spaniard, who was very diligent and 
 nimble, together with an Indian for his Guide, to view the Enemy, and 
 bring certain intelligence of their ftrength. The Spy having taken an exact 
 furvey of their numbers, wrote a Letter advillng that they migfyt be 8o, 
 aud no more. Hereupon the Captains haftened their March all they were 
 able, until they came within fight of each other, with Drums beating, and 
 Colours flying, and attended with about eighty Indians-, whom the Caracas 
 had fent for Service of the Spaniards. The Rebels having difcovered the 
 Enemy coming upon them, and feared to be furprized, aad furrounded by the 
 Horfe who were forty in all, took up to the Mountain, and fheltered them- 
 felves under fome Rocks, which ferved them for a Parapet or Fortification. 
 The Captains notwithstanding refolved to attack them in their ftrong holds, 
 trufting to a Band of 200 Indians ill armed, who voluntarily and of their 
 own accord were come in to them, with intent to deftroy the Rebels or Aucas 
 as they called them, who were the Pelt and trouble of the Country. The 
 Captains being now within Mufquet-fhot of the Enemy, four or five of them, 
 amongft which an Enfign to Hernandez, was one, came to .them, and inftantly 
 defired not to fire upon them \ for that without force, or the death of any 
 man, they intended to yield themfelves Prifoners ; and upon the fe terms they 
 ftood, when about ten or twelve more came in and fubmitted,tho' the Indians all 
 the time pelted them with Stones,until the Captains commanded them to defift : 
 After which all the Souldiers of Hernandez, came in, and furrendred themfelves, 
 leaving him with 2 friends only, namely with his Son-in-Law de Almaraz., and a 
 Gentleman of the Country of Efiremadura, called Gomez, Suarez. de Figueroa. 
 
 Franc tfco Hernandez., finding himfelf thus abandoned and forfaken by all his 
 Souldiers; came forth with intent to be either killed or taken, as the Enemy 
 fhould think fit ^ which when the Captains faw, they approached near the 
 Rock, and with all their Men furrounded him to take him Prifoner ; the 
 firft that came near him were three noble Perfons, namely Stephen Syl- 
 ■vejire, Gomez. Arias de Avila, and Hernando Pantoxa : The latter of which 
 taking hold of Hernandez, by the Helmet, and he defending himfelf with his 
 Sword, Gomez. Aria clapt his hand on the hilt, commanding him to deliver 
 up his Arms, which Hernandez, refufing to do, and ftiil ftriving, Sylveflre thruft 
 the point of his 'Lance to his Breaft, telling him, that unlefs he did as Gomez. 
 Arias bid him, he Would immediately' kill him. 
 
 Hereupon Hernandez, refigned his Sword to Gomez. Anas, and having fet him 
 
 Hhhhhh 2 up 
 
97 2 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 up on the Horfe behind Anas, rhey carried him away Prifoner, and being 
 come to the place where they intended to lodge that night, Gomez, Arias de- 
 lated that the Prifoner might be committed to the cuftody of the Sheriff, who 
 was to take care to keep and flcurehim from an efcape- The Captains con- 
 fented hereunto, and ordered that he mould be committed to Prilbn, and be- 
 ing under a Guard of Souldiers, they marched with him by the way of the 
 Mountain, until they came to the City of Los Reyes. The Captains M/cUmI 
 Serna and John Tello, intended to have executed Juftice on many of the Reb- 
 bels that they had taken, according to their Commilfion, but feeing fo many 
 Noble Perfons amongft them, and fome poor filly fellows, they were touched 
 with aremorfeand companion for them, and fo banifhthem into divers parts 
 out of the Kingdom. But that after thefe Acts of Mercy, they might feem to 
 execute fome piece of Severity, they put one of them to death, named Gua- 
 dramires, who had been concerned in the Confpiracy of Don Stbajtian, and was 
 the boldeft, bloodieft Villain of any of thofe who adhered to Hernandez., and 
 fo his Life finished for the Crimes of his Companions. The fame of the ta- 
 king Hernandez, was foon fpread and divulged into all parts ; upon news of 
 which the Major General Den Pedro Portocarrero, and Captain Baltatar Velaz.- 
 quen (who fome few days before had by order of the Juftices marcHed out of 
 Coz.co with thirty Souldiers, and two Colours in fearch of Hernandez.) made 
 whathafte they could to joyo with the other party, who conducted the Pri- 
 foner, that they might partake of the glory of that Victory which others had 
 acquired, and might enter into Los Reyes with triumph, as if they alfo had 
 been concerned in that happy exploit. In this manner they met fome few 
 Leagues before they came to the City, and made a triumphant entry with all 
 four Colours flying j but in regard the two Captains only were concerned in 
 the taking of Hernandez., they with their Companies marched in the middle 
 between the party, commanded by the Major General and Captain Baltatar Ve- 
 LizcjHez. : the Prifoner was placed in the midft between the four Colours, and 
 on each fide, and before him, went the three Souldiers, already named, who 
 took him. After thefe followed the Infantry in rank and file, and in like 
 manner the Cavalry. In' the rear of all came the Major General and the 
 three Captains. The Mufquetiers in token of rejoycing and triumph fired fe- 
 veral Vollies as they marched ; and indeed the joy was univerfal to fee an end 
 put to that Rebellion, which had given a difturbance to the whole Empire, 
 and had brought ruin and mifery, as well on the Indians as the Spaniards ; which 
 was fo great and enormous, that if it were rightly fcann'd and confidered, it 
 will appear, that we have not defcribed the tenth part of the deftrutftion and 
 ruin it had produced. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. 
 
 The Juftices make Laws to -prevent future Infurrellions. They 
 entertain a troublefome Conference with Souldiers, who pre- 
 tend Rewards for their great fervices. Juftice is done up- 
 on Francifco Hernandez Giron 5 his Head is fixed on the 
 Gallows, and taken thence by a certain Gentleman, with 
 the Heads o/Gon9allo Pisarro and Francifco de Carvajal. 
 The fir ange death of Baltatar Velazquez. 
 
 THE Juftices coming from Pucara, where Hernandez, was defeated, made a 
 May at Coz.ro for fome few days, to order feveral matters conducing 
 to th; good Government of the Empire ; which for above a year had 
 
 been 
 
Book VII. Royal Commentaries. 5>7j 
 
 been in confulion, and fubjefted to the Arbitrary Luff of Tyrannical Rebeis, 
 by which ir was reduced to inch mifery, as cannot be exprtffech Captain John 
 Ramon was. made Governour of the City of la P./--., where liis Ellace lav, and 
 his Jurifdiftion over Indians ■■ And Captain Don John de Sandoval was lent to 
 the City of Flute, and to Command that, and the Provinces thereunto belong- 
 ing : And (JurciLtffo de U Vega was made Chief Jultice and Governour of the 
 City of Coz.co; and the Lawyer, Doftor Mojaraz., was appointed Deputy, and 
 Co-ail- (Tor with him, and to continue in that Office during the Will and Plea- 
 fure of the Juftices ; but the Governour not being pleafed to have his Deputy 
 at the difpofal of another Power, and not at his own, defired to have than 
 Claufe amended, which the Jtiftices accordingly ordered : And Doclor Moja- 
 raz., by the good and tradable difpofition of the Governour, and by the good 
 Correspondence which patted between them, fo well acquitted himfelf, that af- 
 ter the fpace of three years, which determined his Office, he was promoted to 
 another place, not inferiour to the former ; which was much different to the 
 Lot and Fortune of his Succeffour, as will appear hereafter. 
 
 During thofe few days that the Juftices made their Refidence in the City of 
 C<K,«>,feveral Captains,and Souldiers grew very importunate with them, to granc 
 them Lands, and Commands over Indians, in reward of the many Services they 
 had done his Majefty, both in thefe prelcnt Wars, as in thofe preceding- To 
 which the Juftices made anfwer, that as yet the Wars were not at an end, 
 fince the Chief Rebel of all was not as yet taken, and that many of his Souldi- 
 ers were ftill a&ually in Arms, and difperfed over' all the Kingdom : arjd that 
 fo foon as things were a little fettled in peace and quietnefs, that they would 
 then take care to reward them in the name and behalf of his Majefty. And in 
 the mean time, they advifed them not to hold Cabals, or private Confultations 
 together, left thereby they fhould give occafion to fcandalous Tongues to re- 
 port matters tending to their difhonour and prejudice. The Juftices being by 
 this anfwer freed from the Moleftation of thefe Importunities, News came, 
 that Francifco Hernandez, was taken, which caufed them to haften a difpatch 
 of their bufinefs , that they might come fpeedily to Lofs Reyes , to pafs 
 Judgment on this Arch -Rebel. Doclqr Saravia departed fix or feven days 
 before Santillan and Mercado, his Brethren of the Bench. The Captains, 
 John Tello, and Michael de la Serna, who brought Hernandez. Prifoner, 
 Committed him to the Royal Prifon, belonging to the Chancery, and 
 took from the Keeper a formal Receipt and Acknowledgment of his 
 being delivered to his Cuftody, which was drawn up in full and ample 
 manner. t 
 
 Two or three days afterwards, Doclor Saravia came to Town, having 
 made great hafte to be prefent at palling the fentence of Death on the Prifoner, 
 which was executed eight days after the Doctor's arrival, as Palentmo declares, 
 Chapter 58, in thefe words. 
 
 His Examination being taken, at the conclufion thereof, he declared, 
 That all Men, Women, and Children, Friers, Church-men, and Lawyers, 
 of that Kingdom , had all generally been of his Opinion. In fine, he was 
 brought forth to Juftice at Noonday, and drawn upon a Hurdle faftned to 
 the Tail of a poor lean Jade, with the Cryer going before, and with 
 aloud voice faid, This is the Juftice which his Majefty, and the Right Honou- 
 rable Don Pedro Portocarrero , Major General, command to be executed 
 on this Man, who hath been a Tray tor to the Royal Crown and Dignity, and 
 a Difturber of this Kingdom ; by -venue of which .Authority his Head is to be 
 cut off, and fixed on the Gallows of this City, his Hoxfes are to be de- 
 molished , and the Ground fowed with Salt ■ and a Pillar of Marble there- 
 on ereiled, declaring the many Crimes of which he was Guilty. How- 
 foever he died in a Chriftian manner, exprefting great Sorrow and 
 Repentance for his Sins, and the Evils, and Mifchiefs of which 
 he had been the Author. Thus far Palentmo, with .which he Concludes 
 this Chapter. 
 
 In fine, Francifco Hernandez, ended his Life, as we have faid, his Head was 
 fixed upon an Iron Spike, and fet on the Gallows, on the right hand of that of 
 Gonfalo Pifarro, and Francifco de Carvajal ; his Houfes at Cozxo, where he 
 contrived his Rebellion, were not demolilhed:, the Rebellion of Hernandez., 
 
 from 
 
974 Royal Commentaries. Book VII. 
 
 from the time that it firit begun to the end thereof, ar.d til! the day of his 
 Death, continued for the fpace of thirteen Months, and ibme few days. It 
 is faid, that he was the Son of a Knight of the Habit of St. John; his Wife 
 afterwards entered herfelfaNun in a Convent in the City of Los Reyes, 
 where me lived with Religious Devotion. But about ten years afterwards, 
 a Gentleman called Gomez, de Chines, a Native of the City of Rodngo, be- 
 ing much affe.5r.ed with the Vertue, Goodnefs, and Devotion of Donna 
 Mtncia de Almaraz., the Widow of Hernandez., defired to perform fome 
 Aiftion, whereby ;he might pleafe , and oblige herj and fuppoilng that 
 rone could be more acceptable th3n to take her Husband's Head from the 
 Spike on which it was fixed ; he , with another Friend, brought a Ladder 
 by night to the place, where the Head was, and not diftioguilhing the Head 
 of Hernandtz. from thofe of Pic.arro and Carvajal, to be lure of the right, 
 they took them all three away together , and buried them privately in a 
 Convent. And though the Juftice made diligent enquiry after thofe who 
 had committed this piece of Robbery, yet no difcovery was made there- 
 of: For in regard the fight of the Head of Ptfarro was an Eye-foar to the 
 People, to whom his Memory was ftill grateful : Inquifition was not 
 made with fuch ftridnefs , as the Commands of the Officers required. 
 This Relation was given me by a Gentlemen, who fpent feveral years of 
 his Life in Service of his Majefty in the Empires of Mexico, and Peru, 
 his Name is Don Lewis de Cannaveral, and now lives in the City of Cor- 
 don*. Howfoever at the beginning of the year, 1612, a Frier of the 
 Seraphical Order of St. Francis, who was a great Divine, and born in 
 Peru, called Lewis Geronino de Ore, difcourfing of thefe Heads, gave me 
 another Relation ; and told me , That in the Convent of St. Francis, in 
 the City of Los Reyes, five Heads were there depolited, he named Pifarro, 
 Carvajal, and Hernandez. Uircn, but for the other two, he could not fay 
 whofe they were: Only that that Religious Houfe kept them there in 
 Depofite, without Burial ; and that he was very defirous to know the 
 Head of Carvajal, having been a Man of great Fame, and Reputation in 
 that Kingdom. I told him , that Jie might, have known that by the 
 Infcription engraven on the Iron Grate, on which the Head was fixed ; 
 but he anfwered, that the Heads were taken from the Iron Spike, and 
 laid protnifcuoufly together : All the difference between thefe two Relati-* 
 ons is i that the Friers of the Convene would not bury the Heads, for 
 fear of being concerned in the Robbery, but only kept them in Depo- 
 fite, or Cuftcdy, to be forth-coming in cafe they fhould be deman- 
 ded by the courfe of Juftice. This Religious Frier travelled from 
 Madrid to Cadiz,, by Order of his Supeiiours, and Command of the 
 Royal Council of the Indies, to dilpatch away twenty four Friers, and 
 to accompany them himfelf to the Kingdoms of Florida, to preach the 
 Gofpel to thofe Gentiles: I cannot fay certainly whether he went 
 with them, or whether he returned after he had difpatched thofe 
 Apoilks. He defired me to give him one of the Books I had wrote 
 of the Hiftory of Florida : And I prefented him with three Copies 
 thereof, and four of thefe our Commentaries, with which the Good Fa- 
 ther was much pleafed, which he teftified by the many thanks be gave me. 
 May his Divine Majefty pvofper them in this undertaking, to the 
 intent that they may draw thofe poor Wretches out of the dark abyfs of 
 Idolatry to the kuowtedgeand Service of the true God. 
 
 A::d here it will not be from our purpefe to relate the ftrange manner of 
 the death of Captain B.dtafar VeUzqu.z., fo that Hernandez. Giren may not 
 go to his Grave alone, and without fome Company. It happened fome 
 months after the former paflages that Baltafar VeUz.o t Kez. refiding in the 
 City ef Los Reyes, and behaving himfelf like a brave young Captain, he had 
 two lmpofthumes which broke out near his Groin, which he out of bra- 
 very neglecting to Cure, apply'd things to repel and drive them in, not 
 lufFering them to operate and break outwardly, which had been the only fafe 
 remedy; but the Corruption feftering within, caufed a Cancer in his Bowels 
 wich fo much heat, that he was almoft rcafted alive. The PhyCtians 
 not knowing what to apply, gave him Vinegar to refrelh him, which ferved 
 
 only 
 
Book Vil. Royal Commentaries. 975 
 
 only to encreafe his flame, and to burn fo violently, that no Man was able to 
 hold his Hand within a half yard diitance from his Body. And thus died this 
 poor Captain, leaving many Stories to the World of his brave Actions and 
 Exploits, to which a ftop was put by a death fo violent and miferable as this. 
 
 The Captains and Souldiers who pretended to places and rewards for their 
 paft fervices, refiding ac that time at Coz.co, no fooner received intelligence 
 of the imprilbnment and death of Hernandez. Gtron, than they immediately 
 went to the Juflicesto demand Rewards for their paft Services: And being in 
 the City of Los Reyes, they with much importunity made their pretentions, al- 
 ledging, that by reafon of their expsnees during all the late War, they had 
 confumed all their fubftance, and were become fo poor, that they had not 
 wherewith to fupport their neceflary charges : and therefore it was but rea- 
 fon and equity to perform the Promife given them •, which was, that fo foon 
 as the Rebbel was fubdued, they mould be gratified in fuch manner as was 
 equal : That now the Rebbel was dead, they expected a compliance ; for 
 they had nothing more remaining than their pay, which was little, and the 
 arrear (as they accounted) was very inconfiderable. The Juftices made anfwer, 
 That it was not the part of Loyal Subjects to his Majelty to raife a Mutiny 
 on the fcore of Reward, and of Moneys due to them : That they, and all 
 the World knew, that a Vice-king was hourly expected from his Majefty 
 with Commiffion to govern that Empire : That it would be convenient to 
 expect until that time, left his Excellency fhould be difpleafed with the Juftices 
 and the Souldiers for being Carvers to themfelves of their own Wealth and 
 Fortune. Wherefore they defired their patience for three or four Months, be- 
 fore which time it was impoflible, but a Vice-King muft arive : and in cafe within 
 that time, no news came thereof ; they would then by their own Authority 
 proceed to make a divifion of Lands to them, being very fenfible of the want 
 they muft have of a fubfiftance, and that in the mean time they were greatly 
 troubled, that they could not comply with their defires for the prefent : And 
 therefore fince the time was fo (hort, they ought to expect the coming of the 
 Vice-King, and not fuffer their impatience to difoblige him, who would be 
 ready to reward their expectation with greater plenty than was in their power - 7 
 and that a precipitation of their defires would caufe them to lofe that Reward, 
 which their Actions and Sufferings had long fince deferved. With thefe and 
 fuch like Difcourfes the Juftices moderated the violence of the Petitioners. 
 And it pleafed God, about fix Months afterwards, that news came of the com- 
 ing of a Vice-King, for whofe reception all things were prepared ; and in the 
 interim the Pretenders furceafed their importunities in expectation of his Excel- 
 lency, who was the firft that ever came to Peru with that honourable Cha- 
 racter and Title. 
 
 The End of the Seventh Boo{. 
 
1. 
 
(977) 
 
 Royal Commentaries, 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 CHAP. I, 
 
 How the Indians and Spaniards celebrated the Feftival 
 of the mojl Holy Sacrament at Gozco. A relation of 
 . a quarrel which the Indians had on that occafion. 
 
 Since the Method of Hiftory requires, that every thing fhould be related 
 in its due time and place, we fhall here at the beginning of this eight 
 Book, defcribetwo particular paffages which happened in Cuzco after 
 the Wars with Francifco Hernandez, were ended, and before the arrival 
 of the Vice-King, whofe Prefence was inftantly defired, and expected in that 
 Kingdom. One ofthofe Matters, which according to this rule, we are to 
 mention, is the pompous and folemn celebration of that Feftival, which We 
 Catholicks call, Corf us Chrifti, performed in th-e City of Ccz.co. After thofe 
 Wars were ended, which the Devil had raifed to obftruit. the increafe and 
 propagation of the Holy Gofpel j the laft of which was that of Francifco Her- 
 nandez, Giron, and may God in his Mercy grant , that it may ftill be 
 the laft, and fucceeded by no other of that Nature. The Solemnity of 
 that Feftival is now obferved with as much magnificence, and perhaps with 
 more, than at that time : For thofe Wars were concluded at the end of the 
 year 1554, and we are now in the year 1611, from Which time to this 
 prefent in which we are writing this Chapter, fifty feven years have paficd of 
 Peace and Tranquility. 
 
 My intention is only to write the Hiftories of thofe times, and to leave the 
 fucceffes of the prefent to the labour of other Pens : In thofe days there 
 were about 80 Citizens, or men of Eftates in Cozco^ who were all Gentle- 
 men of Noble Rank and Extraction -, for by the Name of Citizens, we 
 underftand thofe who had Lands given them, with Indians belonging there- 
 unto fubjefted to them in vaffalage. Every one of thefe Gentlemen 
 with great Curiofity adorned his Chair, or Sedan, which his Indian Vaf- 
 fals were to carry on the day of Feftival ; the Ornaments thereof were 
 Fringes, and Embroideries of Silk and Gold, and ftudded with Eme- 
 rold=, and other Precious Stones ; therein were placed the Image of our 
 Lord, or Lady, or fome other Saint or Saintefs, according to the devoti- 
 on of the Spaniard, or Indian^ whofe care it was to drefs up the Sedans-, 
 which were fomething like thofe, which the Co-fraternities ule in Spam 
 upon fuch Feftivals. 
 
 I i i i i i The 
 
978 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 The Caciques who lived in the parts adjacent to the City came thither to 
 bear a part and fhare in the Solemnity, attended with their Kindred, and No- 
 bility of their Provinces-, and attired in all the finery and gallantry with which 
 thcyufed to drefs themfelves at times of their own molt Religious Feafts ; of 
 which we have given a Narrative in the firft part of thefe Commentaries ; eve- 
 ry Sept or Linage carrying the Enfigns or Signals of their own Race and Fa- 
 milies, in which they take much pride, and (hew great oftentation. 
 
 Some of them came in the habit (as Hercules is painted) with the Lions 
 Skin, the Head of which ferved him for a Cap \ and this is the roofl honou- 
 rable drefs, for they value themfelves very much to bedefcended from a Lion : 
 Others appeared with great Wings extended at a large breadth like to Angels, 
 which they took from the Fowle called by them Cuntur, which is much in 
 efteem with them, and from which they alfo glory to derive their defcent. 
 Others were habited in Ctoathes painted with Rivers, Fountains, Lakes, 
 Mountains, Caves, and the like, having a Tradition amongft them, that their 
 Forefathers had their original from fuch places- Others had ftrange devifes 
 with Gold and Silver, and Coronets of Gold : Some appeared like Monfters, 
 having their Hands like Claws, or the Paws of Wild-beaite which they took 
 in hunting. Others feigned themfelves to be Fools and Idiots, endeavouring 
 in all guiles to pleafe and divert their Kings and Governours. Some would 
 a<ft the part of Riches and Grandure, others perfonated Mifery and Poverty j 
 and every Province affumed fomc thing, that they thought might adminifterto 
 divertifement and delight, and which might ferve tomakeupthe folemnity of 
 the Ft Rival ^ well knowing that variety was pleafing, and contributed much to 
 the fatisfaclion of the Mind. By fuch Scenes and Reprefentations as thefe, with 
 which the Indians did ufe. to cekbrate the Feafts of their own Kings, did 
 they now, though with move oftentation appear, and bear a part in fhewing 
 honour to the Moft Holy Sacrament, which is our true God, Redeemer, and 
 Lord of all j the which they performed with fuch Devotion and Sincerity," as 
 plainly demonftrated them to be a People freed from the Superftition and 
 Vanity of their Gentilifm. 
 
 The Clergy and Citizens were not wanting alfo to contribute their part 
 to reader this Feftival the more great and glorious ; to which end a Scaffold 
 was ere-fced in the Yard leading to the Church, on that fide which fronts the 
 Chief Market-place, where the Moft Holy Sacrament was expofed in a rich 
 Circle of Gold and Silver. The Officers of the Church placed themfelves on 
 the right-hand, and thofe of the City on the left : with them were feveral of 
 thofe hcas which remained of the Royal Line-, to whom they gave a place of 
 Precedence, in token that that Empire was their Patrimony. 
 
 The Indians of the feveral Diltrifts palfed in their Chairs, or Sedans, with 
 their Kindred, and Attendances •, every Province finging in their own Mother* 
 language, and not in the general Tongue which is common to the Court, the 
 better to make a difference between one Nation and another. 
 
 Wiih them they tarried their Drums, Flutes, Pipes, and Cymbals, and other 
 forts of rural and barbarous Mufick; and feveral of the Men were followed by 
 their Wives, who ferved to bear apart in the Chorus. 
 
 The fubftance of their Songs were Praifes to God, returning him thanks 
 for having brought them out of Ignorance, to the light of true Knowledge. 
 And resdwng alfo Thanks to the Spaniards of what condition foever, whe- 
 ther Spiritual or Temporal, for having inilr tided them irrthe Dcxftrine of 
 the Chriftian Faith. 
 
 Other Provinces, according to the Cuftom in the times of their Kings, lent 
 the Men only, without the company or fociety of their Women. 
 
 To the upper fide of the Church-yard, or Cymecerie, which is about feven or 
 eight Steps higher than the Market-place, they afcended by Stairs to adore 
 theMoft Holy Sacrament; every Sept, or Race in diftinft divifions, being fe- 
 parated from each other ten or twelve paces diflant, to avoid diforder and 
 tonfulion j and having made their Adoration, they defcended by another pair 
 of back Stairs, which was erefted on the right-hand of the Scaffold. Every 
 Nation proceeded according to its Seniority, which was taken and meafured 
 b , the tiir.-j that the Incas had made the Conqueft of them : So thofe who were 
 i he laft fcbducd, were placed the firft in the Procefiion - y and thofe who were the 
 
 more 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 97$ 
 
 more antient Subjects followed, until at length, in the la ft place, the Jacas them- 
 felves came immediately before the Priefts, mixed with a number of poor Peo- 
 ple, to llgnifie their Humility in a low and mean condition, having loft their 
 Empire, their Houfes, Inheritance, and all their Revenue particularly belong- 
 ing to them. 
 
 This being the order directed and obferved in the Proceflion, divers Indians 
 from the Canaris intruded themfelves amongft the croud •, for though that 
 Province is not within the Precincts and Jurifdiclion of Coz.co, yet rhofePeople 
 alfo claimed apriviledge to appear at the Solemnity j and in their Chairs or Se- 
 dans, made a diftinct Company by themfelves, becaufe many of their Nation 
 lived in the City, of whom the Head and Chief was DonFrancifco Chillcho Can- 
 nari, of whom we made mention formerly, and fet forth, how that in the time of 
 the Siege, when Hernando Pifarro was greatly diftrefled by the Prince Mancaln- 
 ca, this Cananan killed in the publick place an Indian Captain belonging to 
 the Inca, who challenged the belt man of the Spaniards to a (ingle Combat. This 
 Bon Francifco afcended the Stairs of the Cymeterit in a difguife, covered with his 
 Mantle, and his Hands under it, and in a Chair plain, without any trimming 
 either of Silk or Gold, but painted with divers colours, and in the four Pannels 
 thereof were defcribed the four Battels between the Indians and the Spaniards. 
 
 Being come to the height of the Cemyterie totheright-hand,where the Officers 
 of the Corporation were placed, and with them my Lord Garfilaffo dela Vega, 
 who was then Governourof theCity,and his Deputy A4bnjaraz.,vtho was a very 
 able Lawyer, and a perfon of great Prudence and Difcretion. Behold on a 
 fudden this Indian Cannari threw off his Mantle, which ferved him for a Cloak, 
 and delivered it to one of his Servants, and fo remained in cutrpo, with a clofe 
 Coat girt tohim,according to theirCuftom,when they are preparing to fight,or 
 to perform any other Action , or Feats of Activity ^ in his right-hand he held 
 by the locks the Head of an Indian carved in Wood, and painted. So foon 
 as the Incas faw it, four or five of theirf bruftled up to the Canarian, and 
 catched him up from theFloor,intending to throw him headlong from the Scaf- 
 fold, which caufed a tumult amongft the Indians, who remained on each fide 
 of the Scaffold, where the moft Holy Sacrament was expofed; fo that the 
 Deputy Monjaraz. was obliged to interpofe his Authority for keeping the 
 Peace. And demanding of the Incas, for what reafon they were fo much of- 
 fended ? one of the graveft amongft them made anfwer, faying, This Dog 
 Anca or Rebbel, inftead of coming to celebrate this Feftival, comes with 
 a Head, to revive the memory of thofe things which had better been for- 
 gotten. 
 
