:^J 
 
 )«f' 
 
 
 .r\ 
 
 \ 
 
 t TA ^/, /' 
 
 .^.^.. 
 
 , Vf.. 
 
 
 
 4 ' *r*, - ■ 
 
 ''4 *----^=- '■ 
 
 •fK-As?' ■ ... - v^ 
 
 ---^ 
 
 ■', ^. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 _ "\%¥'^ 
 
 M^>^^-i w 
 
/3/3. 
 
HERCULANENSIA. 
 
HERCULANENSIA; 
 
 ARCHEOLOGICAL AND PHILOLOGICAL 
 DISSERTATIONS, 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 A MANUSCRIPT 
 FOUND AMONG THE RUINS OF HERCULANEUM; 
 
 AND DEDICATED (bY PERJJISSION) TO 
 
 HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE OF WALES. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED BY W. BULMER AND CO. CLEVELAND-ROW J 
 AND SOLD BY T. CADELL AND W . DAVIES, STRAND. 
 
 181G. 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 TO 
 
 HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS 
 
 THE PRINCE OF WALES 
 
 SIR, 
 
 In being permitted to dedicate this volume to your 
 Royal Highness, it cannot but be grateful to our feel- 
 ings as Englishmen, to announce to our country, and 
 to the world, that the developement of the numerous 
 manuscripts of Herculaneum, lately transmitted from 
 Palermo to London, has been chiefly owing to the 
 exertions of the Prince of Wales — to his patronage, 
 his munificence, his taste for literature, and his zeal in 
 its cause. 
 
 After the publication of the Treatise of Philodemus, 
 by Rosini, which will bear lasting testimony to the pro- 
 found learning, either of the Editor himself, or of his 
 
 b 
 
ii DEDICATION. 
 
 master, the celebrated Mazzochi, the papyri continued 
 for many years to lie neglected in the Museum of Portici, 
 forgotten by the idle, and regretted by the learned. In 
 the midst of a brilliant court, surrounded with all the 
 embarrassments of greatness, obliged to live rather for 
 the many than for the few, and apparently abstracted 
 from the graver cares of literature, your Royal Highness 
 conceived the design of restoring to the light the whole 
 of those works, which after having lain for seventeen 
 centuries under the ruins of Herculaneum, seemed de- 
 stined, through the indolence, or indifference, of their 
 new possessors, to remain for ever unknown to the 
 world, as useless as they were before, and lost alike to 
 curiosity and to science. Many obstacles opposed 
 themselves to the accomplishment of this noble de- 
 sign, which address and perseverance could alone re- 
 move. The feelings of an independent Sovereign, 
 and of an enlightened nation, were not to be wounded 
 by the manner of a proposal, which might seem in 
 the first instance to reflect on their inattention to 
 the literary treasures which they possessed. Those 
 who know your Royal Highness best, will not be sur- 
 prised to learn, that the government of Naples cheer- 
 fully acceded to a request which was characterised by 
 the generous views, the liberality, and the urbanity of 
 him who made it. The Neapolitans admired iii the 
 
DEDICATION. iii 
 
 object of this request the taste for literature, and the 
 munificent spirit of a Prince who was born to be the 
 Patron of the Arts ; and they recognised in its manner 
 that politeness and grace which often obtain for them- 
 selves what would be grudged to power, and what 
 would be refused to rank or to opulence. 
 
 The difficulty of opening the rolls o^ papyrus, which 
 had been reduced to a perfect carbo, can scarcely be con- 
 ceived by those who have not witnessed the process. 
 Much time, and many hands were required in carrying 
 it on ; and the expense incurred was proportionate 
 to the labour. When the manuscripts were unrolled, 
 it was necessary that persons competent to the task 
 should decypher and transcribe them ; — distribute the 
 capital letters into the words to which they belong- 
 ed ; and supply those deficiencies in the text which but 
 too frequently recurred. At the head of the directors 
 of this difficult undertaking were Rosini, the editor of 
 Philodemus ; an English gentleman, sent out for the 
 purpose by your Royal Highness ; and, we believe, a 
 Neapolitan priest, supposed to be deeply versant in 
 ancient literature. It was not until large sums had been 
 expended by your Royal Highness, and the success of 
 the execution had justified the boldness of the plan, that 
 pecuniary assistance was recjuested and obtained from 
 Parliament. Attentive as' the people of this country 
 
iv DEDICATION. 
 
 are, and ought to be, to the expenditure of public 
 money, they must glory in having contributed with 
 the Heir Apparent to the British throne, in forwarding 
 a work which does honour to the English name. 
 
 We are sensible, Sir, that there are some, perhaps 
 many, persons to whom we shall appear to have ex- 
 pressed ourselves in the language of exaggeration, and 
 to whom the rolled, and the unrolled papyri will alike 
 be objects of indifference. The mind, indeed, must, 
 generally speaking, have been cultivated by an early 
 and a long acquaintance with the classical writers of 
 Greece and Rome, before it can take any very lively 
 interest in the monuments of their genius which they 
 have left behind them, or before it can glow with that 
 zeal, which prompts the wealthy to expend their 
 money, and the curious to devote their leisure, in 
 search of the remnants of antiquity. He, who has 
 never kindled with enthusiasm while he read the Iliad ; 
 who was never charmed with the elegance of Virgil, 
 nor affected by his inimitable expression of the pas- 
 sions ; whose patriotism was never warmed by the elo- 
 quence of Demosthenes ; and whose taste and imagina- 
 tion have neither been improved nor delighted by 
 the writings of Cicero ; may naturally wonder at the 
 anxiety which is felt by some of the most distinguished 
 men who adorn our country, to peruse the literary 
 
DEDICATION. v 
 
 fragments, which the exertions of the Prince of Wales 
 have rescued from the long oblivion in which they had 
 been sunk for ages. 
 
 We certainly know of no period since the revival of 
 letters, when, if classical acquirements be of any value, 
 it has been so necessary to ascertain what that value is, 
 as at present. Among the many extraordinary features 
 of the revolutionary system, which is rapidly changing 
 the state of Europe, the neglect of ancient literature is 
 not the least remarkable. It is natural enough, that 
 ignorance should be at war with learning, and that bad 
 taste should desire to set up new models of its own ; 
 but it is not so easy to determine why governments which 
 institute academies, and which encourage the sciences, 
 should wish to throw into the shade the ancient and 
 the brightest ornaments of the literary world. In the 
 countries to which we allude, the Greek and Roman 
 Classics were the guides of their most celebrated au- 
 thors, not because the latter were without original 
 genius, but because their good sense convinced them that 
 the compositions of the former were most agreeable to 
 truth, to nature, and to sound criticism. No competent 
 judge will mention without respect the names of Racine 
 and Boile;iu, of Bossuet and Fenelon ; and it is not bad 
 taste alone, that, in a country like France, could have set 
 aside the models which such men admired and imitated. 
 
vi DEDICATION. 
 
 The age of Louis the Fourteenth cannot be easily for- 
 gotten by enlightened Frenchmen. The spirit which 
 animated, and the taste which guided the writers of that 
 brilliant period, appeared not to have quite expired, 
 when the National Institute, in the general and original 
 plan of education which it proposed, recommended the 
 attentive study of the Classics to the youth of France ; 
 but the zeal of the Institute was easily cooled by the in- 
 terference of the government ; and the knowledge which 
 might be acquired of the learned languages was limited 
 and defined by the curious interposition, but indisput- 
 able authority, of an Imperial rescript. It was decreed 
 that the student might be taught as much Latin, as 
 would enable him to construe the Commentaries of 
 Caesar, and enough of Greek to be able to comprehend 
 the terms of science. 
 
 We shall not pretend to assign the reasons which 
 may have dictated an edict, evidently intended to dis- 
 courage for ever the study of the learned languages, and 
 with it all taste for the works of those who wTOte in 
 them, and whose beauties are but faintly seen through 
 the medium of translation, and especially of French 
 translation. We cannot, however, help remarking, 
 and not without a meaning here, that all the distin- 
 guished writers of antiquity, without exception, were 
 the friends of civil order, of justice, and of liberty. 
 
DEDICATION. vii 
 
 Mistaken they might be on religious and metaphysical 
 questions ; but their reasoning is always on the side of 
 virtue, their talents were employed to defend it, and 
 their genius was exerted to exalt it. They celebrated 
 the actions of the great, and the deeds of the warlike; 
 but they reprobated the cruelty of the oppressor, and 
 the crimes of the tyrant. No man will learn from 
 them to love political confusion, or military despotism, 
 or barbarous pomp, or unbridled ferocity, or unjust 
 aggression, nor yet the meaner arts of a boundless and 
 unprincipled ambition 
 
 But whatever, Sir, may have been the views of the 
 French government in endeavouring to repress all taste 
 for classical literature, we cannot but feel gratified in 
 contrasting them with those of the Heir Apparent of 
 the Crown of England. The Greeks and Romans have 
 been our masters in all that can tend to polish and 
 adorn the mind. If in science we have gone beyond 
 them^ — if in genius we be their rivals, it must be con- 
 fessed that in taste, in grace, and in elegance, we are 
 not yet their equals. Your Royal Highness has shown, 
 that you desire us not to forget our masters in literature, 
 and you have done so, because you know, that among 
 them are to be found the noblest models in poetry 
 and eloquence; the best, because the most rational 
 
viii DEDICATION. 
 
 defenders of civil liberty ; and the wisest instructors, 
 and the safest guides in the conduct of human life. 
 
 That your Royal Highness may long continue to be 
 the protector and encourager of literature, from motives 
 so honourable to yourself, and with views so beneficial 
 to the country, is the ardent wish of all by whom letters 
 are valued, or to whom their interests are dear. 
 
 We have the honour to be, with the most profound 
 respect, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Your Royal Highness's 
 
 Most obedient and most humble Servants, 
 
 W. DRUMMOND. 
 
 Oct. 5, 1809. ROBERT WALPOLE. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Th I r t y-n in e years after the discovery of the ruins of Hercula- 
 neum, (which event happened in the year 1713,) an excavation 
 was made in a garden at Resina, and there, in the remains of a house, 
 supposed to have belonged to L. Piso, was found a great number of 
 volumes oihnrni papyrus. Many of these />a/;yn, as they have since 
 been generally termed, were destroyed by the workmen ; but as 
 soon as it was known that they were remnants of ancient manuscripts, 
 their developement became an object of no common interest to the 
 learned world. Father Piaggi invented the machine which is still 
 employed for unrolling them, and which has been already describ- 
 ed by several writers. 
 
 When we reflect on the number of valuable works which have 
 been lost since the period when Herculaneum was destroyed, we 
 ought not to be surprised at the sanguine expectations which, upon 
 the first discovery of the MSS., were entertained, of adding some 
 important acquisitions to the treasures of ancient literature which 
 we already possess. The lost books of Livy, and the Comedies of 
 Menander, presented themselves to the imagination of almost every 
 scholar. Each indeed anticipated, according to his taste, the mental 
 pleasures, and the literary labours, which awaited him. Some con- 
 nected the broken series of historical details ; some restored to the 
 light those specimens of eloquence, which, perhaps, their authors 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 believed incapable of being ever concealed from it; and otliers 
 opened new springs, which should auoment the fountains of 
 Parnassus. Varius again took his seat by the side of Virgil ; Sirno- 
 nides stood again with Sophocles and Pindar by the throne of 
 Homer ; and the lyre of the Theban was struck to themes and to 
 measures, that are remembered no more. 
 
 These enthusiastic hopes were perhaps too suddenly repressed, 
 as they had been too easily excited. When we walk among the 
 remains of temples and palaces, we must not expect to meet only 
 with fragments of sculpture, with the polished column, or the de- 
 corated capital. Where the ruin has been great, the rubbish is 
 likely to be abundant. Since men have written books, many, it 
 may be believed, have been produced in every age which were 
 unworthy of being preserved to posterity. The ^rsi papyrus which 
 was opened, contained a treatise upon music by Philodemus the 
 Epicurean. It was in vain that Mazzochi and Rosini wrote their 
 learned comments on this dull performance : the sedative was 
 too strong ; and the curiosity which had been so hastily awakened, 
 was as quickly lulled to repose. A few men of letters, indeed, 
 lamented that no further search was made for some happier subject, 
 on which learned industry might be employed; but the time, the 
 difficulty, and the expense, which such an enterprize required, 
 and the uncertainty of producing any thing valuable, had ap- 
 parently discouraged and disgusted the Academicians ofPortici. 
 
 Thinos were in this state, when his R. H. the Prince of Wales 
 proposed to the Neapolitan Government to defray the expenses 
 of unrolling, decyphering, and publishing the manuscripts. This 
 offer was accepted by the Court of Naples ; and it was consequently 
 judged necessary by his R. H. to select a proper person to superintend 
 the undertaking. The reputation of Mr. Hayter as a classical scholar 
 justified his appointment to the place which the munificence of 
 
PREFACE. 3^i 
 
 the Prince, and his tasle for literature had created. This gentle- 
 man arrived at Naples in the beginning of the year 1802, and was 
 nominated one of the directors for the developement of the manu- 
 scripts. 
 
 During a period of several years the workmen continued to open 
 a great number o^ihe papijri. Many, indeed, of these frail substances 
 were destroyed, and had crumbled into dust under the slightest 
 touch of the operator. 
 
 When the French invaded the kingdom of Naples in the year 
 1806, Mr. Hayter was compelled to retire to Sicily. It is certainly 
 to be deeply regretted that all ihe papyri were left behind. Upon 
 the causes of this singular neglect we do not wish to offer any 
 opinion, the more especially as very opposite accounts have been 
 given by the two parties to whom blame has been imputed. The 
 writer of this Preface only knows with certainty, that when he 
 arrived at Palermo in 1806, on his second mission to his Sicilian 
 Majesty, he found that all the papyri had been left at Naples, and 
 that the' copies of those which had been unrolled were in the pos- 
 session of the Sicilian Government. How this happened, it would 
 be now fruitless to enquire. The English Minister made several 
 applications to the Court of Palermo to have the copies restored; 
 but without success, until the month of August, 1807. It was pre- 
 tended, that according to the original agreement the MSS. should 
 be published in the place where his Sicilian Majesty resided; that 
 several Neapolitans had assisted in correcting, supplying, and 
 translating them ; that his Sicilian Majesty had never resigned 
 his ri^rht to the possession either of the originals, or of the copies ; 
 and that as a proof of this right being fully recognized, the copies 
 had been deposited by Mr. Hayter himself in the Royal Museum 
 at Palermo. It was, however, finally agreed, that the MSS. 
 should be given up pro tempore to Mr. Drummond, who immedi- 
 
xii PREFACE. 
 
 ately replaced them in the hands of Mr. Hayter. In the space of 
 about a year, during which period they remained in the possession 
 of the latter, ?i facsimile of part of one of the copies was engraved, 
 and some different forms of Greek characters, as found in these 
 fragments, were printed under his direction. 
 
 From some circumstances, which took place in the summer of 
 1808, and to which we have no pleasure in alluding, a new ar- 
 rangement became indispensable. Mr. Drummond proposed to the 
 Sicilian Government, that the copies should be sent to London, 
 where they might be published with advantages which could not 
 be obtained at Palermo, His proposal was acceded to, and they 
 have been accordingly transmitted to England. The manner, in 
 which their publication will be conducted, will of course depend 
 upon the determination of His R. H. the Prince of Wales, in whose 
 hands they have been deposited ; but it may be presumed that the 
 Republic of Letters will not have to lament that these interesting 
 fragments are to be brought to light under the auspices of a Prince, 
 who has always shown himself to be the protector of learning and 
 the arts. We venture not to assert, but we believe, that the MSS. 
 will be submitted to the inspection of a select number of learned 
 men, and will be edited under their care, and with their annota- 
 tions and translations. 
 
 With respect to the present volume the authors have had no 
 other view in giving it to the world, than to call the attention of 
 the English public to some subjects, which the persusal of the 
 MSS. and the ancient state and situation of Herculaneum suggested 
 to them as worthy of being investigated. His R. H. the Prince of 
 Wales has graciously permitted them to insert in their v/ork a 
 copy of one of the MSS. as it has been amended by the Academi- 
 cians of Portici. 
 
 It is impossible for us to conclude this Preface, without casting 
 
PREFACE. xiii 
 
 ao^lance on ihe extraordinary revolution of things, which has placed 
 the remnants of the library of one of the Pisos in the hands of a Bri- 
 tish Prince. Al)ont 134 years before the destruction of ilerculaneum, 
 Britain had been invaded by Julius Ciesar; and the ish-ind, which 
 was at first nominally annexed to the Roman empire, was gradually 
 subdued, and in some degree civilized, by the arms and the arts of 
 the conquerors. Several writers afLer the time of Caesar, and before 
 that of Tacitus, had described the state of the neu- province, and 
 the manners of its inhabitants. The authority wiiich the Druids 
 possessed; iheir dark religion, and its bloody rites ; their temples 
 built in lonely places ; and their mysteries celebrated in gloomy 
 groves, might naturally excite the surprise and attention of the po- 
 lished Romans. The inhabitants of the southern parts of the island 
 resembled the Gauls, though they seemed yet more savage and fe- 
 rocious. When Caesar landed on the coast of Kent, the natives were 
 unacquainted even with the comforts of life. They lived by the 
 chase, clothed themselves with the skins of animals, and sheltered 
 themselves from the inclemencies of the climate in huts covered 
 with thatch. In the field their aspect was terrible, and they fought 
 in chariots armed with scythes. To commerce, to agriculture, to 
 all the useful arts they were strangers ; but they were warlike, 
 faithful, high-spirited, and generous. Like (he ancient Persians, 
 they could only teach their children, iTnrsvuv, Kut ro^sveiv, kbh ctX'^Si^eiv, 
 — (o ride, to shoot with the bow, and to speak the truth ; yet Tacitus 
 seems to have lamented the change, when the painted barbarians 
 began to assume the toga, to imitate the manners of the Romans, 
 and to acquire many of the vices with only a few of the refinements 
 of civilized society. But how little could Tacitus, while he read 
 the interesting letter in which the younger Pliny described to him 
 the eruption of Vesuvius, have imagined, that the descendants of 
 the rude and illiterate Britons should restore to the light the 
 
xiv PREFACE. 
 
 monuments of Greek and Roman literature, which that eruption 
 appeared to have irrecoverably destroyed .' 
 