 Then the Deputy asked the Cannarian, What was the meaning thereof ? To 
 which he reply'd, Sir, I cut off the Head of an Indian, who challenged any 
 of the Spaniards to a fingle Duel, at that time when Hernando Pifarro-, and 
 Gonfalo Pifarro, and John Pifarro my Lords and Mafters, with 200 Spaniards 
 more, were befieged in this Market-place : and in regard there was no Spaniard, 
 but who thought it a dif-reputation to him, to engage fingly with an Indian; 
 I took up the Quarrel my felf, and obtained leave to accept the Challenge, 
 and engage in the Combat •, which I performed with fuch good fuccefs, that 
 I overcame the Indian, and cut off his Head in this Market-place ; and then 
 pointed with his Finger to the very plat of Ground where the Duel was fought : 
 Moreover, [aid he, thefe four Pictures which are in the four Pannels of my 
 Chair, are a defcription of the four Battels in which I was engaged on the fide 
 of the Spaniards againft the Indians; fo that it is no wonder, if on fuch a day 
 as this, I (hould boaft and glory of thofe Exploits, and Feats of Arms which 
 I have performed in fervice of the Chriftians. To which the Inca again re- 
 ply'd, Thou Dog and Traytor, didft thou do this Action by thy own cou- 
 rage and bravery, or by virtue and afliftance of this Pachacamac, before 
 whom we are now prefent, and by means, and under the aufpicious conduct 
 , of the Spaniards Fortune ? Doft thou not know, that thou, and all thy Linage 
 were Slaves to us, and that it was not by thy Prowefs and Valour that 
 thou didft obtain this Victory, but folely by virtue of that power we have 
 before mentioned ? If thou wilt make tryal of the truth of what I fay, fince 
 we are all Chriftians, get thee to the Market-place, and provide thy felf 
 with Arms, and there fhall meet thee one of the meaneft of our Servants, who 
 
 lii ii i z fhall 
 
o3o Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 fhall cut thee into flices, and confound thee, and all that belong to thee. 
 Doft thou not remember, that about this time, and in this very place, v. e 
 cut off the Heads of thirty Spaniards, and that one of our hicas difmounted 
 two men and wrefted their Lances from them, and had done the like to Gon- 
 falo Pifarro^ had he not refcued himfelf by a more than ordinary Agility and 
 Prowefs ? Doft thou not know, that we put an end to our Wars againft the 
 Spaniards, and raifed the Siege of this Town ; and that our Prince did volun- 
 tarily relign his Empire, and retire into Banilhment, upon no other Motive 
 than the aftonifhment we conceived, to fee the many Miracles which thePa- 
 cbacamac wrought in favour and defence of them ? Doft thou not know, that 
 during the fiege of this City, we killed near 800 Spaniards in the way to Rimac ? 
 And were it not now a brave thing, and a Gallantry fit for the Honour of fuch a 
 Feaft as this, to raife up the Heads of all thofe that were flain, with the Head 
 of John Pifarro, who was killed above, in yonder Fortrefs, and expofethem to 
 the view of all thefe Spectators ? It had been well, if thou hadlt confidered 
 thefe particulars, and many others which I could now relate, before thou hadft 
 afted fuch a fcandalous piece of folly as this. And then turning to the Deputy, 
 Sir, faid he, do me that Juftice, which the nature of this Infolence requires, 
 that we may not be affronted nor trampled on by our own Slaves. 
 
 The Deputy Monjaraz. having heard the Reafons alledged by one, and the 
 other, ordered the Head which Camiari carried in his hand to be taken from 
 him, and the Mantle which was girt clofe, to be ftripped off, requiring him 
 on pain of a far greater punifhment, neither to difcourfe, nor treat of 
 fuch matters as thefe, either in publick or private. With this reprehenfion 
 given to Cannari, all the Incas and Indians both Men and Women were fully 
 fatisfied ; and the word Auca, Auca, was raifed, and taken from one to a- 
 nother, which refounded over all the Town : And then the Proceffion was 
 carried forward without interruption, according to the accuftomary Cere- 
 monies. It is faid, that the compafs which they take in carrying the Procef- 
 fion now, is twice as far as it was formerly ; for now they go out from the 
 Great Church, and return round by way of St. Francis, which is much farther, 
 than when they only fetched a compafs round the two places of Cuftpata 
 and Hawaypata, which we have often mentioned. 
 
 Bleffed be the Divine Majefiy, who hath vouchfafed to blefs this Countrey with 
 thefe holy Footfteps, and to enlighten the Gentt/es 7 who were formerly benighted 
 in the d~t>k„'of Ignorance, 
 
 C H A P. II. 
 
 Of a flrange Accident which fell out at Cozco. 
 
 SOme years after the Wars of Francifco Hernandez, were ended, another Acci- 
 dent happened at CWo, which was very ftrange ^ the which having received 
 from the report of fome intelligent, and religious perfons, who underftood, that 
 I fiiould fry, that a Narrative thereof would tend to the ferviceof our Holy Mo- 
 ther the Roman Church, were pleafed to Tranfmit a Relation thereof, that I 
 might infert it in this our Hiftory •, and accordingly as an obedient, tho' an 
 unworthy, Son of fuch a Mother, I have thought it my Duty to recount that 
 matter in the manner following. 
 
 Eight or nine years before the lateTroubles, the Feaft of the Evangelift St.Mark, 
 was annually celebrated in Coz-co, in fuch manner as the Inhabitants of that Citv 
 were able to perform. The Proceffion was carried forth from the Conventof the 
 B St. Don.inick., which as we have before mentioned, was founded in that Houfe, 
 which in the times of Gentilifm, was the Temple Dedicated to the Sun. From this 
 Convent the Proceffion was carried to a certain Hermitage,adjoining to thofe Hou- 
 fes which were belonging to Dor, Chnjhvd Paulnlma. Acertain Prieft called Fa- 
 ther 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries, ^81 
 
 ther Porras, who had been an ancient Inhabitant of the Country, and one great- 
 ly devoted to that Blefled Evangelift, being defirous to cekbrate the Feftival 
 of that Saint, was accuftomed every Year to bring a tame Bull with him to the 
 Proceffion, decked with Garlands, and compofed of variety of Flowers. In the 
 year 1556 all the Clergy and Corporation of the City with a multitude of 
 other people coming to folemnize this Feaft, the Bull being as tame, and 
 gentle as any Lamb, walked in the midlt, and went and returned without any 
 difturbance to the Proceffion. Being come back to the Convent, the Church not 
 being capable to receive the Multitudes of People which crouded thither, the 
 Indians and the more common fort, remained without, and made a Lane for 
 the Proceffion to pafs. The Spaniards entered into the Church, leaving a 
 way to come up to the Chancel : The Bull which walked immediately before 
 thePriefts, in thattame and gentle manner, as we have faid before, being 
 entered three or four Paces within the Porch of the Church, on a fudden 
 runs at a Spaniard called Salaz.ar, and took him up on his Horns, and without 
 any hurt to him, tolled him out at one of the Doors of the Church > The 
 people affrighted with this unufual rudenefs of the Bull, were put bto great 
 diforder ; but the Bull returning gently back, took his place again in the 
 Proceffion, and walked up gently to the Chancel. The people of the City 
 much admiring at this Novelty, afld thinking that there muft be fomething 
 more than ordinary in the matter, enquired with all diligence to difcover the 
 Myftery thereof: And upon a ftridt examination of the thing, it was 
 found that about fix or feven Months before, this Salaaar had maintained a 
 Law-fuit againft the Church-men, and that he had incurred the Cenfure of 
 Excommunication, and had never been abfolved from it. But upon this Acci- 
 dent he defired Absolution, and obtained it ; having declared his intention, 
 never more to fall into the like Error of Contumacy again. I was then in the 
 City, when this matter palled, and was prefent at the Proceffion, and heard 
 the Story thereof related more at large by others, than we have done in this 
 Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 The Marquis of Cannete is defignedfor Vice-King of Peru. 
 He lands upon the Continent. Several Negers, or Blacks, 
 who were Fugitives, are reduced. The burning of a Galeon, 
 with eight hundred people therein. 
 
 S 
 
 O foon as News was brought to his Imperial Majefty then in Germany, of the 
 *J death of the Vice-King Don Antomo de Mendofa, he nominated the Count de 
 Palma,to fucceed him in that Employment, but on fome juft grounds and reafons, 
 heexcufed himfelf •,. the like did the Count ^e Olivares, who was unwilling to ac- 
 cept of that Government. Thofe who lived in the Indies, did believe that the 
 Great Men, who were commodious at home, were unwilling to accept an Office 
 fo far diftant from Spain, and from the Court : Tho' a Vice-King who had re- 
 fided there for fome time, was of another opinion, and faid, that the Govern- 
 ment of Peru would be the belt Employment the King had in his Gift, were it 
 not fo near to Madrid, where the Court refides. His meaning, was the complaints 
 of the many oppreffions he exercifed on the People, would come fooner to the 
 Court than he delired. At length his Majefty pitched upon Don Andres Hurardo 
 de Mendoca, Marquis of Cannete, and chief Conftable of Cuenca, to be his Vice- 
 King in Peru, who having accepted the Office,and received his difpatches, depar- 
 ted for Peru and arrived at NomWe de Dios, which he made the place of refidence 
 for the Minifters of Juftice, and for the Officers of the Imperial Revenue.He there 
 rewarded fome of the Ancient Conquerors of the Ifles of Barlownto, and of the 
 
 main 
 
982 Royal Commentaries. Book VIIL 
 
 main Land, whom, asPakmno faicb, he found very poor, and neceffitous : but he 
 could not beftow on them Lands, with vaffallage of Indians, becmk the Natives of 
 thatCountry had been all defiroyed \ but he gave them Money,and feme Offices of 
 benefit. He made a Provifion for Pedro de Orfua, who was a very Noble Gen- 
 tleman, a great Souldier , and Captain in the rew Kingdom , where he had 
 performed many great exploits, and Peopled a City named Pamplona: but by 
 the Severity, andlnjuftice of a Judge, who feized upon all his Eftate, Orfua 
 was forced to fly, and (as John de Cafrallanos writes) to take refuge in Nombre 
 de Dios, where the Vice- King Don Andres Hurt ado de Mendofa met him, and 
 gave him a Commiflion to feek, and fupprefs the Fugitive Neger^ called 
 Cvnarrones, who lived in the Mountaines, and robbed, and pillaged all 
 Merchants, and Travellers who palled thofe ways, murdering and wounding 
 in a manner not fufferable, fo that there was no palling in lefs than twen- 
 ty in a Company. The number of thefe Negtrs increafed daily, for when 
 any of them received the leaft hard word from his Mafter, he prefently 
 forfook his Service, having fo good a Sanctuary, and Receptacle to fly unto. 
 For this Entejprife, and Defign, and to fupprefs thefe Negers, Pedro de 
 Orfua raifed Men •, they were called Cimanoms, which is a word proper to 
 the Language of the lfle of Barlovento , and to thefe Robbers feveral of 
 the Souldiers of Hernandez. Giron joyned,* being fuch as were banifhed and 
 fled, all which, or as many of them as were concerned in this matter, 
 were pardoned by the Vice-King. The Negers finding themfelves hardly 
 befer and diftrefled, offered to treat and accept Articles of Accommodation; 
 which for quietnefs fake and for peace were granted to them ^ and accor- 
 dingly it was concluded, That all thofe, who had unto that time fled from 
 .their Mafters, mould be Free-men, and continue in their ftateof Freedom ; 
 but for thofe, who fhould for the future efcape from their Mafters, the Cj- 
 marrones fhould be obliged to furrender them up again to their Patrons, 
 or pay the price demanded for them. That a Neger Man, or Woman, be- 
 ing ill treated by their Mafter, he, or they paying the price, which he, 
 or fhe, or they colt, the Mafter, or Mafters, mail be obliged to fet them 
 at liberty. That the Negers fhall People, and Inhabit that Countrey, which 
 they at prefent poflefs, and (hall live peaceably as good Common-wealths- 
 men, or Natives of the Country, and not difperfed within the Mountains, 
 as formerly ; and that they fhall have free Trada and Commerce with the 
 Spaniards ; All which, in order to Peace and Quietnefs , was agreed, and 
 confirmed on one fide, and the other - , and the Negers gave Pledges and Ho- 
 ftages for fecurity of the Peace. Their King, called Ballano, delivered his 
 own Perfon for a Hoftage, and his Subjects never redeeming him, he was 
 tranfported into Spain, where he died. 
 
 Now in regard a little before the Vice-King began his Voyage, a fatal ac- 
 cident happened to a Ship in the Ocean, I have thought fit to infert it 
 in this place, as not altogether impertinent to this Hiftory. 
 
 Jeronimo de Alderete, was fent from Chile into Spain, on occafion of bufinefs, 
 in behalf of the Governour Pedro de Faldivia; and during his Refidence at the 
 Court , advice coming of the death of the Governour , he Petiti- 
 oned his Majefly for the place, and obtained it. And being ready to depart 
 fox Chile, he took his Sifter-in-Law with him, an honeft Vertuous perfon, and 
 one of thofe, who are called Devout Women, and with her he embarked on a 
 Gateon, where were 800 Perfons, and which was Admiral of fix other Ships, 
 s.:;d failed from Spam two Months before the Vice-King. This Religious 
 "A oman being very devout, defired leave from the Mafter of the Ship, to 
 keep a Candle in her Cabin by Night,for reading her office,to which the Mafter 
 condeicer.ded, confidering it was for her Devotion, and that fhe might pray 
 for the whole Ship, and alio was Daughter-in-Law to the Governour. Being at 
 Sea, and failing with a fair wind , it happened that a Phyfitian belonging to 
 another Ship, came aboard the Galeon to vilit a Friend of his, who was there - y 
 and being old Acquaintance rejoyced to fee each other : Towards Evening 
 the Phyfitian defirous to return aboard his own Ship, was perfwaded by his Friend 
 to flay that Night with him, for that the Weather was very fair, and likely to 
 continue ; and fo the Boat was towed that night at the Stern of the Ship, inten- 
 ding next morning to make ufe of ic, and return. Buc it happen»:d,that that night 
 
 this 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 983 
 
 this devout Woman bdng at her Prayers, or rather fell afhep in tlu middle 
 of her Office with her Candle lighted, gave a fatal Exampk and lnftance, 
 how dangerous it is on any occafion wbatfoever to break the Rules and Ci- 
 ders of the Sea, which are made for confervation of the Ship, and thofe 
 embarqued thereon : one of which is, That upon no pretence vvhatfoever, 
 any light (hall be continued in the Ship by night, unlefs it be that on- 
 ly which is placed in the Biddacle for the Coropafs, or in the Lanthorn 
 on the Poop : For fa it was, that the Candle taking hold of the Timber 
 of the Ship, the flame broke out at the fides, before it was difcovered, and 
 burnt fo violently, that it was impofllble to be quenched ; which when the 
 Mailer perceived, he ordered the Marriner, who was at the Helm, to draw 
 up the Boat by the fide, wherein the Phyfitian had the day before come 
 aboand ; and then"went to the Governour Alderete, and without any noife 
 privately told him the misfortune of the Ship :, and fo he, and one of 
 the two Sons he had aboard, with the Governour and the Marriner ftep- 
 ed into the Boat, without calling or crying out to the others, left the 
 People crouding into the Boat, and every one endeavouring to fave him- 
 felf, they fhould all be loft. 
 
 In this manner did the Matter fave his own life, and as an expiation of his 
 fin for breaking the Laws of the Sea, which ought inviolably to be obferved, 
 he facrificed one of his Sons. The Fire having fuch an abundance of matter 
 adminiftred to its nourifhment, fuch as Pitch and Tar, increafed fo violently, • 
 as foon awakened all the People in the Ship-, and being feen-by the other 
 Ships of the Fleet, they came as near as they durft, and put out their Boats 
 to fave as many of thofe as they could, who fhould throw themfelves into the 
 Sea: but the Fire coming to the Guns, which were all fhotted, they difcharg- 
 ed fo fiercely, that the Ships were forced for their fafety to retire at a di- 
 ftance, and fuffer all the 800 perfons then aboard to perifh ; fome being burnt, 
 and others drowned, who for fear of the flames had thrown themfelves into 
 the Sea. The news of which was the occafion of great forrow and lamentation 
 over all Peru. Jeronimo de Alderete , fo foon as it was day, got aboard one 
 of his Ships, and immediately commanded a Flag to be put out on the main 
 Top-Malt head ^ that they might fee he was ftill alive, and had efcaped both 
 the Fire and the Water. And fo giving -out his Orders to the other Ships to 
 profecute their Voyage to Nombre de Dios, he returned to Spain to renew his 
 Commiffion and Inftruclions, all his Writings having been confumed by the 
 Fire ; and having procured his. Difpatches, he again put to Sea with the 
 Fleet which transported Marquis de Canncte the Vice-King to Pe r«, z%Pakn- 
 tmo reports, though he mentions nothing of the difafter of the Galeon. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 the Vice-King arrives in Peru. Be puts new Officers into 
 places of Iruft. He writes Letters to the fever al Gover- 
 nours. 
 
 THe Vice-King Don Andres Hurtado de Mendopa, departed from Panama, 
 and with a fair Wind arrived at Paita, which is on the Confines of 
 /Vr«, from whence he difpatched his refpeftive Orders to the Kingdom of 
 Omto, and other parts thereabouts. He alfo wrote to the feveral Gover- 
 nours of the Empire :, and fent a Gentleman, who wasa Kinfman of his Fami- 
 ly, en a particular meflage to the Royal Chancery at Los Reyes j but being a 
 Youngman, he made too long a ftay at St. Michaels Town, entertain* 
 ing himfelf in Diveriifements, neither decent nor hoDeft -, upon notice 
 
 whereof, 
 
j$a Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 whereof, the Vice-King fecit him exprefs Orders to proceed no farther ; and 
 when he himfelf came to that City, he commanded him to be taken into Cuftody, 
 with intent to fend him Prifoner into Spain, refolving never to pardon any 
 MefTenger or Officer of his, who did not diligently obferve the Commiffion 
 and Orders he had given him : He alfo fent away Den Pedro Litys de Cabrera in^- 
 to Spain, with other married men, who had left their Wives at home. But 
 the Truth is, it was more the fault'of the Wives, than of the Husbands, who 
 had fent for'them, and given them credit for confiderable Sums of Money to 
 defray the charge of their voyage : But thefe Women being delighted with 
 Sevile, which charms all thofe which have refided in it, have refufed to obey 
 the Husbands Summons, and prevailed with the Juftice to fend Commands to 
 recal them into Spain. There were three of thefe Women, whofe Husbands 
 I knew in Peru, and were men poflefled of confiderable Eftates in Land, to the 
 value of a hundred thoufand Ducats of yearly Rent, all which upon their deaths 
 would have defcended to their Wives, had they refided upon the place, but 
 being abfent, the Right and Propriety devolved to the King : I could name 
 particularly their Names, but out of refpect to their Reputation 'tis better to 
 conceal them. 
 
 The Vice King proceeded forward on his way, with all the gentle demea- 
 nour and courtefie imaginable ; rewarding fome, and giving fair words and 
 promifestoall, who demanded a remuneration for their paft fervices. All 
 ■which he a<fled with Art and Defign, that a report of his Candour might 
 fore-run his coming, and the minds of men quieted by a prepofTeflion of his in- 
 tentions to gratifie and reward every man as he deferved. It was alfo the 
 talk of common fame, that the Vice-King intended to felect a Cabinet Council 
 of four Perfons, of the molt intelligent, and experienced men of the Empire, 
 who were impartial and unbiaiTed, and who by long and antient practice in Af- 
 fairs, were able to render an account of every Man's Services, and Merit. 
 
 The Perfons commonly named, were FrancifcodeGaray Citizen of Huanacu, 
 Lorenzo de AJdana of Arequepa, Garfilajfo de la Vega, and Antonio de Qutnnones 
 of Cozco; this was the fancy of the common people, it being well known, that 
 every one of thefe men was endued with a Talent fufficient to govern Peru, in 
 cafe the Reins were committed to their hands: And with this imagination 
 the Inhabitants of this Empire, both Clergy and Seculars, comfoned and 
 pleafed themfelves ; faying, that fuch a Prince muft be fent from Heaven, into 
 whofe heart God had infufed the thoughts of making choice of fuch Coua- 
 fellours. 
 
 Pakntino in the fecond Chapter of his Book, hath thefe words. The Vice- 
 King, faith he, proceeded on his Journey to Los Reyes, declaring as he went, 
 his Intentions to reward every man as he deferved ; but the common voice of 
 Fame gave out, that he would confer his Favour on all, without reflection on 
 any thing that was paft. This report brought multitudes of people to Trux- 
 illo, and many of thofe who had been Delinquents, and faulty in their Duty to 
 hisMajefty, towards all which the Vice -King carried himfelf very fairly, and 
 gave out in his difcourfe, that by thofe men who had revolted from Hernandez 
 Giron to the King, that Country had been faved : And in this manner heamufed 
 the minds of the people, that thofe who formerly durft not adventure to Cozco, 
 and other parts, without a ftrong Guard and much circumfpeftion, were be- 
 come at laft confident and aflured of fafety, by indulgence from the Vice-King. 
 Thus far this Authour. To which we are farther to add, and fay, 
 
 That upon the News of the arrival of the Vice-King-, the Inhabitants of 
 Cozco were greatly pleafed and fatisfled ; every one depending on the report 
 which common Fame fpread abroad of his Clemency and good Intentions. 
 Howfoever Thomas Vazquez, and Picdrahita lived retired at their Country-houfes, 
 more out of lhame than fear of their fafety : For tho' they had followed the 
 Rebellion from the firft beginning of the Infurredlion, and concerned in all the 
 Blood and Murders had been committed, yet having renounced the caufe of the 
 Rebel at a critical time, and in fuch a conjuncture, as gave him the fatal blow, 
 his Majefties gracious Pardon under the Great Seal of the Chancery was confer- 
 red upon them ; on confidence of which, they came freely to the City, when 
 their occafions called them thither, tho' with a modeft Train, and with fuch 
 Equipage, as became men who, being under a Cloud, had retired into a kind 
 
 of 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 5)85 
 
 of voluntary Banifnment amongft: their Indian Vaffals • And with fiich caution 
 did thefe men live, that during the three Jears that my Father Garfillaffb de U 
 r^i< was Governour of Coz.co, I never law them there, unlets it weie John 
 Piedrahita, who upon fome extraordinary occaiion of bulinefs, came by night to 
 make my Father a Vilit, and give him a relation of hh Solitary Life, but never 
 in the day time appeared publickly on the place. Howfoever Aloafo Diaz., who 
 was a Citizen, never abfented himfelf from home ; but lived quietly in his 
 own houfe, tho' he had been another of thofe who had concerned himfelf in 
 the Rebellion of Hernandez.. And this was the truth of this Story, which our 
 Authour makes fuch a ftir about, and would iniinuate things fcandalous, and 
 ofFendveto the Hearers. 
 
 The Vice-King came to the City of Los Reyes, in the Month of July 1557, 
 where he was received with that Pomp and Grandure which was due to his 
 Royal Office, and to the Quality of his Perfon, having the title of Marquis 
 given him from his Lordfhip over Vaffals : for the' other Vice-Kings had been 
 Marquifes, yet none of them before afTumed the Title of their Marquifate, 
 with relation to Indians who were in vafTallage to them. Eight days after he 
 had taken the Chair of his Office, he again renewed his PoffelTiori of the Empire, 
 in the Name of King Philip the Second, to whom the Emperour Charles the 
 Fifth had refigned the Kingdoms, and Signories which appertained to him: 
 what Motives he had to' make this refignation is not known, but it is believed 
 that his want of Health, and indifpofition of Body, were the caufe, and that 
 the weight of Affairs of State were too burdenfome in that feeble condition. 
 This exchange of Government under the names of two different Kings, was 
 attended with all the State, and folemn attendance that was required 5 the per- 
 fons prefent, were the Vice-King, the Judges of the Bench, all the Officers 
 Ecclefiaftical, and Civil, Donjeronimo de Loayfa Arch-Bifhop of Los Reyes, all 
 the Friers of the feveral Convents then in that City, which were four, name- 
 ly, that of our Lady of the Merceds, St. Francis, St. Dominkk, and St. An- 
 guftine. The Ceremony in the Parade, and Streets being over, they went to 
 the Cathedral Church, where the Arch-bifhop in his Pontifical Habit celebrated 
 High Mafs. The fame paffed in all the other Cities of that Empire, every one 
 Ihewing the great fatisfadion, and contentment he received on occafion of that 
 Solemnity, which was celebrated with the Feaft of Bulls, and throwing darts ^ ' 
 and endeavouring to out-vie each other in Gallantry, and richnefs of their Li- 
 veries ; which is ftill the common vanity of that Country. 
 
 The Vice-King Don Andres Hunado de Mendoca having taken pofTeffion of 
 the Government, difpatched new Officers, and Governours to the feveral 
 Jurifdictionsof Ptru; Amongft which a certain Lawyer, a Native of Cuenca, 
 called Baptifio Munnoz., whom the Vice-King brought with him, was fent to 
 Cozco. Altamirano one of his Majeftie^s Juftices, who had refufed to follow his 
 Majefties Army and Standard into the Field, was made Governour of the Citv 
 of PUte \ others were difpeeded with Commiffions to the Cities of Huamanca, 
 Arequepa, and de la Paz.-, where many things paffed of great importance: We 
 fhall give an account of fome.of them in the following Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 The Orders which the Vice-King i/fued forth to prevent Mu- 
 tinies, and Insurrections. Thomas Vazquez, Piedrahita, 
 and Alonfo Diaz, are put to death for having been engaged 
 in the Rebellion of Hernandez Giron. 
 
 Akntim, in the fecond Chapter of his third part, faith, that fo foon as 
 
 the Vice-King entered into the City of Los Reyes, that he fet Guards and 
 
 Centinelsonallthe ways leading to the feveral Cities of the Empire ; with 
 
 K k k k k k orders 
 
 P 
 
$86 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 orders to examine carefully all paffengers, as w.e|l Indians, and Spaniards, and to 
 take from them what Papers, and Letters, they carried with them, fo as to difco- 
 ver what Plots and Conspiracies were then contriving againlt the Goverrment. 
 All which are the words of this Author , as is that alfb which follows, the truth 
 of which I can my felf avouch, having been an eye witnefs pf.many paffages 
 thereof. The Vice-King gave Order, that no So.^zVsr^whatfoever fhould travel 
 without a particular Licenfe or Pals, under the hand of fome Juft ice of the Peace 
 belonging to the parts where he lived ; in which Pais or Licenfe, the reafons 
 were to be fpecify&l, and the Buiinefs, orOccafions, which caufed the Party to 
 travel : And particularly care was taken, that no Spaniard upon pretence of co- 
 ming to the City to any Feftival, fhould be permitted tqpafs,; Tho'forthe pre- 
 fent this Order had little effe<ft,in regard, that before it could be publillied, mul- 
 titudes of People hadcrouded to the City, to partake in the common joy, which 
 was evidenced at the reception of this Vice-King. He commanded, that all the 
 Cannon and Arms found in the City, fhould be taken up, and conferved in a 
 common Magazine -, all which was ordered to prevent Confpiracies, and diftur- 
 bances which had been caufed by former Rebellions^ but the Country had been fo 
 lately vvearied,and haraffedby Civil Wars,that there was no thoughts amonglt 
 the people tending to a ruine from whence they had fo newly efcaped. And now 
 let us leave the Vice-King for a time, to difcourfe of the Governours, which 
 he bad fent to Coz.co and to the Charcas. 
 
 The Lawyer Munnoz., approaching to the City of Cox.co with Commiffion of 
 Gcvernour, was met, and received by my Father Garplajfo ; who, fo foon as he 
 was entered within the Privileges and jurifdiclion of fhe City, delivered the 
 White Rod of Juftice into his hand ; which when he had received, the firfl 
 queftion he made him was •, how much the Fee was for fetting his Hand, or Firm 
 to any Writing ? To which he made anfwer,that he knew not, having never de- 
 manded fuch a Fee or Duty. No, faid the Lawyer, that is itrange, for Juftices 
 ought not to lofe their right of what nature fo ever, tho' never fo inconfidera- 
 ble. The ftanders by wondred much at this Dialogue ; to which fome made 
 anfwer, that 'twas not itrange for men who came from Spain, with no other in- 
 tent, than to gain what they could with a good Confcence, to know the utmoft 
 value of their Office above the Income of their Salary. 
 