 The history of the revolutions of the world ought to teach us an 
 instructive lesson ; nor can we, who have perused the manuscripts, 
 and who have so often trodden the soil which covers theruinsof Her- 
 culaneum, easily fail to advert to it. At the period when this city 
 was overwhelmed by the burning lava of Vesuvius, Rome was in 
 the zenith of her glory; and an hundred provinces, from the con- 
 fines of Ethiopia and Arabia to the mountains of Caledonia, flou- 
 rished under the wise government and the gentle sway of the vir- 
 tuous Titus. Ages have elapsed, since the mighty edifice of the 
 Roman empire has crumbled into dust. A few ruins, which form a 
 melancholy contrast with the modern temples and palaces which 
 surround them, alone remain to point out the site, and to attest the 
 former existence and ancient grandeur of the eternal cilij. No victor 
 now ascends the Capitol, drawn in his triumphal car ; and no Vestal 
 watches by the sacred fire, which piety and patriotism had de- 
 stined to burn for ever. 
 
 There are few countries that have been distinguished more than 
 our own, either in arts, or in arms ; and during the present eventful 
 times, amidst the wreck of empires, and the crash of falling thrones, 
 we have still enjoyed the blessings of a free constitution, under the 
 government of our long-tried and beloved Sovereign. Still, how- 
 ever, the philosopher must remember, that stability is not the lot 
 of human institutions. While we develope the manuscripts of Her- 
 culaneum, and explore the literary treasures of mighty nations now 
 no more, let us cast an eye to the future. Who can tell, whether 
 the time may not come, when, after a clouded season, and a gloomy 
 interval, the glories of English literature shall emerge from obscu- 
 rity in some distant country, among the descendants of barbarians, 
 who are at present the objects of our pity or our contempt? The 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 wisdom of Egypt, the riches of Babylon, the commerce of Tyre, the 
 arts of Greece, and the magnificence of Rome, have passed away; 
 and can we believe that our own greatness is built on surer found- 
 ations? If the remote posterity of some savage nation shall be 
 doomed to do for us, what we have done for the ancients, let not the 
 restorers of our literature have to say, that their ancestors had been 
 made the victims of our avarice ; that when we conquered to en- 
 rich or aggrandize ourselves, we neglected to enlighten those who 
 became subject to our power ; and that we, who boasted of freedom 
 in our own country, knew no other distinctions between our fellow 
 creatures and ourselves in our colonies, than those of master and of 
 servant, of tyrant and of slave. We have seen the importation of 
 Negroes into the West Indian islands forbidden by an act of the le- 
 gislature ; and the abolition of this shameful traffic has in some de- 
 gree atoned for its existence, and for the long and unworthy struggle 
 which was made for its continuance. But do not the o< SaXoi still form 
 the principal part of the population of those islands ? Do we in any 
 of our colonies labour as we ought to do, to instruct the natives, 
 and to ameliorate their situation? The time has been when the arts 
 flourished on the banks of the Ganges ; and there, in the opinion 
 of many, the sun of science first rose on the nations of the earth. In 
 the re\ ulutions of the world India may again become the centre of 
 power; the refluent tide may carry back with it the spoils which 
 had been l^rought away from its shores ; and after having made the 
 circuit of the globe. Philosophy may return to the station, where 
 her first-born sons were nurtured, and where her earliest lessons 
 were taught and practised. From the ruins of Herculaneum we 
 turn our anxious eyes to far-distant scenes ; and we desire to be- 
 lieve that long ages hence, wherever we shall have left the monu- 
 n^.cnts ol our |)ower, the proofs and the records will also remain, of 
 our virtues, our knowledge, our generosity, and our beneficence. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 DISSERTATION I. 
 
 ON the Size, Population, and political State of the ancient City of 
 Herculaneum, _ _ _ _ page i 
 
 DISSERTATION II. 
 On Campania in general, and that Part of it called Felix, - 13 
 
 DISSERTATION III. 
 
 On the Etymology of Herculaneum, - - - 20 
 
 DISSERTATION IV. 
 
 On so?ne Inscriptions found among the Ruins of Herculaneum, - 33 
 
 DISSERTATION V. 
 
 On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix being frequently derived 
 from tlie Phcenician, - -^ - - 40 
 
 DISSERTATION VI. 
 
 On the Knowledge of the Greek Language, and o?i the State of the Art 
 of Paiyiting among the Romans, before and about the Time of the 
 Destruction of Herculaneum, - ~ ~ 83 
 
 DISSERTATION VII. 
 
 On the Materials on which the Ancients wrote, - - 98 
 
 DISSERTATION VIII. 
 
 Paleographical Observations on the Herculanean Manuscripts. Written 
 at Palermo in the Tear 1 807, - - - 1 08 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 DISSERTATION IX. 
 
 On the Manuscript of Herculaneiim entitled Uifi ruv ^icav, - 12a 
 
 DISSERTATION X. 
 
 Inscriptions at Herculaneum ; — at Stabice ; — Excavations at Pompeii; — 
 Inscription there ; — Subject of Pictures at Herculaneum, - i6q 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page 6, 1. ult. for spoUebantin; read spoUabantur. 
 
 ■ 7, 1- 20, for attached, read attacked. 
 
 • 7. 1. 2S, for Scylla, rrarfSylla. 
 
 20, 1. l6, Joe Favorinus, ?■£■«(/ Pliavoriiius. 
 
 S*, I. 4, for King of city, read King of the city. 
 
 24, ]. 9, for of which, read of whom. 
 
 45, 1.' 19, for Zanthus, read Xanthus. 
 
 45, 1. 30, for the masculine, read a masculine. 
 
 • 46-47, I. 31-1, for Mi-Mas, read Mim-as. 
 
 • 62, 1. 2, for Sjp^Eo-fla, read E^^so'^ai. 
 
 05,1. 20, for TTi^iiyon le^iov^yias, read •nt^nfyois it^ovf/txts, 
 
 66, 1. 27, for comes, read comas. 
 
 98,1. 2, /or describe, rcarf described. 
 
 ■ 103, 1. 10, for pec/(, read puk. 
 
 105, I. 11, for Taufa, read Taciti. 
 
 120, 1. 30, ybr indicate, read indicates. 
 
 • 221-228, read 121-128. 
 
 1 57, 1. 25, for >ia.-Ki<r^M, read Kx>.:KrSai. 
 
 — — 160, 1. 1, for ftjjlrjja, read //.rr.B^ix.. 
 
 169, 175, 1. 18, 7, for Zicorini, read Ficorini. 
 
 170, 1. 18,>r Hiviid, read Hwiid. 
 
 173, I. 24:, for Sun. read Fun. 
 
 176, 1- I, for Tvf^vt'iy, read Tvf^rjm. 
 
 177, I. 5, ioT Augurea, read Auguria. 
 
 184, 1. 28, for Co//, read Co/. 
 
 ■ 193, 1. 27, for xavmU, read kcikohs. 
 
 Other errors may have escaped the authors, and when it is considered 
 that some of iheir Dissertations were printed in their absence, due credit 
 for his general exactness will be given to Mr. Bulmer. 
 
DISSERTATIONS, &c. 
 
 DISSERTATION I. 
 
 On the Size, Population, and political State of the ancient City of 
 Herculaneiim. 
 
 BY THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM DKUMMOND. 
 
 Cluverius pretends that Herculaneum was a small town, and for 
 the proof of his assertion he refers his readers to three passages 
 which he cites from Strabo, Sisenna, and Dionysius of Halycarnas- 
 sus. "With all my respect for the authority of Cluverius, who has 
 written with so much erudition on the antiquities of Italy, I cannot 
 assent to his opinion concerning Herculaneum. 
 
 These are the words of Strabo : Exof^ivov ^e (p^H^iov igtv ro n^xKXeiov, 
 
 Protinus sequitur (Neapolim) Herculaneum castellum, promontonum 
 habens in mare projectum, quod Africa mirum in modum perflatur, &c. 
 This passage seems to be mutilated. I cannot, however, read ij,xk^<}cv 
 for uK^ocv with MartoreUi ; nor render (p^^i^iov a town. Neither is his 
 
 B 
 
s On the Size, Population, and political State 
 
 justification of this translation satisfactory : at si Straho banc iirbem 
 <p^\s^iov dicat, ne credas oppidubim fuisse, vel castellum, aid vicum, nam 
 Diodoriis etiam ingentem iirhem Catanam (panoiov dicit. The passage in 
 Diodorus does not authorise this remark ; and Martorelli has not 
 
 cited the words, which are, Aiovua-io', sTrg^re h Kut nsg ti^v Ko^a- 
 
 vviv oMVvjcig YLetfjcTTuvni ui; ttiv vvv KuXvfJLiVfiv Atlvriv fjHTUtTTfivcti hoe, to Xi«!/ avxi 
 TO (p^n^iov oxv^ov, Campanis etiam, qui Catanam illo tempore incolebant, 
 persuasit Dionysius, ut in oppidum quod nunc Mtna vocatur, propter exi' 
 miani caste Hi Jirmitatem commigrarent . Without admitting then that 
 the emendations of Martorelli are right, I must still observe, that he 
 will often be wrong who trusts too implicitly to the faithless text of 
 Strabo. After all, the passage proves little for Cluverius. Strabo 
 was enumerating the places as they were to be seen on the shores of 
 the Campania Jelix, and he might naturally indicate Herculaneum by 
 its most remarkable feature, which was its castle. 
 
 The citation from Sisenna is obscure : Qiiod oppidum tumulo in ex- 
 celso loco propter mare, parvis mcenihus inter DUAS FLUVIAS, infra 
 Vesuvium collocatum. The general authority of Nonius, by whom 
 this passage from Sisenna is given, has been questioned by Mazzochi, 
 Kuster, and Martorelli. Besides, the name of the town is not men- 
 tioned ; and who has ever heard of two rivers running on each side 
 of Herculaneum .'' For the rest, the passage is not Latin, 
 
 Dionysius of Halycarnassus states, that Hercules founded a little 
 town, which was called after his name, half way between Naples and 
 Pompeia, This statement proves nothing for Cluverius. Dionysius 
 does not speak of Herculaneum as being a small town in his own 
 time, but describes it such as it was left by Hercules, when that hero 
 passed over into Sicily. 
 
 It is more remarkable, that Cluverius should insist on the diminu- 
 tive size of Herculaneum, when it appears that it was called a city in 
 three passages, which he himself has cited from Florus, Xiphilinus, 
 and Ovid. It received the same appellation from Dion Cassius. 
 
of the ancient City of Herculaneum. 3 
 
 Of the population of Herculaneum it would be diflficult to deliver 
 a positive opinion. I have been assured, that the theatre which has 
 been discovered there might contain about eight thousand spectators, 
 and as women were not accustomed in those times to frequent the 
 theatres, this account supposes a very great population. 
 
 We cannot, however, doubt of the opulence of this city from its 
 remains ; and where there is opulence there must be population. 
 The statues, the pictures, the vases, the medals, the hbraries, the 
 furniture, the numerous articles of luxury and ornament, the houses, 
 the baths, and the spacious theatre, which have been discovered 
 among the ruins of Herculaneum, attest the splendour of the place, 
 and the wealth of its inhabitants. Cicero thus indicated its luxury, 
 and perhaps its corruption, in his oration against Rullus : Accedet eo 
 mans Gaums ; accedent salicta ad Minturnas, adjungetur etiam ilia via 
 vendibilis Hercidanea, multanim deliciariim, et magn^ peciaiiie, &c. 
 
 Martorelli has justly ridiculed the mistake of the commentators, 
 who have understood Tully to have alluded here to the via Herculea, 
 which separated the Lucrin lake from the sea. The account given 
 of this mole by Strabo would in no way correspond with the mean- 
 ing of Cicero in the passage quoted above ; and it seems inconceivable 
 how the commentators should have fallen into this palpable error. 
 Martorelli seems, however, to be himself mistaken, when, after citing 
 the words of Cicero, he adds, vides jam viam ipsam, qu^ ad id oppi- 
 dum ducebat, tot deliciarufn ubertate affluentetn. Now the orator appears 
 to have spoken of Herculaneum itself, tliat vendible Herculanean street. 
 If we suppose Herculaneum to have resembled the towns now built 
 over its ruins, these words would be very descriptive. Portici, Resina, 
 and Torre del Greco make a long street ; and the form and extent of 
 the town are marked in the expressive phrase of Cicero, as well as 
 the venality of its inhabitants. 
 
 According to the opinion of all the learned persons with whom I 
 have conversed on the subject, or whose writings I have seen, with 
 
4 On the Size, Population, and political State 
 
 the exception of Cluverius, Herculaneum must have enjoyed the 
 privileges of a municipal city, Cluverius, indeed, has not taken the 
 question into direct consideration ; but the persons to whom I parti- 
 cularly refer, have made this conclusion chiefly from some inscrip- 
 tions which have been found among the ruins. 
 
 The first of these of which I shall take notice was found on a plate 
 of brass. It seems to have been oifered as a tribute of respect to 
 Memmius, by persons styling themselves municipes et incolie. I must, 
 however, take the liberty of differing from those with whom I have 
 hitherto conversed on this evidence. It appears to me by no means 
 to amount to a positive proof that Herculaneum was a municipal town. 
 A municeps of Naples would still call himself municeps, when he be- 
 came an inhabitant of Herculaneum ; and that this might happen 
 conformably with established custom may be shown from Ulpian. 
 
 On two weights, which were also found among the ruins, were 
 the following inscriptions : 
 
 1. 
 
 Ti . . CI . . dio C . sar . Aug . s . . 
 
 L tellio Cos Ponder . exact . 
 
 . P sCur.Md H 
 
 2. 
 
 D. D. P. P. Here. 
 
 These mutilated inscriptions have been thus restored : 
 
 Tito Claudio Ccesari Angus to, 
 
 Lucio, Vitellio, Consulibus,pondera exacta 
 
 A Prafectis cura Mdilium Herculanensium. 
 
 Decurionum decreto Prcefecti 
 ponderibus Herculanensium, 
 
of the ancient City of Herculaneum. 5 
 
 Upon the offices herein mentioned, I shall make a few short re- 
 marks. 
 
 1. The Pnefecti mdicated in these inscriptions were probably the 
 prcefecti cerarii. Their office was instituted by Augustus, as we learn 
 from Dio, and the care of the public treasury was transferred from 
 the Qinestores to the Prcefecti. Cura cerarii a qucestore ad prcejectum 
 translata est. (A. Gellius.) 
 
 3. Suetonius has erroneously stated the aera when the office of 
 i^dile was established in the colonies and municipal towns. That it 
 was necessary to their constitution may be inferred from the words 
 of Cicero : Se Marcumjilium in Arpinati jnunicipio cedilem creari voluisse 
 ad constituetidum ynimicipium. 
 
 3. The rank of the Decunones was originally military, nor was it 
 of the highest. Primi singularum decuriarum Decuriones dicti sunt. 
 (Varro.) They afterwards held the same situation in the colonies 
 and municipal towns as the senators held at Rome. Neqiie erat Jeren- 
 dum qui cum haruspicinam facerent, in Senatu Romce legerentur, eos, qui 
 aliquando prceconium Jecissetit, in municipiis Decuriones esse non licere. 
 (Cicero.) 
 
 On some pieces of marble found at Herculaneum were inscribed 
 the names of several hundred persons, together with the names of 
 the tribes to which they belonged, as cives Romani. 
 
 From these testimonies it has been concluded, that Herculaneum 
 was a munkipium. I shall have occasion to offer a few remarks on 
 this conclusion before I bring the present dissertation to a close. In 
 the first place, however, I shall submit to my readers some consi- 
 derations on the state, rights, and privileges of the municipia. 
 
 The inhabitants of a municipium preserved, if they pleased, their 
 own laws and usages. Some of them, as appears from the oration 
 for Balbus, could scarcely be tempted, even by the offer of the citi- 
 zenship of the capital, to accept xhejus Romanum. Still the municipes, 
 who retained the./«^ Latifwm, were considered as honorary members 
 
6 On the Size, Population , and political State 
 
 of the Roman republic; and they were in no manner bound to observe 
 the peculiar institutions of the capital, because they could not be 
 proposers, or authors, of the particular laws by which that city was 
 governed. 
 
 It was not until the promulgation of the Julian law, that the citi- 
 zenship of Rome was generally offered to the Latins, on condition 
 that those who were honoured with the appellation of Roman citizens 
 should renounce their ancient institutions. But here it may be asked, 
 what were the real advantages proposed to the municipal towns by the 
 Julian law .? The definitions of the words miinicipes and municipium, 
 which have been given by the Roman authors, are neither quite so 
 clear, nor quite so consistent, as might have been wished ; and yet 
 we learn enough from them to make it appear in the first instance 
 extraordinary, that the Julian law produced the effect which almost 
 immediately resulted from it. Miinicipes, says Aulus Gellius, sunt 
 cives Romani ex 7niinicipiis suo jure, et legibus suis utentes, numeris taji- 
 tum cum ppulo Romano honorarii participes ; a quo munere capessendo 
 appellari videntur; tiullis aliis necessitatibus , neque ulla populi Romani 
 lege adstricti, cum nunquam populus eomm fu?idus /actus esset. Munici- 
 pium, says Festus, id genus hominum dicitur, qui cum Romam vetiissetit, 
 nee cives Romani essent participes tamen fuemnt omnium rerum ad munus 
 fungendum una cum civibus Romanis pneterquam de suffragio ferendo , aut 
 magjstratu capiendo. The state of the inhabitants of the municipal 
 towns then seems to have been sufficiently happy. If they could not 
 give votes, nor receive the ofl^ces of Roman magistrates, they were 
 not bound to obey the laws, or to adopt the institutions of Rome. 
 