 So foon as the Governour had received the Rod of his Authority, and made 
 his Purfuivants, he employed two of them upon a Service without the City ; one 
 he fent to apprehend Thomas F'az.quez., and the other Piedrabtta, both whi h in 
 5 or 6 days being brought Prifoners to Cozxo, were committed to the publick 
 Prifon. Their Friends and Relations offered to give bay 1 for them, and to bind 
 themfelves in confiderable Bonds for their good behaviour, and that they fhould 
 not go forth beyond the Precin&s of the City ; fuppofingthat thekizure made 
 of thur Perfons, was to the end that they^night be confined within the Walls of 
 the City, and not permitted to ramble abroad in the Countries amongft their 
 Indians and other People. My Father offered to become Bayl for one of them •, 
 but he was anfwered, that the Commiffion and inftruftions which this Gover- 
 nour brought, was much different to what they imagined , for had their 
 confinement to the City been only defigned, there would not have needed all the 
 formality ufed in fending for them by Officers, and committing thc.m to Prifon: 
 The truth is, the iffue was according to what Francifco Hernandez.j\ad formerly 
 prefaged, and as we have before intimated ; for the next morning .they were 
 found dead in the Prifon, havingbeen there Itrangled, notwithstanding their 
 Pardons which they had filed forth from the Royal Court of Chancery. Their 
 Plantations, and Lordfhips over Indians were alj i confifcated : That belonging 
 to Thomas Vazquez,, which was one of the belt Mannors, or Lordfhips near 
 the City, was conferred by the Vice-King on Rodrigo d'Efqueval a Na- 
 tive of Seville, who had fome fmall Eltate, but with this addition he was 
 made great and confiderable. In like manner the Eltate of Picdrahita was dif- 
 pofed , and forfeited , as was that of Alonfo Di.iz. i whom they likevvife 
 put to death : beficies which' Executions, there were no other Proceffes of 
 Juftice made againft the Rebels in punifhment for the late War. Howfo- 
 e're, the Governour Mimnoz. profecuted his Predeceffour in that Office, and 
 laid four Articles to his charge. The firfl was, That he fported (after the 
 Sp.wijh manner and cuftome; with Darts on horfe-back, which did not 
 
 become 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 5987 
 
 become the Juftice of that Town. That he went ofcen abroad to make 
 private Vifits without the Rod of Juftice in his hand, whidi gave an oc- 
 cafion to many perfons to defpife and expofe the honour of the Government to 
 Contempt. The third was, that in Chrifrmas time he gave leave to the Citi- 
 zens, and others, to play at Cards and Dice in his Houfe, and that he himfelf 
 plaid with them •, which did not become the gravity of a Governour. And 
 laftly,that he had taken a Clerk who was not a Free-man of the City, nor had ob- 
 ferved the formality which the Law required in that cafe. For anfwer unto which, 
 he replyed, That as to the fport of throwing Darts, it was a paftime which he 
 had ufed all the days of his Life, nor would he leave it off fo long as he lived, 
 tho' he were placed in an Office of far higher Dignity and Honour, than 
 that in which he was conltituted and inverted. To the fecond, he faid, that 
 fometimes h* went without his Rod to the next Neighbour, or houfe near at 
 hand, where he was familiarly acquainted, and where he was fufficiently allu- 
 red to receive no affront for want of the Badge, or Enfign of his Authority. 
 That as to the Play and Gaming at Omftmas, it was very true, that he did al- 
 low thereof in his own houfe, and did himielf play •, which prevented many 
 differences, and quarrels, which might otherwife have arifen in other places, 
 1 amongft proud and angry perfons. As to the Clerk, he faid, that he being 
 no Lawyer himfelf, did not fo much regard the ability, or the manner how 
 he was qualified for that Office, as his Fidelity, and Truth, and faithful admini- 
 ftration, of which all the City was ready to give Teftimony. Some other Ar- 
 ticles were drawn up againft: Monjaraz. s but he being only Deputy- Governour, 
 could not be fo highly charged, as was the Governour himfelf. And the truth 
 is, the faults of neither were fit to be mentioned, only the new Judge was wil- 
 ling to have fomething to fay ; but there neither being Crimes to puniffi, nor 
 Debts to pay, all A&ions were ftnoothed, and no Procelfes further made. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 The imprisonment and death of Martin de Robles, and the 
 reafon for which he was executed. 
 
 WE have mentioned before, how that Alt amir ano, Judge of the Court of 
 Chancery, in the City of Los Reyes, was fent Chief Juftice to the City 
 of Plate, whtre, fo foon as he was poflefled of his Government, he apprehen- 
 ded Martin de Robtes a Citizen of that Town, and without any Indidlment or 
 Procefs made againft him, he hanged him up publickly in the open Market-place. 
 At which the people much lamented, and were greatly offended, becaufe he 
 was one of the moft principal men of Quality in the whole Empire, and fo 
 aged, and bowed down with Years, that he could not bear his own Sword girt 
 to his fide, but was carried after him by an Indian Page, who attended him. 
 But when the Reafons of his death were more fully known, the offence there- 
 at was much increafed, as Palentino mentions in thefe words following. 
 
 The Vice-King fent a Warrant to Judge Altamirano, to put Martin de Robles 
 to Death : The Reafons for which he gave, that fufficient proofs had been 
 made before him, the Vice-King, how that this Martin de Robtes having heen 
 in company with feveral perfons, ffiould fay thefe words, Let us go to Lima, 
 and teacb the Vice-King better manners, than to write in fuch a rude Stile, 
 and with fo little refpetf and formality, as he ujes. Thefe are the words of 
 which he was accufed, tho' it is generally believed, that he never faid them, 
 nor ever gave any colour, or ground for fuch an Accufation. Some fay, thac 
 this rafh Speech was not that which provoked the Vice-King againft Martin de 
 Robles, but fome other fuggeftions of having been acceffary to the Imprifon- 
 ment, and death of Blafco Nunnez. Vela Vice King of Peru, Thus far, this 
 Author, in anobfcure manner, exprefies this Paffage ^ which we (hall endeavour 
 
 Kkkkkk z to 
 
^88 Royal Commentaries. Book VIIL 
 
 to clear, and explain more at large. It is true, that Martin de Robles did fay 
 fome fuch words, which were to be taken in another Senfe : For ("as we have faid 
 before) when the Vice-King wrote Letters from Payta-, to the feveral Gover- 
 nours and Juftices of the Empire, giving them to underftand the news of his 
 arrival in that Country •, the Superfcription of his Letters were in this man- 
 ner, To the Noble Lord of fuch a place : And in the Letter he treated them 
 with Thou, which was the common Stile to what perfon of Quality foever ; the 
 which manner of writing gave great offence over all Pent : For in thofe days, and 
 a long time afterwards, perfons of Quality, and fuch as were rich in that Coun- 
 try, always ufed in Writing to their Servants, the Title of Noble, faying, To 
 the Noble — and within the Letter they wrote fometimes in the fecond, and 
 fometimes in the third perfon, according to his Condition and Office wherein 
 he ferved : and this Cuftom prevailed, until fuch time as a Pragmatica came forth 
 to regulate the Terms of Honour which were given- But in regard the Letters 
 from the Vice-King were in another Form and Stile, they gave offence to fuch 
 evil Men, who weredefirous of Change and difturbances ; and caufed them, with 
 reflection on theprefent Vice-King, to commend,and praife the Civility of thofe 
 who were formerly in the fame power, who in all their Letters ufed Terms of 
 Relpect, according to the Quality and Merit of the perfon. My Father Garfi~ 
 lajfo being thenGovernour of Cozxo, received a Letter from the Vice-King with 
 the fame Title and Superfcription ; which fome asked him how he could brook,or 
 how he could endure luch a negleft ? To which my Father made anfwer, that he 
 could bear it very well ; fince that the Vice-King wrote" to him, not barely by the 
 Name of Garfdajfo dela Vega* but with the addition of Governourof Cozxo t 
 which Ihewed him to be hisOfficer,and Minuter under him •, and that very Ihortly 
 they fhould fee how the Vice-King would change theForm,and Stile of theSuper- 
 fcription of his Letters to him : Which accordingly happened, for about eight 
 days afterwards, the Vice-King being at Rimac, he wrote a Letter to my Father, 
 directed in this manner, To the Right Worfhipful Senior Garfilaflo de la Pega, 
 &c. and within he treated him with fuch Terms, as might become an Elder Bro- 
 ther towards his younger •, at which, thofe who law it did much admire. I have 
 had both thefe Letters in my euftody, for at that time I ferved my Father in qua- 
 lity of his Clark, and wrote all the Letters which he difpatched to feveral parts of 
 the Empire :, and in like manner, I gave the Anfwer to both thefe Letters. But to 
 return to the Story of Martin de Robles, from which we have made this digrefllon. 
 The Truth thereof is this, One of the firft Letters from the Vice-King, was bare- 
 ly in this manner, To the Governour of the Charcas, and no more - y which gave 
 occafionto the huffing, vapouring Fellows to fay, the Vice-King was very un- 
 civil, and rude, to write in fuch a mean manner to Governours, who taking all 
 things together, both as to their filiates and Qualities, were as good men as him- 
 felf. Upon this, it was faid, that Martin de Robles Ihould utter thefe words, Let 
 him come hither, and rve fiall teach him better manners. But this he faid in man- 
 ner of a Jell •, for on Iefs occafion than this, as Palentino faith, he ufed great liberty 
 with his Tongue. For he would never for his Jell fake fpare his Friend, or bis 
 Wife her felf : And when fome of his intimate acquaintance would blame hisin- 
 difcretion (as fometimes they did) for taking fuch freedom in hisfpeech^ he 
 would anfwer, that he would rather lofe a Friend, than a quick witty faying, ut- 
 tered opportunely in its due time and place -, and upon this fancy the poor man 
 loft his life. But as to his concernment in the misfortunes of Blafco Nunnez., all 
 that matter was abfolutely forgot, and laid afide, 13 years having palled fince 
 that time; and even then this Martin de Robles performed many, and lignal 
 fervices for his Majefty, for in that very critical juncture of Affairs, he with 
 much danger of his Life, revolted from Gonpalo Pifarro to the Prefident Gafca, 
 whom he faithfully ferved, until the end of that W ar ; for which the Prefident 
 rewarded him, as we have before related. In like manner, he ferved in the Wars 
 agamfl Don Sebafiian, and Francifco Hernandez. Giron, in both which he frankly 
 laid out hisEftate, and neither fpared his Silver nor his Gold,to ferve hisMajefly; 
 by which Merit, he obtained his Pardon for his pall Crimes, being granted by 
 the Prefident Gafca, and confirmed by the Juftices, under the Great Seal of the 
 Royal Chancery. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 985 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 In what matter the Vice-King treated thofe who made demands 
 for reward of their late Services $ and how by the Advice of 
 unjuft and ill-natured Counfellours he banifhed thirty feven 
 of them into Spain. 
 
 PAkntino in another part of the Second Chapter before mentioned, fpeak- 
 ing of the Vice-King, faith as follows, AH the Cannon, Mufquets, and 
 other Arms which were in the City he got, and lodged in his own Houfe, up- 
 on pretence of Feftivals, and occafion of Rejoicings After he had done this, 
 and fecured other matters, he repealed all the Commiffions and Pardons which 
 the Juftices had given \ which (truck a terror and awe upon the minds of di- 
 vers Captains and Souldiers \ and with fome inconfiderable gratification he re- 
 warded others for their Services : Howfoever, underftanding that many of 
 thefe men were piqued, and fpoke fome words which founded not well, he ap- 
 prehended feveral of them within the Precincts of his -own Court, and imme- 
 diately fent them away to Lima, under a fafe Guard •, giving out, that he fent 
 fome of them for Spain, to the intent that they might be rewarded there by his 
 Majefty ; fince that Peru could not confer Gratifications on them agreeable to 
 their Merits: and that he fent others of them, that they might receive punifh- 
 ment for their Infolence : And when fome advifed him to fend the Informations 
 againft them, and the Proceffes judicially made in their caufe, together with 
 their perfons into Spain •■ He refufed to do it, faying, that he intended to in- 
 tercede with his Majefty in their behalf, fo that they might receive rewards and 
 Honours, rather than be the Attorney General to implead them. 
 
 But in regard this Author hath exprefled feveral palfages of this Hiftory in a 
 dark, obfeure, and confufed manner, we ftiall endeavour to elucidate them 
 more clearly, and in an Hiftorical manner declare every thing methodically as 
 it palled. And firft, as to that point which this Author mentions about taking 
 away Arms by the Vice-king : we muft know, that before the coming of 
 the Vice-king, the Juftices had given orders to the Governours in their re- 
 fpective Jurisdictions to feizeon all the Arms they could find ^ and according- 
 ly my Father publilhed this their Command by common outcry ^ and in obedi- 
 ence thereunto, many Gentlemen and Souldiers of good Reputation, who were 
 Loyal to his Majefty, brought in their Mufquets and other Arms •, but the com- 
 mon People, and fuch as were ill affected would not bring them in, unlefsthey 
 were purchafed withMony, or for fome confideration, either of themfelves or 
 Friends : for which reafon my Mafter Garfilajfo acquainted the Lords of the 
 Royal Chancery with this particular, giving them to underftand, that this 
 courfe was rather prejudicial than advantagious to his Majefty, for that his 
 Friends would by that means be difarmed, and his Enemies guarded with their 
 Weapons by them. And upon this confideration it was, that the Juftices gave 
 orders privately, to have the Arms reftored to their refpective owners ; which 
 accordingly was done: And this is what pafTed about the Arms, of which this 
 Author fpeaks. And as to Repealing, and Revoking thofe Pardons which the 
 Juftices gave to thofe who had followed the Faction of Hernandez.^ it was done 
 in order to bring thofe perfons to Juftice, in the manner before fpecified. And 
 as to the fatisfaction he fpeaks of, which the Vice-King gave to divers perfons, 
 as well Captains as Souldiers, for a gratuity and reward of their paft Services : 
 The truth was this, He did make offer to fome of thofe pretenders of a Gra- 
 tification, but in a mean kind, and much inferiour to their Qualities and Me- 
 rits-, and with condition, and under provifo, that they fhould immediately 
 marry, and take Wives of thofe Spanijh Women, who were lately come over ^ 
 it being according to his Majefties Inftructions, and fo ordained for conferva- 
 tion of the publick peace and quietnefs of the Land : And in order hereunto 
 ;he Vice-King aflignedto feveral of the Pretenders, fuch and fuch Women for 
 
 Wives, 
 
9^0 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 Wives, under the notion of modeft and virtuous Ladies, though many of them 
 Were known to be common Strumpets. For which reafon molt of the Preten- 
 ders refuGng their Society, gave occafion to malicious men, who were defi- 
 rous to make troubles, to incenfe the Vice-King againft thefe Pretenders, who 
 were men of greater merit than themfelves, infinuating that they refufed thofe 
 Wives only out of obftinacy, and averfion to the Commands of Authority. 
 And hereupon this Author faith, That the Vice-King did look on thefe men, as 
 diflatisfied •, and believing, as was reported to him, that they let fall many 
 angry words tending to Sedition, he gave orders to apprehend feveral of them ; 
 and under a ftrong Guard fent them to the Port, and Callao of Lima, in order to 
 tranfport them to Spain, giving out, that it was to have fome perfons of me- 
 rit more amply rewarded by his Majefly in Spam, than could be done in Peru ; 
 and that others of them, who had been infolent and daring, might be punifhed 
 by Banilhment, rather than rewarded, Grc. 
 
 The perfons taken, and fent away, were thirty feven, all men eminently 
 known and (ignalized for their Loyalty and Service to his Majefty j one of 
 which was Gonfalo Siheftre, whofe Labours and Hazards are at large recorded 
 in our Hiftory of Florida -, and in this alfo be is not mentioned without regard 
 to his Honour and Reputation. Particularly we have fignified, how that at 
 the Battel of Cbuqmnca he had a Horfe killed under him, which fome few days', 
 before he had bought of Martin de Rubles for twelve thoufand Ducats. Of the 
 fame degree and merit were feveral others in this Kingdom, of which I wi(h I 
 had a particular lift. And though Pakntino faith, that feveral of thefe Pre- 
 tenders were banilhed, I muft crave leave to diflent from him, and fay, That 
 none of them were baniflied for any Crime or Mifdemeanour, for all of them 
 were men of merit and defert. And as to what he farther faith, that fome per- 
 fons would have perfwaded the Vice- King to have fent the Informations, and 
 Accufations againft thefe men, together with their perfons into Spain, and that 
 lie refufed fo to do, faying, That he would rather be an Interceflbr for them with 
 his Majefty, than their Accufer, &c. The truth of which matter was this. There 
 were not wanting Whifperers, who infinuated to the Vice-King jealoufies and 
 fears of Mutinies and Seditions amongft the Souldiers, who having for a long 
 time ferved the King at their own coft and charge, complained of their hard 
 ufage and ill treatment, and therefore advifed to have them banilhed : but others 
 diflwaded this courfe as unjuft, and looking like Cruelty, to have men puniihed, 
 who deferved Rewards. That the banifliment out of Peru into Spain, was worfe 
 than death to men, who were poor, and had confumed their Eftates and Sub- 
 ftance in the fervice of his Majefty. Moreover, they added, That it became not 
 the Quality nor Office of a Vice-King to fend fuch men into Spain with their 
 Mouths full of complaints, to which no doubt but his Majefty would lend an Ear 
 and give Credit ^ efpecially fince nothing could be obje&ed againft them of 
 Crime or Mifdemeanour, and that in behalf of themfelves they were able to 
 make a large relation of their Services and Sufferings for his Majefty, having 
 waited their Lives, and confumed their Eftates for the intereft of the Crown : 
 in proof and evidence of which they had their wounds, and their macerated 
 bodies to (hew, and plead for them before his Majefty. Howfoever thefe confi- 
 derations prevailed not fo much with the Vice-King, as a courfe of greater fe- 
 verity^ for being made angry, and provoked by the evil fuggeftions of thofe 
 men, who pretended to difcover fecret Cabals and Confpiracies amongft them, 
 he refolved to fend them away, as the belt expedient to fecure the Peace of the 
 Empire •, and that as to what they could fay in Spain, or what they could do at 
 their return from thence to Peru, he little regarded : for in going to Spain, 
 faid he, they muftfpend a year, and in their Negotiations and Solicitations 
 there, another would pafs^ and a third in their Voyage back: and when they 
 bring Letters and Orders in their own favour ; it is then but killing them and 
 laying them on my Head, and faying, / obey ; and at the end tell them, That 
 the King hath no Money nor Means wherewith to reward them : and then 
 after they return back again with the fame complaints to the King, and 
 have traced the fame circle of bufinefs as before, they will then be, but where 
 they were before, only three years more will have palled over their Heads, 
 which in all will make up fix, and by that time, none but God knows what will 
 become of u?. With fuch thoughts as thefe, the Pretenders were difpeeded 
 
 into 
 
Book V'lII. Royal Commentaries. o $ i 
 
 into Spain lb poor ,anu mifeiable, that the ric.Heft of them had not a th 
 Ducats to defray his Charges ^ though to raiie this .Money, he had fold his 
 Horfe, and Cloaths, and the poor Furniture of his Hcufe : and though fonie of 
 t hem had peffeffions of Lands, and fome little Rent, yet the Revenue was fo 
 fmal!, that it was fcarce worth locking after, and fo remote, that th-y were 
 forced to leave and abandon it, as of no worth and value to them: for though 
 a Perfonfhculd commit hisEitate, in this manner, to the Truftand iV ent 
 
 of Friends ; yet fo tar is Sf.wzremcte frfcm Peru, that oftentimes Friends take 
 advantageof diftnnce, and long ablence, and make that their own, which is on- 
 ly intrufted to them by others : And thus much Icanatteft, and aver upon 
 my own experience, who having left fome Efface and Inheritance of my own 
 to the care of another Friend, he made ufe of that confidence I had in him to 
 cheat and defraud me of what appertained to me. 
 
 And this was the cafe of-thefe poor Gentlemen, who left their Eftates with 
 fome Friends, from whom they heard no farther afterwards ; and enquired* of 
 me for them, after I came to Spam, to know of me whether they' were alive or 
 not, and how, or in what manner they had difpofed of their Eftates : For my 
 part I was able to give them but an imperfect account of their matter?, for I 
 was btit young, and could not look fo far back into the Eftates and Concern- 
 ments of other Men. And here ktus leave our Pretenders on their Voyage, 
 tfie fuccefs of which we friall confider in its due place, and in the mean time 
 we will proceed to recount the Succefles of that Empire, in relation to its own 
 Natural Lord. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 The Vice- King defigns to bring the Prince, who was Heir to 
 this Empire, from his Retirement in the Mountains, to pay 
 Homage and Fealty to his Majefty. The ways and means 
 which were contrived for doing the fane. 
 
 THE Vice; King having difpatched thefe 'poor Gentlemen into Spain, upon 
 . the fsggeftions (as we have laid) of evil Couniellours, whoinfimmedinto 
 him dangerous Confpiracies, and civil Difturbances, which thefe Men might 
 machinate, by the Intereft they had with other Souldiers of infetiour degree : 
 and hereof there had been fuch f refh Examples, that, the Fears and Jealoufies of 
 ■the like events might very reafonably be apprehended. But now to amufe, and 
 divert the minds of the People from fuch Tragical Plots as thefe, and for better 
 fecuring the Peace of the Empire, Letters were wrote to Munmz., the Gover- 
 nour of Cozxo, and to Donna Beatrix. Coya to confider of a way, how they might 
 in a friendly and peaceable manner perf^ade the Prince Sayri Tupac to leave his 
 Mountains, and come and live amongft the Spaniards, who for his encourage- 
 ment, would make him an allowance iufficient to maintain his Family and Equi- 
 page. This proportion was treated with the Coya, which was Sifter to the Fa- 
 ther of this Prince, who was the Legitimate Heir to the Empire, being the 
 Son of Menco Saca, whom thole Spaniards killed, who he had protected and deli- 
 vered out of the hands Gf their Enemies, as is related in the -jth. Chap- 
 ter of the .\th. Book of this 2d. Part. The Infant a Donna Beatrix., tho'it were 
 for no other realbn than to fee her Nephew in that City, and not with expecta- 
 tion of being reftored to his Empire, received with great readinefs, and good 
 will, the Command and Order of the Vice-King:, and in purfuance thereof di- 
 fpatched away a MefTenger , attended with Www. Servant*, to the Mountains of 
 Vdka Pampa, where the Inca road; his relidence : the Meffenger himfelf was 
 alfoof the Blood-Royal, to render the offer more fpecious, and moreeafily ac- 
 cep:ed: His Journey was long, and much about, and over bad ways, by rea- 
 lbn that the Bridges were broken down ; but at length coming to the Out- 
 
 gnai 
 
992 
 
 Royal Commentaries. Book VI I L 
 
 guards, he was there detained, until lu\ Meflage was iignificd to the Inca, after 
 which being admitted, a Council was called of all the CSptains and Gover- 
 nours, who were.Tutours to the Prince, for he being'in his Minority, had not 
 (as we have faid) as yet bound his Head with the coloured Wreath. The Cap- 
 tains having received this Meflage, were jealous of the reality thereof, though 
 broughtto them by a Kiufman : And therefore not being over-hafty to give 
 Credence thereunto, another Meflenger was difpatched to Cozco, in behalf of the 
 7«c^,tofpy anddifcover what deceit and- fraud might be under this fpecious over- 
 ture ; for they did much diftruft the fincerity of the Spaniards,keeping ftill in me- 
 mory the death of Atahualpa, and othertheir faithlefsand treacherous practices : 
 And until the return of this Meflenger, and his Adbciates, thofe fent from Coz.co 
 were detained as Hoftages, and Pledges for better fecurity of the honeft and due 
 performances by the Spaniar ds. The Meflenger was farther inftrucled,that after he 
 .had applied himfelf to the InfantaDonnaBeatriz,heihc)v\d difcourfe farther on the 
 buGnefs with the Governour of Co^co, and other Perfons, who might fecure them 
 of their fears,and from the apprehenfions they hadoffalfeand faithlefs defigns ; 
 and fhould delire both of the Governour, and Donna Beatrix, to fend unto John 
 Sierra de Leguicamo her Son by Mancio Sierro de Leguicamo, who was one of the 
 firft Conquerours, to deal faithfully with them in this matter , and give to them 
 his real opinion, whether they might truft without Scruple, or doubt of the 
 proportion and offer which was made to them. The Governour, and the 
 Infanta were both pleafed at the coming of this Meflenger from the Inca, and 
 with him fent Letters to John Sierra, that as he was a near Kinfman to the In- 
 ca, he fhould deal clearly with him, and allure him that there was no other defign 
 in the Invitation, than to fee him abroad,and out of thofe Mountains, to the great 
 Joy and Contentment of all his Relations. But whilft thefe matters were in 
 treaty at Coz.co ; the Vice-King, being impatient to fee an end of this Negotia- 
 tion, which he thought would be over-long and tedious by other hands,difpatch- 
 ed away immediately from himfelf a Dominican Frier, whom Palentino calls Mel. 
 chior de Los Reyes, and with him a Citizen of Cozco, named John Betanpos the 
 Husband of Donna Angelina, the Daughter of Inca Atahualpa, of whom we have 
 formerly made mention : this John de Betanpos pretended to be very skilful in the 
 General Language of the Country, for which reafon, and for the relation he 
 had by his Wife to the Prince Sayri Tupac, he was fent in company with the 
 Frier, to ferve for an Interpreter, and to explain the Letters, and the Subftance 
 of the Embaflie upon which they were employed. Thefe two AmbafTadours, in 
 obedience to the Vice-Kings Commands,, made all the hafte they were able, and 
 endevoured to get admittance to che Inca, by way of the City of Huamanca, 
 which was the neareft Frontier of any to the entrance into the Mountains, where 
 the Inca made his place of Refidence : For which reafon the Spaniards gave the 
 name to that Town, of St. John of the Frontier, becaufe it bordered near the 
 aboad of the Incas ; and was ( when the Country was firft conquered by the Spa- 
 niard^) pollefled by them on St. John's day. But they could by no means pro- 
 cure admittance by this way •, for the Indian Captains and Governours , fearing 
 left the Spaniards (hould take them upon furprize, and carry their Prince away 
 from them, had fo cut ofFall the Avenues, that no Perfon, without their Licenfe, 
 could approach the pla«e of their Habitation, Wherefore the Frier, and John 
 de Betanpos took a compafs twenty Leagues farther by the high Road, to try if 
 they could get entrance by the way of Antahuaylla, but here alfo they were disap- 
 pointed : All which being advifed by the Indians to the Governour of Coz,co, he 
 wrote a Letter to the Ambafladours, that they fhould not labour farther to no 
 purpofe, buc (hould come to Coz.co, where they fhould find directions in what 
 manner to proceed. In the following Chapter we ftiall fet forth at large, what 
 polled in this particular affair, according to the Narrative of Palentino, extracted 
 verbatim from his own Words : whereby we may obferve,with what Prudence and 
 Caution the Indians proceeded in this affair ; and how prudently they governed 
 their Artifices, whereby to difcover the Cheats and Frauds which the Spaniards 
 concealed under their fpecious offers ; with many other things obfervableon the 
 part of the Indians. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. yy> 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 The fufpicion and fear which the Governours of the Prince 
 • conceived on occafion of the Meffage which the Chriftians 
 fent to them* The ways, and diligence they ufedto fecur e 
 themfehes from thefe jealoufies. 
 
 T His Author, in the fourth Chapter of the third book of his Hiftory, faith, 
 as follows. The Frier and Betancos being come to Coz.co, it was order- 
 ed, That they fhould remain behind, whilft the Governour Afunnoz., and Don- 
 na Beatrtz.went before the Ambafladours, with her Son John Sierra, to the Inca. 
 Which being fo agreed,the Frier and Betancos wentoutof theCity three days be- 
 fore them, pretending to flay and expedl them on the road : But to gain the 
 honour of being the firft Ambafladours, advanced as far as the Bridge called 
 Cbucjuichaca, which borders on the Jurifdiction of the Inca-.And having with great 
 difficulty pailed the Bridge ;, they were detained by the Indian Souldiers, who 
 kept watch and guard on that fide, and there kept without other hurt or da- 
 mage done to them ; not fuffering them to proceed forward, nor return back 
 again •, and fo remained until the next day, when John Sierra, with the Ambaf- 
 fadourS from the Inca came to them, with ten other Indians who were fent to 
 meet the Ambafladours : In fine, John Sierra, and the Ambafladours were per- 
 mitted to proceed, but Betancos and the Frier were detained : The Inca being 
 informed that John Sierra was near at hand, and alfo that a Frier and Be- 
 tangos who were Ambafladours from the Vice- King were not far diftant ; he 
 difpeeded a Captain with 200 Indian Souldiers, (whom they called Caribdes, 
 and are of that fort, who eat the Enemies which they take in the War) to 
 fignifie to the Ambafladours, that the Inca's pleafure was, that they fhould de- 
 clare the Meflage they brought unto his General. Accordingly the firft day paf- 
 fed in complement, the General only bidding them welcome : But the next 
 day John Sierra being admitted to Audience^ he was feverely reproved by the 
 General for coming with the attendance of fo many Chriftian Souldiers : For 
 which John Siena excufed himfelf, faying, That he brought them by the ad- 
 vice and order of the Governour of Cozxo, and his Aunt Donna Beatrix, j and 
 then he declared to him the occalion for which he was fent, and read to him the 
 Letters from his Mother, and the Governour, with that alfo which the Vice- 
 King had wrote to Donna Beatrix. John Sierra having thus delivered his Meflage, 
 Betancos and the Frier were alfo called and admitted to the fame place ; of whom 
 they demanded the fame queftions, to fee what difference there was in the pro- 
 pofals which were made. 
 
 The Frier and Betanf os produced the Writing of Pardon, and declared the 
 fubftance of the Embafly upon which they were employed, and delivered the 
 Prefent which the Vice-King fent to the Inca of feveral pieces of Velvet, and 
 Damask, and two Cups of filvergilded,together with other things of curiofity. 
 After which the General and Captains fent two Indians, who had been 
 prefent at all the difcourfe, to give a relation to the Inca of the particu- 
 lars which had palled j which when the Inca had heard, and thought well 
 upon, he gave anfwer, That the Ambafladours fhould immediately return 
 from whence they came, with their Letters, Act of Pardon, and Prefents -, 
 for that he would not have to do with the Vice-King, but remain free, 
 and independent of him, as he had hitherto done. But as John Sierra, 
 and the reft were departed, orders were brought after them by two In- 
 dians, that they fhould return immediately, and appear before the Inca, to 
 give him and his Captains an account in perfon of the Embafly they 
 had brought; and being on their way, and not above four Leagues from 
 the Inca, another Command was given that John SierrtQiould come alone, and 
 
 L 11111 thas 
 
294 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 that the others fhould be difpeeded back with fuch convenient Provilions, as 
 were neceflary for their journey. 
 