 The influence of ambition appears, however, to have determined 
 the greater number of the municipalities to accept the offer made to 
 them by the promulgation of the Julian law. The right of giving 
 their suffrages was the compensation offered to those who acceded 
 to this law, on the condition that they adopted the jus Romanum. Qui 
 suffragio in civitate Romana valebant, says Livy, suis legibus spoliebantur. 
 
of the ancient City of Herculaneum. 7 
 
 Every man who hoped to obtain the honours of the state naturally 
 desired a change which placed him on a level with the citizens of 
 Rome ; and yet, when the inhabitants of the municipal towns aban- 
 doned their ancient privileges, they necessarily became the slaves of 
 those tyrants who governed the capital. 
 
 It is, indeed, impossible to consider the Julian law, without remark- 
 ing, that while in some respects it seemed favourable both to the 
 people of Rome, and to the Latins, it prepared the way for the de- 
 struction of liberty. It united millions of subjects to the state ; and 
 citizens, instead of strangers, were enrolled in the legions. It held 
 out powerful attractions to the Latins, and raised them to the rank 
 of their conquerors. But when Italy was covered with the troops, 
 and corrupted by the gold of a few powerful leaders ; and when the 
 rights of Roman citizens were shared by strangers, who had aban- 
 doned their own institutions, the value of their privileges became 
 diminished in the eyes of the Roman people, and the efforts of the 
 few remaining patriots to preserve them were rendered less effec- 
 tual. The republican party, which formerly could count on a majority 
 of votes upon every occasion, where its most essential interests were 
 attached, soon found itself out-numbered by the strangers, who were 
 now permitted to legislate for Rome, and who were almost univer- 
 sally influenced by the chiefs whose armies were stationed in the 
 provinces. The Julian law, while it seems both just and prudent, 
 both humane and politic, is stamped with the ambition which charac- 
 terised the mind of Caesar. 
 
 It would appear, however, from some passages in Cicero, and 
 particularly in the oration on his return from banishment, and in that 
 which he pronounced for Scylla, that the municipal cities of Italy gave 
 their votes in great affairs of state, even before the promulgation of 
 the Julian law. This law, indeed, extended the evil, and gave it a 
 sanction which contributed to hasten the ruin of the Republic. 
 Cicero himself was evidently averse to it ; but if it had not tended 
 
8 On the Size, Population, and political State of 
 
 in the way which I have shown, to the subversion of liberty, the 
 measure might have been applauded for its justice, and perhaps yet 
 more for its policy. It offered no violence to those who chose to 
 retain their ancient usages ; and Roman urbanity still acknowledged 
 the miinicipes as honorary sharers of public duty with the citizens of 
 Rome. We ought not to refuse due praise to the Romans, when 
 they admitted that no people who had not become a populus fundus 
 could be forced to follow the usages, or to obey the ordinances of 
 the capital. The principle of liberty cannot be misunderstood, which 
 teaches that those alone, who either are the authors of the law, or 
 are competent to become so, can be compelled by the law. It is 
 honourable to the character of the conquerors that they would not 
 violate this principle, by making laws for those who neither imme- 
 diately, nor mediately, neither of themselves, nor by their represen- 
 tatives, could give their votes on any act of the Roman legislature. 
 
 But the polite language, and the mild demeanour of the Romans, 
 were calculated to extend and to perpetuate their power, as well as 
 gradually to bring the whole civilized world under their immediate 
 jurisdiction. The force of arms had reared the mighty fabric of their 
 empire. To give it stability, was a yet more difficult enterprise. 
 Union among nations, as among individuals, proceeds from identity 
 of interests ; and it could have been no easy task for the Romans to 
 link so many nations to themselves by the bonds of interest. This 
 was only to be done by institutions moral, rehgious, and political, 
 which it might be advantageous for the conquerors to establish, and 
 for the conquered to adopt, and by rendering the manners, customs, 
 and laws of Rome, the manners, customs, and laws of the countries 
 which it had subdued. This obvious policy appears to have been 
 steadily followed by the Romans, who seemed to have been not 
 more desirous that Rome should be considered as the mistress of the 
 world, than that she should be respected as the parent of that system 
 of law by which mankind consented to be governed. 
 
of the ancient City of Herculaneum. 9 
 
 The city of Rome, with its own original territory, was a speck in 
 the world which it had conquered. The Romans, therefore, natu- 
 rally commenced their plan of moral subjugation, if I may be allowed 
 the term, with their imm.ediate neighbours. They generally showed 
 every mark of external respect for the ancient institutions of the 
 cities of Italy ; but while, with a wise moderation, they left it to the 
 choice of the Latins and the allies to accept, or to reject, the jus 
 Romanuni; while they distinguished the municipes, who still retained 
 the jus Latinum, as honorary participers of pubhc duty with them- 
 selves, they did not fail highly to exalt the privileges of the real 
 above those of the nominal citizen. No great office of the state could 
 be held by him who had not adopted the civil jurisprudence of Rome: 
 no people, who, in the language of the law, had not become apopulus 
 fundus, could proffer a vote ; and he who called himself a Roman, 
 and who appealed to the laws of Rome, could not be tried before a 
 provincial tribunal. 
 
 A question once arose, in the celebrated case of Balbus, whether 
 an inhabitant of a federated state, in which the people had not become 
 a populus fundus, could receive the citizenship of Rome. This was 
 evidently a question of much importance to the municipalities. The 
 reasoning of Cicero concerning it does not at first sight appear very 
 clear; it will be found, however, to be just upon examination, and it 
 merits attention from all who would wish to know the relations 
 which existed between the provinces and tlie great capital of the 
 empire. 
 
 The orator thus states the condition on which the freedom of 
 Rome was accorded to the Latins and the allies by the Julian law ; 
 qui fundi populifacti no7i essent, civitatem non haberent. Why then 
 did he ridicule tlie accuser of Balbus for having denied, ex fcederato 
 populo quemquam potuisse, nisi is populus f mdus f actus esset, in lianc 
 civitatem venire ^ Was it because this accuser did not know what was 
 meant by a populus fundus, as has been the case with some of the 
 
 C 
 
lo On the Size, Population, and political State 
 
 commentators ? I answer, with Valesius, in the negative. Pompey 
 had been authorized by the GeUian law to bestow the citizensliip on 
 whom he pleased, and among others he had given it to Balbus. The 
 rule in the Juhan law was consequently inapplicable to the case. 
 Cicero, however, particularly ridiculed his unequal antagonist, for 
 maintaining that the freedom of Rome could not be conferred on 
 Balbus, because the people of the federated state to which he be- 
 longed had not become a populus fundus , as if an individual belonging 
 to a federated state were less eligible than any other person, who 
 was rewarded with the citizenship by the means of a decree which 
 had been passed by the Roman people. 
 
 From what I have stated, it must be obvious that the promulgation 
 of the Julian law altered altogether the situation of the municipid of 
 Italy. Some confusion appears to have been produced by it at Naples 
 and Heraclea ; but we may conjecture, with every appearance of 
 probability, that the murmurs of the discontented were neither very 
 long, nor very generally heard. The Emperor Adrian, in an oration 
 which he pronounced de Italicensibus , expressed his surprise at the 
 number of municipal towns which had adopted \hejus Romanum. 
 
 When I reflect upon the inscriptions which have been found among 
 the ruins at Herculaneum, I confess I do not see the proofs of its 
 having been a municipium, which some of my friends have thought 
 they discovered. It appears to me, on the contrary, that this city 
 had yet a higher rank, and was classed among the colonies. Aulus 
 Gellius (says a modern writer) defines the colonies to have been, 
 civitates ex civitate Romana quodainmodo propagatce. These are not 
 exactly the words of Gellius, but they have the same sense : Sed 
 coloniarum alia necessitudo est ; no?i enim veniunt extrinsecus in civitatem, 
 nee suis radicibus nituntur; sed ex civitate quasi propagata sunt. Now 
 we know, that at three different periods the Romans sent colonies 
 into the Caynpania Felix. The number of colonists sent by Julius 
 Caesar into this fertile province must have amounted to at least one 
 
of tne ancient City of Herat Ian eum. n 
 
 hundred thousand, including women and children. The city of Her- 
 culaneum was unquestionably one of those destined for the reception 
 of these colonists, for Dionysius of Halycarnassus informs us, that 
 in his time it was inhabited by Romans (^ ^oa vm u-no ?ufA.cctuv oocxp^ij). 
 To this I may add, upon the authority of the learned Capaccio, that 
 after the destruction of their town, the Herculanenses were trans- 
 ferred to Naples, and were enrolled among the colonists of that city. 
 The colonies held the place of honour, if I may so speak, among 
 the states subject to Rome. Aulus Gellius, in comparing their cozi- 
 dition with that of the municipal towns, makes the following obser- 
 servation ; qua tamen conditio quum sit magis obnoxia et minus libera, 
 potior tamen et prcestabilior existimatur, propter amplitudinem majesta- 
 temque populi Romani, cujus ista colonics quasi effigies parva simulacraque 
 esse qucedam videntur. In confirmation of this, I would remark, that 
 when the colonies are mentioned in the laws, as, for example, in the 
 Manilian law, they are named before the municipia, pnefectune, and 
 for a. 
 
C 12 ;] 
 DISSERTATION II. 
 
 On Campania in general, and that Part of it called Felix. 
 
 BY ROBEKT WALPOLE, ESQ. 
 
 1 HE country about the Po was the only portion of Italy that could 
 dispute the pretensions of Campania to the appellation of the most 
 beautiful and most fertile spot in that part of Europe. The country 
 between the Alps and the Po is called by Trains jlurentissimum ; it 
 is entitled by Plutarch, in his life of Marius, ap/o-Tij; and in his hfe of 
 Camillus it is praised highly. The palm, however, was given almost 
 unanimously to Campania. It is concerning this, as well as that part 
 of it called peculiarly Felix, that we intend to offer a few remarks, 
 premising, that we have profited of the laborious dissertations of 
 Camillus Peregrinus on the subject, from whom, however, we shall 
 be found to differ occasionally. 
 
 The first country called Campania, of which we have any notice, is 
 that which was afterwards called Chaonia, and subsequently Epirus. 
 The little information we have on this subject is derived from Ser- 
 vius, on the words of Virgil, Chaonios cognomine campos. The name 
 Campania was abolished by Helenus,' who settled there, and the 
 country was called Chaonia. 
 
 Let us proceed to Italy, where the first country that we meet 
 with under the name of Campania is that called Campania Vetus ; 
 this was beyond the Silarus, and received afterwards the name of 
 
On Campania in general, &c. 13 
 
 Lucania. And here we agree with Chiverius, in opposition to Camil- 
 lus Peregrin us, who thinks that the words T«ur*j? t^? x'^'P'^^ "^ Strabo, 
 apply to Lucania ; but the passage of that geographer is probably 
 corrupt. This tract was so named, from its being the first part called 
 Campania, the earliest inhabitants of which were the Tuscans. After- 
 wards it extended itself from the Silarus to the Sarnus, and the occu- 
 piers of it were named Piceni, whose situation is fixed there by 
 Ptolemy and Pliny. 
 
 The next prolongation is that from the Sarnus, or promontory of 
 Surrentum, as far as Sinuessa. Strabo's words (Lib. V.) on this point 
 are decisive. Over this extent of coast, between tlie two promonto- 
 ries, was Campania, TreStov luSxti^ovBo-TOiTov ruv uttuvtuv, shut up by the 
 Samnite and Osci mountains. 
 
 In tiiis part was placed the space called by Pliny and Livy Cam- 
 panus ager, and by Dionysius of Halicarnassus ^ Kaf^Travuv TrsS^a,? ; its 
 extent is given by Cicero in his epistle to Atticus in the second book ; 
 qui ager ut denajugera sint non amplius homitium quinque millia potest 
 sustinere ; that is, there were not 50,000 acres, a jugerum being a 
 square measure, equal to two thirds of an acre. 
 
 If we may believe Silius Italicus, Campania extended from Surren- 
 tum and Nuceria, not only beyond Sinuessa and the river Liris, the 
 boundary affixed by Ptolemy, but beyond Caieta and Fundi. The 
 lines of the poet to prove this, are quoted by Camiilus Peregrinus, 
 who supposes that here the country is described per x.a.Tccxpyiiriv, and 
 that the Romans gave sometimes the name of Campania to countries 
 that were really beyond the defined boundaries of it, but which 
 might receive that name from their fertility or beautiful situation. 
 He thinks that a stronger argument for the extent of Campania, 
 as far even as Terracina, may be found in a passage of Saint Luke, 
 in the Acts of the Apostles, which we give in the Vulgate Latin 
 version : Inde circumlegentes devenimus Rhegium, et post unum dieniy 
 jlante Austro, secundo die venimus Puteolos, iibi inventis fratribus 
 
14j On Campania in general, 
 
 rogati siimiis manere apiid cos dies septem ; et sic venimus Romam. Et 
 inde cum audissent fratres occurrerunt nobis usque ad Appii forum ac 
 Tres Tabemas. 
 
 Camillus Peregrinus here supposes, that by Romam the Apostle 
 means the Roman territory, and as he subjoins the forum Appii and 
 the Tres Tabemas, that he alkided to the boundary of the ancient 
 Roman territory which extended on that side as far as Circeii ; and 
 consequently that Campania on the other side extended as far as 
 Circeii, or near it and Terracina. This explanation depends on the 
 meaning which he has affixed to the Greek words kx\ ovrug '^xQof/.ev els 
 T^v 'Pu[/.riv, which interpretation, as well as that given by Caietanus, 
 Lorinus, and Liranus, does not appear to us satisfactory ; we are 
 more pleased with that of Beza, et sir contendimus Romatn, id est de- 
 dimus 710S in viam ; or, as we should familiarly translate it, and thus 
 we set off" on our way to Rome. When Augustus divided Italy into 
 eleven regions, he placed in the first that portion of it which lies be- 
 tween the Tiber and the Silarus, and added to it a part of Samnium. 
 The Picentini probably belonged to the second. Camillus Pere- 
 grinus thinks that the first division had no particular appellation, 
 but for the sake of clearness and distinction, he calls it Campania 
 Augusti. 
 
 The Emperor Hadrian, who reduced Italy to four regions, each 
 governed by a proconsul, added to the first region of Augustus the 
 Hirpini, who bordered on Apulia, and then the name of Campania 
 was given to this first division of Augustus increased by the country 
 which Hadrian had added to it. This distribution of the tract which 
 extended to Apulia, including Equus Tutilus and Beneventum, con- 
 tinued many years after the death of Hadrian, and we find authors 
 of a very late age making mention of it. The precise time when its 
 boundaries were contracted is not known ; but from an examination 
 of the description of Italy by Paulus Diaconus, and the Notitia Utri- 
 usque Impeni, it may be concluded that this change took place in the 
 
and that Part of it called Felix. 15 
 
 interval which elapsed between the age of Gratian and that of Theo- 
 dosius. 
 
 Procopius has preserved to us the extent of Campania in his time. 
 It was included between the Silarus and Terracina; Beneventum 
 and the Hirplni had been restored to the Samnites. But how shall 
 we reconcile witli this the great extent whicli Jornandes has assigned 
 to it ? He says it reached as far as the Faro of Messina (adfretum 
 quod inter Campaniam Siciliamqiie interjacet), and Athanasius makes it 
 extend to the same distance in his letter to the Emperor Jovinian, in 
 which he names the places whose churches had approved the doc- 
 trines of the Christian religion established in the Nicsean council. We 
 can only suppose, with Camillus Peregrinus, that these two authors 
 alluded to one of the four great divisions of Italy by Hadrian (in one 
 of which was Campania), and that the limits mentioned by Procopius 
 were those made by order of Constantine. 
 
 The last account we have of Campania brings us to the time when 
 the Lombards, in the year 568 after Christ, invaded Italy, and took 
 a great part of it from the Greek emperors. The parts of the coun- 
 try inland fell an easy prey to the invaders ; they assumed a new 
 form ; they lost their ancient appellation of Campania ; and that 
 name, which had at first been distinctively applied to the greatest 
 part of Italy, was again bestowed on two towns on the sea-coast, 
 Neapolis and Cumas, which alone had resisted the forces of the 
 Lombards. 
 
 We now proceed to consider that part of Campania peculiarly 
 denominated Felix. That modern authors should not have exactly 
 agreed on the precise site of this country, will not be a matter of 
 astonishment to any one who is conversant witii those passages, in 
 which the ancient authors have alluded to it in a manner so vague 
 and confused. In such circumstances, when we are to choose be- 
 tween conflicting authorities, we should doubtless embrace those 
 which are most respectable, and of greatest weight ; and under this 
 
i6 On Campania in general, 
 
 head no names, we conceive, can be more aptly ranged than those 
 of Pliny and Poly bins, by whose words we propose to determine the 
 extent of Campania Felix. 
 
 Cliiverius, Sanfelix, and Peregrinus, have given, in our opinion, too 
 great an extent to this country. The boundaries given to it by San- 
 felix, with whom Cainillus agrees, are, on the N W. the Liris, on the 
 SE. the Sarnus, on the NE. the mountains which divide it from the 
 Samnites and Hirpini ; the fourth side is washed by the sea. We 
 suppose that Pliny, in the following passage, meant to state that spot 
 whence Campania Felix began. Here was the difficulty ; about its 
 termination the doubts were not so great. 
 
 Oppidum Sinuessa extremum in adjecto Latio ; hinc Felix ilia Cam- 
 pania est ; ab hoc sinu incipiunt vitiferi colles et temulentia nobilis, succo 
 per omnes terras inclyto. L. III. 
 
 Cluverius is of a different opinion. It is an error of which some 
 learned men have been guilty (error doctissimis qmbusdam viris irrep- 
 sit), he says, to give the meaning which we have affixed to the words 
 of Pliny. 
 
 By the word Felix, Pliny appears to us to mean to distinguish a 
 particular tract of country, and not to use it as a general unmeaning 
 expression. 
 
 In the same manner luSoiti/,uv was given in Greek, as a name to 
 part of Arabia, to distinguish it from two other parts less fruitful and 
 fortunate. Sede-Aram in Mesopotamia was opposed to the less cul- 
 tivated part of that country ; the former called, by Strabo, lu^oct^uv 
 ly.cx.vug Ko.) eujSoto?; the Countries in the latter were styled uvuSpcx. jca» 
 
 So also the appellative Felix was given to that Campania (which 
 began at the spot that Pliny has marked out) from its peculiar ex- 
 cellence : and that parts of Campania were superior to otlier spots 
 in fertility and beauty, we learn from Pliny himself: Quantum autem 
 universas terras campus circumcampanus antecedit, tantum ipsiim pars' ejus 
 
and that Part of it called Felix. 17 
 
 quiB Lehoria vacatur; and this passage is so contradictory to what 
 Chiverius says, that nothing but the necessity of supporting his own 
 conjectures on the subject could have induced him, in opposition to 
 Phny, to advance, Campania Italic una, sola, simplex, in plures partes 
 atqiie cognomina minime distincta. 
 
 But even if it be not conceded to us, that we are to consider Pliny 
 as laying down the commencement of Campania Felix in the passage 
 above, we still think that the great praises which have been bestowed 
 on the country about Capua by Polybius and Varro, and that part 
 called Leboria by Pliny, would induce the belief that these tracts 
 were indubitably a portion of a country entitled Felix. They are 
 praised in preference to any other part of Campania. 
 
 The plains about Capua, says Polybius, are, of all those in Italy, the 
 m.ost conspicuous, both on account of their excellence and beauty. This 
 passage, together with that of Varro quoted by Servius at the third 
 .^neid, seems decidedly to mark a spot justly called Felix. 
 
 We find then the country to the south of Sinuessa, that about 
 Capua, and the part about Leboria, all extolled in preference to any 
 other parts by Polybius and Pliny, in passages which we confess 
 elucidate each other so much, that we believe they all meant one 
 and the same country, Campania Felix, called so kkt l^ox^v, a tract 
 commencing between Sinuessa and the river Vulturnus. 
 
 It would appear then that Campania FeUx occupied an extent of 
 country somewhat greater than that commonly called the Phlegrean 
 plains, where the Tuscans built twelve cities. 
 
 For we have seen that it takes the tract between Sinuessa and the 
 Vulturnus (say the Pons Campanus, seventeen miles from Capua) as 
 its beginning, and continues, including the country about Capua and 
 Leboria. Now these two latter places, as we learn from Pliny and 
 Polybius, are in the Phlegrean plains ; but Noia is also given by Livy 
 and Polybius to Campania Felix, and Nola is in the Phlegrean plains. 
 "Whether Nuceria should also be given to it is not very clear. Ptolemy 
 
 D 
 
i8 On Campania in general, 
 
 deducts from Campania Felix, Surrentum and Nuceria, while Poly- 
 bius ascribes the latter to it. Not to oppose Ptolemy, we take the 
 Sarnus for the boundary on that side of Campania Felix. 
 
 In this part of Campania, the Tuscans built twelve cities ; the 
 names of two of these, Capua and Nola, have been preserved to us. 
 These cities had probably been built after the model of those in Tus- 
 cany. This country was anciently divided into twelve states, each of 
 them governed by an elective chief, called Lucumon. They never- 
 theless formed one body, uniting their forces together, but often at 
 dissension with each other. This discord and division rendered them, 
 in after times, an easy prey to the Romans. 
 
 If it be said that Livy excludes the Falernus ager from Campania, 
 the explanation of the passage comes from himself; for, he says that 
 a short time before, the Romans had taken away Falernum from the 
 Campanians to punish a revolt of which they had been guilty. 
 
 Having ascertained the length of Campania Felix, namely, from 
 the Pons Campanus to the river Sarnus, and laying down Mons 
 Tifata and its continuation towards the SE. for its eastern boundary, 
 w^e have now to seek for the cities on its western side. The first that 
 occur are Pompeii, and Herculaneum, and Cosa, near Vesuvius and 
 the Sarnus, in the place now called Civita. Thus far on the coast 
 our progress is clear ; but the remainder, from Neapolis to Cumse, 
 in our opinion, did not belong originally to Campania Felix ; for 
 Neapolis was Opicorum urbs ; now the Opici were not in Campania, 
 according to the geographer Marcianus. Besides, Pliny makes a 
 distinction between the two, in Neapolitano Campanoque agro; and as 
 this passage opposed the opinion of Cluverius and Camillus Pere- 
 grinus, they have judged proper to alter it ; the former changing 
 Campanoque into Puteolanoque, the latter into Campania, omitting the 
 particle ; two violations of the text which are quite needless. 
 
 Strabo also, in a passage in his fifth book, may be here referred to ; 
 he says, that the Neapolitans after an insurrection received some Campa- 
 
and that Part of it called Felix. ig 
 
 niatis as citizetis, which would have been unnecessary, if Neapolis had 
 belonged to Campania. 
 
 Cumte, being a city of the Opici, must, for the reason abovemen- 
 tioned, be exckided from Campania. 
 
 But in after times, the whole coast from Herculaneum round Mise- 
 num, as far as Vulturnum, was given to Campania Felix ; and this 
 addition took place at the time, probably, when the Romans produced 
 Latium beyond the Volsci as far as Sinuessa. 
 
 With this addition, the greatest breadth of Campania Felix, from 
 the Mons Tifata to Misenum, will be twenty-eight geographical 
 miles ; its length, from the Pons Campanus to the river Sarnus, 
 twenty-five geographical miles. 
 
[20 ;] 
 
 DISSERTATION III. 
 
 On the Etymology of Herculaneum. 
 
 BY THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM DRUMMOND. 
 
 1 HE etymology of the word Herculaneum will be found more em- 
 barrassing, than it may at first sight appear to be. The obvious 
 derivation is from Hercules ; but of this last word, what is the origin ? 
 Shall we answer, from the Greek UpoiKXvig ? The etymology is as dif- 
 ficult in tliis case, as in the other. Some derive HpocKXy;g from Hpu^ 
 and icXsog, and make it signify the glory of heroes; — others, from ripa, 
 assistance, and kXso?, glory ; — others again from Hpa, Juno, and KXeog, 
 glory. How shall we admit any of these etymologies, when it is 
 considered that Hercules was worshipped in Egypt, and in Phoenicia, 
 long before divine honours were rendered to him in Greece ? The 
 usual practice of the Greeks was to retain Oriental names, and yet 
 to modify them to sounds analogous to the rhythm of their own 
 language. 
 
 We are told by Diodorus Siculus, that the most ancient Hercules 
 was an Egyptian deity. A Greek writer, who is cited, but not named, 
 by Favorinus, says, that Hercules was called Chon, in the dialect of 
 the Egyptians : Tov HpaxXij!/ cpoKn kccJx tiji/ AtyvTfjtuv SnxXeycjov Xuva Xsyea-doct. 
 Hesychius gives the name of Fiyvuv, or Ttyuv, to the Hercules of 
 Egypt ; and it is easy to see, that Chon, Gignon, and Gigon, are names 
 imitative of the same sound. Thus we have found the most ancient 
 
On the Etymology of Hercidaneum. 21 
 
 Hercules, and his most ancient name ; but who is the etymologist ; 
 and eymologists are generally brave men, who will venture to derive 
 Hercules from Chon, Gignon, or Gigon ? 
 
 The question will become yet more perplexed, when it shall ap- 
 pear that Chon was the Egyptian name for Saturn. The idolatrous 
 Jews worshipped the image of a god, who was called )V3 Chiun, or 
 Chion. Now the sounds are too much alike not to induce the belief, 
 that the same deity was named Chon and Chion in the different, but 
 not very dissimilar, dialects of Egypt and Palestine. That Chion, 
 Chon, and Saturn were the same, may be concluded from the fol- 
 lowing observations. 
 
 1. Amos the prophet said to the idolatrous Jews, jye have borne the 
 tabernacle of your Moloch and Chiun, the star of your God. Such is the 
 English interpretation, and, with one slight exception, it is exactly 
 rendered from the Hebrew. The Coptic, Arabic, and ^Ethiopian 
 versions, as well as the Septuagint and Vulgate, have different read- 
 ings. We find in the first, ye have accepted the tabernacle of Moloch, 
 and the star of your God Rephan ; in the second, j'e have received the 
 tabernacle of Melcum, and the star of your God Rephan ; in the third, 
 ye have borne the pavilioyis of Moloch, and ye adore the star of your God 
 Rephan ; in the fourth, ye have received the tabernacle of Moloch, and 
 the star of your God Rephan ; in the fifth, jy^ have carried the tabernacle 
 
 for your Moloch, and the ifnage of your idols; the star of your God Rem- 
 phan. In all these readings Remphan, or Rephan, is substituted for 
 Chiun ; and Rephan, as it appears from the tables of Kircher, was 
 one of the Egyptian names for Saturn. This substitution is autho- 
 rised by the words of St. Stephen, yea, ye took up the tabernacle of 
 Moloch, ajid the star of your God Remphan. The Syriac version has 
 Melchum and Rephon. 
 
 2. It appears from the Hebrew original, that Chiun and Moloch 
 were the same, for they had both the same tabernacle, and their star 
 was the star of the same God. Now the dreadful rites performed in 
 
22 On the Etymology of Herciilaneum. 
 
 honour of Moloch and Saturn were exactly similar. Human victims 
 were sacrificed to both. Tliis is confessed by Porphyry and Macro- 
 bius, and was strongly urged against the Pagans by Origen, and 
 other Cliristian writers. The description, indeed, which Diodorus 
 Siculus has given of the brazen statue of Saturn at Carthage, seems 
 to show that this God could have been no other than Moloch. This 
 statue of Saturn, says the historian, held its extended hands inclined 
 towards the ground, so that when the children were laid on them, 
 they might roll off, and fall into a chasm which was filled with fire. 
 The vast and grim idol of Moloch was likewise of brass ; its head 
 was adorned, as Calmet observes, with a crown of gold of enormous 
 weight ; and its shoulders were covered with a regal mantle. The 
 votaries of this idol passed to it througli six cells to a seventh, where 
 stood the image red with heat, and irradiated with fire. Then the 
 child to be immolated was placed in the burning gripe of Moloch ; 
 and the noise of drums, and the howling of tlie priests of this infernal 
 sacrifice, prevented the cries of the sufferer from being heard : hence 
 the place was called Topliet and the valley of Hinnon. 
 
 3. Plautus calls Saturn by the name of Chion in the Phoenician, 
 which he has introduced into one of his plays. The words are as- 
 certained to be ]VD pSD, tJie image of Chion. The Persians and 
 Arabians formerly gave the name of Chezvan to the planet Saturn, as 
 is attested by Radak. Aben Ezra, who tells us that Chaiwan is the 
 Arabic name for Saturn, observes, that Chaizvan is the same with 
 Chion. 
 
 4. Chonia, or Chone, was one of the ancient names of Italy : Osiris 
 advenit in Italiam, says Castella, iibi novitas et virtus semper imperant : 
 is gigantes devicit omnes comitatus Hercule Chone, a quo populi Chones, 
 &C. Xuvriv Triv IruXixg 'ttocKch eXeyov ug (pvitriv Ai'7'o%o? sEvoipocvisg sv rco vepi 
 IrcaXixg. (Hesychius.) Saturnia, as is well known, was one of the 
 ancient names of a part of Italy. I easily agree with Mazzochi, in 
 thinking the Greek X^ovcg, or Kf,ovog, to be a corruption from \V2. 
 
On the Etymology of Herculaneum. 23 
 
 This is strongly confirmed by Plutarch, who, in speaking of the 
 Egyptian Anubis, says that Kvm was the same with Kpovog. 
 
 5. Selden and Kircher appear to have doubted whether Moloch 
 and Saturn were the same. It must be confessed, that while Tertul- 
 lian and others contend that infants were sacrificed to Saturn, some 
 Hebrew writers describe the offering of infants to Moloch, as an 
 innocent ceremony. Among these I particularly remark Levi Ben 
 Gerson and Ramban ; but their testimony cannot be put in compe- 
 tition with that of Jeremiah : And they Iiave built the high places of 
 Tophet, which is the valley of the son of Hitinon, to bum their sons and 
 their daughters in the fire. 
 
 From these observations it seems manifest, that Chon, or Chion, 
 Moloch, and Saturn were the same. In what manner, then, could 
 Chon be the appellation of Hercules ? But our embarrassment is not 
 to stop here. I have shewn, that Chon and Saturn were the same 
 with Moloch, and yet Moloch was another name for Mars. The 
 temples of Mars, as we learn from Vitruvius, were built without the 
 walls of cities, and the same custom was observed with respect to 
 those of Moloch. Human victims, according to Herodotus, were 
 sacrificed to Mars ; and to pass at once to the proof, Moloch was the 
 Egyptian name for Mars, and is to be found as such in the tables of 
 Kircher. There are yet new difficulties. Rephan was one of the 
 appellations given to Mars by the Egyptians. I read as follows, in 
 the Latin version of Abenuaschia ; Meminerunt Philosophi Mgyptii, 
 quod erant ipsis septem numeri in magna veneratione, quos et septem diis 
 eorum consecrabant, videlicet Saturno, Jovi, Rephan sive Marti, Soli, 
 Veneri, Mercurio, et Luna. Again, as may be seen from the QLdipus 
 of Kircher, Moloch was the Egyptian appellation not only for Mars, 
 but for Hercules. 
 
 It seems hopeless then to derive the name of Hercules from any 
 of the names by which he was known in Egypt. Let us now turn 
 our attention to Phoenicia. Every one knows the extreme antiquity 
 
24 On the Etymology of Herculaneum. 
 
 of the worship of Hercules at Tyre, where, it may be presumed, his 
 temple was as old as the city itself. Here, however, Hercules was 
 known by the name of Melicertus. The old and common etymology 
 which is given of this word, is Xmp l'?^, the k/ng of city. Selden gives 
 another, and derives Melicertus from Melkaritz, the strotig or mighty 
 king. It is, however, impossible to discern the slightest resemblance 
 between the names of Hercules and Melicertus. Let us then pro- 
 ceed to draw aside the veil of these mysteries, and to show how all 
 these deities, of which I have been speaking, were considered as one. 
 This will quickly lead us to the real etymology of Hercules and 
 
 HfaJcX-yjf. 
 
 The sun, then, was the object of heathen adoration, under all the 
 appellations which I have mentioned. This luminary was represented 
 by numerous imaginary beings, that were feigned to be the symbols 
 of his attributes ; and he received different names at different seasons 
 of the year, at the summer and at the winter solstice, at the equi- 
 noxes, and while he passed in his annual course through the signs of 
 the zodiac. 
 
 Before I advance further, however, it is necessary to observe, that 
 I mean to confine myself to mythology, as it is connected with as- 
 tronomy. Macrobius has induced many into error, by not mention- 
 ing that the fables of which he speaks might be classed under other 
 heads, as has been done by Sallust the philosopher. 
 
 The attributes of the sun were expressed by innumerable types in 
 the astronomical fables ; and the rites which were celebrated in his 
 honour were as various as the seasons. The festival of Dionysius 
 (HXtog ov Aiovua-ov e7r(xXi)o-«/ KuXeaa-tv) was celebrated by his votaries in 
 the spring ( Aiowa-iuv eofjvi ev tu eocpi sTTijeXsiJui ) with that extravagant 
 licentiousness, which too often characterises the manners of southern 
 nations. Who indeed has not heard of the mad orgies of these 
 fanatics, when, crowned with ivy, and bearing in their hands their 
 thy?-si and their phalli, they danced to the sound of drums, of tabors, 
 
On the Etymology of Herculaneum. 25 
 
 and of timbrels, and made the air ring with shouts of joy, while they 
 celebrated the return and the triumph of Bacchus ? 
 
 Very different from this was the scene when the sun had descended, 
 after the autumnal equinox, to the lower hemisphere. Then his name 
 was associated with sadness ; his adoration with dismay and terror ; 
 and still, as his retiring orb approached towards the winter solstice, 
 the fears of superstition augmented with the gloom of nature. Pceans 
 were no longer sung to him who had been hailed AXe|(>ca«o?, the 
 averter of evil ; but the women of Judah wept for Thammuz ; the 
 Assyrians mourned by the stream of Adonis for the death of their 
 lord ; the children were passed through the fire to Moloch in Tophet; 
 and human victims were immolated to Saturn at Tyre and at Car- 
 thage. 
 
 It was chiefly, however, in the division of the year, between the 
 winter and summer months, that the worship and appellations of the 
 sun appear to have differed. In Egypt, Rephan, Serapis, Harpocrates, 
 Moloch, and Chon, were particularly worshipped as symbols of the 
 sun during the winter months. 
 
 1. The star of the giant Rephan was the sun, and Rephan was the 
 god of time ; but as the divisions of time are apparently determined 
 by the sun, Saturn came to be considered as a solar symbol. Satiir- 
 nus ipse, asks Macrobius, qui aiictor est temporum, quid aliud nisi Sol 
 intelligendus est ^ We learn from the same author that the month of 
 December was peculiarly sacred to Saturn. This deity, however, 
 was esteemed as supreme, and as the chief of the gods, for in the 
 words of Dionysius, he embraces the whole nature of the universe. 
 Nor indeed was Rephan different, unless by name, from those other 
 symbols of the sun, which were adored as Saturn, or Hercules, or 
 Mars. (Vide Kircher. CEdip. et Seld. de Diis Syr.) 
 
 2. Serapis, as we are informed by Plutarch, was the same with 
 Pluto ; and this last was no other than the sun : 
 
 E(? Zevg, £tg aStji;, sig llKiog, ttg Atovuarog. 
 E 
 
26 Ow the Etymology of Herculaneum. 
 
 Porphyry tells us, that Pluto was considered as the sun after it 
 descends to the lower hemisphere, and pursues its course round 
 what he calls the zvinter tropics. The idols of Serapis, like those of 
 Saturn, were not admitted by the ancient Egyptians into their 
 temples. 
 