 The next day John Sierra was come within two Leagues of the laca t when he 
 met a new Order, to detain him two days longer before his admittance ; and ia 
 like manner MefTengers were fent to caufe Betancos and the Frier to return back 
 to the Inca, who at the end of two days fending for John Sierra, ha received him 
 with fuch kindnefs and affection as was due to a near and principal Kinfman : 
 And John Sierra having expreffed and explained the particulars of his Meflage 
 in the belt fenfe and words he was able ; the Inca feemed well fatisfied and pleafed 
 with what he had delivered ; but in regard, that being in his Minority, and not 
 mafter of himfelf, nor having for want of years aflumed the coloured Wreath, it 
 was neceflary for him to refer all his Affairs, and Treaties to the confederation 
 of his Captains : Which being done, Frier Melchior de Los Reyes was alfo fent 
 for, and ordered to deliver the Embafly he had brought from the Vice-King; 
 which being accordingly fignified, the Offer was kindly underltood, and the 
 prefents accepted : Howfoever it was ordered, that the Frier, and John Sierra 
 fhould attend, and expect an Anfwerafter the Captains had confulteu there- 
 upon. 
 
 The debate being again re-affumed, nothing was concluded ; but that more 
 time was required to confult their Predictions and Oracles, and to eonfider 
 farther before they could come to a refolution: And in the mean time, not to 
 detain John Sierra, and the Frier any longer, it was ordered, that they fhould 
 be difpatched away to Lima, with two other Indian Captains, who in the name of 
 the bwa fhould attend the Vice-King,and treat with him concerning the Penfion 
 and allowance which was to be given to the Inca, in confideration that the In- 
 heritance and Sacceffion of thofe Kingdoms,did by Right of Nature belong unto 
 him. Being in this manner difmift, they travelled by the way of Andtguaylas 
 to the City of Los Reyes, where they arrived on St. Peters day in the month 
 of June. The Indian Captains having had Audience of the Vice-King, 
 and declared what they had to fay in behalf of their Inca, were kindly 
 received by him, and hofpitably treated for the fpace of ei^ht days ; 
 during which time they were lodged in the City, and had frequent confe- 
 rences with the Vice-King, touching the entertainment which was to be given 
 the Inca for the maintenance of his Court, and Equipage agreeable to his Dig- 
 nity, fo as to be able to live peaceably amongft them, paying Homage and 
 Obedience to the King. The Vice-King having confulted this point with the 
 Arch-Bifhop and Judges, it was agreed to give an allowance to the Inca^ 
 of feventeen thoufand pieces of Eight yearly in Money for maintenan e 
 of himfelf, and Sons; befides the Indians and Eftate of Fra ctfco Her- 
 nandez., and to hold therewith the Valley of Tucay , together with the 
 Indians and Lands formerly belonging to Don Francifco Hernandez., tt.e 
 Son of the Marquis : With fome Lands belonging to the Fortrefs of Chzjco 
 which was affigned to him for his dwelling houfe and place, wherein he 
 was to keep his Indian Court. In confirmation and for kcurity 
 hereof, an inftrument was drawn up, to fettle this Allowance on the /««, 
 provided that in the fpace of fix Months after the date thereof, which was 
 the fifth of July, the Inca fhould accept of thofe Condition?, and Lave his 
 habitation in the Mountains, and come and live amongft the Spaniards. This 
 Writing was delivered to John Sierra, who was folely appointed to return 
 therewith, accompanied only with the two Indian t Captains; and by 
 that time that he was come to the Indian Court , the Inca had recei- 
 ved the coloured Wreath, and with great joy received the Letters, and 
 Writings from the Vice-King, &c. Thus far Diego Hernandez,, which 
 I thought fit to extract verbatim from his own Writings ; th t 
 I might not feem to have enlarged on the Care, and Cautions ufed 
 by the Indians in their Treaty above the Sphere of their Capaci- 
 ties. 
 
 And now it will not be from our parpofe, to explain fome pafiages, which 
 this Author hath touched upon in the preceeding difcourfe. The firft is 
 concerning thofe Carives, who, he fays, did eat one the other in the time 
 of War : it is true, that this was accuftomary in the Empire of Mexico, 
 in the antient times of Beathenifme. But in Peru it was never practifed-, 
 
 for 
 
Book V 1 1 1 . Royal Commentaries, 995 
 
 .. — ™ — — — — — — ^— _ — __ _^ — _ 
 
 For as we have laid in the firlt part, the /w^made fevere Laws againlt thole 
 who eat human Flefh : And therefore we mult underftand this Author accor- 
 ding to the cuftome of Mexico, and not of Peru. The Revenue given to the 
 Inca, did not amount to 17000 pieces of Eight, (for as we have faid before) 
 the Lands of Francifco Hernandez, did not yield above ten thoufand pieces of 
 Eight per ammm. And as to what he fays, they gave him in the Valley of Tu- 
 cay, which was the Eftate of the Son of Marquis Francifco Pifarro, it was 
 in reality worth nothing, for that Valley being very pleafant, and delight- 
 ful, was divided amongft the Spaniards, who were Citizens of Cozxo, and well 
 cultivated by them, and fenced in to make Gardens and Vineyards, as it is 
 to this day : Wherefore the poor Jnca enjoyed nothing more, than to have 
 the Title of being Lord of Yuca ; which notwithstanding, he highly efteemed 
 being the moft pleafant piece of ground in all the Empire. The grant of 
 which, was not carried to the Inca by John de Sierra, as this Author intimates, 
 but was given him at Los Reyes, when he perfonally appeared there, to vifit 
 the Vice-King, and pay the Complement of Obedience: But that which was car- 
 ried by John de Sierra, and delivered to the Inca, was no other than an AcT: of 
 Grace, and Pardon of all his Crimes, without mentioning any particulars, 
 or making any promifes of fupport, or maintenance for himfelf or Family ; 
 or fetting out any Lands, to make him a Revenue. In the following Chap- 
 ter we will fet down every thing methodically as they patted ; for what we 
 have anticipated in this place, is only to Ihew by another hand, what Cau- 
 tion, Subtilty, Craft, and Jealoufie, the Indian Captains ufed in their Trea- 
 ties, before they would adventure to commit their Prince into the power of 
 the Spaniards. 
 
 C H A P. X. 
 
 The Governours of the Prince confult the fever al Prophefies, 
 and Prognojlications which were made, concerning the event 
 of their Princes departure from the Mountains. Diverfe 
 Opinions arife thereupon; the Inca refolves to go$ he 
 comes to Los Reyes, where he is received by the Vice- 
 King. The anfwer which the Inca made, when the In- 
 ftrument was delivered to him, which allotted, a?id fecu- 
 red a maintenance to him. 
 
 TH E Captains and Tutors of the Inca continued their Debates, and 
 Confultations, concerning the Surrender of their Prince, into the hands 
 of the Spaniards: And for better affurance therein, they infpefted the En- 
 trails of the Beafts, which they offered in Sacrifice, and obferved the flying 
 of Birds by Day, and thofe of the Night -, they looked on the Skye, to fee 
 whether it were thick or cloudy, or whether the Sun were bright and clear, 
 without Mills, or Clouds which covered it, and accordingly they made their 
 Prognoflications of good or bad Fortune : They made no enquiries of the 
 Devil : becaufe, fas we have faid before) all the Oracles of that Country 
 ceafed, and became dumb, fo foon as the Sacraments of our Holy Mother 
 the Church ot Rome entered into thefe Dominions. Andtho'all the Obfer- 
 vations made, feemed good Omens, and portended happy fuccefs ; yet the Cap- 
 tains were divided in their Opinions. Some faid that it was fit for their 
 Prince to appear publickly, and in the Eyes of his People, to whom nothing 
 could be fo pleafant and acceptable, as the prefence of his Perfon, Others 
 
 LI 1111 2 faid 
 
yy6 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 faid, that there was no reafon to expert the reftauratiori of their Prince, for 
 the Inca was already difpoflefTed of his Empire, and the fame divid .d arnorgft 
 the Spaniards, and proportioned by Pravintes, and Plantations, of v\ hi.'- there 
 was no hopes ever to lee a reftitution : And ir ; fuch a condition as t. is, a 
 Prince dilinhented and divefted of all his Power, and Riches, wodd rake 
 fuch a poor figure before his People, as would give them Subject rathei p Sor- 
 row, than of Joy at his prefence. And tho' the Vice-King prpmiled to n.ake 
 him an allowame, wherewith honourably to fupport hirajelf and Family ; yet 
 not having allotted the Provinces, nor named the parts from whence fuch Re- 
 venue is to arife, it looks as if he intended to feed him with empty words, 
 without any real or fubftantial performances: and in cafe when an allowap.ce 
 is afligned, which doth not prove agreeable to the Quality of the Prince, he 
 had lived a mere happy Exile within thefe Mountains, than expofed abroad 
 to Miiery and Scorn. But what fecurity have you, that thefe Spaniards will 
 not deal with this Prince, as they fometimedid with his Father f whom, inftead 
 of returning him all the acknowledgments, which a Soul endued with Humanity, 
 and Reafon, was capable to render, they barbaroufly killed with the ftroak of 
 a Bowl upon his Fkad, whilelt he endeavoured todivertife, and folace them 
 a that Game, in their Solitude and retirement with him, where he con- 
 cealed and fecured them from the hands of their Enemies. Nor is it fo long 
 fince the time of Atahualpa, but that we may remember bow they ftrangled 
 him againft the Faith and Articles of Peace which were made with them, ha- 
 Ving thereby given us a clear Evidence, how far their Honefty and Promifes 
 extend. 
 
 Thefe and other Examples of the faithlefs and treacherous performances, 
 ufed by the Spaniards towards the Caciques-, and other Indians of Principal Note, 
 were particularly called to mind, and related (the which for brevity fake we 
 omit.) And afterwards the two Opinions, with the Arguments on each fide, 
 being laid before the Prince, he inclined to the advice of remaining in his 
 Station, and not intrufting his Perfon to the Honefty and Mercy of the Spani- 
 ards \ and herein he was more ftrongly confirmed, when he reflected on the 
 Fate of his Father, and his Uncle Atahualpa. And then it was, (what Pakn- 
 tino faith before) that the Prince ordered the Letters, and Prefents, and Wri- 
 tings to be returned to the Vice-King, and to tell him, That as he might do his 
 own will and.pleafure, fo he, who was the Inca, was free and _independant of 
 any, and fo would continue. 
 
 But whereas our Lord God had, out of his infinite goodnefs and mercy, de- 
 termined, that that Prince, his Wifeand Children, and Family, mould be ad- 
 mitted into the Bofom of our Mother the Roman Cathoiick Church •, he lb go- 
 verned the Heart of this Prince, that notwithltanding all the Affiightments, 
 and Apprehenfions he conceived of incurring the like Fate with his Ance- 
 ftors, he yet in afhorttime changed his mind, and refolved to throw himfelf, 
 ai d Ins Good Fortune, on the Faithfulnefs, and good Nature of the Spaniards. 
 The which Pakntino confirms, and fays, That after John Sierra, and the others 
 were departed, the Inca difpatched two Indians after them, with Orders to 
 caufe them to return, and give up the Commiflion which was delivered to them- 
 
 Thus did this matter pafs, as this Author relates, tho' with fome difference 
 in refpeft to time, and the method of the feveral proceedings : I for my part 
 fet them down in that Form as they fucceeded, according as they were 
 often related to my Mother, by our Indian Kindred, who came out with 
 the Prince, and made this matter the Subjedl: of their difcourfe at the time 
 of their Vifits. But to be fhort in this Story, the Prince having, with a 
 little time, abated his choller, which the memory of his Father, and Uncle, had 
 raifed in him , he declared his refolutioD to vilit the Vice-King, who per- 
 haps might thereby be inclined to protect, and favour his Royal Stock. 
 Howfoever the Captains defired, and importuned him to be more cautious, 
 and kind to himfelf, than to expofe his life and fafety to the Will and Mer- 
 ry of the Spaniards: But finding the Inca refolute, and determined to go, 
 faying, that it was the Command of the Pachacamac, and of his Father the 
 Sun, the Captains acquiefced, and again had their recourfe to the good 
 and bad Omens, and to confult with Birds, and the Sky, and the weather: 
 and feeing no unlucky appearances, they clofed with the deiires of their Prince, 
 
 and 
 
Book VIII. Kojal Commentaries, yy-j 
 
 aqtd all agreed to go with him to the City of Los Reyes. On his Journey (hither 
 lie was met by the Caciques, and all the Indians of tne Provinces through which 
 he palled, who entertained and feafted him and his Train in the belt manner 
 they were able : But alas, it was all performed with fadnefs, by men who com- 
 pared the prcfent circumftances with the antient grandure of their Incas. The 
 Prince travelled in his Chair, not made of Gold, like that of his Anceftors, 
 but of lefs rich materials, carried by three hundred Indians^ whom he brought 
 with him, and not by thofe who were fubjeeted to the Spaniards. Moreover, 
 by the Advice and Counfel of his Captains, fo foon as he had palled the Con- 
 fines of his own Dominion, he took off the coloured wreath which bound his 
 Head, left that being a Badge and Signal of Soveraignty fhould give offence to 
 the Spaniards, as if he laid claim to the Dominions of which he was deprived. 
 In this manner did this Prince travel, until he came to the City of Los Reyes, 
 where fofocn as he was arrived, he went to make his Complement and Vifit 
 to the Vice-King, who (as Valentino faith in thefe words) was attending for 
 him at his own Houfe ; and when he came in, he received him kindly, and arofe 
 up to him, and caufed him to fit in a Chair equal with his. By the Difcourfes 
 which palled between them, the Prince gave all the indications of a wife and 
 prudent perfon, and worthy to be accounted of that Line from whence he was 
 defcended. Thus far this Author. 
 
 Two days afterwards the Archbifhop of the City invited him to Dinner, 
 when by direction of the Chief Governours, it was ordered, That with the 
 Defert, or laftCourfe, the Archbifhop Don Geronimode Loayfa fhould deliver to 
 the Prince the Inftrument whereby his Pention and Allowance was fettled ; fup- 
 pofmg that being reached to him by fuch a band, it might ferve to enhance the 
 eftimation of the Prefent. But fome who feldom fpeak well of any man, re- 
 ported, that the Archbifhop fhewed hlmfelf officious in this matter, in hopes 
 by this Prefent to gain another from the lnca in Gold, and Silver, and Eme- 
 rolds, or fuch like fooleries. But the lnca, wifely returned a Mathematical de- 
 monftration to the Archbifhop, and the Guefts invited thither, fufficient to an- 
 fwer their Expectations : for after the Cloth was taken away, the Ufher of 
 the Hall brought the Inftrument of Settlement, which affigned a maintenance 
 for fupport of the lnca and his Family, in a greac Bafon of gilded Plate : which 
 when the Prince had heard, and had underftood the Contents thereof, he ga- 
 thered the end of the Carpet in bis Hand which covered the Table, and which 
 was made of Velvet, with a deep Fringe of Silk at the bottom, and fqueezing 
 the folds hard with his Hand, he held it up, and faid, All this Cloth with the 
 Furniture thereof was mine, and now they pay me with a thread thereof, for 
 fupport of my felf and my whole Family. With which the Dinner and Entertain- 
 ment ending, the Archbifhop, and the Guefts who were with him, greatly 
 wondered at the aptnefs of thecomparifon, fo well fitted to the prefent matter. 
 
 C H A P. XI. 
 
 The Prince Sayri Tupac returns to Cozco, where he is feafted 
 and entertained by his own People. He and his Wife are 
 baptized. The name which he took The fever al Vifits which 
 he made in the City. 
 
 THE Prince having remained fome days in the City of Los Reyes, demanded 
 leave of* the Vice- King, that he might go to Coz.co, which was granted 
 to him, with many offers ot Services and Complements, as formerly : Being 
 on his Journey, he was met in the way, and treated by his Indian Subjects, as 
 formerly : And at his entrance into the City of Huamrnca, he was met by the 
 Citizens of that place, who entertained him, Congratulating and Rejoycing 
 
 with 
 
998 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 with him, for having left the Mountains, and all accompanied him to the lodg- 
 ing which was provided for him. 
 
 The next day a certain Inhabitant of that City, called Michael Afttte, came 
 to make him a Villt, and prefented to him the coloured Wreaih, which he de- 
 clared fie had taken from the King Atahualpa in Caffamarca, when he was 
 made Prifoner by the Spaniards-, and that now he was glad of the occafion to 
 reftore it unto him, as of right belonging to the Heir of that Empire. The 
 Prince outwardly feemed to receive it with many exprellions of Thanks : and 
 it was faid, That he paid a good reward for it, in Gold, and Silver, and Jew- 
 els. But we may believe other wife, and that this Prefent was difpleafing, as 
 the Prince often lignified in fecret, and that it was abominable and odious to 
 him, for having belonged to Atahualpa: For all the Kindred of the Prince 
 were of opinion, that the War, Rebellion, and Tyranny which Atahualpa 
 made upon Huatcar the lawful King, had been the caufe of ruine and deftrufti- 
 on of the whole Empire: and for that reafon, that the Wreath ought to be 
 burned, which that Auca or Traytor had worn, who had deftroyed them 
 and their Poflerity. This, and much more on thh Subject our Kindred related 
 to my Mother, when they came to Coz.co, and made her their Vifits. 
 
 The Prince having palled Huamanca, by eafie Journies came at length to Coz.- 
 co 7 and lodged in the Houfe of his Aunt Donna Beatrix., which was on the back 
 fide of my Fathers dwelling, to which place all thofe of the Royal Blood 
 both men and women reforted to welcome him to the Imperial City : and I my 
 felf went in the name of my Father, to ask leave that he might perfonally 
 come and pay his rejpects to him ; I found him then playing at a certain game 
 ufed amongR the Indians, of which'I have given an account in the firft part of 
 thek Commentaries •, I killed hisHands,and delivered my Meflage ; he commanded 
 me to fit down, and prefently they brought two guilded Cups of that Liquor, 
 made of Mayz., which fcarce contained four ounces of Drink ; he took them 
 both, and with his own Hand he gave one of them to me j he drank and 
 I pledged him •, which as we have faid, is the cuftom of Civility amongft 
 them. This Ceremony being paft, he asked me, Why I did not meet him at 
 VMcapampa? I anfwered him, Inca, as I am but a Youngman, the Governours 
 make no account of me, to place me in fuch Ceremonies as thefe. How re- 
 plied the Inca, I would rather have feen you than all the Friers and Fathers 
 in Town, though it were the Father in the Frock, or he in the Surplice : 
 and tell my Aunt, That I kifs her Hands, and that fhe fhould not come 
 hither, for I will wait upon ber my felf, and rejoyce at our happy meet- 
 ing. 
 
 In this manner, he entertained me a great while, making many enquiries 
 of my condition, and how I fpent my time ^ and taking my leave of him, he 
 defired me often to vifit him. As I was going away, I made him a fub- 
 miffive bow and reverence, afcer the manner of the Indians, who are of his 
 Alliance and Kindred, at which he was fo much pleafed, that he embraced me 
 heartily, and with much affection, as appeared by his Countenance. At that 
 time all the Caciques, and as many Indian Officers as were from Cozxo to the 
 Choreas, (which is a Tract of Land reaching 200 Leagues in length, and above 
 120 in breadth) were then prefent, and all attending on the Inca; for 
 whofe fake the Feafts and Rejoycings which they made were celebrated 
 with more Joy and Solemnity than in the parts and places of the Journey, 
 through which they had paired : though others of more wife and fober temper' 
 were greatly troubled toconfider the meannefs and poverty of their Prince and 
 that fuch Maygames as thofe were invented to exprefs his Grandure. 
 
 whileft thefe Shews were atfing, the Prince defired, that he might be ad- 
 mitted to Baptifm, and that my Lord, and Father Garcilafo might be his God- 
 father, as it had formerly been agreed amongft them, but he being then very 
 weak and fick was not able to perform this Office, fo that another Gentleman 
 one of the molt antient and pincipal Citizens called Alonfo de fjinojofa a Na- 
 tive of Truxillo, was fubftituted in his place ; with this Inca Sayri Tupac 
 his Wife named Cufi Huarcay was alio baptized; who (as Palentmo 
 faith ) was the Daughter of Huafcar Inca; perhaps rather fhe might be 
 his Niece, for to have been his Daughter, fhe muft at kaft have been 
 
 thirty 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 95^ 
 
 thirty two years of Age : For Jtuhunlfa took Htutfcar Prifoner in the year 1 528, 
 and the Spaniards entered into thac Empire 1530, and as others will have it 
 1531 j and when the/w.?, and his wife the Infanta were baptized, it was in 
 the year 1558-, which being at the end thereof, the Infanta according to 
 this account mult be above 30 years of age ; whereas, in reality, when fhe 
 was baptized, fhe was not above 1 7 years old, fo it muft have been an Errour 
 in the Calculation, by calling her Daughter inftead of Niece. She was a Woman 
 of great Beauty, and had been much more Comely, had fhe been fair ; but that 
 tawny Complexion, which is common to the Women of that Countrey, much a- 
 bates that fweetnefs of Air, and thofe good features which are natural to them. 
 The Prince Sayri Tupac had a fancy to have the name of Diego f which is James) 
 fuperadded to him at his Baptifm, in refpect to that glorious Apoftle St. James , 
 who according to a Tradition received from his Father, and his Captains, ap- 
 peared miraculoufly in favour and defence of the Spaniards, when they were 
 befieged in that City. The Inhabitants of the City honoured the day of the In- 
 c-t's Baptifm with the fport of Bulls, and throwing Darts, and other fignals of 
 joy, appearing in rich Attire and coftly Liveries. I my felf am an Eye-witnefs 
 thereof> having been a chief Ador in thefe divertifements. After thefe Felti- 
 vals were over, and that the Caciques had made their Vifits ; the Inca remained 
 fomedaysin the Converfation of his Friends, and enjoyment of himfelf with 
 eafe and plenty, during which time he vifited that famous Fortrefs which his 
 Anceftors had built ; much admiring to fee it fallen to decay, and partly de- 
 moiifhed by thofe, whofe Glory and Honour it was to have kept up iuch a Mo- 
 nument and Trophy of their Conquefts j as this Hiftory teftifies. He alfo 
 vifited the Cathedral Church, and the Convent of our Lady of the Merceds, and 
 of St. Francis, and St. Domwickj in all which hj adored the moft Holy Sacra- 
 ment, calling it Pachacamac, Pachacamac, (which is God of Heaven and Earth.) 
 And with the like profound Reverence he worlhipp;d the Image of our Lady, 
 calling it Mother of God. Tho'fome malitious Men, who fpeak well of none, 
 feeing him with gre3t Devotion on his knees before the Molt Holy Sacrament 
 in the Church of St. Dommick^ faid, that he was worshipping the Sun his Fa- 
 ther, and the bodies of his Anceftors which were interred in that Church.He alfo 
 vifited the Houfes of the Sele<ft Virgins dedicated to the Sun : but pafTed by the 
 habitation of his Anceftors,which were totally demolifhed,and other newEdifices 
 eredled by the Spaniards in their places. All thefe particulars were not perfor- 
 med in a day, nor in a week, but in many; making thefe vifits his recreati- 
 on, and paftime, to fill up his vacant hours. And having pafTed feveral Months 
 in this manner, he went to the Valley of Tucay, rather to enjoy the Air, and 
 delights of that Pleafant Garden formerly belonging to his Anceftors, than 
 in regard to any Claim or Propriety he had therein. And there he continued 
 during the fhort time of his Life, which did not continue above three 
 years afterwards. He left a Daughter, which was afterwards married 
 to a Spaniard called Martin Garcia de Loyola, of whom we fliall fpeak at large 
 in its due place, and of the manner how he ended his days. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 The Vice- King raifes, and maintains Horfe and Foot for 
 fecurity of the Empire. Four of the antient Conquerours 
 dye a natural Death. 
 
 THE Vice-King, having acquitted himfelf of the importunities of thofe 
 who pretended to Lands and Eftates in reward of their Services, by ex- 
 pelling them out of Peru; having alfo put thofe to death who had fided 
 
 with 
 
IO oo Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 with Hernandez. O,ron in his Rebellon •, and i educed the Prince, who was Heir 
 to the Empire unto the Service, and Obedience of his Catholick Majefty ; which 
 were all great things, and of high importance : He in the next place, raifed 
 Handing Forces of Horfe and Foot, tofecure the Empire in peace, and to de- 
 fend the Power of the Courts of Juftice, and hisownPerfon. The Horfemen 
 he called Lances, and the Footmen Mufqueteers; to every Lance he affigned a 
 Penfion of "athoufand Pieces of Eight a year, with condition to maintain him- 
 felf, Horfe, and Arms, without other charge, the which were 70 in number : 
 The Mufqueteers were to be 200, at five hundred pieces of Eight a year, who 
 were to be at all times in areadinefs, and to maintain and keep their Mufquets 
 and other Arms bright and well fixed. Thefe men were to be chofen out of 
 thofe who were of approved Loyalty, and faithfulnefs to the Service of his 
 Majefcy, tho' many gave them a different Character, and termed them Perfons, 
 who,if they had had their due,had been fit only for the Gallies,having been actu- 
 ally engaged in the Rebellions of Hernandez. Giron, and Don Stbafttan de CaffULa, 
 and who for the Murders they had committed, and the blood they had fpilt in 
 private quarrels amongit themfelves, had often deferved the Gallows •, but 
 all was fmothered up> and the Vice-King's Commands obeyed: And 
 now the Kingdom being quiet, and freed of thofe fears to which it was 
 fubjefted by the Seditions and Mutinies of a company of rafh and rebellious 
 Souldiers-, rhe Vice-King bended his thoughts towards publick Edifices, and 
 to matters of good Government : And at leifure hours he paffed his time in 
 honeft Pleafures, and innocent Recreations: And herein he was much diver- 
 ted by znlndtanBoy of about 14 or 15 years of Age, who pretended to be 
 a Jefter, and of a very facetious and pleafant Humour •, He was prefented to 
 the Vice-King, who took great delight to hear him talk, and utter his little 
 impertinencies, part in the Indian, and part in a corrupted Spanifl) Tongue ; 
 and particularly, when he would fay your Excellency, he would fay your Pe- 
 ftilency, which made the Vice-King laugh heartily •, and fome then in Com- 
 pany, who joyned in laughter with him, would fay that that Title was more 
 correfponding to him than the other, if it were rightly confidered, how great 
 a Plague and Peftilence he had been to thofe whom he had killed, and to their 
 Children whofe Eftates he had confifcated : and to thofe whom he banifhed out 
 of Peru, and fent them into Spain, Poor, Naked, and Forlorn, whom it had been 
 a Mercy to have killed, rather than to have treated in thac inhumane man- 
 ner. And with fuch reflections as thefe, evil Tongues afperfed all the actions 
 of the Vice-King, as if Rigour and Seventy v/ere not agreeable to the Nature 
 and Conftitntions of the People of Peru. 
 
 Amidft thefe various Revolutions of good and bad Fortune within this 
 Kingdom, the Marfhal Alonfode jilvarado, after a long and tedious Sicknefs 
 contracted by Grief and Melancholly, dyed : For after the defeat which 
 he received at the Battel of Cbu^umca , he fcarcely enjoyed an hour of 
 contentment, but pined, and macerated away , till the Lamp of his Life 
 was totally extinguifhed : And becaufe the manner of his Death 
 was fomething extraordinary, 'twill not be impertinent to recount it in this 
 place , which was thus. When he was in his laft Agony of death, and 
 ready to give up theGhoft, they removed him out of his Bed, and laid him 
 upon a Carpet in the fame Chamber, and by him a Crofs made in Afhes, 
 according to the Cuftom of the Knights of St. J ago , or St. James : And 
 having layen a fhort time upon the Carpet , he feemed to revive , and 
 come to himfelf i fo that they returned him again to his Bed ; where 
 after a fhort time falling into a like fit, his Attendants laid him out on the 
 Carpet in the fame manner as before ; and then coming out of his Leipo- 
 thymy* and feeming better, was again laid into his Bed ; and fo between 
 the Carpet, and the Bed, he continued for the fpace of forty days, to the 
 great labour and trouble of his Servants, until at length he breathed his 
 laft. A fhort time afterwards his eldeft Son dyed, by whofe deceafe the 
 Eftate, which defcended to him from his Father, came to devolve to the 
 Crown • But his Majefty, confidering the great Services which the Marfhal 
 had done, was pleafed to continue it to his fecond Son : which was a fa- 
 vour granted to very few in that Empire. 
 