 Various are the etymologies which have been given of the name 
 of Serapis, by Cyril, Kircher, Jablonski, and others. The etymology 
 which I would propose, is as follows : Aser, as I learn from Monta- 
 nus, was an appellation given to different gods. This word is origi- 
 nally Hebrew, and signifies rich, or happy; but by degrees it seems 
 to have been used for God. My learned readers will distinguish it 
 from Asara, which, as I shall show in another place, was one of the 
 appellations of Thammuz. It might then be, that Aser- Apis signified 
 the god Apis, and that by dropping the initial aleph, as often happens, 
 he was called Serapis. 
 
 g. According to Plutarch, Harpocrates was the son of Osiris and 
 Isis. The images which remain of this god, plainly denote him to 
 be a solar symbol. The rays round the head, the ibis, the serpent, 
 and the dog, all typify the sun. It would appear, however, from 
 the cornucopia and the persea, that Harpocrates represented the 
 sun after the autumnal equinox, when the waters of the Nile have 
 retired, and Egypt abounds with fruits. At this season the Egyp- 
 tians mourned the death of Osiris, and the finger on the lip of the 
 image of Harpocrates might be symbolical of the silence of the shades 
 below, whither Pluto was feigned to have driven the chariot of the 
 sun. 
 
 4. I have already shown, that Moloch was the Egyptian Mars. 
 The sun was pictured by fancy, as struggling before the vernal equi- 
 nox to force his way, by daily efforts, to the superior hemisphere ; 
 and in allusion to this notion, he was typified by a ram butting with 
 his horns. In the same season he was represented as the god of 
 war and destruction ; but as he was supposed finally to triumph, he 
 
On the Etymology of Herculaneum. 27 
 
 was called Moloch, rex, by the Egyptians, and Mavors, imperator, by 
 the Etruscans. 
 
 5. Chon, or Hercules, who was worshipped in Egypt from the 
 most remote antiquity, as appears from Herodotus and Diodorus 
 Siculus, represented the sun in his annual course. Porphyry has 
 clearly indicated, that the twelve labours of this hero were symboli- 
 cal of the twelve signs of the zodiac : Au^tKot. S'oidxag eKix,oxSeiv s[^u9o- 
 
 Hercules was therefore considered by the Egyptians as the universal 
 sun, whose power enters and pervades every thing, and they called 
 
 him TOV ev 7rx(Ti KXt Stoi vrocvjcov i^Kiov. 
 
 It appears, however, that when Hercules took his place among the 
 twelve greater gods of Egypt, he was also held to be a type of the 
 Avinter sun, and as such was worshipped as the same with Rephan and 
 Moloch. This vestige of Egyptian mythology may be found among 
 the Etruscans. Macrobius states that among the priests, Hercules 
 and Mars were held to be the same ; and he therefore justifies the 
 accuracy of Virgil, who represents the Sulii as singing the praises of 
 Hercules. The same author has likewise remarked, that the Chal- 
 deans gave the name of Hercules to the planet which has been called 
 Mars by other nations. 
 
 That Hercules was considered as the same with Saturn by the 
 Egyptians, appears indubitable ; nor could it be otherwise, since both 
 were solar symbols, and peculiarly in the winter season. Orpheus, 
 or the author who wrote under the name of Orpheus, was evidently 
 deeply versed in the mythology of Egypt, and he addresses Her- 
 cules naju.(p«ye, Tnxyytvfju^, all-devoimtig , all-begetting, wliich epithets 
 are clearly given to him as the god of time. It may be further as- 
 serted on the authority of Athenagoras, who flourished in the second 
 century, that Orpheus held Hercules and Saturn to be the same. 
 The Apologist states the opinion of Orpheus, concerning the gene- 
 ration of all things from water, in the following words : Hv yxp vLp 
 
25 On the Etymology of Herculaneum. 
 
 Tuov SpoMuv TTpoiT'TrnpuKvtix.v s^'^v ZBipxXviv Xsovjog. Alcc [^ecra de ocvjuv oea TrpocuTTOv 
 ovofix HpajcXij? }i»i Kpovoi. 
 
 We may further remark, that the Phoenician name of Hercules 
 corresponds sufficiently with the Latin name of Saturnus. Both Her- 
 cules and Saturn were types of the winter sun. When this luminary 
 hides himself, as it were, for the greater number of hours out of the 
 twenty-four, it is not surprising, that he should be called Saturn, for 
 this word evidently comes from the Hebrew "inD satw; latuit. 
 
 The Phoenician Hercules was called, as I have before mentioned, 
 Melicertus. I think this word is composed of '['70 Melee, rex, and 
 pb^ eretz, terra, and means the king of the earth, or the terrestrial 
 king. Thus Jupiter, considered as the summer and as the winter sun, 
 was called apavio? re y.a.1 %Sovio?, celestial and terrestrial. Pluto repre- 
 sented the sun in the lower hemisphere ; and Cicero says, terre?ia 
 autetn vis oninis, atque natura Diti patri dedicata est. 
 
 That Hercules was considered as the type of the winter sun by 
 the Greeks and Romans, is evident from signs wliich cannot be mis- 
 taken. The lion's skin indicated the season when in the early ages 
 men were accustomed to clothe themselves with the hides of beasts. 
 The club which Hercules bore, and which he presented annually to 
 the son of Maia, who returned it to him covered with leaves, repre- 
 sents, by an elegant allegory, the leafless branches which are covered 
 with foliage, when vegetation returns with the genial days of spring. 
 The abode of Hercules was feigned by the poets to be on the summit 
 of the Alps, amidst eternal snows : 
 
 Alpibus aeriis, tibi Graio nomine vuhce 
 Ascendant nipes, nee se patiuntur adiri. 
 Est loeus Herculeis aris saeer. Hiinc nive dura 
 Claudit hyems, canoque ad sidera vertice tollit. 
 
 But Hercules, if I may be permitted to speak in the obscure Ian- 
 
On the Etymology of Herculaneum. 29 
 
 guage of mythology, did not always abide with Typhon. He returned 
 with Horus, who rules over the seasons, when that God resumed his 
 station in the sign of Taurus. To throw aside the allegory, Hercules 
 was worshipped by the Egyptians, as the sun whose power pervades 
 all things, and which lasts througli all the seasons. To him many 
 things were ascribed, though his labours were generally supposed to 
 be limited to twelve, since these indicated the course of the sun 
 through the signs of the zodiac. Na7n cum plura fecerit duodecim ei 
 tajitum adsignantiir propter agnita duodecim signa. (Servius.) Witliout 
 recapitulating my proofs, therefore, I may state, that the Egyptians, 
 who adored him beyond all memory, considered him as the univer- 
 sal sun. In all the seasons, in all the months, in the effects of the 
 solar heat, in the power of gravity in the solar mass, they acknow- 
 ledged and worshipped Hercules, both as the moral and physical 
 cause. Verum sacratissima et augustissima ^gyptii eum religions vene- 
 rantur, tdtraque memoriam quce apud illos retro lojigissima est, ut carentem 
 initiis colunt. Ipse creditur et gigantes interemisse cum coelo propugnaret, 
 quasi virtus Deorum ( Macrobius). Sed tiec Hercules a substantia solis 
 aliejius est, says the same author a little before, quippe Hercules ea 
 est solis potestas, qua humano generi virtutem ad similitudinem pnestat 
 Deorum. It is certain, Warburton observes, that the Egyptians taught 
 that the sun is in the centre of its system, and that all the other 
 bodies move round it in perpetual revolutions. This learned prelate 
 might have added, that the Egyptians considered the sun as the phy- 
 sical cause of the revolutions of the planets. (See Clemens Alexan- 
 drinus Strom. L. 5. Macrobius in Somn. Scip. L.i. C. 19, et les Memoires 
 de I' Acad, des Inscript. T. g). Nor did the Egyptians hesitate to attri- 
 bute intelligence to Hercules in a yet higher degree than physical 
 force : Hercules, says Servius, a prudentioribus mente niagis quam cor- 
 porefortis inducitur. 
 
 Having made these observations, I shall now proceed to consider 
 the etymology of Hercules. The worship of this god was unques- 
 
30 On the Etymology of Herculaneum. 
 
 tionably introduced into Rome by Numa, in imitation of the Etruscans, 
 ( See Servius on the eighth book of the lEneid. ) We must search 
 then, in the first instance, for the Etruscan name of Hercules, and this 
 I find, from various coins exhibited by Dempster and others, to have 
 been generally written Hercle. On one very ancient coin, exhibited 
 by Guarnaci, I find Hercul, or rather HerchuL Now this appears to me 
 to be Phoenician. I am aware of the objections which many learned 
 men are disposed to make to such etymologies. Is it not absurd, they 
 ask, to trace the name of a place in the CampaJiia Felix to the Phoe- 
 nician language .'' I propose to dedicate an entire dissertation to the 
 consideration of this question ; and in the mean time I shall proceed 
 with my etymology. The word "iK, aor, or aur, in Hebrew, is trans- 
 lated sometimes^/Y, and sometimes light. It is, however, twice used 
 in the book of Job for the sun, and ought to be so rendered. Now 
 the Egyptian was certainly originally a dialect of the Hebrew, and 
 the word hoi-, signified the sun. "When Salmasius fancied, that hor 
 meant king, or lord, he was misled by the epithets o[ Me/ech and 
 Adonai, which were given to that luminary. Hor is too similar in 
 sound to aor to leave a doubt on tlie derivation. It may even be well 
 questioned, whether the initial aleph here, were not a simple aspirate, 
 and whether the word were not pronounced hor. Be this as it 
 may, I can have no doubt that aor is the root in the first syllable of 
 Hercules. 
 
 I have no great difficulty then in deciding that Hercul, or Hercules, 
 is derived from hor, and. ^2, chul, or chol, which signifies universal. In 
 allowing for those changes in the sounds of vowels, and of mutable 
 consonants, wliich may be observed in the pronunciation of all lan- 
 guages, we have in the word Hercul, the expression of that mighty 
 and universal fire, which the Pagans adored as the source of heat, of 
 light, and of life, and which exists in all things, and pervades all. 
 
 Martorelli has given an etymology of Herculaneum which I can 
 by no means admit. Cum igitur constet, says he, vetustissimis tempo- 
 
On the Etymology of Herculaneum. gi 
 
 Hhiis Vesuviurn ignetn enictasse, nemo mihi prohibeat, quominus vocem 
 HpocKXeiov educam, non ah HpotKXvig iinde Grceciili facile trahunt, sed a bhia 
 xvpiujocjyi voce ^"'7p nin quce sunt eadein elementa ac Graia, valentque 
 pregnans igne, sive concipiejis igjiem, quod apprime convenit Hemilaneo. 
 If Vesuvius had been called pregnant with fire, the appellation might 
 have been justly applied. It is not so obvious why this name should 
 have been given to the town which stood near it. Besides S'''7p does 
 not signify fire ; it is used adjectively, and sxgxvAes parched. 
 
 The authors of the work, which was published under the name of 
 Sir William Hamilton, tell us that Herculaneum est exprime par un 
 ?iom qui signifie ardens igne. They probably then derived Hercula- 
 neum from 11.^ and 'h'p; but surely these learned authors (and very 
 learned they certainly were, since M. D'ltalinski, a name illustrious 
 in the Republic of Letters, was one of them) had forgotten that men 
 do not build towns only to have them burned down again ; and that 
 no people in their senses would found a city to give it such a name 
 as ardens igne. 
 
 Mr. Hayter has proposed to derive Herculaneum from her and kali, 
 which he would render the bunmig ?nou)itain ; and he thinks that the 
 city received its name from Vesuvius, which might have well obtained 
 this denomination. 
 
 I am clearly of opinion, however, that Herculaneum was so called 
 from Hercules. This city was probably built by the Osci ; and we 
 know that Hercules was worshipped by the Etruscans. But the fact 
 which seems to decide the question, is the number of coins which have 
 been found among the ruins with the head and the attributes of Her- 
 cules stamped upon them. The ancient coin, to which I have already 
 alluded, had not only the image, but the name of Herchul stamped 
 upon it ; and if I be rightly informed, it was found at Herculaneum, 
 whence, I believe, it was transferred to the cabinet of Passari. 
 
C32 -3 
 DISSERTATION IV. 
 
 On some Inscriptions found amojig the Ruins of Herculaneum. 
 
 BY THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM DRIIMMOND. 
 
 After having had leisure to examine the various inscriptions which 
 have been found at Herculaneum, and which have been exhibited by 
 Capaccio, Rcinesius, Gruter, Venuti, Passari, Maffei, Muratori, and 
 other writers, I have not thought that there were more than three 
 or four, which it could be interesting to the readers of these Disser- 
 tations to examine with any peculiar attention. 
 
On some Inscriptions, &c. 33 
 
 I. 
 PRIDIE . K. MARTIAS . IN . CVR . SCRIBENDO . ADFVERE . 
 CVNCTI . OVOD . VERBA . FACTA . SVNT . M. M. MEM- 
 MIOS . RVFOS . PAT . ET . FIL . ET . VIRI . ITER . PEOVNIA . 
 PONDERALI . ET . CHALCIDICVM . ET . SCHOLAM . SE- 
 CVNDVM . MVNICIP . SPLENDOREM . FECISSE . OVi^ . 
 TVERI . PVBLICE . DECRETO . D. E. R. I. C. PLACERE . 
 HVIC . ORDINI . CVM . M. M. RVFI . PAT. ET . FIL. II. VI- 
 RITER . IN . EDENDIS . MVNERIBUS . ADEO . LIBERALES . 
 FVERINT . VT . EORVM . MONVMENTA . DECORI . MVNI- 
 CIPIO . SINT . ADEO . DILIGENTES . VT . VITIEIS , PONDE- 
 RVM . OCCVRRERINT . IDO. IN . PERPETVVM . PROVE- 
 DERINT . PLACERE . DECVRIONIB. M. M. MEMMIOS . 
 RVFOS . PAT. ET . FIL. DVM. II. VIVERENT . EORVM . 
 
 POS M . ET . SCHOLA . ET . CHALCIDI . OV.^ . IPSI . 
 
 FECISSENT . PROCVRATIONEM . DARI . VTIQVE . SERVOS . 
 
 EIVS MPIVS . EST NEGOTIO . PR^PONE- 
 
 RENT . NEOVE . INDE . ABDVCI . SINE . DECVRIONVM . 
 DECRETO . ET . M. M. MEMMIIS . RVFIS . PAT. ET . FIL. 
 PVBLICE . GRATIAS . AGEI . QVOD . ITERATIONI . HONORI . 
 EORVM . NON . AMBITIONEI . NEQVE . lACTATIONI . 
 SV.^ . DEBERINT . SED . IN . CVLTVM . MVNICIPI . ET . 
 DECOREM . CONTVLERINT. 
 
 (This inscription was found on a stone table, and has been exhi- 
 bited by Capacio, Hist. Neapol. L. 2. C. 9, and by Reinesius, Class. 7, 
 p. 484- ) 
 
34 On some Inscriptions found among 
 
 II. 
 L. MVNATIO . CONCESSIANO . V. P. PATRONO . COLO- 
 NIC. . PRO . MERITIS . EIVS . ERGA . GIVES . MVNIFICA . 
 LARGITATE . OLIM . HONOREM . DEVITVM . PR^ESTAN- 
 TISSIMO . VIRO . PRi^SENS . TEMPVS . EXEGIT . QVO . 
 ETIAM . MVNATI . CONCESSIANI . FILI . SVI . DE . MAR- 
 CHIA . CVMVLATIORE . SVMPTV . LIBERALITATIS . ABVN- 
 DANTIA . VNIVERSIS . EXIBVIT . CIVIBVS . OB . QU^. 
 TESTEiMONIA . AMORIS . SINCERRISSIMI . REG . PRIMA- 
 RIA . SPLENDIDISSIMA . HERCVLANENSIVM . PATRONO . 
 MIRABILI . STATVAM . PONENDAM . DECREVIT. 
 
 (This inscription was written on stone. See Walchius, page 5.) 
 
 Tiie first thing which strikes us in reading these two inscriptions, 
 is, that in the one Herculaneum seems to be considered as a munici- 
 pmm, and in the other as a colony. I have endeavoured to sliow, in 
 a former dissertation, that it was a colony ; nor has the examination 
 of these two inscriptions altered my opinion. It appears tiiat the 
 colonies might be divided into three classes : Romanorum colonic, 
 says Capacio, tripliciter distinguuntur : una enini est, in qua Romani 
 deducti soli habitabant ; alia, in qua Romani et alii; tertia,in qua etsi 
 harbari incolebant, Romanorum tamen legihus obstringebantur. Now it is 
 probable, that Herculaneum belonged to the second class, for it had 
 been inhabited by the Osci, Pelasgi, Tyrrheni, and Samnites, before 
 it fell into the hands of the Romans. This point being settled, we 
 shall have no difficulty in reconciling our two inscriptions. The colo- 
 nies were all governed according to they;/.? Romanum, as is observed 
 by Capacio ; but the ancient inhabitants seem to have still called 
 themselves municipes, and their cities municipia, when Xh^jus Latinum 
 
the Ruins of Herculaneum. 35 
 
 ceased to be their jurisprudence. Thus Herculaneum, which was 
 properly a colony, continued to be called a mimicipium by many of 
 its inhabitants. The same thing may be remarked of other towns. 
 Livy mentions (L. IX.) that a colony was sent to Suessa (ami. urb. 
 440.), and yet Cicero, in observing that colonists had been estab- 
 lished at Suessa, calls it a municipium (Philipp. 13.). In the in- 
 scriptions exhibited by Spon, Ortona is named both a colony and a 
 miinidpium ; and many monuments attest the same thing of Naples, 
 which Capacio thinks was a colony of the third class, and which, I 
 believe, was not considered as such until after the promulgation of 
 the Julian law. 
 
 I can say nothing more of these two inscriptions, which has not 
 been already anticipated by Reinesius and Walchius. (Reines. Syntag. 
 Antiq.pag. 4,84,; JVakh. Antiq. Hercul. pag.6.). 
 
 III. 
 
 The inscription of which I am now going to speak, is the only one 
 which is written in Etruscan among all those which have been found 
 at Herculaneum. For want of types, I am obliged to exhibit it in 
 Roman characters. The first edition of it I take from Passeri. 
 
 HERENTATEIS . SVM . 
 
 L. SLABIIS . L. AVKIL . MERRISS. TVCTIKS . 
 
 HERENTATE .... PRVKINAI . PRVFFER. 
 
 In the original the letter H, and some others which are not legible, 
 intervene between Herentate and Prukinai. Passeri and Walchius 
 thus render the inscription : Junonalis sum. L. SLibius, L. Aukilms, 
 Mediastutici . Junonali prcepositi custodes proferunt. But the derivation 
 of Herentateis from Hp^ is inadmissible. The Etruscans never called 
 Juno by the name of Here. 
 
 Mr. Hayter reads 
 
gS 0)1 some Inscriptions found among 
 
 HERENTATEIS . SVM . 
 
 L. SLABES . L. AVKIL . MEDDISS. TVKTISS . 
 
 HERENTATEN . HERVKINAI . PRVFFED. 
 
 I.e. 
 
 Sacra tabula sum. 
 
 Lucius Slabes, Lucius Aquilius, magistratus 
 Sacram tabulam Erycincc pj-ofenint . 
 
 In the original, the letter which Mr. Hayter reads D, is the Roman 
 R reversed. Now, although it be easily granted that the Romans 
 often changed the Etruscan R into D, yet I cannot therefore suppose 
 that the R reversed was ever used for D in Etruscan. In the last 
 line he has omitted the P, which Passeri and Lanzi, in their editions 
 of the original, place before the R ; I must, therefore, conclude that 
 Mr. Hayter had read E where these authors read P. The H cer- 
 tainly stands at a considerable distance. 
 
 The edition of the original given by Lanzi is very nearly correct ; 
 but his interpretation is not the less objectionable. 
 
 HERENTATEIS SVM . 
 
 L. SLABE . LAVKIL . MERRISS. TVBTIKS. 
 
 HERENTATE . H. P . . . PRVKINAI . PRVPHPHER . 
 
 I.e. 
 
 He derives Herentateis from <£po?, and proposes to read Herentateis- 
 sum, in one word, whicii he would render sacerdotum. Prukinai, he 
 would have a proper name. 
 
 In examining the remains of any language, of which we know 
 little, it is natural to seek for some guidance from other tongues of 
 which we know more. There may be just reason to think, that the 
 most ancient Etruscan had a strong affinity with the most ancient 
 Greek, and yet a stronger with the Lydian. I speak only of the 
 
the Ruins of Herculaneum. 37 
 
 written Etruscan, and not of that language, which some have sup- 
 posed to have been spoken in Italy, before the arrival of the Lydian 
 and Pelasgian colonies. The Etruscan of later times may be sup- 
 posed to have differed from that which was anciently spoken, since, 
 in the course of ages, this happens with every living language ; and 
 the resemblance with old Latin may be more naturally sought for 
 in the more modern, than in the more ancient Etruscan. With all 
 this, however, we must not fail to observe, that there were several 
 dialects of this language. The Pelasgi, who were driven from 
 Greece, to take shelter where their countrymen, the Tyrrheni, had 
 already found an asylum, would probably introduce many Hellenisms 
 into the original Lydian dialect. This might the more easily happen, 
 that the Greek tongue itself probably sprang from the Lydian, which 
 not less probably was a Phoenician dialect. For these affirmations, I 
 shall endeavour to account in a future dissertation ; but if I be right 
 in my conjectures, the consequence will be, that the Etruscan will 
 partake more or less of the Phoenician, the Greek, and the Latin, 
 according to the age to which we refer. In the inscription before us, 
 there seems to me to be an evident mixture of the three languages. 
 It was found upon a marble table, and the first words are removed 
 by a considerable interval from those below them. 
 
 Heretitdteis sum. I agree with Mr. Hayter in the interpretation 
 which he gives of these words : Sacra tabula sum. I have sought for 
 the etymology, and it brings us nearly to the same thing. Herentateis 
 is a corruption from ]"l"l^?, etwi, or arun, and DJ*i2, tat, area (aut 
 tabula) expurgatoria (aut sacra). 
 
 Meiriss tuhtichs Meddixtutici. This last word is used by Livy ( Lib. 
 XXVI. C. 6. ) ; but we see how it was originally written by the 
 Etruscans, tliough the Romans, according to their custom, changed 
 the R into D. Camillus Peregrinus observes, on the authority of 
 Ennius and Festus, that meddix signified magistratus ; and he rightly 
 understands tuticus to mean magnus. Now merrisstubtichs, which had 
 
38 On some Inscriptions found among 
 
 the same meaning with Meddixtutici, may be easily derived from 
 the ancient Oriental tongues. ^*"lCl, mera in Chaldaic, 112, mer in He- 
 brew, and ^TC, men in Syriac, signify dominus. Here then we have 
 the root of the Etruscan word, which was merriss in the plural, and 
 merris in the singular. My reader will observe, that I do not follow 
 the Masoretic punctuation of the Hebrew, and, indeed, I consider it 
 of little authority. The subsequent word, in our inscription, is tubtichs; 
 it is composed of DILD, tub, bonus, pmstans, and t^P, tick, gradus, sta- 
 tus, conditio. This last word, I shall be told, and I shall easily admit, 
 is not to be found in the remains which we have either of Hebrew, 
 or of Phoenician ; but it has been employed by the Rabbins, and 
 seems to be legitimate Hebrew, for its root is \'2Ty, tachen. We may 
 thus render merriss tubtiks, lords of eminent rank. 
 
 Prukinai pntffer. The first of these two words, I suppose with 
 Passeri to be a corruption from the Greek. Pruffer easily explains 
 itself in Latin. 
 
 I render the whole inscription according to the etymology : 
 
 Area expurgatoria sum. 
 
 L. Slabius, L. Aquilius, domini dignitate prcestantes, 
 
 Arcam expurgatoriatn pro commu?iitate proferunt. 
 
 The hiatus was probably filled up with the name of the deity to 
 whom the offering was made. Of the letters wliich still remain, H 
 is the only one distinctly legible, and as it begins the word defaced, 
 we may read HERCLE, and translate Herculi. 
 
 Mr. Hayter has shown me an inscription, which was found on a 
 marble between Pompeii and Herculaneum, and which, he thinks, 
 belonged to a bidental. I must give this inscription in Roman cha- 
 racters, for the reason already assigned ; but as I read it differently 
 from him, I shall exhibit our different editions of it. Mr. Hayter 
 reads, 
 
the Ruins of Herculaneiim. 39 
 
 Nitrebes . tr . med . tiich . 
 a . aman . aphphed . 
 
 i. e. 
 Nitrebes ter meddis tiiticus 
 septo conclusit. 
 
 The bidental, as he justly observes, was the inclosure which sur- 
 rounded the ahar, which was placed on the spot struck by lightning. 
 It would seem, that he brings aman aphphad from amah, HDX, which 
 is sometimes used to signify posts, palisadoes (Jesa C. 4.), and TDX, 
 ephod, to girt round, to inclose. This appears to me, at least, to have 
 been the etymology which he must have adopted. I must venture, 
 however, to follow another reading, and consequently to give another 
 interpretation, 
 I read, 
 
 NITREBES . TR . MER . TVB. 
 A . AMAN . AFFER. 
 and I translate, 
 
 Nitrebes, ter meddis tuticus, 
 Aulo Amanio affert (vel offert). 
 
 I shall now refer my readers to the plates at the end of the 
 volume. In the first I have given the best/<26- simile I could of these 
 two Etruscan inscriptions. In the second, iny readers may compare 
 the Etruscan alphabet, which I have adopted, with those given by 
 former writers, and they will judge from these specimens of the ex- 
 treme difficulty which must occur in reading the Etruscan, Samnite, 
 Volscan, and Oscan characters. The third plate will exhibit letters 
 in various languages, with which the forms of the Etruscan charac- 
 ters may be compared. 
 
C 40 D 
 
 DISSERTATION V. 
 
 On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix being frequently derived 
 from the Phce7iician. 
 
 BY THE RIGHT HOX. WILLIAM DROMMOND. 
 
 In a former dissertation, I endeavoured to prove that Herculaneum 
 was derived from Hercules, and that Hercules was a Phoenician 
 word, which signified the universal fire . It is my intention, at present, 
 to show in what manner many names of places of Phoenician origin 
 existed, and still exist, in that district which was anciently called the 
 Campania Felix. This discussion appears to me to be the more 
 necessary and the more interesting, that several learned men have 
 spoken with contempt of some respectable authors, who have derived 
 the names of places in Italy fron the Phoenician. Super talibus, says 
 Heyne, itaque populorum aut teirarum nominihus docte quidem multa 
 argutari potest, sed plerumque inaniter; multo magis si Phcenicia nomina 
 expiscari et enodare volumus, quo quidem genere nihil vidi quod magis esset 
 lubricum. If, however, I can show, by a connected series of events, 
 that the Campania Felix was occupied by a people descended from 
 the Phoenicians, until it was conquered by the Romans ; and if I can 
 prove the names of several places in that district to bear a singular 
 resemblance to Phoenician words which would be descriptive and 
 appropriate, I shall not easily cede the point to the learned critic 
 whose words I have cited. 
 
On the Names of Places, &c. ^i 
 
 Italy appears to have been peopled by different colonies, which 
 arrived at different periods from Sicily, from Africa, from Greece, 
 and from Asia. As it is my object, however, in this dissertation, to 
 show that the ancient inhabitants of the Campania Felix probably 
 spoke a dialect of the Phoenician, I shall not enter into any discussion 
 concerning other tribes, that do not appear to have had any posses- 
 sions in that country. My subject will, nevertheless, require, that I 
 trace, as far back as possible, the history of the Osci, the Tyrrheni, 
 the Pelasgi, and the Samnites, who, as it appears from Strabo, suc- 
 cessively occupied the country about Pompeia and Herculaneum, and 
 by whom, in spite of the fables which have been idly recorded by 
 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Diodorus Siculus, we may reason- 
 ably conclude those cities to have been founded. The investigation, 
 I am afraid, must be long ; but I shall endeavour to render it as little 
 tedious as I can. I propose to begin my inquiries with the Phoeni- 
 cians ; I shall then proceed to show, that one of their colonies was 
 established in Lydia ; that the Lydians sent a colony into Italy, which 
 took possession of Umbria and Etruria ; and, finally, that the Osci, 
 Tyrrheni, Pelasgi, and Samnites, were descended from those same 
 Lydians, and consequently retained much of the Phoenician in the 
 Etruscan dialect, which they continued to speak, until the Romans 
 gave their laws and their language to the conquered provinces of 
 Italy. 
 
 G 
 
4,2 On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 PART FIRST. 
 
 Sect. I. — ^The Greeks believed, from the time of Herodotus to that 
 of Strabo, that the Phoenicians had originally come from the coast 
 of the Red Sea. This opinion seems to have been not less generally 
 received among the Romans, and accordingly we find it adopted by 
 Pliny and Solinus. Some modern authors, however, have treated it 
 as an idle conjecture. Thus Bochart objects to the authority of He- 
 rodotus, because he got his information from the Persians, who were 
 comparatively a recent people ; because the Tyrians, among whom 
 the historian had passed some time, were silent on the subject; and 
 because his account is contradicted by that which is given by San- 
 choniatho. In answer to the first of these objections I would ob- 
 serve, that the antiquity of the Persian empire is to be traced to a 
 period much more remote than the age of Cyrus, who, as Sir William 
 Jones has proved, was rather the restorer than the founder of the 
 greatness of his country. Secondly, it may be observed, the Phoe- 
 nicians, like other Oriental nations, indulged an excessive vanity 
 concerning tlie antiquity of their origin. Herodotus could not be 
 ignorant of the fables which they related on this subject, and he 
 showed his good sense in rather appealing to the impartial evidence 
 of strangers. The third objection is even of less weight than those 
 which preceded it. Whatever is genuine in the fragments of San- 
 choniatho does little honour to the judgment of that ancient Phoeni- 
 cian ; and it is in vain to speak of authentic history, if credit be given 
 to the manifest interpolations of Philo of Byblos. 
 
 We know, from a less questionable autiiority, that Canaan and his 
 descendants were the original inhabitants of Phoenicia, and that Ham, 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcenician. 43 
 
 the father of Canaan, was the great progenitor of the Egyptians and 
 Ethiopians. It is probable, however, that the Persians, and after 
 them the Greeks and Romans, did not refer to so early a period. 
 The riches of the Phoenicians seem to have soon exposed them to 
 attacks from all their neighbours ; but we must believe that Canaan 
 had already become the semant of servants, before the country in 
 which he lived had changed its name, and before Sidon had engrossed 
 the commerce of the East. Many authors are of opinion, that the 
 whole of Phoenicia was conquered by the Edomites and the Cushites, 
 who had indeed come from countries bordering on the Red Sea. I 
 am, however, more inclined to believe that Phoenicia became a pro- 
 vince of Egypt during the reign of Sesostris ; and I enter into the 
 inquiry, because it may not be fruitless to the antiquaries of Italy, 
 who have been struck with the resemblance which in some instances 
 existed between the mythology of the Egyptians and the Etruscans. 
 Many vestiges of the arts, the learning, and the religion of Egypt 
 are certainly to be traced among the Phoenicians. The inhabitants 
 of Sidon excelled in weaving fine linen, and in making glass, for 
 which the Egyptians were likewise famous. In Egypt, the art of 
 dying cloth was known from the earliest period of history ; and the 
 Phoenician purple was not more celebrated than the Egyptian scarlet. 
 The Phoenicians, like the Egyptians, were long strangers to the art 
 of navigation, which they afterwards carried to so much perfection ; 
 for, according to the Eusebian Chronicle, the Lydians, Pelasgians, 
 Thracians, Rhodians, and Phrygians had successively obtained the 
 dominion of the sea, before it had been navigated by the ships of 
 Sidon. Taaut, or Thoth, who instructed the Phoenicians in the use of 
 letters, was the son of Miser, a king of Egypt ; and I ought to re- 
 mark, that Kircher, Calmet, and other learned men, have proved the 
 Egyptian and Phoenician characters to have been the same. In the 
 fragments of Sanchoniatho, we find the mythology to be a rude copy 
 from the Egyptian ori^'nal. The cosmology is nearly the same. 
 
44! On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 Again, Thammuz and Astaroth were only different names for Osiris 
 and Isis. Thammuz, or Adonis, was supposed to liave been slain by 
 one monster, and Osiris by another. At a certain season of the year 
 their votaries wept for the death of both, Osiris was the symbol of 
 the sun, and so surely was Thammuz, or Baal-Samen, the Lord of 
 the Heavens. Astarte, or Astaroth, was the Phoenician name for 
 Isis. The cow was sacred to both ; each lamented annually the death 
 of her lord ; and each was considered as the symbol of the moon. 
 Moloch and Hercules were Egyptian as well as Phoenician gods. 
 That Saturn, the chief object of Phoenician veneration, was also adored 
 by the Egyptians, may be proved from the inscription on the column 
 dedicated to Osiris. In addition to these remarks, let it be observed, 
 that Thammuz, as is fully proved by Selden and Kircher, was the 
 name of an Egyptian king, who established the annual rite when the 
 death of Osiris, was celebrated by the Egyptians ; but the honour 
 which was meant for Osiris was transferred, by a singular example 
 of flattery, to the religious monarch himself, who had instituted the 
 ceremony. 
 
 Sect. II. — From these observations, joined to the testimony of 
 Herodotus, who says that the Phoenicians came from beyond the 
 Red Sea (for so I understand him), I am inclined to think, that Phoe- 
 nicia was subdued, and, in a great measure, peopled anew by the 
 Egyptians, But whatever might have been the origin of the Phoeni- 
 cians, there can be no question of their having afterwards become 
 one of the most flourishing nations of the East. Their first colonial 
 establishments appear to have been in Cyprus, Rhodes, Crete, and 
 the islands of the Archipelago. The learned Bochart has proved, 
 that they afterwards established a colony in Caria ; but I am unable 
 to imagine why he confined this settlement to the left bank of the 
 Meander. He himself has proved, that the word Lydia is derived 
 from the Phoenician lud; and the names of many places in that 
 country appear to me to be Phoenician. As, however, all of these 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcenician. 45 
 
 names were more or less altered by the Greeks, it is often extremely 
 difficult to trace them to their origin. I shall venture, nevertheless, 
 to give a few examples in support of my hypothesis. 
 
 1 . The city of Colophon was situated between the river Caystrus 
 and Mount Mimas. Strabo reports the Greek traditions concerning 
 its foundation. This place was celebrated for producing a fine and 
 peculiar kind of resin. Now the Hebrew word for this resin is 
 Hiin'pn, cholbona, and it is so used by Moses. We may then con- 
 clude, that the name of the thing existed before the name of the 
 place, and that the Phoenicians called the town by the name of the 
 thing for which it was most remarkable. Colophon seems to me to 
 have been a corruption from Cholbona, or Cholbon, or Cholobon. 
 
 2. Strabo describes Mysia, or Meeonia, as a country of which the 
 fields had the appearance of being covered with cinders, and of which 
 the rocks and mountains were of a black colour, as if from burning. 
 Some people, says he, pretend that these effects were produced by 
 fiery whirlwinds and thunderbolts, nor do they hesitate thence to 
 relate the fable of Typhon. He then adds, SuvQog Se xki Api[/,iiv nvx 
 Xsyei Tuv tottcov r^uv fSacriXBCi ; but Zaiithus says a certain Arimun zvas 
 king of these regions. This Arimun was probably a fictitious name, 
 derived from CZ3''"in harim, the heats which prevailed in Mysia. 
 
 3. If Bochart be right, in deriving Lydia from liid, and hid from 
 luz, it follows, that those who gave this name to the country, were 
 no strangers to Egypt, since the whole of Bochart 's reasoning is 
 founded on the supposition, that the Nile was called Lud, from its 
 many windings, and that the same appellation was given, for the 
 same reason to the Meander. Now the name of mount Tmolus, 
 or Timolus, appears to me to be Egyptian, nor will this appear ex- 
 traordinary if my former statement be admitted. 
 