 Tfie 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries, i o o i 
 
 The death of Dun Alonfo de Alvarado, was feconded by that of John Julio 
 de Hojeda, a Noble perfon, and one of the Ancient Conquerours, and one of 
 the Prime Citizens, and of the firft Rank in Cozco : He was married to Don- 
 na Leonora de Tordoya, Niece to Garptiajfa de la Vega, being Daughter to his 
 Eldeft Brother, by whom he had Don Gomtz. de Tordoya, who was Heir to his 
 Eftate. Some few Months afterwards dyed my Lord and Father GarfilaJJb de 
 la Vega, after a long ficknefs of two years and a half, with feveral intervals 
 and changes : For feeming once perfectly cured, he mounted on horfe-back 
 and went into the City, as one in good and found health •, and thus con- 
 tinuing for the fpace of three or four Months, his illnefs returned upon him 
 again, and confined him for as long a time to his Chamber, where he 
 remained until the time of his Deceafe ; and, according to his laft Will and 
 Teftament, he was buried in the Convent of St. Francis. 
 
 In thofe days it was the Cuftom to make very folemn Funerals, carrying 
 the Corps three times round the Parade, or publick place j and for every 
 turn which was made, a high Pedeftal was railed, whereon to repofethe Body, 
 whilft the Refponfes were finging ; and then another ftand was erected in the 
 Church, whereon to lay the Corps, during the time whilft they celebrated 
 the Office for the Dead. But in regard, that before all thefe Ceremonies 
 could be performed, it was tedious, and troublefome to the Prieft and 
 People ; It was ordered by GarplaQb, that the former pun&illio's ftiould be 
 omitted, and that his Body ftiould be laid on a Carpet, with a black Cloth 
 over it, without Pedeftals, or Stands, which were troublefome, and charge- 
 able to erect •, which being accordingly obferved, as he had dirtfted : All 
 others following the fame Example, to the great eafe of the People. 
 
 When I was arrived in Spain, I there received a Bolle from his Holinefs 
 giving Licenfe to take up the Bones of my Father, and tranfport them in- 
 to Spain j which accordingly was performed, and his Reliques brought over 
 to him, which I depofited in the Church of St. Ifidoro in Sevtle, where they 
 now remain buried, to the Glory and Honour of our Lord God ; whofe mercy be 
 upon us. Amen. 
 
 This Mortality was a year afterwards followed by the death of Lorenfo 
 de Aldana, after a long and grievous ficknefs \ he never had been married, 
 nor ever had any natural Sons. By his laft Will and Teftament he left 
 his Lands to his Heir, that therewith he might be enabled to pay fuch Fines, • 
 and Taxes, and Tributes, which ftiould afterwards be laid upon -them. He 
 was a very .Noble and Generous perfon, and one of the fecond Adventurers, ' 
 who entered into Peru with Don Pedro de Alvarado. Some fhort time after the 
 War of Con$alo Pifarro was ended, two young Gentlemen of his Kindred, j 
 tho' not very nearly allyed, came over to him in that Country, whom he 
 kindly received, and treated as if they had been his own Sons. At the end 
 of three years that thefe young Men had been with him, he thought it fit 
 to put them into fome way of livelyhood, and in order thereunto, he gave 
 them a Stock, and fent them to his Steward, to teach them how, and in 
 what manner they might employ and improve it ; for according to the 
 Cuftom of that Country, whilft there was no War, nor Expeditions on 
 new Difcoveries ; it was no difparagement to a Gentleman, to trade and feek 
 ways of gain, rather than to fit idle, and without bufinefs. And fo he gave 
 them ten thoufand pieces of Eight, which are twelve thoufand Ducats," ad- 
 vifing them that it was their Stock, which with good husbandry they might 
 increafe to a confiderable benefit ; and which he believed they would have re- 
 ceived kindly from him, and with thanks : but thefe young Sparks fcornful- 
 Iy rejected the Offer, and told him, That it was a difhonour and fhame, for 
 Gentlemen of their Quality, to buy and fell like Merchants •, and tho' the 
 Steward acquainted them, that the moft noble Spaniards in that Country, 
 were ufed to trade with the Natives of the Country, and to buy up their 
 Commodities, fuch as the Herb Citca, and Maya, and fend them to the 
 Mines of Plate at Potocf, for provifions to fupport the People which la- 
 boured there : Which was no difhonour for the beft Men to do ; and was 
 not of the fame nature apd efteem with thofe who fate in Shops, and 
 meafured out Cloth and Silks by the yard. And if they thought it too 
 mean alfo to deal like other perfons of Quality, they might act by their 
 
 M m m m m m Indian 
 
ioo2 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 Indian Servants, whole lnduftry and Faithfulnefs chey might entruft with 
 all confidence. But they anfwered, That they would upon no Terms what- 
 soever fo far abafe and degrade themfelves:, for being Gentlemen, they 
 more efteemed their Gentility, than all the Gold and Silver in Peru. The 
 which Anfwerthe Steward making known to his Mafter, and how much the 
 young Gentlemen flood on the Punctilio's of their Noble Blood ; their 
 good Kinfman Lorenzo de Aldana, with much calmnefs made anfvver, Jfthe/e 
 are fuch Gentlemen, how come they fo poor ? And if they are fo poor, how come they 
 - fuch Gentlemen} So Aldana never troubled his Kinfmen, nor himfelf farther, 
 to put them in a way of livelyhood, but fufFered them to pafs meanly, 
 and in necefiity, as I have feen them •, tho' not fo much as to want Diet, 
 or Cloathing. For when they c%me from Arequepa to Cozco, they lodged in 
 the Houfe of my Lord Garfilajfo, where they were provided with all things 
 necellary •, and when they pafled to other Cities, the Houfes of their Coun- 
 try-men of Eftremadura were always open to them ;, for in thofe days the 
 very name of a Country-man, was fufficient to make them as welcome, as 
 if they had been Sons, or the neareft relation to a Family. Thefefour Gen- 
 tlemen, whom we have mentioned in this place, were all of the Ancient 
 Conquerours of Peru who dyed in their Beds of a natural Death j the which 
 we fpecifie as a thing rare, and ftrange ; for as appears by the preceding 
 Hiftory, there is not an Example of any who have dyed in this manner, 
 but all have come to their Ends by violent deaths. Wherefore thefe wor- 
 thy Perfons, having been Conquerours, and Planters of this Empire, and 
 dying in a Happy and Blefled manner, were greatly lamented by the 
 People, for the lingular Vertue, Honour, and Goodnefs, with which they 
 were endued. 
 
 Tho' there were no exprefs Law of God, which fliould command us to 
 honour our Parents, yet the Law of Nature teaches it to the moft bar- 
 barous People of the World, and inclines them to omit no occafion where- 
 by to exprefs the Duty and RefpecT: they owe to them. The which con- 
 Jideration, incited by Divine and Humane Laws, and even enftamped on 
 the Hearts of Heathens, obliges me to publifh the Vertues of my Father 
 after his Death, which I had not opportunity to do, during the tinie of 
 his Life. And that the Praifes, and Commendations, which I attribute 
 to my Father, may not feem partial, and proceeding from AfFeclion; I 
 will here repeat an Elogitm made by a Fryer, of a devout and religious 
 Life, which he delivered after his death, for the Comfort and Confola- 
 tion of his Children, and Friends, and as an Example for other perfons 
 to imitate. 1 fhould here name the good Man, who wrote this Oration, 
 but he engaged me not to do it, but to conceal him when I publifhed 
 the Writing: and I wifli I were not under that Engagement, that by his 
 Authority, the praifes of my Father might appear the more Authentick. 
 I (hall omit the Exordium, and the many Oratorical Flights, and Colours 
 he ufes. And, as becomes an Hiftorian, I (hall be very fhort in this pi- 
 ous Digrefilon. 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 1003 
 
 A Funeral Oration made by a Religious Perfon in Honour 
 oiGarrilajfo de la Vega, my Lord, after his Death. 
 
 Reader, 
 
 T His Speech or Oration is filled with fitch Doxologies, and Rodomontadoes , after 
 the Spanifll>»<*«»er, at neither agree with the ftyle of an Hiftorian, nor with 
 rkEnglifh humour, unlefs I intended to expofe my Spaniard, and render him as fan- 
 tafiicalas the vainefi of his Country. men. I have therefore thought fit to pafs it by 
 lefi in firaining our Englifh above its k&y , itjhouldhear no harmony in confort with 
 the Spanifh Language-, and fo wefiiall proceed unto 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Wherein is treated of thofe, who, for demanding a reward for 
 
 their Services, were banijhed into Spain 5 and what Favour 
 
 and Grace his Majefty beftowed upon them. Don Garcia 
 
 de Mendo^a is fent Governour unto Chile 5 and of the 
 
 Skirmijh he had there with the Indians. 
 
 BUT to return now to the Petitioners^ who, for demanding a Reward in 
 Lands, for their paft Services, were (as we have faid) banifli'd into Spain ; 
 they at length arrived there poor, naked,and almoft famifhed : And in this guife 
 they prefented themfelves in the Court before the King, Don Philip the Second, 
 which moved great Companion in all thofe who were acquainted with their 
 Story, and how they had been banilhed, and ill treated for doing their Duty, 
 and demanding a Reward of their Services. But his Majefty was more gracious 
 to them, giving a Penfion to as many of them, as would return to the Indies, 
 out of his Royal Exchequer, that they might have nothing to do with the Vice- 
 King, nor need to make Addrefles, or Petitions to him: And as many of 
 them as defired to remain in Spain, he gratified with Allowances agreeable to 
 their Condition, that is, with more or lefs, according to their Services ; and 
 fo I found them provided for, when I came into Spain ; which was fome fhort 
 time after thefe matters were tranfacted. Their Money was afligned them 
 upon the Cuftom-houfe at Sevile j the leaft that any of them had, was 480 Du- 
 cats of yearly Penfion ; and as their Merits were, fo were their Allowances to 6 t 
 800, and a thoufand, to 1200 Ducats, to remain Annuities to them for all the 
 days of their Lives. A while afterwards, his Majefty being acquainted with 
 the Difcourfe s which were commonly made in the City of Los Reyes, touching 
 the hard ufage of the banilhed Souldiers ; to prevent farther Mutinies there, 
 and other Diforders which might arife, by reafon of the Severity , and Rigour 
 of the Vice-King, his Majefty was pleafed to provide himfelf with another Go- 
 vernour for Perw, named Don Diego de Az.euedo, a Gentleman endued with all 
 qualities of Vertue and Goodnefs, from whom the Counts of Fuentes are de- 
 fended. But whilft he was preparing for his Voyage, he died of a natural 
 death, to the great grief of all thofe of Peru, who upon the news thereof, much 
 lamented themfelves, faying, that they had not deferved a Vice-King fo good 
 and fo qualified, and therefore God had matched him away from them -into 
 Heaven : And this was the common faying, as I'have heard amongft the 
 Grave and Wife Men of that Country. But in regard this Gentleman did not 
 pafs into Peru, we do not find his Name in the Lift of the Vice-Kings, which 
 were tranfported into that great Kingdom. In the mean time whilft thefe 
 matters were tranfadingin the Court of Spain,tbe Vice-King of Peru, difpatch- 
 ed away his Son Don Garcia de Mendopa for Governour, and Captain General 
 
 Mmmmmm 2 of 
 
I00 j_ Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 ot the Kingdom of Chile, which was become vacant by the Death of GerommHs 
 de Aldertte, who died ou his way thither of grief, to think th^t 800 Perfons 
 perithed in the Galeon by his fault, and the fault of his Sifter-in-Law •, for he 
 knew well, that if it had not been in confideration of him, the Mailer of the Ship 
 would not have given Licenfe to that Religious Woman to keep a Candle in 
 her Cabin by night, which was the deftrudlion of the Veflel, and of all thofe 
 therein. The advancement of Don Garcia de Mendofa, to that Charge and 
 Truft, was pleafmg to all thofe Gf Peru ; fo that many Souldiers, and Perfons 
 ofEftates, offered themfelves freely to accompany him in that Expedition, 
 knowing that it would be a Service acceptable to hisMajefty, and to the Vice- 
 Kiv.g.Santillian the Chief Judge of the Chancery ,was appointed Deputy Gover- 
 nour to Don Garcia, and to direct and guide him j and he was earneftly intreated 
 to accept of this Office. Great preparations were made over all the Kingdom 
 for this Journey, of Armes, Horfes, Cloaths, and other Ornaments, which 
 coft very dear in this Country, where all the Commodities of Spain are raifed 
 to a vafl price. The Vice-King alfo appointed three other Gentlemen of Qua- 
 lity for three feveral parts, which wei'e within that Conqueft ^namely , Gomez. 
 Arias, John de Salinas, and Anton de Jz.nayo, every one of which was very ftudi- 
 ousto difcharge his Duty in his Office reflectively. 
 
 Don Garcia de Mendofa being gone to his Government, attended, as we have 
 faid, with a great number of Choice and Select Perfons : So foon as he was 
 in the pofTeffion thereof, he fpeedily defigned the Conqueft of the Indian Aran- 
 cos, who were become very infolent and proud by thofe Victories which they had 
 gained over the Spaniards : The firft was that over Don Pedro de Valdivia, which 
 was followed by ibme others afterwards, which are written in Verfe by the 
 Poets of thofe times, which had been much more properly delivered in 
 Profe, for then we might have given Credit thereunto, more than we can to 
 the Fiftions of Poetry. 
 
 The Governour having in a fhort time provided himfelf with all things ne- 
 ceflary for the War, entered into the rebelled Provinces with a number of 
 brave Men, Arms, Amunition and Provifions, for the Enemy had carried away 
 every thing, leaving the Country naked, and without any Suftenance for an 
 Army. They had not entered very far into thefe parts, but the Indians had fit- 
 ted an Ambufh for them, and had compofed a Vanguard of 5000 Indians, with 
 orders r.ot to fight, nor come within any danger of being forced by the Enemy 
 to an engagement. The Spaniards, being informed by their Scouts and Spyes 
 lent abroad ,that the Indians fled before them, without any flop or flay in a fetled 
 place •, gave order to purfue them with all convenient fpeed, and yet with 
 iuch Caution, as not to be entrapped by their Ambufhes, or Surprifals ; 
 for the Governour, at the time he firft entered into that Country, had been 
 forewarned by thofe who had been acquainted with the Stratagems which 
 thofe People ufe in the War, by skirmilhing, and flying, to be always circum- 
 fpect, and doubtful of them. Howfoever lb eager was the Governour to pur- 
 fue the Enemy, in hopes toxally to deftroy them, and by a bloody Daughter of 
 them to difcourage the reft from making farther oppofition, that he made 
 little ufe of the Caution which was given him ; for leaving his Camp, and 
 Tent?, he followed the Enemy a whole day, and a night ; and being remo- 
 ved at a good diftance from thence, out came the Indians from their holes 
 and places, where they had been hidden, and feized on the Camp without any 
 oppolltion, and plundered and carried away all the Baggage, and Neceffaries 
 belonging to the Army. With the News hereof the Governour was forced to 
 give over his chafe,and fee to recover what the Enemy bad plundered from him ; 
 bat it was too late.for they were returned to their fecret Holds,and to the places 
 where they had concealed their booty paft all recovery. The news of this fuccefs 
 came toft? ",almoft as foon as that of tlieGovernours arrival in the feat of hisGc- 
 vsrnment, fo that all the World wondered at this fudden accident, and how in fo 
 fhort a time the Indians fhould be fuch Gainers, and the Spaniards fiich Lofers, for 
 they had loft all theirBaggage,even to their very Shim,and wearingCloaths. To 
 repair this difafter, the Vice- King fent away with all fpeed new Recruits of all 
 tilings that were necefTary,in which he expended out of the King's Treafury vaft 
 funis ofGoldancSilver,atwhichPeople much murmured,as/ > rf/f«.'/«ofaith,meaning 
 the lidt expence which was made, when Don Garcia went to his Government of 
 
 cm. 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 
 
 Chili, but mentions not this fecond charge, occalioned by theRebbery which the 
 Indians had made upon him, which was more dilplealing than the former and 
 moved People to fay, That the Vice-King, for the fake of his Son, had exhauft- 
 ed the Kings Exchequer of all the Treafure. But as to what fucceeded after- 
 wards ia the Kingdom of Chile, we (hall leave to other Writers ; and confine 
 our felves to the Territories of Peru, having expatiated our felves from thence 
 no farther, than only to touch on the departure of the Vice-Kings Son from 
 thence, and the death of Loyola. Thofe who think fit to write the Hiftory of 
 that Kingdom, will find fubjecT: enough whereon to enlarge their Difcourfes on 
 a War, which hath continued already for fifty eight years between the Indians 
 and Spaniards ; that is, The Ar.aucans rebelled towards the end of the year 
 1553, andnow we are in the year 161 1, and the Wars not as yet ended We 
 might here recount the unhappy death of the Governour Francifco de Kllaara 
 with 200 Spaniards more j which happened on that ridge of Mountains, which 
 hath ever fince had the name oiKllagra. We might here alfo tell of the death 
 of Major General John Rodulfo with 200 men with him, whom they killed on 
 the Bogg or Marfhof Puren. I could wifh to have been informed of the feve- 
 ral particular fucceffes of thefe Affairs, and many greater which happened in 
 this warlike Kingdom, that I might have added them to this Hiftory. But I do 
 not doubt, where People have been born with fuch Martial Spirits, but that 
 the fame Countrey will produce in future Ages, Sons of her own, endued with 
 a Spirit and Genius of Learning capable to write their own Hiftory : And it 
 (hall be my Prayer to God, That Knowledge and Learning may flourifh in all 
 that famous Kingdom. 
 
 1005 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 The Heirs of thofe who were put to Death for fiding with Fran- 
 cifco Hernandez Giron in his Rebel/ions, are reftoreci to 
 their Eftates and Plantations* Pedro de Orfua attempts 
 the Conquefi of the Amazons. His End and Death, with 
 many others with him. 
 
 THE Vice-King Don Andres de Hortado, feeing thofe men whom he had ba- 
 nifhed from Peru, for demanding a Reward of their paft Services, nowa- 
 gain returned with Penfions alfigned on the Treafure of his Majefty, and on the 
 Cheft of the three Keys, he wondered much at the fuccefs, not imagining by 
 what intereft it could have been procured for them : but more ftrange it feemed 
 to him, to hear of the coming of a new Vice-King to fucceed him in that Office. 
 This change of Fortune caufed him to change his Humour, and convert much of 
 that haughty and fevere Spirit which was natural to him, into a Gentlenefs and 
 Lenity more becoming the Office of a great Minifter: and in this good temper 
 he continued to the end of his life, which was fo extraordinary, that thofe who 
 obferved it, would fay, That if he had begun as he ended, he would have proved 
 the moft admirable Governour that ever had been in the World. Thus when 
 the Kingdom obferved this great change in the Vice-King, the Country in 
 peace and quietnefs, and the rigour of the Juftices converted into an affable 
 and complying Humour j thofe who had been lately opprefled by the heavy 
 Hand of Juftice, affumed the courage to demand fatisfadtion for the evils and 
 damages they had fuftained. Accordingly the Sons and Heirs of thofe Citizens, 
 who had been- executed for being engaged in the Rebellion of Hernandez.-, made 
 claims of their Eftates, laying before the Juftices the Inftruments of Pardon, 
 which h?.d been given to their Fathers: and fo followed the fuit, that after fe- 
 veral hearings and reviews of their Caufe, they obtained Sentence to have their 
 Lands, and Commands over Indians reftored to them, together with all other 
 
 Confifcations 
 
1 006 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 Confifcations of their Eftates: and thus did they obtain a reftitution of their In- 
 dians which the Vice-King had divided, and conferred on either Spaniards to in- 
 creafe and better their Eftates. At all which the Vice-King was in great trou- 
 ble and perplexity : For not only did hefufTer the affront to have his own Or. 
 ders repealed, but alfo lay under an obligation of making fatisfaction to thofe 
 who were difpoflefled, by fome other returns, or equivalents to be made them. 
 All that hath been faid in this matter, 1 fawmy felf tranfacted in Cqz.co, and the 
 like palled in other Cities, where the fame rigour of Juftice had been put in 
 practice ; as namely, in Huamanca, Arequepa, the Charcas, and the New Planta- 
 tion. Sofoonas it was generally known that the aforefaid Sentence was re- 
 pealed, and that the Heirs were reftored again to the pofleffion of their Lands ; 
 the Spaniards took a liberty to report, That this courfe was taken without any 
 order from his Majcfty, or direction from the Council of the Indies, but meerly 
 by the Power and arbitrary Will of the Vice-King, intending by fuch feveri- 
 ties to Ihew his Power, and fecure himfelf from all Mutinies and Confpiracies 
 for the future. But the Vice-King being now of another Humour, and pro- 
 ceeding with that gentlenefs and good temper which we have before mentioned ; 
 was pleafed to grant unto a certain Gentleman of Worth and Virtue, and of an 
 agreeable Perfon, named Pedro de Orfua, a Licenfe to make a Conqueft of the 
 Country of the Amaz.ons, which runs along the River Marannon, which is the 
 lame we have mentioned before, where Franafco Oreilana deferring Gonpalo Pi- 
 farro came into Spain, and begged of his Majefty the aforefaid Conqueft, but 
 he died in the way, and never put his Enrerpi ife into Action. In purfuance 
 of this Grant Pedro de Orfua went from Coz.co to Quit* to raife .Souldiers, who 
 were willing to adventure on new Conquefts : For in Pern all the Lands were mea- 
 fured out, and divided amongft the Antient Conquerours, and men of Merit in 
 that Empire: He alfo gathered all the Arms and Provilions he was able,to which 
 the Citizens, and Inhabitants of thofe Cities.largely contributed by their Bounty 
 and Liberality ; for fo obliging was Pedro de Orfua in his carriage towards eve- 
 ry one, as engaged their Affections to render him all the Afliftancesand Services 
 they were able. Many Souldiers attended him from Coz.co ; amongft which was one 
 called Don Fernando de Gnomon, with whom I was acquainted, he was lately come 
 from Spam ; and there was another, who had been an old Souldier called Lope de 
 Agnire, a fellow of an ill lhapen Body, and of worfe Conditions and Practices, as 
 are defcribedin a Book of the Elogies of Worthy and Illuftrious per fans, written by 
 John de Cajtellanos a Secular Prieft, who had a Benefice in the City of Titnja, in 
 the new Kingdom of Granada. Thefe Elogies, though written in Verfe, are yet 
 a true Hiftory, and wherein he fills fix Cantos with the expedition of Pedro de 
 Orfu, and how he marched with 500 men well armed and appointed, together 
 with a confiderable body of Horfe. He alfo relates the manner of his death, 
 how he was killed by his own Souldiers, and his molt intimate Friends, that 
 they might enjoy a beautiful Lady, whom Orfua carried for a Companion with 
 him , the which paffion of Love hath been the ruin of many brave Captains in 
 the World, fuch as Hanmbal,znd others. The principal Actors in this Tragedy 
 were Don Fernando de Guzman, Lope de Aguire, and Salduendo, who were in love 
 with this Lady, befides feveral others, whom this Author names ; who alfo far- 
 ther relates, That thefe Traytors fet up Don Fernando for their King, which Ti- 
 tle he was fo vain and foolifhas to" accept, though he had no Kingdom to poffcfsj 
 nor right to any thing but his own ill Fortune, which foon followed him, be- 
 ing killed by the fame Friends who had promoted him to his Royal Dignity : 
 And then Aguire took upon himfelf the Government, which he fo well exer- 
 cifed, that at feveral tiroes he killed above 200 men-, he plundered the Ifland of 
 Margarita, where he commuted moft deteftible Cruelties. Thence he palled 
 over to other Hies near adjacent, where he was overcome by the Inhabi- 
 tants ; but before he would yield himftlf, he killed his own Daughter, wht-m 
 he brought with him, for no other reafon, than that after he was dead, fhe 
 might not be called the Daughter of a Traytor. This was the fum of all thofe 
 Cruelties which indeed were moft Diabolical, and the beginning and ending of 
 this whole Enterprife, which commenced with fo much Gallantry, and mighty 
 Preparations, of which I was in part an Eye-witnefs. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Book VIII. Kojal Commentaries. 1007 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 The Count de Nieva is chofen Vice-King of Peru. He fends 
 a Mejfage to bis Fredecejjor. The Death of the Marquis 
 of Cannete, as alfo of the Count de Nieva. Don Garcia 
 de Mendo?a returns to Spain. The Lawyer Caitro 
 is appointed Governour of Peru. 
 
 WHilft thefe matte r<: were tranfacting in Peru, and that Orfua, and his 
 Fellow adventurers with him, were defeated upon the great River of 
 the Amazons ; his Majefty King Philip the Second, was mindful to provide a 
 New Governour for that Empire j having in the place of that good Man, 
 Don Diego de Azjevedo, who lately dyed, appointed Don Diego de Cunmga and 
 Velafco Count de Nieva, tofucceed in the Office of Vice-King ; who difpatched 
 his Affairs with fuch diligence, thai he departed from Spain in the Month of 
 January 1560, and arrived in Peru in the Month of -April following. So foon 
 as he came to Payta, which is a Town within that Dominion, he difpatched 
 away a Servant of his, with a fhort Letter to the Vice-King, Don Andres Hur- 
 tado de Mendofa, giving him advice of his arrival within the Dominions of 
 Peru, with Commiffion from his Majefty to govern that Country, and that 
 therefore he mould defjft from intermedling further in the Affairs thereof. 
 Don Andres Hurt ado having received intelligence of the coming of this Mefl'en- 
 ger, gave Orders to have him well received, and treated all the Way of 
 his Journey \ and being come to the City of Los Reyes, he had there Honou- 
 rable Lodgings provided for him, with Prefents in Jewels, and Gold, and 
 Silver, to the value of fix and 7000 pieces of Eight, and upwards: But the 
 Meflenger loft all thefe upon a Pique, and Exception which the Vice-King 
 took at the Title of Lordlhip, which was ordered to be given, and not 
 of Excellency ; the which he fo highly refented, and fuffered the thoughts of 
 being flighted, and negle&ed by his Succeflbr, without Reafon/or Juftice, fo 
 far to run in his head ; that it ftrnck him into a deep Melancholly, 
 which fo prevailed on his Spirits, that being a Man of great Years, and not 
 able to ftruggle with the Difeafe, he ended his days before the new Vice-King 
 arrived at Los Reyes : who alfo enjoyed not long the happinefs he expected in 
 his Government, in which he Had not been many Months Seated with the 
 Solemnity ufed on fuch occafions, before a ftrange Accident haftened his 
 Death, of which he was the Author, and brought it upon himfelf. But 
 the manner of it being fcandalous to relate, we fhall leave it as it is, and pro- 
 ceed on to other particulars. 
 
 Don Garcia de Mendofa, who was Governour of Chile, having received in- 
 telligence of the death of his Father, made fuch hafte to return into Peru, 
 and thence to prepare for his Voyage into Spain, that many people re- 
 ported, that he haltned away more out of fear of the Araucans, than ont 
 of a defire he had to affift at the Funeral of his Father : And that with 
 the like precipitation he quitted the Territories of Peru, not to be fub- 
 jeft to the Dominion of another. At length he arrived in -Spain, where 
 he continued until he returned with a Commiffion to be Governour of 
 Peru ; where he impofed that Taxe on the Spaniards , and Indians, 
 which is paid by them unto this day. As to his other ways of gain, 
 his Contracts, and Commerce, we fnall pafs them all by, being not within the 
 compafsof thisHiftory: For my intention being only to write, as far as to 
 the Death of the Prince, who was lawful Heir of that Empire, fecond BVother 
 of Don Dkgo Sayri Tupac, of whofe coming out of the Mountains, his 
 
i oo 8 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 Baptifm and Death we have already given a Narrative: So that now we fhall 
 haften to a conclufion of this Hiftory. 
 
 King Philip the Second having received advice of the unfortunate end of 
 the Vice-King Don Diego deCtmmga, was pleafed to appoint the Lawyer Lope 
 Gar pa de Cafiro, who was Prefident of the Royal Council of the Indies, tofuc- 
 ceed in that Office, of whom we have formerly made mention, onoccailonof 
 the Pretentions which I had in Spain, on fcore of my Father's Merit, which he 
 oppofed. This Lope Garfia de Caflro being a Perfon of great Prudence, and 
 of that Talent of Wifdom which was required to Govern that Empire, was 
 difpatched fuddenly away with Title of Prefident, and General Governour 
 of all that Empire, that fo by his good Conduct, thofe many Confufions 
 might he compofed, and unhappy Accidents rectified, which had been caufed 
 by the fudden Deaths of preceding Governours. And indeed his Wifdom 
 anfwered expectation, for he governed thofe Kingdoms with fuch moderation, 
 and gentlenefs, that he lived to return again into Spain in peace and quietnefs, 
 and to be placed in the fame Chair of the Council, in which he lived with much 
 Honour, and afterwards dyed like a good Chriftian. 
 
 When my Friends underftood that this great Perfon was returned to his 
 Seat in theSupream Council of the Indies, theyadvifed me to renew my Pre- 
 tentions to the right I had unto my Mother's Eftate, on fcore of my Father's 
 Services and Merit: For they were of Opinion, that Cafiro having now feen. 
 and been acquainted with Peru, which my Father had helped to Conquer, and 
 in which my Mother's Aoceftors had a right of inheritance,he might become my 
 Advocate, and change his mind in what he formerly argued againfl me. 
 