 The sign oe prefixed to Coptic nouns indicates either the mascu- 
 line, or a feminine noun undetermined by the article. Oemoleon sig- 
 nifies tnola, according to Kircher. May it not have originally signified 
 
4,6 On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 moles ? Etymologists, it is true, have generally derived the Latin mola 
 from the Greek f^vXv], and moles from mola. This is to derive the 
 general from the particular, which I hold to be as contrary to ety- 
 mology as it is to all good reasoning. The Hebrew ^72 is evidently 
 the root ; for this word, which signifies plenitude, or multitude, ex- 
 presses also a mass, or heap. If we cut off the oe from oemoleon, as 
 the language would then require, and prefix the Coptic sign r, we 
 shall have Tmoeleon. This brings us very near to the sound of Tmo- 
 lus, which I imagine to have signified a mass, or mound, or hill, and 
 from which the Latin word tumulus was probably derived. 
 
 4. Betwixt Erythra, and a precipice of which he had been speak- 
 ing, Strabo tells us, was situated Mimas, a lofty mountain abounding 
 with wild beasts, and covered with trees. Beyond, continues he, is 
 the village Cybellia, and the Black Promontory, so called from the 
 mill-stones which are cut out of it. This mountain, which is still 
 called the Black Promontory, Kara Boiirnu, is situated in a penin- 
 sula, across the isthmus of which, as Pliny tells us, Alexander the 
 Great had formed the design of cutting a canal. The mountain was 
 easily converted into a giant by the poets, the more especially as it 
 had received its name from a son of one of the kings of Lydia ; and 
 many were the fables which were told of Mimas, who had rebelled 
 against the gods, and was reckoned among the number of the 
 Titans : 
 
 Sed quid Typhceiis et validus Mimas — 
 
 Co7itra sonantem Palladis cegida 
 
 Possent ruentes f — Hor. 
 
 Opw TOV OUIOV 
 Mifiocvjoi ■srvot KccjatuocXov. Eul'. 
 
 O^D''^^, or D"'Ci^ signifies giants. The Phoenicians were accus- 
 tomed to throw away the initial aleph. Mimas appears to have been 
 once a volcano. Giants of fire will be expressed by Ji'X"a\2 Mi- 
 
being frequent/y derived from the Phcenician. 47 
 
 Mas. The history of the rebelHon and punishment of the Titans is 
 nothing else than an allegorical account of volcanic eruptions ; and 
 the giants struck by the thunder of Jupiter will be generally found 
 to be mountains which had thrown forth flames, whether in the fields 
 of Phtegra, in Sicily, or in Lydia. 
 
 5. Harpocration says, that Neleus was the founder of Erythra ; 
 Velleius, that it was Ion; Pausanias, that it was Erythrus ; and 
 Strabo, that it was Cnopus. These testimonies being so contradic- 
 tory, the knowledge of the Greeks and Romans concerning the foun- 
 dation and original name of this city may be fairly questioned. The 
 word Erythra is certainly Greek, but Erythra was probably called 
 Edom by the Phoenicians, before it received its new appellation from 
 the Greeks ; in the same manner as they gave the name of the Ery- 
 threan sea to the sea of Edom. 
 
 6. Corycus is a lofty mountain near to Teos, and not far from 
 Erythra ; it is said to abound with crocuses : 
 
 Ultima Corycio qiuv cadit aura croco : 
 
 D^D^D, chomcJmn, IS the Hebrew for these flowers, and from this word, 
 slightly changed by the Greeks, I conceive the mountain to have 
 been named. Stephanus gives it the epithet of rube/is. 
 
 7. Lebedus was not far distant from Erythra. I am inclined to 
 derive it from 2i^b, let, dry, and cnt*, edom, red; and to suppose that 
 it might have been called originally nOT«3^'7, the dry red land. 
 
 I could easily increase the number of these examples ; but I wish, 
 in the first instance, to know if those be approved of which I have 
 already given. I shall now proceed to show the resemblance between 
 the mythology and manners of the Phoenicians, the Lydians, and the 
 Egyptians ; and this resemblance is so strong, that it may tend to 
 confirm my opinion concerning the origin of the two former. 
 
 Sect. III.— I am of opinion, in spite of the objections of Lucian, that 
 the Syrian goddess, who was called the magna mater and the mater 
 
48 On the Names of Places m the Campania Felix 
 
 deorum, was the same with Isis. Without entering into more abstruse 
 mythological inquiries, we shall find enough to prove this position, 
 in comparing the attributes of Isis and Cybele. The images of both 
 were adorned with a crescent, and with a robe studded with stars. 
 Lions were always attendant on tlie Syrian goddess ; and a lion is 
 represented at the feet of Isis on some of the Roman coins. The 
 drum and the sistrum were sacred to Isis, and if we can trust to Bel- 
 lorius, both these instruments were held in the hands of Cybele. 
 Two serpents, according to Apuleius, were among the extraordinary 
 ornaments which adorned the head of the Egyptian goddess, and the 
 same singular attire was worn by the Lydian women, who were the 
 votaries of the magna mater. Cybele likewise holds the Jlagellum, 
 which was an Egyptian symbol, and which may be seen in the hands 
 of Harpocrates, where he is represented as the Deus Averru7icus, and 
 is seated on the flower of the lotus. It appears, from Plutarch and 
 Macrobius, that Isis was equally entitled with the Syrian goddess to 
 be called the Dea niultimatn7nia, since she exhibited the same exube- 
 rant proofs of her nutritious qualities. The statues of Cybele and 
 of the Dea multimammia were evidently copied from the Egyptian 
 school of sculpture. The calathus was transferred from the head of 
 Osiris to be placed on that of the Ephesian Diana, though this simple 
 ornament was generally and easily changed into the form of a tower 
 on the head of the magjia mater. We frequently see a garland of 
 flowers on the head of the images of the Ephesian Diana, and we know 
 from Apuleius that Isis was represented with the same ornament. 
 The sphinx was indubitably an Egyptian symbol, and we find it ac- 
 company several of the representations of Diana of Ephesus. Cybele 
 wept annually for the misfortune of Atys, as Isis and Astaroth wept 
 for the death of their lords. The priests of all these goddesses were 
 habited alike; their rites were performed amidst the clamour of drums 
 and trumpets ; and the same silence was observed on their myste- 
 ries. Little doubt, I think, can now remain of these goddesses being 
 
being frequently derived from the Phoenician. 4,9 
 
 the same. I shall, however, add a few more testimonies, and shall 
 conclude from them, that the religion of Egypt passed into Syria and 
 Phoenicia, and thence into Asia Minor, hide primigenii Phryges Pes- 
 
 sinunciarn nominant Domini matrem. priscdque doctrind 
 
 pollentes JEgyptii, ceremoniis me propriis percolentes , appellant vero nomine 
 Reginam Isidem. (Apuleius.) Pignorius, without collecting all the 
 authorities which he might have done, has restored the true reading 
 of a passage in Ulpian, as follows : Matrem Deorum Sypelensem qua 
 Smyrna colitur. Now, in the story which is told of lo, in the Chroni- 
 con Alexajidrijium, it is said that lo fled from Egypt, and took refuge 
 on Mount Sipylus. Pausanias (Lib. III.) observes, that the Mag7iesii, 
 a people who lived to the north of Mount Sipylus, had preserved an 
 image of the mother of the gods from the most remote antiquity. In 
 the league which was made between these same Magnesii and the 
 people of Smyrna, and which is inscribed at length on one of the 
 Arundel marbles, we find that both were accustomed, on such solemn 
 occasions, to swear by Sipylene, who was evidently no other than 
 Cybele, or Isis. Aristides (Sacror. Serm. III.) openly speaks of the 
 Isis of Smyrna, of her priest and her temple, and of the sacrifices 
 which were offered to her as well as to Serapis. It is, indeed, evi- 
 dent, that under many names the Asiatics had been taught by the 
 Egyptians to adore their goddess Isis, sometimes as the moon, some- 
 times as the earth, but more mystically as universal nature. 
 
 In the manners, as well as in the arts which they had acquired, 
 these nations still exhibit a remarkable resemblance. According to 
 Herodotus, the Lydians were the first people who coined money ; 
 but mention is so frequently made of gold and silver, in Genesis, 
 after the journey of Abraham into Egypt, and of payments made in 
 silver pieces, that the honour of the invention seems rather to be due 
 to the Egyptians. The art of working in gold was carried to great 
 perfection in Lydia, as is evident from Herodotus ; and it was surely 
 
 H 
 
5© On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 not less known among the Egyptians, from whom the Hebrews 
 borrowed so many precious ornaments. Mention is made in Pliny 
 (Lib. XXXVII.) of an image of Serapis, nine cubits in height, and 
 sculptured out of a single emerald. This proves that the Egyptians 
 must have carried the manufacture of glass to singular perfection, 
 since it is evident that this colossal statue could have been made of 
 no other material, and it must have required great art to have given 
 it such colour and brilliancy, as to make it pass for a precious stone. 
 Theophrastus (de Lapid.) speaks of an emerald in Egypt, which was 
 four cubits long and three broad. Herodotus says, he saw a column 
 in the temple of Hercules at Tyre, which was composed of a single 
 emerald ; and Cedrenus (Ann. p. 322.) speaks of a statue of Minerva 
 four cubits in height, cut out of a single emerald, which had been 
 given to the Lydians by Sesostris. It seems to have been thought by 
 Pausanias (in Achaic), that the statue of Hercules at Erythra was of 
 Egyptian workmanship. All the statues of the Ephesian Diana were 
 evidently sculptured after the Egyptian model. The Hebrews pro- 
 bably learned the art of embroidering from the Egyptians ; and we 
 know from Homer, that the women, both of Sidon and of Asia Minor, 
 excelled in works of this kind. From the manner in which the ark 
 was ornamented, we may in like manner conclude, that the Egyptians 
 had instructed the Hebrews in working hangings and curtains, which 
 must have been of great beauty and value. The Phoenicians and 
 Lydians were not less celebrated for their carpets and tapestries, as 
 is testified by Heliodorus (Lib. VII.). We learn from Juvenal, that 
 the priests of Isis were clothed in linen ; and the same costume seems 
 to have been adopted by the Asiatics during the performance of their 
 religious ceremonies. Servius, in commenting on the words of Vir- 
 gil — piiraque in veste sacerdos, observes, that the priests, on occasions 
 of peculiar solemnity, were accustomed to wear garments of purple 
 linen. Telemachus says to Penelope, 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcenician. 51 
 
 The reasons, indeed, which are assigned by Philostratus and Plu- 
 tarch for this custom prevaihng in Egypt, must have had equal influ- 
 ence in other countries, where there existed the same superstitions, 
 Thoth, according to the Egyptians, was the inventor of music, and 
 that art was considerably improved by the Lydians. In their religi- 
 ous ceremonies, the Egyptians introduced dancing, as appears from 
 Apuleius, and in this their example was generally followed by the 
 Asiatics, and particularly by the Lydians and Phrygians, as may be 
 gathered from Lucretius and others who have described the pomp of 
 Cybele. Herodotus says, the Lydians were the first people who 
 established inns ; but we know from Genesis, that inns existed in 
 Egypt in the time of Joseph. The superstitions of the Egyptians 
 concerning animals were not confined to themselves ; the Phoeni- 
 cians had the same abhorrence for swine ; and they, as well as the 
 Lydians, considered the cow as a sacred animal : this is apparent from 
 the images of Moloch, and of the Dea multimammia. The cat was 
 sacred to Isis, and the animals consecrated to Cybele and Bacchus 
 were of the feline kind — lions, tigers, and panthers. The dog was 
 considered as a sacred animal in Egypt. The Curetes and Cory- 
 bantes sacrificed this animal to Diana, as is testified by the scholiasts 
 of Theocritus and Lycophron, and by Suidas in the following words : 
 XrifW^iov, Koct Xyj^uvOov uvjpov, iv u rocg y.vvxg sQuov. svda, vjv rot, tuv xopv^ccvjav, 
 xcti Tijf Ejictjiig [x,viflvipttx. The Bassarse, of whom I shall have occasion 
 to speak in another section, wore, during the celebration of the 
 mysteries, the skins of a species of dog called alopecides. The dog, 
 as we learn from Aulus GeUius, was considered as the guardian of 
 temples ; nor is it necessary to prove, that the Phoenicians highly 
 venerated the faithful companion of Adonis. It seems, then, that 
 if Herodotus found the Egyptians unlike to all other people, it was 
 
5SS On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 because, from the period when their countrywas subdued by Cambyses, 
 they had lost much of their former character. The poUtical and 
 mihtary power of Egypt was gone with its sciences, arts, manufac- 
 tures, and commerce ; and nothing remained to its altered inha- 
 bitants, but their prejudices, their superstitions, and the decaying 
 monuments of their ancient grandeur. 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcenician. 53 
 
 PART SECOND. 
 
 Sect. I. — Almost all the writers of antiquity, who have had occa- 
 sion to speak of the origin of the Tuscans, appear to have thought 
 that they came from Lydia. From this opinion, however, Dionysius 
 of Halicarnassus has dissented ; and as I find that several eminent 
 writers among the moderns have sided with him, I shall examine the 
 principal arguments which he has adduced, and which they have 
 supported. 
 
 Dionysius (Lib. I.) contends, that the Tyrrhefu' and the Pelasgi 
 were not the same people. Here, indeed, he has to dispute, by his 
 own confession, the testimony of the poets and historians of Greece, 
 and to combat Thucydides, as well as Sophocles. He endeavours, 
 however, to support his argument by the authority of Xanthus, of 
 Hellanicus Lesbius, and of Myrsilus, though their opinions, as I shall 
 soon show, are sufficiently contradictory : he argues with more force, 
 on the statement of Herodotus, that the Crotoniatce and the Placiani, 
 who were descended from the Pelasgi, understood each other, while 
 the language of the former was unintelligible to their neighbours ; 
 nor can I agree with the learned Freret, in thinking that he has here 
 misrepresented or misunderstood Herodotus. I shall, however, en- 
 deavour to show that this argument is of no avail. 
 
 That the Tyrrheni and the Pelasgi were the same people, must rest 
 chiefly on the authority of Thucydides and Herodotus, Myrsilus 
 pretends that the word Pelasgi is a corruption from Pelargi, and that 
 these people, after having abandoned their country, were named 
 Pelargi, from the birds which are called storks. But Herodotus as- 
 serts, that the Pelasgi were so named before they left the shores of 
 Asia Minor ; and his assertion seems to be verified by the real ety- 
 
54 On the Names of Places vi the Campania Felix 
 
 mology of the word, which is Phoenician. According to this historian, 
 the people of L3;dia were anciently called Pelasgi, which, as my 
 reader will find in the fragments of Sanchoniatho, is a corruption 
 from Pdlutgi. This name was naturally given to themselves by the 
 Phoenician colonists, for it seems to me to be a compound word, 
 composed of D'''72, palit, and i"lJ,go/, and to signify the wandering, 
 or perhaps rather, the banished people. There is no doubt, I believe, 
 that the Phoenicians were forced frequently to emigrate ; and espe- 
 cially at the period when the Jews invaded Palestine under Joshua. 
 Hellanicus Lesbius goes yet further than Myrsilus, for he maintains, 
 that the Tyrrheni did not receive the name of Pelasgi, until they had 
 been expelled from Greece by the Hellenes, and had settled in Italy; 
 but if this be true, how came the Greek settlers in Italy to be known 
 by a Phoenician appellation ? 
 
 Dionysius tells us, that the descendants of the Pelasgi and the 
 Tyrrheni spoke different languages. The reason is obvious why the 
 inhabitants of Crotona spoke a peculiar dialect. The colony of Ly- 
 dians under Tyrrhenus came, according to Herodotus, directly to 
 Italy ; but another colony of Pelasgi, as we learn from Apollodorus 
 and others, settled in Arcadia, Epirus, and Thessaly, whence they 
 were expelled by the Greeks ; came to Italy, as Hellanicus asserts, 
 and there built Crotona, as Dionysius admits. Now, these last colo- 
 nists, who had dwelt for several generations, at least, in Greece, 
 probably spoke a mixed language, partaking of the Hellenic and of 
 the ancient Lydian, which, if my former statements be correct, must 
 have been a dialect of the Phoenician : thus, there might have been, 
 and there certainly were, different Etruscan dialects. 
 
 Dionysius holds the accounts of those authors, who maintain that 
 the Tyrrheni were descended from the Lydians, to be utterly fabu- 
 lous. He remarks, that while Herodotus calls Tyrrhenus the son of 
 Atys, others suppose him the son of Hercules, and others the son of 
 Telephus. He then cites the authority of Xanthus the Lydian against 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcejiician. ^g 
 
 Herodotus ; for, according to Xanthus, the sons of Atys were called 
 Lydus and Torybus, and neither of these ever departed from Asia ; 
 but it signifies little whether Herodotus were exact or not, in naming 
 the Lydian chief who arrived with a colony in Italy. The truth seems 
 to be, that the Greeks were accustomed to name the chief from the 
 colony, and not the colony from the chief. Thus Pelasgus was the 
 leader of those Pelasgi who settled in Arcadia, and Tyrrhenus re- 
 ceived the appellation from the Tyrrheni, of whom he was the con- 
 ductor. Those who maintained, that the Tyrrheni were aborigines, 
 and that they were so called from the towers which they inhabited, 
 fell, by the avowal of Dionysius himself, into a singular inconsis- 
 tency, for, says he, they think the name was given to themfroyn the cir- 
 cumstance, as to the Mosynceci in Asia ; for these also dwell within lofty 
 wooden palisades, resembling towers, which they call Mosynce. But from 
 whom did these aborigines obtain this name ? If they gave it to 
 themselves, it remains to be explained how they came to follow the 
 Asiatics so closely in their mode of constructing their habitations, 
 and in calling themselves from those same habitations. If the Greeks 
 gave to them the name of Tyrrheni, it must be recollected that they 
 also gave it to the Lydians, and to the ancient inhabitants of some 
 of the isles, and of several parts of Greece itself; and it would thence 
 seem to follow, that the Greeks spoke, in all of these instances, of the 
 same people, and that they thus universally confirmed the account 
 given by Herodotus of the origin of the Etruscans. I mean not, 
 however, to defend Herodotus, when he says the Tyrseni (/. e. the 
 Tyrrheni) were so named from Tyrsenus (/. e. Tyrrhenus), and 
 only desire to show, that he was accurate in his general statement ; 
 nor do I think that Xanthus has proved himself in this instance to be 
 more worthy of credit than the Greek historian. Herodotus erred, 
 it seems, in deriving the name of a people from the name of a man, 
 when that name was only given to the man because he was the 
 chief of a people ; but are we in the regions of fable, or not, when 
 
^6 On the Names of Places hi the Campajiia Felix 
 
 Xanthus gravely tells us that the Torybi are descended from Tory- 
 bus, and the Lydians from Lydus ? His silence on the departure of a 
 colony from Lydia is not sufficient to overthrow the numerous testi- 
 monies to the contrary, which are offered to us by the most impar- 
 tial writers of Greece and Rome. Strabo, who is generally acknow- 
 ledged to be an accurate writer, and who lived in the same age with 
 Dionysius, relates (Lib. V.), without comment, the story accredited 
 by the Greeks. The antiquities of Italy must have been studied with 
 no common attention by Virgil and his commentator Servius ; and 
 both bear repeated testimonies to the truth of the general opinion. 
 If Dionysius had been considered by the ancients as accurate upon 
 this point, there would surely have been some of them who would 
 have denied that the Etruscans were descended from the Lydians ; 
 but we find this to be still asserted after his time by the most illus- 
 trious writers, and among the rest by Pliny and by Tacitus. The 
 vanity of proving the Romans to be of Greek origin misled Diony- 
 sius. He avows it to be his object in his proemium, and he sacrificed 
 to it that good sense, which so often and so highly distinguishes him 
 in other instances, both as a critic and as an historian. 
 