 But I having boned, and laid afide all my pretentions, and loft my hopes, 
 could not be perfwaded to leave my Cell, wherein I live with more Security 
 Honour, and Profit ; and where 1 have with God's Afliftance had leifure to 
 write this Hiftory, which tho' it prove little to my Honour and Profit ; yet 
 praifed be God for all. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Don Francifco de Toledo h chofen Vice-King of Peru. 
 • The Causes which were alledged for profecution of the 
 Prince Inca Tupac Amaru. And the imprifonment of 
 . that poor Prince. 
 
 - 
 
 DOn Francifco de Toledo^ fecond Son of the Family oiCount de Oropeta, fuccee- 
 ded Lope Garfia de Cafiro in the Government of Pern, and was' elected 
 thereunto for his great Vertue and Chriftian Piety, being fo devout a Gentle- 
 man, that every eight days he received the moffc Holy Sacrament. He was 
 fenttoPm*, with the Title of Vice-King, and received at Los Reyes, with 
 the State and Solemnity agreeable thereunto: and governed with that' Gen- 
 tlenefs, and Moderation, that no man could take occafion, either to mutiny 
 or rebel. He had fcarce been two years in the Government, when he refol- 
 ved to bring out from the Mountains of Vilkapampa, the Prince Tupac Amaru 
 the Legitimate Heir to that Empire, being the Son of Manco Inca, and Bro- 
 ther of Don Diego Sayri Tupac, of whom we have given a large Relation in 
 this eight Book ; he was the lawful-Heir, becaufe his Elder Brother left no 
 Son, but a Daughter only, of whom we fhall fpeak in due place ; The inten- 
 tion of the Vice- King in this matter was fincere, and real, and with no other 
 defign, (than after the Example of his PredecefTor Don Andres Hurtadode Men- 
 dof.t) w advance his own Honour and Reputation, by an action fo generous 
 and h:foick, as to reduce fuch a Prince to the Service of his Catholick Mejefty 
 and to civilife him as it were,by calling him from the Barbarity of thofe moun- 
 tains, 
 
 y 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. iooq 
 
 tains, where he lived like a Fugitive and a Salvage Perfon. To bring this De- 
 fign about, the Vice- King acted according to the former methods, and fentMef- 
 fengers to him, inviting him to come out of thofe Mountains and live amongft the 
 Spaniards, fmce they were become one People with them ; which offer if he 
 was difpofed to accept, he affined him, that the King would beftow on him the 
 fame Livelyhood and Support that he had formerly given to his Brother. But 
 thefe Propofals did not prevail, according to the hopes conceived, nor anfwer Ex- 
 pectations, for want of thofe Inftruments and Meflengers, both Spaniards and In- 
 dians, which were formerly employ'd. Moreover on the Prince's fide, Greater 
 difficulties prefented, for his Kindred, and Subjects who were with him, affright- 
 ed him with the ftory of his Brother •, telling him,That the Allowance given him 
 by the Spaniards was fmalland inconsiderable, and that the life of his Brother 
 afterwards was very fhort, caufed fas they would infinuate) by Poifon, or fome 
 treacherous or fufpicious manner of dealing ; therefore they advifed the Inca by 
 no means to move out of his Retirement, being more fecure in his Banifhment 
 than in the faithlefs Hands of his Enemies. This Refolution of the Prince be- 
 ing made known to the Vice- King, by thofe Indians who went to, and came from 
 thofe Mountains, of which fort of Informers, there were many who were Do- 
 meftick Servants in the Houfes of Spaniards : His Excellency confidered with his 
 moft intimate Friends of the ways and methods which were to be ufed for redu- 
 cing that Prince to the Terms they required - ? who all agreed, That fince the 
 Inca refufed to accept the fair Conditions which were offered to him ; that they 
 fhould look on him as an Enemy, andprofecute him by force of Arms: For in 
 regard that he having feated himfelf in a Station which much infefted the ways 
 from Coz.co to Humanca and Rimac, where his Indian Subjects pillaged and rob- 
 bed all the Spamfi Merchants and Travellers, which pafled thofe Roads, and 
 committed many other outrages and infolencies like mortal Enemies ; it was 
 but reafon to declare War againft him. Moreover it was the Opinion of the 
 wife Counfellors of thofe times, That many Infurrections might be raifed in 
 that Empire by this young Heir, being countenanced andaffifted by the Incas his 
 Kinfmen, who lived amongft the Spaniards^ and by the Caciques his Subjects, and 
 by thofe very men, who were born of Indian Mothers, though their Fathers were 
 Spaniards ; all which would joyn, and rejoice at a change •, being willing to bet- 
 ter their Fortunes, which were reduced to that mean degree, that moft of them 
 wanted even Bread to fupport the neceffities of Humane Life. 
 
 Moreover it was alled^ed, That by the linprifonment of the Inca, all that 
 Treafure might be difcovered, which appertained to former Kings, together 
 with that Chain of Gold T which Hiiayna Capac commanded to be made for him- 
 felf to wear on the great and folemn days of their Feftival, and efpecially on that 
 day, when he gave a name to his eldeft Son Huafcar, as hath been formerly rela- 
 ted ; all which, as was reported, the Indians concealed. And in regard, that 
 that Chain of Gold with the remaining Treafure belong'd to his CatholickMa- 
 jefty by right of Conqueft, it was Juftice and Reafon to take fuch courfes as 
 might retrieve thofe Riches which the Incas concealed, and had conveyed away 
 from the true Proprietor : Befides all which, many other matters were alledg- 
 ed, which might incite the Vice-King to take the Inca Prifoner. 
 
 Bul to return Anlwer to thofe Accufations which were charged on the Inca. 
 We confefs, that many years paft, in the time of his Father Marico Inca, feveral 
 Robberies were committed on the Road by his Subjects : but ftill they had that 
 fefpect to the Spamjh Merchants, that they let them go free, and never pillag'd 
 them of their Wares and Merchandife, which were in no manner ufeful to 
 them ; Howfoever they robbed the Indians of their Cattel bred in the Country, 
 which they drove to the Markets, being enforced thereunto more out of necef- 
 fity than choice : for their Inca living in the Mountains, which afforded no 
 tame Cattel ; and only produced Tigers, and Lions, and Serpents of twenty 
 five and thirty Foot long, with other venomous Infects (of which we have given 
 a large account in this Hiftory) his Subjects were compelled for the natural fu- 
 ftenance of their Prince, to fupply him with fuch Food as they found in the 
 Hands of Indians : which the Inca Father of this Prince did ufually call his own, 
 faying, That he who was Matter of that whole Empire might lawfully chal- 
 lenge fuch a proportion thereof, as was convenient to fupply his neceflary and 
 natural fupport. But this paffed only in the time of this Inca, and as I remem- 
 
 Nnannn ber 
 
ioio Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 ber when I was a Child, I heard of three or frur fuch Robberies, which were 
 committed by the Indians : But fo foon as that 7»c<tdyed, all was quieted, and 
 no other Spoyls enfued. 
 
 Notwithftanding which, the Vice-King was induced to follow the advice of fome 
 Counfellors, who fuggefted, that the Inca lived in places on the frontiers from 
 which he much annoyed the Spaniardsjakmg away their Cattle, and robbing their 
 Merchants : And that it was impofTible to keep the Indians quiet, and within 
 terms of Peace, whilft the Inca was fo near them, and dayly in their Eye, that to 
 ferve him, they would adventu'e to commit the greateft Outrages they were 
 able. The Vice-King, (as we have faid) being overfwayed by this way of rea- 
 foning, committed the charge of this enterprise to a certain Gentleman, named 
 Marnn Garcia Loyola, who in times paft had performed great Services for his 
 Majefty. Accordingly Sonldiers were raifed, upon pretence that they were to be 
 fent to Chile, for recruirs againft the Araucans, who very much opprefled, 
 and ftreigbtned the Spaniards. About 250 Men being armed, and provided with 
 Weapons offenfive, and defenfive, they marched direftly to Vdlca pampa, the 
 entrance whereunto was made very eafie and plain, after the Prince Don Dte- 
 £o Sayri Tupac had abandoned his Habitation there ; fo that they might go in, 
 and come out from thence without any difficulty. 
 
 The Prince Tupac Amaru having received intelligence, that fome Forces were 
 entered within his Jurifdiftion, he prefently fled twenty Leagues within the 
 Country down a River below the Mountain. The Spaniards inftantly fitted them- 
 ielves with Boats, and Floats, and therewith followed and purfued after him. 
 The Prince confidering that he had not People to make refiftance, and that he 
 was not confeious to himfelf of any Crime, or difturbance he had done or 
 raifed, fuffered himfelf to be taken y chufing rather to entruft himfelf in the 
 hands of the Spaniards, than to perifh in thole Mountains with Famine, or be 
 drowned in thofe great Rivers, which fall and empty themfelves into the Ri- 
 ver of Plate. Wherefore he yielded himfelf into the Power of Captain Martin 
 Loyola, and his Souldiers, in hopes, that when they found him naked, and de- 
 prived of all fubfiftance, they would take Compaflion on him, and allow him 
 the fame Penfion which was given to his Brother Don Diego Sayri Tupac, little 
 fufpeding that they would kill him, or do him any harm, fince he was guilty 
 of no Crime. The Spaniards in this manner feizing on the/»c*, and on all the 
 Indtan Men and Women, who were in Company with him, amongft which was 
 his Wife, two Sons, and a Daughter, returned with them in Triumph to Coz.- 
 co ; to which place the Vice-King went, fo foon as he was informed* of the im- 
 piifonment of this poor Prince. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Procefs is made, and an Enditlment drawn up againft the 
 Prince, and againft the Incas his Kindred of the Blood 
 Royal ; As alfo againft the Sons of Spaniards bom of 
 Indian Women, though their Fathers had been the Conque- 
 rours of that Empire. 
 
 SO foon as they faw that the Prince was taken, the Attorney General was or- 
 dered to draw up a Charge againft him ; which was done according to the Ar- 
 ticles before mentioned, accufing him to have appointed and ordered his Ser- 
 vants, and VafTals,to infeftthe Ro3ds,androb the Sp.imjh Merchants, as they paf- 
 fed upon their Lawful occafions, declaring all thofe his Enemies, who had made 
 any League or Contract with the Incas his Anceftors, or who lived or inhabited 
 ainongit the Spaniards : And that at fuch a time,and upon fuch a day he had enter- 
 ed into an agreement with the Caciques, who were made Lords of Mannors, and 
 Commanders of /wrfww, by Ancient Grants from his Anceftors, to rile in Arms 
 
 againft 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. iow 
 
 zgainikthz Spaniards, and to kill as many of them as they were able. In like man- 
 ner, an Accufation was brought againft thofe who were born in that Country of 
 Indian Mothers,and Fathers who were Spaniards, and Conquerours of thatEmpire. 
 Alledging againft them, that they had fecretly agreed with the Prince 
 Tupac Amaru, and other Iotas, to make an Infurre<ftion in the Kingdom : Be- 
 ing moved thereunto out of a difcontent, that they who had been born of 
 the Royal Blood of the Incas, whofe Mothers had been Daughters, or Nieces, 
 or Coufin-Germans to the Incan Family ; and whofe Fathers were Spaniards, and 
 of the firft Conquerours,who had gained great Fame,andReputation , were yet fo 
 little confidered,that neither on fcore of the Natural Right of the Mother, nor 
 of the high Defert and Merit of the Father, any thing was bellowed upon them ; 
 but all was conferred on the Kindred and Relations of the prefent Governours ; 
 whilft they were fuffered to ftarve, unlefs they would live on the Alms of Cha- 
 ritable people, or Rob on the High- Way, and lb come to the Gallows. More- 
 over it was charged upon the Prince, That he had not difcountenanced iuch 
 perfons as thefe, but had received them into his Service, upon promi e that 
 they would joyn with him, and dye in the defence of his Caufe. All which 
 being alledged in that Accufation, which was drawn up againft the Sons of Spa- 
 niards born of Indian Women, they were all apprehended, and as many of them 
 as were of twenty years of Age, and upwards, being capable to bear Arms, then 
 redding inCo^co, were clapped into Prifon. Some of them had the Queftion 
 put to tKftn under the Torment, to extort a Confeffion from them of that 
 for which they had no Proof, or Evidence before. Amidft this Mad rage, and 
 -Tyrannical proceedings by Imprifonment,andTorture,an/«<Ad« Woman, whofe 
 Son was condemned to the Queftion upon the Rack, came to the Prifon, and 
 with a loud Voice cryed out, Son, fmce thou art fevtenced to the Torment, fuffer 
 it bravely like a Man of Honour j accufe no Man falfely >, and God mill enable 
 thee to bear it, and reward thee for the Hazards and Labours which thy Father, and 
 his Companions have fufiained to make this Country Cbrijhan, and engraft the Na- 
 tives thereof into the Bofom of the Church. Ton brave Sons of the Conquerours, how ex- 
 cellently have your Fathers been rewarded for gaining this Country, when a Halter is 
 the'only Recompence and Inheritance purchafed for their Children-' Thefe and many 
 other things fhe uttered with a loud Voice, exclaiming like a mad Woman a- 
 bout the Streets, and calling God and the World to examine the Caufe, and 
 judge thofe Innocents : And if the Fate of them be determined (fa id fhe) and that 
 they mu(t dye, let them alfo kill the Mothers, who had the Sin upon them, to bring 
 them forth ; and who were fo culpable as to deny their own Country and Relations, 
 for the fake of thofe Conquerours, and joined with them in the Defign of making this 
 Empire fubjetl to the Spaniards •" But the Pachacamac, or the great God, hath brought 
 all thefe things juflly upon the Mothers, who for the fake of the Spaniards, could fo 
 eafily renounce their Lnca, their Caciques, and Superiors. And fince ihe had 
 pafled this Sentence upon her felf, and in behalf of all the other Women 
 in the fame State and Condition with her, and had pronounced them all 
 guilty, fhe defired that fhe might be the firffc to fuffer, and lead the way 
 of Death and punifhment to all the reft •, which if they were pleafed to 
 grant unto her, God would reward this good work to them both in 
 this, and in the other World. Thefe paffionate expreffions uttered with 
 all the Violence her force would admit, worked greatly upon the Mind 
 of the Vice-King, and diverted him from his intention to put them 
 to death ^ howfoever they were not acquitted hereby, but procured for 
 them a more lingring fort of Death, which was Banifhment into di- 
 vers remote Parts of the New World, unknown to their Fore-fathers. 
 So fome of them were fent into the Kingdom of Chile ; and amongft the 
 reft, a Son of Pedro del Barco, of whom I formely made mention to 
 have been my School- Fellow, and under the Guardianfhip of my Father. 
 Others of them were fent to the new Kingdom of Granada, and to divers 
 lfles of Barlovemo, and to Panama, and Nicaragua : Some of them alfo 
 were fent into Spain, and amongft them was John Arias Maldonado, 
 the Son of Diego Maldonado the Rich j who remained under Banifhment 
 in Spam, for the fpace of ten Years ; where I faw him, and enter- 
 tained him twice in my Lodging, at a certain Village within the Bi- 
 
 N n n n n n 2 fhoprick 
 
1*012 
 
 Roy&l Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 Bifhoprick of Cordona, where I then lived, and where he related to me many 
 of thofe things which are here recounted. After fo long a time he obtained 
 leave from the Supream Council of the Indies to return to Peru, and had three 
 years given him to difpatch his Bufinefs there, and remit his effefts into Spain, 
 where he was afterwards obliged to live and finifh his days. Being on his 
 departure, he with his Wife whom he had married at Madrid pafTed by the 
 place where I lived, and defired me to help him to fome Furniture for his 
 Houfe, for that he returned to his own Country poor, and in want of all 
 things : I prefently gave him all the Linnen I had, with fome pieces of Taf- 
 faty, which I had made up after the Souldiers fafhion, intending them for 
 Colours, or Enfigns for a Foot Company. The year before I had fent him to 
 the Court a very good Horfe, which he defired of me, which together with the 
 other things I gave him might be worth 500 Ducats :, which he took fo kindly, 
 that he faid to me, Brother truft me herein, and when I coim to my own Country / 
 will fend you 2000 pieces of Eight in payment thereof. \ do not doubt but he 
 would have been as good as his word, but my ill Fortune crofled me, for three 
 days after he arrived at Payta (which is juft on the Frontiers of Peru) he died 
 meerly by an excefs of joy he conceived to fee himfelf again in his own Coun- 
 try. Pardon me, Reader, this Digreffion which I have prefumed to make fole- 
 ly out of refpect, and affection to my School-fellow. All the others died in theit 
 Banifhment, not one of them returning again to his own Country. 
 
 ; 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 How all the Incas of the Blood Royal, and thofe of them 
 born of Spaniih Fathers and Indian Mothers were ba- 
 nifbed. The Death and End of them all. The Sentence 
 given againft the Prince, with his Anfwer thereunto, and how 
 he received Holy Baptifm. •,- 
 
 ALL thofe Indians who were Males of the Royal Line, and neareft of the 
 Blood, to the number of thirty fix perfons, were all banifhed to the City 
 of Los Reyes ; and there commanded to refide, and not to ftir from thence 
 without fpecial Order obtained from the Government : With them alfo the 
 two Sons and a Daughter of that poor Prince were fent, the eldeft of which was 
 not above ten years of age. The Incas being come to Rimac, otherwife cal- 
 led the City of Los Reyes, the Archbifhop thereof, named Don Geronimo Loayfa, 
 out of companion to them, took the little Girl home, with intent to educate, 
 or breed her up in his own Family. The others looking on themfelves as 
 Exiles driven out of their Country and Houfes, and put befides their na- 
 tural ways of living, took it fo much to Heart, and beivail'd their conditi- 
 on with fuch grief, that in little more than the fpace of two years thirty 
 five of them died, together with the two Sons. But what we may believe 
 contributed likewife to their greater Mortality, was the heat and moiftureof 
 the Climate upon the Sea-Coaft wherein they lived : For as we have faid in our 
 FirftPartof this Hiftory, That the Air of the Plains is fo different from that 
 of the Mountains, that thofe who have been bred in, and accuftomed to the ' 
 Hilly Countrie?, cannot endure the lower Airs, which are made as it were Pe- 
 ftilential to them by the excefGve heats and moiftures of the Sea. This was 
 the end of thefe poor Incas ; and as to the three which furvived, one of which 
 was my School-fellow, named Don Carlos, the Son of Don Chrifioval Paula, 
 of whom we have formerly made mention, the Lords of the Chancery, 
 taking pity of their condition, gave them liberty to return to their 
 Houfes, and to more agreeable Air ; but they were fo far fpent, and confumed 
 
 beyond 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 1013 
 
 beyond recovery, that within a year and a half's time all the three dyed. 
 Howfoever the whole Royal Line was not as yet totally extinct; for the faid 
 Don Carlos left a Son, who, as we have faid in the lafl Chapter of the firft Part 
 came into Spain with expectation to receive great Rewards and Preferments as 
 he was promifed in Pent ; but he died at Alcala de Hennares, about the year 1 6 10 
 by a Melancholly he conceived to fee himfelf, upon a quarrel he had with one 
 who was a Knight as he was, of the Order of St. Jago, to be (hut up within 
 the Walls of a Convent ; and afterwards to be removed to another Con- 
 vent i where, upon more difcontent for his Imprifonment, he dyed in the 
 fpace of eight Months. He left a Son of three or four Months old, which was 
 made Legitimate, that it might be rendered thereby capable to inherit,* in 
 right of his Father, the fame favour of his Majefly, which, by way of Penfion, 
 was affigned to him on the Cuftoms of Seville : But the Child dying in a 
 year afterwards, the Allowance ceafed : And then was fulfilled the Prophe- 
 fie, which the Great Huaynm Capac made concerning the Blood-Royal, and 
 that Empire. 
 
 _ In the Kingdom of Mexico, though the Kings were very powerful in the 
 times of their Gentilifme (as Francifco Lopez, de Gomara writes in his ge- 
 neral Hiftory of the Indies) yet no Wrong or Injury was done to them in 
 matter of their due Inheritance, or Right to the Succefllon ; becaufe the Kings 
 being Elective, and chofen by the Grandees, or Great Men , according to 
 their Vertue, or Merit to the Government. There was not the fame Jealoufy 
 upon any in that Kingdom, as was of the Heirs of Peru, whom Sufpirion 
 only brought to Destruction, rather than any Faults, or Confpiracy of their 
 own, as may appear by the Fate of this poor Prince, who was fentenced to 
 have his Head cut ofF. 
 
 But that his Condemnation might appear with fome colour of Juftice , his 
 Crimes were publilhed by the Common Cryer, namely, That he intended to 
 Rebel ; and that he had drawn into the Plot with him feveral Indians, who were 
 his Creatures, together with thofe, who were the Sons of Spaniards born of 
 Indian Mothers, defigning thereby to deprive and difpoflefs .his Catholick Ma- 
 jelly, King Philip the Second, who was Emperour of the New World , of his 
 Crown and Dignity within the Kingdom of Peru. This Sentence to have his 
 Head cut off", was fignified to the poor Inca, without telling him the. Reafons, 
 or Caufes of it. To which he innocently made anfwer, That he knew no Faujjt 
 he was guilty of, which could merit Death ; but in cafe the Vice-King had any 
 Jealoufie of him, or his People ; he might eafily fecure himfelf from thole 
 fears, by fending him under a fecure Guard into Spain, where he fhould be very 
 glad to kifs the hands of Don Philip, his Lord and Mailer. He farther argued, 
 that it was impoflible'that any fuch imagination could enter, into his Under- 
 ftanding ; for if his Father with 200000 Souldiers could not overcome 200 Spa- 
 niards, whom they had befieged within the City of Cozxo, how then could it 
 be imagined, that he could think to rebel with a fmall number, againft fuch 
 multitudes of Chriflians, who were now increafed, and difperfed overall parts 
 of the Empire. That if he had conceived, or complotted any evil defign againft 
 the Spaniards, he would never have fullered himfelf to have been taken, but 
 would have fled, and retired from them ■, but knowing himfelf to be innocent, 
 and without any Guilt, he voluntarily yielded himfelf, and accompanied them, 
 believing that they called him from the Mountains, to confer the fame Favours 
 and Bounty on him, as they had done on his Brother Von Diego Sayri Tupac. 
 Wherefore he appealed to the King oiCaftile, his Lord, and to the Pachacamac, 
 from this Sentence of the Vice-King, who was not content to deprive him of 
 his Empire, with all the enjoyments therein, unlefs alfo therewith he took away 
 his Life, without any fault, or colour of offence ; fo that now he could wel- 
 come Death, which was given him, as the value and price of his Empire : Be- 
 fides this, he faid many other things, which moved pity in the Hearts of all 
 the flanders by, as well Spaniards as Indians, who were inwardly affected with 
 fuch paffionate expreffions. 
 
 Upon Notice of this Sentence, the Friers of the City of Coz.co flocked to the 
 Prifon, to inftruct the Prince in the Chriltian Doctrine, and to perfwade him to 
 be Baptized, after the example of his Brother Don Diego Sayri Tupac, and his 
 Uncle Atahudpa -. The Prince readily accepted of the offer to be Baptized, and 
 
 told 
 
T^TZ" Royal Commentaries. Book VIII. 
 
 told them, that he was glad to obtain the benefit of the Chriftian Ordinances, 
 upon the Teftimony and Authority of his Grand-father Huayna Capac, who 
 declared, That the Law which the Chriftians taught them, was better than 
 their own •, and being by Baptifme received into the Church of Chrift, he would 
 be called Philip, after the name, ashefaid, of blslnca, and King, DonPhil,pot 
 Spam : But this Function was performed with as much Sadnefs and Sorrow,as that 
 of his Brother's was celebrated with Joy and Triumph, as before declared. 
 
 Though this Sentence againftthe Prince was publifhed every where, and 
 that all we have faid, and much more appeared- (which we for brevity fake omit) 
 which might perfwade the World, that the fame would be executed : yet 
 the Spaniards of the City, as well Seculars as Religious, were of Opinion that 
 the Vice-King would not proceed to an Aft founhumane and barbarous, as to 
 kill a poor Prince depofed, and dif inherited of his Empire; which could ne- 
 ver be plealing and acceptable to King Philip, whofe Clemency would rather 
 have ordered his Tranfportation into Spain, than palled this Condemnation of 
 him to death, which he had never deferved. But the Vice-King it feems wasof 
 another Opinion, as we (hall fee prefently in the following Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 The Sentence is executed upon the Prince. The endeavours 
 ufed to prevent it. The Vice-King refufes to hearken there- 
 unto. With what Courage the Inca received the ftroa/^ of 
 Death. 
 
 TH E Vice-King,refolving to execute his Sentence, which he believed to be 
 for the Safety and Security of tha Empire, caufed a Scaffold to be raifed 
 in the chief place of the City. This was fo new and ftrange a refolution to all 
 feople, that the Gentlemen, Friers, and other grave Perfons were fo concerned 
 for it^that they met together, and drew up a Petition to the Vice-King, .repre- 
 fenting to him the Barbarity of the Fact, which would be fcanddlous to ihe 
 World, and difapproved by his Majefty^ That it would be much better to 
 fend him into Spain ; for tho' Banifhment be a lingering Torment, yet it is a 
 token of Clemency, much rather than the Sentence of a fpeedy Death. A Peti- 
 tion being drawn up to this effect, with defign to be delivered with all the fup- 
 plication and intercedion, in behalf of the Prince ; the Vice-King, who had his 
 fpyes abroad, and by them was informed of the Petition which was preparing, 
 with the Subscription of many hands thereunto, refolving not to be troubled 
 with fuch Imporcunities, gave Order to have the Gates of the Court (hut, and 
 no Man fufFered to come to him upon pain of Death : And then immediately 
 he ifflged out a Warrant to have the Inca brought forth, and his Fhad cut off 
 without farther delay, that fo the difturbance of the Town might be appeafed 
 by a fpeedy execution ; whereas by giving time, a Combuftion might be raifed, 
 and the Prince refcued out of his hands. 
 
 Accordingly the poor Prince was brought out of the Prifon, and mounted 
 on a Mule, with his hands tyed, and a Halcer about his Neck, with a Cryer be- 
 fore him, publishing and declaring, that he was a Rebel and a Traytor againft 
 the Crown of his Catholick Majefty. The Prince not underflanding the Spanifi 
 Language, asked of one of the Friers who went with him , what it was that 
 the Cryer faid ? And when it was told him, that he proclaimed him an Auca, 
 which was a Traytor, againft the King his Lord :, which when he heard, he 
 caufed the Cryer to be called to him, and defired him to forbear to publifh 
 fuch horrible Lyes, which he knew to befo, for that he never committed any 
 adlof Treafon, nor ever had it in his Imagination?, as the World very well 
 knew : But, fays he, tell them, that they k^U me without other caufe, than only that the 
 Fice-Ktno will have it fo ; and I call Cod, the Pachacamac of all, to witnefs, that 
 
 what 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. ioiz 
 
 what I fay is nothing but the Truth : After which the Officers of Juujce proceeded 
 forward to the place of Execuiion. As they wee* entering into the Chief 
 Place, they were met by great numbers of women of all Ages, amongft which 
 were feveral of the Blood Royal, with the wives and daughters of the Caciques 
 who lived in places adjacent to the City ; all which cryed out with loud Exclama- 
 tions and cryes, accompanied with a flood of Tears, faying, Wherefore Inc. 
 do they carry thee to have thy Head cutoff? What Crimes, what Treafons 
 haft thou committed to deferve this ufage ? Defire the Executioner to put us to 
 Death together with thee, who are thine by Blood and Nature, and fhould 
 be much more contented and happy to accompany thee into the other World 
 .than to live here Slaves and Servants to the Will and Lull of thy Murderers! 
 The noife and outcry was fo great, that it was feared left fome infurrecuori 
 and out-rage fhould enfuc, amongftfuch a Multitude of People then gathered 
 together j which was fo great, that with thofe who filied the two Places, and the 
 Streets leading thereunto, and who were in Balconies, and looking out at 
 Windows, they could not be counted for lefs than 300 thoufand Souls. This 
 combuftioncaufed the Officers to haften their way unto the Scaffold ^ where 
 being come, the Prince walked up the Stairs, with the Friers who affifted at his 
 Death, and followed by the Executioner with his Faulchion or broad Sword 
 drawn in his hand. And now the Indians feeing their Prince juft upon the 
 brink of Death, lamented with fuch groans and out-cries as rent the Air, and 
 filled the place with fuch noife,that nothing elfe could be heard : Wherefore the 
 Priefts who were difcourfing with the Prince, defired him that he would com- 
 mand the People to be fdent, whereupon the lnca, lifting up his right Arm with, 
 the Palm of his hand open, pointed it towards the place from whence the noife 
 came, and then loured it by little and little, until he came to reft it on his 
 right thigh: Which when the Indians obferved, their Murmur calmed, and fo 
 great a filence enfued, as if there had not been one Soul alive within the whole 
 City. The Spaniards, and the Vice-King, who was then at a Window obfer- 
 ving thefe feveral paffages, wondred much to fee the obedience which the In- 
 dians in all their paffion, fhewed to their dying lnca, who received the ftroke 
 of death with that undaunted Courage, as the Incas and Indian Nobles did ufually 
 fliew, when they fell into the hands of their Enemies, and were unhumanely 
 butchered, and cruelly treated by them, as may appear in our Hiftory of Flo- 
 rida, and other Wars which were carried on in Chile, and which now the lnA% 
 dian Araucos ftill wage with the Spaniards, according as they are defcribed in 
 Verfeby Poets who write thereof. Of which we have many other examples in 
 Mexico, as well as in Peru, which may ferve to demonftrate the Cruelty of the 
 Spaniards, and the Conftancy and Bravery of the Incas : Of which I could give 
 many inftances in my own time, and of my own knowledge, but I fhall let them 
 pafs, rather than give offence by this Hiftory. 
 
 Thus did this poor Prince fubmit with great Courage to Death, yet Rich and 
 Happy, in that he dyed a Chriftian ; and was much lamented by thofe Religious 
 Orders, which affifted him at the Hour and in the Agony of his Death, name- 
 ly thofe of St. Francis, our Lady of Merceds, St. Domimck^, and Augujhm, be- 
 fides a multitude of other Priefts and Clergymen, who bewailed him with 
 much grief and forrow, and faid many Maffes for his Soul : Howfoevetnhey 
 were much comforted and edified, 'to fee with what Patience and magnanimity 
 he entered on the Scene of Death, and with what Acfs of devotion, like a good 
 Chriftian, he adored the Images of Chrift Our Lord, and of the Virgin his 
 Mother, which the Priefts carried before him. Thus did this lnca end his days, 
 who was the lawful Heir to that Empire, being defcended by the dired Male- 
 Line from the firft lnca Manco Capac ; which (as Father Bias Valera faith) had 
 continued 500, or near 600 years. This CompafTion and Sorrow was the ge- 
 neral fenfe ac that time of all the Country, as well of Spaniards as Indians : And 
 tho' we may believe that the Vice-King might alfo be in fomemeafure affe&ed 
 with this Paffion, yet he might have other Reafons of State,fufficient, if known, 
 to juftifie this AcYion. 
 
 The aforefaid Sentence executed on the good Prince, was feconded by the 
 
 Banifhaient of his Sons and Kindred, to the City of Los Reyes, and of thofe 
 
 who were born of Indian Mothers and Spamjh Fathers, into divers parts of the 
 
 - New ar.d Ol'd World, as before related. Which we have anticipated out of its 
 
 due 
 
ToiT Royal Commentaries. Book VIIL 
 
 due place, to make room at the end of this our Work for fo forrowful a Tra- 
 gedy, which is the ultimate Scene of the fecond part of thefe our Commenta- 
 ries. Praifed be God for all things. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Don Francifco de Toledo returns to Spain. His Catho- 
 liek. Majefty gives him a fevere reprehenfion : His 
 End and Death: As alfo of the Governour Martin 
 
 [ Garcia Loyola. 
 
 IT is not fit to conclude our Hiftory with the Death of Don Philip Tupac Amaru 
 alone, and therefore we fliall accompany it with a fhort Relation of the Death, 
 and End of the Vice-King Don Francifco de Toltdo:Who after he had compleated 
 the time of his Government,which was very long,and as fome fay 1 6 years,he re- 
 turned into Spain with'great Riches and Profperity, being reported by common 
 Fame to have brought with him above the value of 500 thoufand pieces of Eight 
 in Gold and Silver: Upon the Reputation of which,he procured adniittar.ee into 
 the Court, and expected to be made one of the great Winifters of State,in reward 
 of the fpecial Services he had done in cutting off, and extirpating the Royal 
 Line of the Incas, by which a way was made to the Kings of Spain to claim 
 a Right of Inheritance to the Empire of Peru, without other Competitor. He 
 alfo imagined, that he had highly merited of his Majefty by the many good 
 Laws and Rules he had Eftablifhed in thofe Kingdoms, whereby his Majefties 
 Revenue was improved,and the Mines of Plate, and Quickfilver, well governed, 
 by the orderly Regulations he had made therein j having ordained and directed 
 that the Indians of feveral Provinces, fhould by their turns come in, and work 
 in thofe Mines, with the fame pay for a days labour, as the Spaniards who are 
 Planters in thofe Countries are by late Laws obliged to pay them for their work. 
 And moreover that the Indians being employed in Gardning,or doing any thing 
 for the pleafure, or benefit of the Owner, fhall receive a pay proportionable to 
 the value of the thing : The which Regulations and Rules being many and long, 
 we fhall omit to rehearie the particulars of them. 
 
 Uponfuch grounds, and with fuch expectations as thefe, Don Francifco de 
 Toledo obtained admittance to the Prefence of King Philip the Second, and to 
 kifs his Royal Hand : But his Catholick Majefty having been duly informed of 
 all Matters which had fucceeded in that Empire,and particularly of the Death of 
 the/w<* Tupac Amaru, and of the Banifhment of hisneareft Relations and Kin- 
 dred,to a place where they all perifhed,did not fhew that kind and graciousaccep- 
 tance of his Perfon,as he expected,but told him in fhort,That he fhould go home 
 to his own houfe , for that the King had not fent him to kill Kings, but to ferve 
 them : With which Reproof he went home much dejected, and under that Cloud 
 of disfavour which he never expected. In this difgrace,(as it is ufual for men who 
 are going down the Hill, to be helpt forward in their way) fo certain Informers 
 brought an accufation againft him : That he ordered the Salaries of his Servants 
 and Officers to be paid in Pieces of Eight, inftead of Ducats, fo that for every 40 
 thoufand Ducats 40 thoufand pieces of Eight were made good,which was aninju- 
 ry and damage to the Royal Treafury,during the time he affifted in the Govern- 
 ment which amounted to the value of 120000 ducats : To make which good, an 
 Order was fent from the Council of State to lay a Sequeftration upon all the 
 Gold and Silver he had brought from Peru, and to remain in fuch manner fe- 
 cured, until the account was audited and cleared, how much was owing on that 
 fcore to the Royal Exchequer : Don Francifco de Toledo being a man of a haughty 
 Spirit, was not able to refift this fecond blow of his Majefties disfavour, 
 
 but 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries, I o 1 7 
 
 but therewith fell into luch a Sadnefs and Melancholly, as broke his Heart in 
 a few days. 
 
 We have only now to relate the End of Captain Martin Garcia, Loyola, 
 whom, in reward of having taken the Inca Prifoner, and many other Services 
 which he performed to the Court of Spain, they married to the Infanta, who 
 was Niece to the laft Prince, and Daughter to his Brother Sayri Tupac : whereby 
 he came to inherit that Eftate which this Princefs received from her Father :, and 
 for his greater Honour and Advancement, and better Service of his Majefty, he 
 was preferred to be Governour, and Captain General of the Kingdom of 
 Chile, where he had a great party of Horfe, with a good force of Spamjh I nfantry 
 under his Command. It was his Fortune to govern this Kingdom for feveral 
 years, and fome Months, with great Prudence and Difcretion, and to the con- 
 tentment alfo and fatbfaction of his Companions ; howfoever he was engaged in 
 continual Labo.uvs and Embroyls, caufed by the Wars which were waged againft 
 the Indians; and which are not yet at an end, in this year 1613, having ever 
 fince 1553, when the Indians began firft to rebel, been conftantly carried on 
 without Truce or Intcrmiflion during all that time, as we have intimated 
 before in feveral Places. Whilft this Governour employed himfelf in the ex- 
 ercifes of War, he went one day (according to his ufual cuftom) to vilit the fe- 
 veral Forts which were railed on the Frontiers, to curb the Enemy, and keep 
 them from making incurfions and depredations on thofe Indians, who had fub- 
 mitted, and were become Servants to the Spaniards : And haying fupplyed all 
 thole Garrifons with Ammuntion and Provilions, he returned to thofe Cities 
 within the Kingdom which were fetled and in peace: And being without the 
 Limits of the Enemies quarters (as indeed he was J and as he believed out of 
 danger, he difmifled 200 of his Souldiers, (which were then of his Guard,) and 
 difpeeded them away to their refpettive quarters : Leaving himfelf only with a* 
 bout thirty Companions,amongft which were feveral Captains, and old veterane 
 Souldiers, who had ferved many years in the Wars : And being come into a 
 very pleafant Plain, they pitched their Tents, intending to repofe and folace 
 themfclves that Night and feveral Nights afterwards, that they might re- 
 cover the Sleep they had loft, by their continual watchings ; for whilft 
 they were on the Frontiers, taking care to fecure the Garrifons, they were 
 fo continually allarm'd by the Enemy, that they had not time to Reft, Eat, 
 or Sleep. 
 
 The Araucos and Indians of other Provinces, Neighbouring on thefe who 
 had rebelled, fent their Spies by Night to difcover the condition of the Spa- 
 niards; and finding them without Centinels, and in all fecurity fall alkep,and 
 asfafeas their Enemies could delire,they whittled to each other with Bird-Calls, 
 and gave notice byXuch kind of barking and howlings which Giacalls or Wolves 
 life in the Night, which were the fignals agreed uponamongft them. At thefe 
 noifes great numbers of Indians came flocking together, and with all the 
 filence poffible, went foftly to the Spaniards Tents, where finding them afleep, 
 and in their Shirts in Bed, they cut the Throats of every one of them •, and 
 carrying away with them their Horfes^ Arms, and all the Spoyl which belonged 
 to the Spaniards. 
 
 This was the end of the Governour Martin Garcia. Loyola, which was much 
 lamented over all the Kingdom of Chile and Peru; but as often as that Dif- 
 courfe was moved, cither amongft Indians or Spaniards, it was confefled, that 
 Providence had fo ordered thofe matters, that the death of the late Inca mould 
 in this manner be revenged on the Spaniards by the Hands of his own Vailals. 
 And herein it was more plainly evidenced by an Infatuation which poflefl'ed the 
 Minds of fuch Captains, and Veterane Souldiers pradifed in the Wars of 
 that Country, who knowing that they were ' near an Enemy incenfed and 
 errraeed againft them, and thirfting after the Blood of the Spaniards, fhould 
 yet with fo much fecurity compofe themfclves to a fleep from which they did 
 never afterwards awake. 
 
 This Governour Martin Garcia Loyola left one Daughter, which he had by 
 his Wife the Infanta, Daughter of the Prince Don Diego Sayri Tupac, the 
 which Daughter was tranfported into Spain, and there married to a Gentle- 
 man of Quality, called Don John Ennquez, de Boria. His Catholick Maje- 
 fty, beQdes the Eftate which (he inherited from her Father in Peru, was pleafed 
 
 O o o (as 
 
ioi8 
 
 Royal Commentaries. Book VIII 
 
 (as they wrote to me from the Court) to confer upon her the Title ofMarquefs 
 deOropefa ; which is a Colony founded by the Vice-King,X>ow Francifco de Toledo 
 in Peru, and called Oroprfa by him, in memory of his Anceftors, which he de- 
 fired might be continued in the new World ; befides which Title and Favour 
 I am informed, that a Confultation hath been held amongft the llluftrious Pre- 
 fidents and Lords of the Royal Council of Cafiile, and the Indies, at which al- 
 fo his Ma>efties Confeflbur was prefent,with two other Advocates belonging to 
 the Council of the Indies, to conlider what farther Gratifications could be made 
 in reward of the many Services which her Father had done,accordingtohis Du- 
 ty towards his Majefty, and as a Compenfation for her Patrimonial Inheri- 
 tance. Towards which (as I am informed) the Relation I have given in the firft 
 part ofthefe Commentaries hath, in fome manner, contributed: Which if lb, 
 I fhall efteem my felf fufficiently rewarded for the labour and pains I have taken 
 to write this Hiftory, though no other benefit or fatisfa&ion accrues thereby 
 wnto my felf. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 The Conclufion of this Eighth Book', and laft of this Hi- 
 
 fiory. 
 
 HAving, in the beginning of this Hiftory, fliewed the Original of the Incas 
 who were Kings of Peru, and defcribed their Increafe, and Conquefts, 
 and all their generous Exploits, together with the manner of their Govern- 
 ment, bot* in War and Peace, and thereunto added their Religion and Idola- 
 try practifed in the times of their Gentilifme : AH which, by the Divine favour 
 and affiftance, we have largely handled in the firft part thefe Commentaries ; 
 by which I have complyed with the duty I owe to my Country and Kindred 
 by my Mothers fide. In this fecond part we have at large related all thofe 
 brave Acts, and gallant Exploits performed by the Spaniards, in the Conqueft 
 of this rich Empire, in which I have complied (tho' not fully) with the Duty 
 and Obligation I owe to my Father, and to his llluftrious and Generous Com- 
 panions. So that now it may be time to conclude this Work, and put an end to 
 this Labour, with the ultimate Reign and Succeffion of the Incas, who, with 
 that unhappy Huafcar, were 13 in number, who poffefled the Throne of that 
 Empire, until the Invafion of the Spaniards. But as to the other five, which 
 fucteeded afterwards, that is Manco Inca, and his two Sons Don Diego, and Don 
 Philtppe i zad his two Nephews, wedo not infert them in the Line of Kings, for 
 tho' they had a right to the Inheritance, yet they never had polleffion of the Go- 
 vernment ; but if we fhould reckon them in that number, we might then account 
 18, who defcended by the direct Male-line from the firft Inca Manco Capac, to 
 the laftof thofe Children, whofe Names I do not know. The Indians do not 
 reckon Atakualpa in the number of their Kings, being, as they call him, znJuca, 
 that is a Traytor. 
 
 Tho' in the laft Chapter of the firft Part of thefe Commentaries, we have 
 given an account of all the Sons, which in an oblique Line defcended from the 
 fevcral Kings •, of which (as we have there affirmed) a true, and an authentick 
 Lift was fenc me ; with Power and Authority directed to Don Melchior Carlos, 
 Don Alonfo de Mefa, and my felf, that we jointly, or any one of us, fliould 
 Jay it before his Catholick Majefty, and before his Supream and Royal Council 
 of the Indies; to the intent and purpofe, that they might be freed from thofe 
 Taxes and Impofitions which they fuftained: Which Papers and Memorials, 
 as they came directed unto me, I difpatched to the faid Don Melchior Carlos, and 
 Don Alonfo de Mefa. But the faid Don Melchior, having Pretenfions of his own, 
 would not weaken his own Intereft, by giving Countenance to their demands -, 
 nor would he prefent their Papers, that it might not be known thereby,how ma- 
 ny of the Royal Line were ftillfurviving:, fearing left his Intereft fhould be di- 
 vided, 
 
Book VIII. Royal Commentaries. 1019 
 
 — _ _— — ^ ~ - r ___ — 
 
 vided, and the benefic which he expedted to himfelf alone, might be imparted 
 unto them all together : So at the Conclulion of all, he neither did good 
 to them, nor to himftlf. I have thought fit, for my- own Difcharge, 
 to give a Narrative hereof, that my Relations of thofe parts, may wot accufe 
 me either of unkindnefs, or negligence, in not performing what they have de- 
 fired of me, and entrufted me in. 1 fhould have been very glad, if I could 
 have performed this Service for them with the hazard of my Lift; but icwas 
 impoflible for me, to have done any thing in this mattery not being able to 
 contribute more thereunto, than only by writing this Hiftory, in which I 
 hope I have as well done Juftice, and Right to the Spaniards, who have Con- 
 quered this Empire, as to the lncas, who were tho true Lords, and Poflef- 
 fors of it. 
 
 To the Divine Majefiy, Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, three Perfons and 
 one true God, he Pratfe for Ever and Ever , who have been pleafed 
 to grant me Grace, and affiftance, to arrive at the Vltimate End and 
 Conclufion of this Hi/lory. May it he to the Honour and Glory of his 
 Divine Name : By vohofe infinite mercy, through the Blood and Merits of 
 our Lord and Saviour Jefus Chrifi, and by the Interceffion of the ever 
 Bleffed Virgin Mary, and of all the Court of Heaven, Iheg Favour, and 
 Protection, novo, and in the Hour of Death. Amen fweet Jefus, a hun- 
 dred thoufand times Jefus. Amen. 
 
 Vratfed h God, 
 
 FINIS. 
 
IS 
 
71 
 
 A 
 
 An INDEX of the raoft material Pafiages 
 in this HISTORY. 
 
 ARbitration of the inca between two 
 CuracaS, p. 73. 
 Ambajfador, vid. Embajfador. 
 The Apparition of Virac ocha, and the Con- 
 
 fultations thereupon, 126. 
 Accounts how kept amongft them, 1^3, 
 
 107,108. 
 The Araucans rebell, 292. 
 Atahualpa made King ofJ?»<V« by his 
 
 Father Huayna Capac, 367. 
 
 ance to all Officers, p. 620. 
 
 Gdra'rf de Alvarado is killed by Almagr-t 
 Junior, 628. 
 
 The Death of D. Diego de AlmAgro Juni- 
 or, 642. 
 
 The Inhabitants olArequepa revolt with 
 two Ships to the Vice-king, 680. 
 
 Acofia is fent againft Lorenco de Aldana, 
 774- His ill Conduit in defending 
 a Bridge over the River Apurimac,% 23. 
 
 Aguire feeks revenge on a Judge 5 he is 
 fought for in Coz,co; and how he 
 made hisEfcape, 884. 
 
 Atahualpa required by his Brother Huaf Alonfo de Alvarado,the Marfhal,is appoin- 
 
 car to doe him Homage, 398. The 
 Subleties ufed by him, 399. 
 
 Atahualpa gains a Victory over his Bro- 
 ther, 401. Heexercifes great Cruel- 
 ties, 403. and why. His Cruelties 
 towards the Women and Children 
 of the bloud Royal, 40 y. Some e- 
 fcape, 407, 411. Cruelties to the 
 Servants of the Court, 409. 
 
 Atahualpa's Anfwer to a Frier's Speech, 
 4^4. He is taken by the Spaniards, 
 459. And promife a great Ranfome 
 for his Liberty, 460. The Fears he 
 had before his Deaths 47 1 . He is ar- 
 
 ted to fit Judge on Trial of the Re- 
 bels, 906. He executes fevere Juftice 
 on the Rebels, 908. makes choice of 
 Officers, and comes to Cozco, 938. 
 He receives intelligence of the Ene- 
 my , with whom he skirmifhes : his 
 Officers are generally of opinion to 
 decline Fighting, 941. He refolves 
 notwithftanding to engage, 944. He 
 is defeated by Hernandez, 5 and the 
 Indians kill many of his Souldiers in 
 their Flight, 947,948. Great Trouble 
 caufed hereupon in the King's Camp, 
 9)-o. Means taken to repair it,- 9 5- 1. 
 raigned and put to Death, 474, 477. Capt. Almendras his unfortunate Death, 
 
 The Treafure colle&ed for his Ran 
 fome, 479. His Body carried to 
 £>uitu, to be interred, 494. • 
 
 Almagro returns twice to Panama, 416. 
 
 Pedro de Alvarado goes to the Conqueft 
 
 of Peru, 489. The Difficulties he 
 undergoes, 492. He marches to the 
 fuccour of Coz.co, 569. He is imprifo- 
 ned, S73- 
 
 Almagro joins his Forces with Alvarado, 
 
 jo j. Their Agreement, s°7. They 
 inarch to Cozco, 509. They march 
 againft jguizq/iiz. Afoarado's Death, 
 
 5*9- 
 
 Almagro makes himfelf Governour-, 
 the Agreement between him and Pi- 
 ca) ro, 5: 2 6. 
 
 Almagro enters into Chili, where he is 
 well received, J29. He returns to 
 Peru, j 3 2. and to Cozco, 527. Diffe- 
 rencej between Almagro and Picarro, 
 J63. they are determined, 577- 
 
 Don Diego de Almagro, his Death, 589. 
 
 939- 
 
 An Accident very ftrange at Cozco, 980. 
 
 B. 
 
 B Ridges of Ofiers how made, p. 64. 
 Bridges of Straw, Ruflies and Flags, 
 78. 
 
 A Bridge kid over a River by Lope Mar- 
 tin, 821. 
 
 Beggars not allowed, 144. 
 
 Burials of their Kings and how interred, 
 193. 
 
 Battels three between the Indians and 
 
 Spaniards, J 1 J. 
 
 Battel of Amancay, 571. 
 
 TheBloudy Battel of Salinai, 5^83. 
 
 Battels between the Indians and Spani- 
 ards, 597. 
 
 The Battel between the Governour 
 
 Vac a de Caftro and Don Diego de Alma- 
 gro junior, 637. 
 
 A Relation of the Battel o( Chupas, 640. 
 
 Don Diego de Almagro his Son is fet up, Blafco Nunnez Vela, the Vice-king, lands 
 and admrniiters an Oath of Allegi- in Peru, with what befell him at his 
 
 CI landing, 
 
THE INDEX. 
 
 landing, p. 657. He imprifons Vac a de 
 Cifiro andothers, 678. The Refo- 
 lutions he 4^ok upon the News that 
 Gon^alo ^mro was marching againft 
 him, (J90. He is imprifoned, 692. 
 The Misfortunes which befell him. 
 69 j. He is fet at liberty, 697. He re- 
 tires to Per*, .709, 7141 He recruits 
 in Popayan, and goes in queft of Pedro 
 PueUes, 732. He is defeated at the 
 Battel oi Qtntu, and flain, 734. His 
 Funeral, 736. 
 
 The Battel of Huarlna •, how armed, and 
 how drawn out, 794, 79^ 796, 797, 
 798. The numbers killed, 801. 
 The Battel of Sacfabuana, 829. 
 
 Bacbicao, his death, 8 1 2. 
 
 Bttftma-., his imprifonment and death-, 
 814. 
 
 c. 
 
 COzco firft founded, 1 3. and defcri- 
 bed, 261,268. 
 Ceremonies, when they weaned, fliaved, 
 and gave Names to their Children, 
 
 I lO. 
 
 A Croft conferved, 30. 
 
 The chaneds rebell, 1 27. 
 
 The Fortrefs of Cozco defcribed, 294, 
 
 296, 297. 
 Cloatbs , Arms and Shoes given to the 
 
 Souldiery, 139. 
 Chatting, how fupplied to the People, 
 
 1.44- . , 
 
 Cannari conquered, its Riches, 309. 
 
 Cmtur, great Birds, of which Inea Vira- 
 
 cocba made a Picture, 171. 
 The Court of the Ma s, Servants and 
 
 thole who carried their Chair,' 18 9. 
 
 And of the great Halls and Rooms 
 
 of State, 191. 
 
 Cafamarca, how fubdued, 208. 
 
 Ch'mca ftands out , and fubdued , 214. 
 
 Their vain Rodomontado's, 2 1 6. 
 ChimH the King conquered, 239. 
 ColleElion for Charitable llies, 270. 
 Chirihuana, a Nation in Peru, their Cu- 
 
 ftomes and Manners, 278. 
 Chili poflefled by the lncds, 281. 
 Chili firft dilcovered by the Spaniards , 
 
 283. 
 
 Chili rebells againft Pedro Valdivia, 284. 
 
 Conqaefls made by the lncds, 305, 306, 
 
 309,311,313. 
 Cuca,z pretious Leaf, 325-. 
 Cattle that are tame,and the great Droves 
 
 of them , which ferve to carry their 
 
 Burthens, f. 328. 
 Cattle which are wild. 
 A Chain of Gold as big as a Cable, 349. 
 
 Of Corves and Oxen, 378. 
 
 Of Camels, Affc and Goats and Hogs, 
 p. 380, 381. 
 
 Of Conies and Dogs of the Game, 383. 
 
 Crojfes found in the Temples and Pala- 
 ces in Cox,co, 467. 
 
 C.onverfion of an Indian, 5-03. 
 
 civil Difco'rds produced ill Efrefts to 
 the Incan Kings, 485. 
 
 Cue liar put to death by the Indians, 499. 
 
 Chili difficult to be conquered, 532. 
 
 Co^co belieged, and feveral Exploits 
 done there, 5 50. The Number of In- 
 dians killed there, 5-5-3. 
 ^The Chare as conquered, 5-97. Great 
 troubles in the Charcas, 888. 
 
 The Citizens of Coz,co defel't Goncalo Pi- 
 farro, 680. 
 
 Francifco Carvajal , Major General to 
 
 Goncalo Pirarro, marches into the Char- 
 cas, 721. The Character given of 
 
 him, 723. Carvajd continues his 
 
 purfuit a iter Diego Centew, 724. His 
 
 Cruelty, 725-. 
 Cepeda the Judge accompanies Picarro 
 
 and fights more like a Sou Idier "than 
 
 a Lawyer, 738. 
 Centeno a<5ts by Strategem of War a- 
 
 gainft Francifco Carvajal, 739. 
 Francifco Carvajal kills Lope'de Mendoca, 
 
 and enters into the Charcot , 743' 
 Sends his Head to Arequepa, and how 
 he fuppreiled a Mutiny,74j,74<j. His 
 
 gratitude in Areqwpa to Comejo, 809. 
 Carvajal writes to Picarro to proclaim 
 
 himlelf King, and his Reafons for it, 
 747i 74*>- The Strategem ufed by 
 him at Huarin.t, 7^6, 801. 
 
 Centeno and his other Captains come 
 out of their Caves , and appear for 
 his Majcity, 769. He fights with Pe- 
 dro de Maldonado, and enters into 
 Cozco, 777- He is chofen Comman- 
 der in chief, 778. An Agreement is 
 made between him and Alonfo de 
 Mendoca, 77 9- He gives an Account 
 to tire Prelident of a Mefiage fent to 
 him by Picarro, 792. He is over- 
 come at the Battel of Huarina, 798. 
 and fives, 803. His unfortunate death 
 in the Charcas, 861. 
 
 The Contrerds by their leud Practices 
 and Follies lofe the Treafure they 
 had gotten, with their Lives, 873. 
 
 Cepeda the Judge advifes Pi'-vw-otomake 
 a Peace with the Prefident, 812. Ce- 
 pedds death, 870. 
 
 A Challenge between Paulo de Menefes 
 
 and Martin de Robles, and how the 
 Quarrel was taken up, 890. 
 
 Carvajal gives Coiinfel to Picarro which 
 
 is rejected, 818. He perfuades Gon- 
 calo Picarro not to march out of Coz- 
 co, p. 825-. 
 
THE INDEX. 
 
 c o,p.% 2 s- He is taken and imprifoned, 
 834. His Difcourfe with Gafia the 
 Piefident, 83^. He is vifited in Pri- 
 fon, and his Difcouries with thofe 
 who vifited him, 8 36, 837. What 
 he faid and did on the day of his 
 death, 840, 841. HisCloaths and 
 quaint Sayings, 843. Other like Paf- 
 fages oiCarvajal, and what befell a 
 Boy who touched one of his Quar- 
 ters, 84J. 
 
 Carv.tjal the Lawyer his unfortunate 
 death at Coz,co, 861. 
 
 Carrlllo commits great Robberies , and 
 the manner of his death, 954- 
 
 Canmte a Marquis dehgned for Vice- 
 king of Peru, 981. He arrives there, 
 984. He iffues our Oiders to prevent 
 Mutinies, 98)-. He puts Vazquez. Pi- 
 ahita and Alonz,o Diaz, to de3th 
 r.otwithftanding their Pardons, 986. 
 Hebaniihes thirty feven men of thofe 
 into Spain, who make Demands for 
 their late Services, 989. He contrives 
 means to bring the Inca , who was 
 Heir to the Empire, out of the 
 Mountains, 991. He raifes Horfe 
 and Foot for lecurity of the Empire, 
 1000. His Death, 1007. 
 
 Caftro the Lawyer is appointed Gover- 
 nors of Peru. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dlvifwr. of their Flocks, how •, and 
 of other ftrange Beafts, 146- 
 Divinations made from their Sacrifices, 
 
 221. 
 Biftinclions made between the Kings and 
 
 other Inca's, 231. 
 Devils ftruck dumb by a Sacrament , 
 46 >-. 
 
 Diego Centeno purlues Alonfo de Toro, 721. 
 
 The Dhijion of Lands the fecond time, 
 
 869. 
 Duels in the Choreas, 888. 
 
 ED::catwi of young Noble-men at 
 Court, 25:2. 
 
 Emeralds, vide Pearls. 
 
 The Embafjj and Prefents fent by the 
 
 Inca's to the Spaniards, 440. 
 Embafiadours fent to Atahualpa , 443. 
 
 The Speech, and the Inc.?s Anfwer, 
 446. They return again to their 
 Companions, 448. 
 
 Executions done on feveral Captains be- 
 longing to Picarro, 837. 
 
 Ego* dcC , a bold Fellow , caufes 
 
 an InfurrecYion in Potocfi, S96. What 
 
 happened thereupon , p. 903. He is 
 drawn and quartered, 904^ 
 
 THE manner of gifting ufed by 
 the Indians, 80. 
 
 The Feftivals kept up when they tilled 
 the Grounds dedicated to the Sun , 
 J 33- 
 
 Feftivals to the Sun , how celebrated , 
 217,^19- How at thofe Feafis they 
 drank one to the other, 223. The 
 third Feflival to the Sun, 2*7. The 
 fourth Feflival, 258. 
 
 Feafts at night to purine the Citv, 260. 
 
 Fruits and Trees of the largeft Size,32o. 
 
 Fruits of Spain, 392. 
 
 Fowle wild and tame, 334, 326, 337. 
 Fijh taken in the four great Rivers, 3 38. 
 Of Flax, Afparagus, &c. 2,95. 
 
 The Faithfulnefs of the Indians to their 
 
 Matters, 487. 
 
 The Foundation of the City of Los Rey- 
 es and Traxillo, j 2 1 . 
 
 Feftivals of Joy made for Goncalo Picar- 
 ro, 703. 
 
 The Feflival of the H. Sacrament cele- 
 brated at Cozco by Indians and Spani- 
 ards, 977. 
 
 THE Government of the ancMht 
 Inca's, 8. 
 
 Gold and Silver given to the Inca's not as 
 tribute but in Prefents, 141. 
 
 Of Gold and Silver, 344. 
 
 Giants in the Countrey ofManta, 363. 
 
 Garniiajfo de la Vega and his Companions 
 meet difficulties in difcovering the 
 
 Counrrey of Bucna Ventura, $6$. 
 
 Gaif or Rodriguez, and his Friends pardo- 
 ned, 68 5. He is killed, 687. 
 
 De la Gafia, a Lawyer, is chofen by the 
 Emperour Charles the Fifth to reduce 
 Peru, 75 y. His Commiflion and Ar- 
 rival at N ombre de Dios, 7^7. 
 
 Pedro de la Gafia hath the Tide of Prefi- 
 dent •■, fends Hernan Alexia to quiet 
 diflurbances at Panama raifed by Pe- 
 dro de Hinojofa,7^. Sends an Ambaf- 
 
 fadour to Goncalo Picarro, 761. His 
 
 Letter to him, 764. He departs from 
 
 Panama and goes to Tumpiz,, 77 2 . He 
 
 arrives there and ifliies out Orders , 
 781. He comes to Saufa, 792. He 
 receives the ill News of the defeat of 
 Centeno, 811. His departure from Sau- 
 fa , and arrival at Antahuaylla , 8 1 $-. 
 He comes to the River Apur'mac , 
 and the Difficulties he found in the 
 paffage, 823. 
 
 Gafia 
 
THE INDEX. 
 
 Gafia the Prefident marches towards 
 Coz.co, p. &6. He publishes new Or- 
 ders for me Suppreffion of Rebels, 
 8 j 1. With what Difficulty he an- 
 fwers the Importunity of Pretenders, 
 8jz. His Letter to them, 8)3. He 
 goes to Los Reyes , and leaves Cozxo , 
 ibid. His great Cares and Troubles ; 
 he fupprelles Mutinies •, his great Pa- 
 tience, 863. He embarques for Spam, 
 869. He recovers the Treafure he 
 had loft, 875. He arrives in Spain, 
 876. 
 
 Giron, vide, Hernandez-. 
 
 A great Gabon with Eight hundred Peo- 
 ple therein how burned, 982. 
 
 H. 
 
 OF their HW/Vn?/}-tradesand Work, 
 p. y*. 
 The Highpriefi, his Name, &c 90. 
 Hufwif cry of the Women, 112. 
 Hanco-hudllu the Valiant flies out of the 
 
 Empire, 177. 
 Huntings, how made, 194, 195-. 
 Of the Huanacu, ibid. 
 
 Huamachmu, the good Curaca, how re- 
 duced, 207. 
 
 Huacrachiicu conquered by the food's , 
 301. 
 
 Huayna Capac's three Marriages. His 
 Father's Death and Sayings, 3 1 6. 
 
 A Chain of Gold made by Huayna Ca- 
 pac, as big as a Cable, 349. 
 
 Huayna Capac, his Valour, 3S9- His 
 Sayings relating to the Sun, 36 y. He 
 receives intelligence that the Spaniards 
 fail along the Coaft of Peru, 371. 
 His laft Teftament and Death, 374. 
 
 Horfes and Mares, how firft bred in Peru, 
 and of the gieat Prices of them, 376. 
 
 Of He wand Pigeons, 385. 
 
 Herbs for Gardens, and other Herbs, 393. 
 
 Huafcar raifes Forces to refift his Bro- 
 ther Atabaliba, 400. He demands 
 Succour and Juftice from the Spa- 
 niards, 4.66. ■ 
 
 Huafcar 's death, 469. 
 
 Hinojofa, named Pedro, fails with a Fleet 
 of Ships belonging to Picarro, unto 
 Panama, 726. 
 
 Huarina, Vlde.Battel. 
 
 Hinojofa takes Vela Nunnez, in his Voy- 
 age, 728. He delivers the Fleet of 
 Picarro into the hands of the Prefi- 
 dent Gafia, 762. The great Eftate 
 given him, 8s 5- 
 
 Hoflages are ferit between the Prefident 
 and Goncalo Picarro, and the Caution 
 ufed therein, 783. 
 index, Giron greatly difcontented , 
 
 and why,f.8 j7. He receives a Com- 
 mifiion to make a new Conqueft, 
 8 j 8. He proclaims his Commif- 
 fion and Defign, 877. Many Souldi- 
 ers flock to him and caufe great Dif- 
 turbance, which is fupprefled by the 
 prudence of the Gtizens of Com , 
 87 8 . He prefents himfelf before the 
 H. Court of Juftice 5 is difmifled 5 
 and marries in Los Reyes, 879. 
 Hinojofa goes to the Charcot, where he 
 finds many Souldiers ready to rebel] 5 
 he entertains them with vain hopes, 
 891. They confpire to kill him, 892! 
 His Death, 894. 
 
 Hernandez, Giron COnfpireS with the 
 
 Souldiers to raife a Rebellion, 911. 
 He raifes a Rebellion in Cozco, and 
 what happened that night, 913. He 
 takes the Governour 5 opens the Pri- 
 fons-, and kills Don Bait afar de Caftil- 
 la and John de Career es, 916. 
 
 Hernandez, Giron appoints Officers for 
 his Army, 918. Two Cities fend Am- 
 bafladours to him, 919. He bani- 
 ihes the Governour of C»z,co out of 
 the City, 920. Caufes himfelf to be 
 chofen Captain, 922. He leaves C«- 
 co, and marches againft the Juftices , 
 924- He COmes to Huamanca, the 
 Scouts meet, 927. Finding many of 
 his Souldiers ready to revolt, he re- 
 folves to engage the King's Army, 
 929. He makes a Retreat, 931. He 
 
 defeats Paulo de Menefes, 934. He 
 
 comes to Nanafca, and compofes an 
 Army of Negroes, 936, 937 . He gains 
 a Victory over the Marlhal, 947. His 
 Proceedings after the Battel, 9S z. 
 He Plunders the Cities, 9^2. The 
 Silver which he took from two Ci- 
 tizens of Cozxo, 9^3. He orders his 
 Lieutenant General Aharado to take 
 Bells from the Churches of Cozco to 
 make Guns, 9^3. He dares not ad- 
 venture into Coz,co: but takes his 
 Wife with him from thence, 95 <;. 
 He depends much upon the Prefages 
 of Wifards, 9 $ 6. He refolves to give 
 Battel to the King's Army, 963. 
 Hernandez, proceeds forth to Battel, and 
 miffes his Defign, 966. He flies a- 
 way alone. His Lieutenant General 
 with an hundred Men take another 
 way, and are purfued by Paulo de 
 
 Menefes, 9 62. 
 
 Hernandez is taken by two Captains 
 which were fent in purfuit of him , 
 and is carried to Coz,co , 970. He is 
 put to death, and his Head fixed with 
 thofe oi Goncalo Picarro and Francifco 
 deCarvajal, 973. 
 
 The 
 
THE INDEX. 
 
 
 The Heirs of thofe who fided with 
 Hernandez are reft ore d to their Eftates, 
 p. 1005. 
 
 THE Idolatry of the Inca's in the 
 firft Age, 6. 
 The Incus, their Original, 11. 
 The Idolatry of the fecond Age, 27. 
 How the Incurs came to the Worlhip of 
 God, 28, 29. 
 
 Inheritance of Eftates, 1 09. 
 
 The Idols which the Indians of ^»f» 
 
 worfhipped, 119. 
 
 The Interpreter, Philip, punifhed, 557. 
 
 Irreverent Impiety againft the Sacrament 
 puniihed, 705. 
 
 The ita&au (hew great fidelity to the 
 Spaniards who took them in War,487. 
 They are naturally fimple and credu- 
 lous, 4Z. 
 
 The Incan Kings forbid their Subjects 
 to meddle with Quick- filver , 34^. 
 And crimfon colours , to dig for 
 them without Licence, 346. 
 
 The Juftices deprive the two Generals 
 of their Command, 937- They pafs 
 with the Royal Army over the Ri- 
 vers of Amanca and Apurimac, 958. 
 They enter into Cozco with their 
 Camp, 959. They come to the place 
 where the Rebels had fortified them- 
 felves, 961. They make Laws to 
 prevent future Infurrections , 972. 
 they entertain troublefome Confe- ' 
 rences with the Souldiers, 973. 
 
 Indians living in the Amu eat mens 
 Flefh, 7. Such as are taken in War 
 they tye to a Tree, and flice their 
 Fleflr, and eat before their Faces, ib. 
 They afterwards adore their Bones , 
 if they fuffer bravely, ibid. 
 
 The Indians carry the Train of Artillery 
 on their Shoulders, and how, 959. 
 
 The Inca Sayri Tupac is perfuaded by the 
 Vice-King , the Marquis of Cannete 
 to come out of the Mountains •, and 
 how contrived, 991. The fear and 
 jealoufie the Inca and his Governours 
 conceived upon this meflage from the 
 Vice-King, 993. They confult the 
 Prophecies, and refolve to go, 99 s. 
 The Inca*s Anfwer when he received 
 a Writing which fecuied an Allow- 
 r ance to him, 996- The Inca goes to 
 Ctnuo , where he was well received , 
 and He and his Wife baptized, 998. 
 
 The Inca Tupac Amaru is taken and im- 
 prifoned, 1009. Procefs is drawn up 
 again ft him and other Incus, and a- 
 gainft the Sons of Spaniards born of 
 
 Indian Women, p. 101 1. He is Bap- 
 tized, 1 o 1 3. He is put to death, ibid. 
 
 K. 
 
 HT H E King's Letter to Goncalo Pi car- 
 ■*■ ro, 763. 
 
 L. 
 
 LAws ordained by the Inch's, 34, 47. 
 Lloque Tupanqui fecond King, 38. 
 The Learning of the Inca's, 43. 
 
 Lands allotted to every Indian, and with 
 what fort of Dung they manured 
 their Grounds, 135-. 
 
 Laws made by the Incus, 147. 
 
 Languages different in Peru, 249. 
 
 And Languages ufed in the Court, 2^3. 
 
 New Laws made in the Court of Spain 
 for better Government of the two 
 Empires of Mexico and Peru, (J48. 
 
 The new Laws are put in Execution^ $ 1 . 
 
 They caufe great difturbance, 694, 6^9, 
 673,67 s- Reports raifed againft thofe 
 who favoured the new Laws, 655. 
 The Reafons given againft them, 664. 
 Confultations thereupon, 766. 
 
 Lorenzo de Aldana, his prudent conduct, 
 7»5- He fupprefles many Jealoufies 
 and Fears in Los Reyes, 721. He goes 
 to the Valley of Los Reyes, and fends 
 Spies againft Picarro, 771. 
 
 Loyola, the Governour, his death, 1 o 1 6. 
 
 M. 
 
 MArriages amongft the falvage Indi- 
 ans, 10. 
 
 Marriages, how afterwards, ic6. 
 Manco Capac, the firft Inca, 1 4. 
 Mayta Capac, the fourth King, yj. 
 Chambers of the Moon and Stars,e£r. 89. 
 Women beftowed in Marriage by the 
 
 Inca, 10 5. 
 Marriages amongft the Inca's, 108. 
 
 Mufu, and the Expedition thither, 273. 
 The Spaniards ill Succefs in Mufu, 176. 
 Mayz,, Rice and other Seeds, Pulfe and 
 Roots, 318, 319. 
 
 Alines of Gold in Co/lakuya, 344. 
 
 Midi, the Tree, and Red Pepper, 322. 
 Maguy, the Tree, and the Virtue of it, 
 
 3*3- 
 The Nation of Mama , their Gods and 
 Cuftoms, 361. 
 
 A Miracle in Tumpiz, 433. 
 
 Miracles in favourof the Chriftians, J41, 
 
 S44- 
 Manco Inca endeavours his own Reftau- 
 
 ration, 538. He makes an Infurredti- 
 
 on,54i . He lives in Banithment, s S7- 
 
 [**] Mexico 
 
THE INDEX. 
 
 Mexico defcribed, p. 6 j r . 
 
 Manco Inca, and the Spaniards with him, 
 write to the Vice-king, 670. 
 
 Prince Manco Inca is unfortunately kil- 
 led, 671. 
 
 Lope de Mendo$a, his SuCCefleS, 741. 
 
 Marriages with rich Widows, to gra- 
 tify the Spaniards , who pretended to 
 great Rewards, 8 jj. 
 
 Mutinies puniftied at Cozco, and the Ori- 
 ginals thereof, 881. 
 
 Mutiny in Piura how appeafed, 931. 
 
 Don Antonio de Mendoca is fent in quality 
 of Vice-king to Peru, 882. His Son 
 Bon Francifco is fent into the Charcot, 
 883. 
 
 Many People go to vifit the Vice-king, 
 886. The Story which an imperti- 
 nent perfon told theVice-kh:g, 887. 
 The Death of the Vice-king, ibid. 
 
 The Mar/hal, vid. Alonjo de Alvarado. 
 
 Mendiola, a Capt. in Hernandez his Ar- 
 my •, and Martin, a Captain in the 
 King's Army, how they ended their 
 days, 933- 
 
 Michael Corr.ejo, how killed, 9 34. The 
 
 faithfulnefs of hisHorfe to him, 935-. 
 
 Mendoca Den Gar pa is fent Govemour 
 
 unto Chile 5 His Skirmifh with the 
 
 Indians, 1 00 3. He returns to Spain, 
 
 1007. 
 
 N. ■ 
 
 THE Novitiates, how they took 
 
 A their Degrees of Chivalry, 22 j. 
 
 How they made their own Arms and 
 
 Shoos, 226. The Prince underwent 
 
 all the Rigours Of a Novitiate, 228. 
 
 The Count de Nieva is chofen Vice-king 
 of Peru, 1007. 
 
 O. 
 
 THE Original of the Incas of Peru, 
 A 11. 
 
 Officers, how inverted in their Emploi- 
 
 ments, ret. 
 Oracles consulted, 3 J4. 
 Olive-plants fir ft brought into Peru, 391. 
 7ranc\fco de Orellana leaves his Compa- 
 
 nibns, and fails into Spain, to de- 
 mand the Government of the Con- 
 queft of Cattela, 605. 
 Orfua attempts the Conqueft of the A- 
 mazons: His end and death, 1006. 
 
 P. 
 
 PEru defcribed, 3. 
 divided into four parts, 32. 
 The Phyfick. and Medicines ufed by Indi- 
 ans, 4J, 46. 
 
 Poetry and Philofophy of the Amautas,p.^, 
 The Punifhment of thofe who ufed Poi- 
 
 f°">59- Of Idle People, 1 37. 
 The Pinguin Bird called Parihuana, 67. 
 
 The Palaces of the Inca's ornament and 
 furniture, i8j. Made of Gold and 
 Silver, 187. 
 
 Paintings ufed by the Indian Women,34d. 
 
 Pofts how difpatched and fettled, 196. . 
 Pachacutec, Son to Viracocha, facceeds and 
 
 vifits feveral parts of the Empire, 
 
 fubdues feveral Provinces, 202, 205-. 
 
 His Edifices and Laws, 204. And his 
 
 wife fayings, 246. 
 
 Of the Platane, or Piner Apple, 3Z4. . 
 
 Pearls, Emeralds and Tuiquoifes, 341. 
 The People q{p una maffacre the Captains 
 
 of Huayna Capac, 3^6. PuniLhmeot 
 
 is inflicted on them, 357. 
 
 Peru conquered with little Coft to the 
 King of Cafiile, 422. 
 
 Peter de Candia informs his Companions 
 of all he had teen, 434. 
 
 Francifco Picarro forfaken by his Souldi- 
 ers, 428. Proceeds on his Conqueft, 
 430. How he and thirteen Compa- 
 nions arrive in Peru, 431. He makes 
 
 a voyage into Spain, 435-. Hernando 
 
 P ; $arro travels to Pachacamac , 462. 
 
 and returns to Spain, 473. 
 Francifco Pcsrro made a Marquis, 537. 
 John Pi$a, n. Rilled in taking the Fort of 
 
 Cozco, 549. 
 Hernando Picarro imprifoned, J 63. He 
 
 is fetat liberty, ^76. Goncalo Picarro 
 
 efcapes out of prifen, ibid. 
 Hernando Picarro marches againft Don 
 
 Diego de Almagrc, j8o. He goes into 
 
 Spain, and is there impri;c:ed; $93- 
 Marquis Picarro divides the Kingdom, 
 and Goncalo Picarro is fent to the Con- 
 queft of Canela, 600. The great hard- 
 ihip he undergoes, 601. He consi- 
 ders how he may return to £ZuitH,6o$. 
 The Spaniards of Chili confpire againft 
 Marquis Picarro, and put hira to 
 death, 6 1 o, 6} 3. Picarro and Almagro 
 compared , &\ s. Pi$arro\ excellent 
 qualities, 619. Goncalo Picarro after 
 having pafled moft incredible diffi- 
 culties finds his way OUt of the Cinna- 
 mon Countrey, 631. He enters into 
 Quitu , and offers his Service to the 
 Governour, 634. He is chofen A- 
 gent General of Peru, 675. 
 Gonfalo Picarro having appointed his 
 Captains departs from Cozco, 677. 
 
 Pedro de Puelles revolts to Goncalo Picarrt, 
 
 683. His Death, 77s. 
 Goncalo Picarro is fummoned by the 
 Judges to appear, 697. He comes to 
 Los Reyes, 699. He puts many to 
 
 death, 
 
THE INDEX. 
 
 death, becaufe they refufe to pro- 
 claim him Governour, p. 700. 
 Gongalo Picarro is declared Governour of 
 
 Peru, 701. He enters into Los Reyes, 
 
 702. He nominates Mefleneers for 
 Spain, 70 ^ . He embarks for the City 
 of Truxiltoj 1 2. Two of his Captains 
 kill three of thofe belonging to the 
 Vice-king, ibid. 
 
 Concdo Picarro makes great Preparations 
 to pafs a Defart, 714. He drives the 
 Vice-king out of Per*, 726. He fets 
 all his own Ships on Fire, 771. 
 
 At Panama great Preparations are made, 
 and troubles appealed, 728,7x9. 
 
 Pufiru, how infufed by the Indians into 
 their Arrows, 741. 
 
 Pifarro refufes the Title of King, and 
 profefles Allegiance to his Majefty , 
 
 and goes to Los Reyes, 75:0, 75 1. His 
 
 behaviour towards the People, 7^2. 
 
 Panama and the People there revolt from 
 Pifarro, 76Z. 
 
 Paniagua comes to Los Reyes, 763. His 
 private Inftru&ions and Picarro % An- 
 swer, 767. 
 
 Goncalo Picarro fends Acofta againft Cente- 
 
 no\ and adminifters an Oath of Fide- 
 lity to his Souldiers, 781. He comes 
 to Hmrina, 791. He refolves to give 
 Battel, 794. He gains a Vi&ory a- 
 gainft Centeno, 800. He enters into 
 Coz,c», 813. He draws up his Army in 
 the Valley of Sacfahuana$Z7 . His Pro- 
 teftations and Offers to the Prefident, 
 828. He is totally defeated in the 
 Valley of Sacfakuana, 832. Surrenders 
 himfelf, 833. Of the manner how he 
 was put to death -, of the Alms- he 
 gave for his Soul •, alfo an Account 
 of his Difpofition and Nature, 847, 
 848,849. 
 
 The City of Peace founded, 862. 
 
 Potocfi much difturbed by an Infurretti- 
 on there, 896. 
 
 Potofi the Mountain where the Mines of 
 Silver are, 344. The two Mountains 
 of Potocfi, the bigger and the left, 346. 
 Many Troubles there, and many 
 brave men put to death, 904, 90 j. 
 
 PUdrahita alarms the Marfhal's Camp, 
 
 943- His filCCefs at Arequepa, 955. 
 
 He again alarms the King's Army, 
 963. He is put to death, 9S6. 
 Pretenders to the Office of Captain Ge- 
 neral in the War againft Hernandez 
 
 Giron, 924. 
 
 Pineda revolts to the Kings Party and 
 perfwades them to engage with the 
 Enemy, 944. 
 
 f\ F Sifickrfilver , and how melted , 
 ^-^ their Ore before they difcovered 
 
 that Mineral, 34^, 345. 
 <£Wi$w«'z,flain by his own Souldiers, j 24. 
 The Jguarrel between the Vice-king and 
 
 the Judges breaks out in publick,67o. 
 
 * /' 
 
 I Nca Rocca , the Prince , reduces many 
 
 A Provinces, 84. 
 
 Inca Rocca, the Sixth King fucceeds and 
 fubdues many Nations, 1 1 4. His Laws 
 and Schools founded in Coaco, 122. 
 
 Four famous Rivers, 338. 
 
 Of Rats , and to what multitudes they 
 have increafed, 384. 
 
 The Riches of Peru, with two Opinions 
 thereupon, 424. The Riches which 
 the Spaniards divided amongft them- 
 felves, out of what they took for A- 
 tahualpa's Ranfome, 484. 
 
 Rumminavi, his Treafon, 494. He buries 
 the feleft Virgins alive, 496. 
 
 Revolts made from Picarro by Martin de 
 Robles, 7 8 J . Licenciado Carvajal, Gravi- 
 
 el de Rojas,8cc. 787. Captains and 
 Souldiers revolted from Johnde Acofta, 
 790. At Sacfahttana, 8 30, 8 3 1 . 
 Martin de Robles imprifoned and put tO 
 
 death, 987. 
 
 fobn de Vera Mendoca revolts from Her- 
 nandez, Giron. 
 
 Los Reyes declares for the King, 788. 
 Great Difturbances there, 789. 
 
 Rodrigo de Ninno entrufted to carry fome 
 perfons condemned to the Gallies in- 
 to Spain, 8 67, 868. And how he freed 
 himfelf from a Pirate, ibid. 
 
 SErrano, the Story of him, 3 . 
 The Sacrifices to the Sun, 31, 92. 
 Sinchi Roca, fecond King, 2,6. 
 
 Sciences known to the Indians, 48. 
 
 Sodomy, how punifhed, 73, 202. 
 
 Of Schools founded by Pachacutec, 244. 
 
 Situation of the Schools, and Houfe of the 
 feleft Virgins, z66. 
 
 The Spaniards fail along the coaft of Pe- 
 rn, 371. 
 
 Of Sheep and tame Cats, 382. 
 
 Sugar Canes, 392. 
 
 Spain poor in money before the Con- 
 queft of Peru, 420. 
 
 The Spaniards of Noble Quality, who 
 undertake the Conqueft of Peru, 41 7. 
 They endure great Hardfhips in their 
 Voyage from Panama to Tumpiz,, 4.3,7. 
 
 They make themfelves Mafters of 
 Tumpiz,, 438. 
 
 The 
 
THE INDEX. 
 
 The Spaniards break Peace with the In- 
 dians, and kill them without caufe, 
 
 Sotelo is killed by Garcia de Alvarado , Sa- 
 
 laz^r is challenged to fight a Duel for 
 
 having murthered Pedro de Puelles,777. 
 Don Sebaftian de Cafti/la, and his Aftbd- 
 
 ates kill the Governour Pedro de Hi- 
 nojofa, and^his Lieutenant , Alonfo de 
 Cafiro, 894?' The Orders and Me- 
 thods he took in his Affairs, 896. Don 
 Sebaftian fends Souldiers to kill the 
 Marfhal, 898. And is murthered by 
 his own Souldiers, 899. 
 
 T. 
 
 "Titles given by the I»ca to his Family, 
 x 18. 
 
 The Temple of the Sun defcribed, 87. 
 The Tribute given to the Inca, 1 37. 
 The Tribute how expended, 142. 
 The Tribute how paid, ifj. How im- 
 
 pofed and proportioned, 1 <;7. 
 Titles of Honour how conferred, 229. 
 Tobacto, 327. 
 Tumbiz furrenders to the Incas, 392. 
 
 The Treafure which the Spaniards found 
 
 in Coz-co, 501. 
 John de la Torre his Riches, and how gai- 
 ned, 7 S3. His proceedings at Cow, 
 807. 
 
 Alonfo de Toro his death, 769. 
 
 New Troubles in Peru, 866. 
 
 Don Francifio de Toledo is chofen Vice- 
 king of Peru, ico8. He returns to 
 Spain, where he is feverely reproved 
 by his Catholick Majefty, ici6. His 
 Death, 1017. 
 
 his eldeft Son, and prophefies concer- 
 ning the Invafion of the Spaniards 
 p. 180. His Death, 182. 
 
 The Vallies of Pachacamac and Rimac and 
 their Idols, 234. 
 
 Valdhia killed with his men by the Indi- 
 ans of chili, 288. Other ill Succefies 
 289. 
 
 Valdhia the City how deftroyed, 290. 
 
 Of the fine, and who firft planted the 
 Grape, 388. 
 
 Vicente Valverde, a Frier, makes a Speech 
 ^Atahualpa, 449, 4^0,451. The 
 difficulty to interpret the Speech,4jo. 
 
 Taca de. Caftro received for Governour 
 by the People of Rimac, 626. His 
 good Government, 6 4 j. He goes 
 to Los Reyes, 659. He is imprifoned, 
 667. He makes his efcape, 707. He 
 
 Comes to Spain, 709. 
 Verdugo, his Adions in Truxillo, Nicara- 
 gua and Nombre de Dios, 730. 
 
 Vela Nunnez, brother to the late Vice- 
 king, his death by John de U Torre, 
 
 and how, 753. 
 Pedro de Valdhia is made Governour of 
 
 Chile, C99- His own People prefer 
 
 Articles againft him, 860. 
 Vafio Goahuz, is fet up by the Souldiers 
 
 for their General after the Death of 
 
 Don \ebaftian de Ca ft ilia, 900. He 
 puts Don Garcia Tello de Guzman to 
 
 death, 902. Vafto Godhez, and feveral 
 of his Souldiers are imprifoned, 906. 
 and is put to death, 908. 
 
 OF Virgins dedicated to the Sun, 99. 
 and of their Rules and Emploi- 
 ment, 100, 102, 103,104. 
 
 Of the Vicuna, 1 9 j. 
 
 I»ca Viracocha appears to the eldeft Son 
 of Tahuarhuacac, 12J. 
 
 inca Viracocha receives intelligence of 
 the Enemies March, is 8. And the 
 bloudy Battel which followed, 1 60. 
 
 Viracocha beftows Gratuities on his Soul- 
 diers, 163. Purfues his Conqueft, and 
 returns to Cow ; fees his Father 5 takes 
 on himfelf the Government, which 
 his Father reigns to him , 1 64, 1 6%, 
 
 Of the word Viracocha , and why the 
 Spaniards were called by that Name, 
 1 67. The Inca Viracocha gives order 
 for building a Temple in memory of 
 his Uncle Viracocha, who appeared to 
 him, 1 69. Viracocha gives a Name to 
 
 W. 
 
 WHoredom,ho\v punifbed, and how 
 permitted, 114. 
 wild Beafts.as Lions, Bears, Tigers,Apes, 
 
 Monkies, &c. 332. 
 Of their **W, 387. 
 Of wine, and the firft man that made it 
 in Cokxo, 389. 
 
 w. 
 
 CApac Tupanaui, fifth Monarch, 68. 
 His Conqueft defigned, 272. 
 
 Ta-huarhuacac, Prince, his Name, whence 
 derived, 1 1 7. He is the feventh King, 
 his Fears and Conquefts, and the Dif- 
 grace of his eldeft Son, 123. 
 
 Tucay, the Valley defcribed, 179. 
 
 Tauqu, his Conquefts, 210, 212. 
 
 Tupanqui inca, his Retirement and quiet 
 Life untill his death, 293. 
 
 Tllen Suarez. de Carvajal, Agent, is put to 
 
 Death, 689. 
 The Jealoufie the Vk£-king conceived 
 of him, 688. 
 
 THE END.