 Sect. II. From the statement which I have made in the preceding 
 section, I should perhaps consider myself as justifiable, if I were to 
 pass over without further notice the remaining arguments of Diony- 
 sius ; but when I reflect, that these are not only the strongest which 
 he has advanced, but that they are supported by such men as Bochart, 
 Cluverius, and Freret, I feel it incumbent on me to answer them 
 before I conclude that the Lydians were the progenitors of the 
 Etruscans, from whom, I am inclined to think, the founders of the 
 Roman commonwealth were themselves descended, and to wliom, I 
 trust, I shall be able certainly to trace the inhabitants of the Cam- 
 pania Felix. 
 
 Those who have examined the Tabithe Eugubime, and other Etrus- 
 can monuments, will probably pause, before they acknowledge to 
 
being frequently derived from the Phoenician. 57 
 
 Dionysius that no resemblance existed between the language of the 
 Tyrrheni, and that of the Lydians, who spoke, as I have endeavoured 
 to prove, a Phoenician dialect. In the Tabula; Eugubna, which my 
 reader will find copied and translated by Lanzi ; in the Tables of 
 Avella published by Passeri ; and finally in the inscriptions exhibited 
 by Dempster and Gori, we may see some characters resembling the 
 Greek, and yet more that correspond with the Phoenician. I have 
 brought together the letters which resemble each other in form (see 
 Plate III.), and after having examined them, I have no doubt that 
 my reader will easily trace the Etruscan to the Phoenician characters. 
 Let him recollect that Herodotus has said (Lib. V.), that the lonians 
 got their letters from the Phoenicians, and that Plin}^ says that the 
 Pelasgi introduced these letters into Italy ; nor let him forget that 
 the Pelasgi came from Lydia into Europe. 
 
 We know from Strabo, that in the time of Dionysius there was 
 but one city in Asia Minor, where the ancient Lydian was spoken at 
 all. Could this historian, or any of the authors whom he quotes, un- 
 derstand either the Lydian or the Etruscan ? Of this last language, 
 as we learn likewise from Strabo, only one dialect remained, and 
 that was the Oscan, which was certainly not generally understood at 
 Rome. 
 
 The learned Bochart denies that there was any resemblance be- 
 tween the Etruscan and Phoenician ; and he cites many examples to 
 support his opinion. I think, however, that Mazzochi has fully suc- 
 ceeded in proving that a much longer list of Etruscan words than is 
 given by Bochart, is certainly to be derived from the Phoenician. In 
 some instances Mazzochi appears to have failed, and in others he 
 has omitted to answer Bochart ; but his etymologies, in general, are 
 not like those of Postellus, and others of inferior name. I shall con- 
 clude this section with a few remarks on some of the words on which 
 Bochart principally insists, and concerning which Mazzochi is either 
 silent, or gives an unsatisfactory explanation. I shall not consider 
 
 I 
 
58 On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 myself as obliged to observe the Masoretic }3unctuation of Hebrew 
 words, which appears to me to be altogether arbitrary. 
 
 1 . God, says Bochart, was called Alon by the Carthaginians ; but 
 the Etruscans gave him the name of yEsar. Mazzochi takes no 
 notice of this assertion. The word i^sar appears to me to be of 
 Syrian or Phoenician origin. Asar, or Asara, was one of the gods 
 adored by the idolatrous Jews ; and the name of this idol was derived 
 from n~it'5<, Asara, which signifies a grove. Hence R. D. Kimchi 
 tells us every wooden idol was barbarously called Asara. In another 
 place he says, — etfiiit Asane domus et luciis, et expositio ejus est quod 
 mulieres ibi sedentes solicite qucerebant et expectabant Asaram. This pas- 
 sage shews that Asara was the same god with Thammuz ; nor can 
 I doubt that ^sar was the same with Asar or Asara. 
 
 2. Juno, says Bochart, Punice Astarte, Tusce Cypra vacatur. Maz- 
 zochi derives Cypra from "IDH, chaphar, to expiate. I rather think, 
 that Cypra was the same with Cypris, or Cyprea, or the Cyprian 
 Venus ; for there can be no question that the Phoenicians were mas- 
 ters of Cyprus at a very early period ; and we know that Astarte 
 was called by the Greeks and Romans sometimes Venus, and some- 
 times Juno. Plutarch, in describing the goddess worshipped at Hie- 
 rapolis, who was the deity variously named Isis, Cybele, Astarte, 
 remarks that some call her Juno, and some Venus. These two last 
 goddesses were considered as the same by the Greeks, for Pausanias, 
 speaking of the Lacedemonians, says, that they called an old zvooden 
 image the image of Venus-Juno. The great antiquity of the temple 
 and worship of the Cyprian Venus, may be gathered from a passage 
 in Tacitus : Conditorem templi regem Aeriam vetus memoria ; cfiidam ip- 
 sius Dece nome?i id perhibent. Fama recentior tradit a Cinara sacratum 
 templum, Deamque ipsam, cojiceptam man, hue appulsam. 
 
 3. Bochart observes, that Fortuna was called Gad by the Phoeni- 
 cians, but JS/yrtia by the Etruscans. Mazzochi labours to prove that 
 Nyrtia is derived fi'om norat, pauperem fieri. The authority of Juvenal 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcenician. 59 
 
 is cited to prove that Fortuna and Nyrtia were the same. The sense 
 of Juvenal would have been just as clear, if he had said Cypra, as 
 may be seen by looking at the passage. The scholiast of Juvenal 
 and Martianus Capella, pretend that Nyrtia was Fortuna ; but Livy, 
 who mentions Nyrtia, is silent on the subject; Tertullian, who gives 
 the different modes of writing her name, and who tells us in what 
 cities she was worshipped, makes no mention of her being the same 
 with Fortuna ; and finally Festus Aviena in his address to Nyrtia, or 
 Nortia, has no allusion of the kind. Ac videbatur olim, says Mazzochi, 
 a !S;"n2 nura, quod Chaldaicis ignem significat, deduci ; si probari posset, 
 tantumdem Volsiniensibus fuisse Nortiam, quod Rotnce Vesta. I will fur- 
 nish for Mazzochi the evidence he wanted. Vesta was either one of 
 the Penates, or Lares, or their companion ; and Nortia appears to have 
 been considered by the Volsinienses as one of the Lares: 
 
 Nortia te vetieror Lare cretus Vulsiniensis. 
 
 Festus Aviena. 
 
 4. Regem Phcenices Malchum appellabant, Etrusci Lucumonem. Etru- 
 ria was in fact governed by twelve Lucumones, or military chiefs. I 
 derive Lucumones from a\:2n'?, lachemim, or luchemim, pugnatores. 
 
 Sect. III. — Dionysius has asserted that there was no resemblance 
 between the religion of the Lydians and that of the Etruscans. This 
 subject is too vast to be discussed here at length ; and I sliall there- 
 fore endeavour to confute this position by the proofs which I think 
 must result from only a few examples. 
 
 1 . Among the Etruscan gods, none lays higher claim to antiquity 
 than Janus. Many writers are of opinion, that Janus was the same 
 with Javan, and derive his name from jain, the Hebrew word for 
 wine. I perfectly agree with Vossius and others, in thinking that 
 the adoration of Janus was introduced into Italy by the Asiatics, 
 Macrobius proves to us, that Janus was one of the many appellations 
 given to the sun, and asserts that this same Janus was one of the 
 
6o On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 gods of the Phoenicians. It seems to have been the Lydians, how- 
 ever, who made his name and his worship known in Italy, for I con- 
 sider this god to have been no other than Ion. I shall first shew who 
 this Ion was, and then point out my reasons for thinking him the 
 same with Janus. 
 
 Josephus thought that Ion was Javan. The Greeks fabled him to 
 be an Athenian, and the son of Apollo and Creusa. It appears to me 
 evident, that Ion was an Asiatic name, which the Greeks endeavoured 
 to derive from their own language, and which they found among 
 the Lydians, when they conquered a part of Asia Minor, about the 
 time when Erectheus reigned at Athens. This name was the Lydian 
 appellation for Apollo, or the sun. leion and Ion are manifestly the 
 same. Take then the testimony of Apollodorus, as given by Macro- 
 bius : Apollodorus Iriiov solem scribit ita appellari Apollinem ; utto th notlot 
 Tov x,o(r[/,ov lea-Gcci Kxt levoct. It is needless to make any remarks on this 
 absurd etymology ; but it proves that leion and Ion were the same, 
 for Euripides gives the same derivation of Ion in his tragedy of that 
 name : 
 
 luVOi ^'oVOfJLul^U (Ti, T1) TU^IJ TTpiTTOV, 
 
 OS'' iSVEK ocSvjuv i^iovji fioi Sen 
 Ixvo? (Ti/i/jjiya? Trpcajog. 
 
 I ahnost suspect Homer to have had the name of Ion in view, which 
 I have shown to be one of the names of Apollo, when he addressed 
 his hymn to that god : 
 
 Ov']e 9soi Kccjoc Scaf^u Awg Tpo[/,eii(rtv wvjoc. 
 
 Ion has been derived by some learned moderns from lona, columba; 
 ( See Gronovius on Stephanus Byzantinus ; ) but Ion appears to me to 
 have been the same with lo, or lao, which name was given to the 
 sun by his idolatrous worshippers. In the rites in which the sun was 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcenician. 6\ 
 
 adored under the name of Dionysus, and which the Greeks obtained 
 from the Asiatics, we find the continual sounds of lo, O, and Ion, in 
 the prayers, and cries of the Bacchants. It is strange that these have 
 been mistaken for mere interjections. I believe the meaning to have 
 been Lord, the common appellation of the sun among the early 
 idolaters. This will be more apparent from the derivation, which I 
 shall give presently. In the mean time, I cite the following words 
 from Euripides : iw, lu, Sea-Trojx, SBo-Troja. ! Eur. in Bacch. 
 
 Clemens Alexandrinus says, that those who entered the temple of 
 Serapis were obliged to carry on them the name of Ihaho, or Ihahou. 
 The Arabs have retained only the last syllable ho, or hou. When the 
 Bacchants are asked in the chorus, whom they worship, and when 
 they answer EeSojwei' w, zve zvorship O, we can scarcely be justified in 
 understanding a simple exclamation. What were the cries Eutoe. and 
 Eviov, but exclamations in honour of Li and Ion ? 
 
 The Bacchants call Pentheus the impious, lazvless, unjust, earth-born, 
 son of Echion. This Echion was reported by the poets to have been 
 the friend and companion of the Phoenician Cadmus, and was fabled 
 to have assisted him in the building of Thebes. Now this name ap- 
 pears to me to be compounded from aggach, which signifies, in the 
 Syrian dialect, to make xvar with, to wound, and Ion. The Greeks 
 changed the harsh sound of Aggachion into Echion. The wound 
 which the Phoenicians feigned the sun, or the god who represented 
 the sun, to receive, made an important part of their mythology: 
 
 Thammuz came next behind; 
 Whose annual xvound in Lebanon allured 
 The Syrian damsels to Lvnent his fate 
 In amorous ditties all a summer's day. 
 While smooth Adonis from his native rock 
 Ran purple to the sea, supposed with blood 
 Of Thammuz yearly wounded. 
 
62 On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 In the hymn to Apollo, we have the following verse : 
 
 The io-pcean was evidently a hymn to lo ; but if Ion and lo were 
 not the same, why does Creusa repeat the cry of lo, lo, when Euri- 
 pides fables her to have discovered Ion for her son ? 
 
 TlV CCVOKV OCViTU ? 
 
 The whole of this chorus proves, that while the poet made Ion a 
 mortal and an Athenian, he considered him, nevertheless, as a type 
 of the sun ; and this is not less apparent in the preceding dialogue 
 between Ion and Creusa. I shall soon have occasion to show, that 
 the prophetess in the temple of Clarus in Lydia was called lona. The 
 god adored there was called lao. This is evident from the words 
 attributed to the oracle of Clarus : 
 
 ^poc^eu) Tov TTocvjuv VTrctjuv 9sov ifjbfjLiv locu. 
 and again, 
 
 Xeii/,ctli iA,ev T ociS-rjv, Aioe, S'eixpoi ccp'x^ofjbivoio, 
 HsX/Di/ ^£ Oepeig, y,fl»7rupis S' ccf2pov Ictu. 
 
 From all these testimonies, I cannot doubt that Ion, lo, lao, and O, 
 were the same word originally ; but which was pronounced differently 
 by different nations. This is the root of the Latin Janus, Jovis, and 
 Jupiter, which last is nothing else than Jao-pater, or Jeii-pater, cor- 
 rupted into Jupiter. The words Ion, lo, lao, O, Jeu, are all taken 
 from the name of Jehovah, which, in its mystic signification, answered 
 to the TO cv, or the ens Kuf e^oxv- When Jehovah was called Adon, 
 or even by his name of Jah, the common interpretation is Lord. On 
 was undoubtedly an Egyptian word, which signified the Sun. (See 
 my Essay on a Punic inscription found in the island of Malta.) 
 
being frequently derived from the Phaviician. 6g 
 
 It now only remains to be shown, that Janus and Ion were the 
 same. We have seen that the Greeks wished to derive Ion from lemt, 
 to go. It would appear, that Cicero and Macrobius must have had 
 this in view, when they proposed to derive Janus ab eundo ; and that 
 consequently they considered Janus and Ion as the same. I have 
 proved, as I think, that Ion was one of the appellations of Apollo; 
 and Nigidius asserted that Janus was also one of the names of the 
 same god. It seems likewise to me, that both Ion and Janus were 
 the same with Zan, On, Oen, or Oannes, that imago biceps, which re- 
 turned to the sea with the setting sun, and which was worshipped 
 as a solar symbol by the Cretans, Egyptians, Phoenicians, and Baby- 
 lonians. 
 
 2. It would not be difficult, I believe, to show that all the greater 
 gods enumerated by Ennius, were Asiatic before they were Italian ; 
 but I wish not to go beyond the limits which I have prescribed to 
 myself; and I shall therefore only take the first name in the list, 
 which is that of Juno. Junonem dicunt, says Isidorus, quasi fanonem, 
 id est, Januam : this etymology is untenable. We learn from Varro, 
 that Jana signified the moon ; and Nigidius thought that Jana was 
 the same with Diana. It appears, indeed, that Jana Covella, or the 
 celestial Juno, was one of the most ancient names given to the sister 
 and the spouse of Jove ; and from this we may conclude, that Juno 
 was one of the many appellations given to the Queen of Heaven 
 mentioned in Scripture. Now, that Juno was worshipped in Lydia 
 from the most remote antiquity may be proved from Strabo, who 
 informs us that the Curetes were accustomed to celebrate annually 
 the rites of Juno and Latona, on Solmissus, a mountain in Lydia. 
 Still we have to ask, whence came the name of Juno, or Jana? I an- 
 swer, from the Lydian lona, or Jona, who, under the character of a 
 goddess, or prophetess, edited oracles at Clarus, as is affirmed by 
 Maximus Tyrius. lona, Juno, Jana, Diana, appear to have been the 
 same name differently pronounced. 
 
64 
 
 On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 3. I had collected materials to show, that the Saturnalia, the Lu- 
 percalia, and the Bacchanalia, had been introduced into Italy by the 
 Pelasgi, or Lydians. I shall, however, restrict my inquiries to the 
 BaccJianalia. 
 
 There is no doubt, in my mind, at least, that the worship of Bac- 
 chus was originally derived from Egypt, where, as Herodotus tells 
 us, he was called Osiris. I am not the less persuaded, however, that 
 the inhabitants of Italy established the Bacchanalia, in imitation of 
 similar rites which existed among the Lydians. It was believed, as 
 Nicolaus de ritu Bacchanaliorum, has observed, that Bacchus was in- 
 structed in the mysteries by Cybele. Surely, the Latins must have 
 got this notion from Asia Minor. 
 
 My classical reader will remember the two following passages in 
 Horace : 
 
 Non ego te, candide Bassareu, 
 
 Invitum quatiam, nee variis obsita frondibus 
 
 Sub divum rapiam. Sceva tene cum Berecynthio 
 
 Cornu tympafia, &c. 
 again, 
 
 Non liber ceque, 7ion acuta 
 
 Sic geminant Corybantes cera, 
 
 Tristes ut irce. 
 
 Every allusion here carries us to Lydia. Bassareus, as will be 
 shown presently, was a Lydian word. All the religious rites of the 
 Lydians were accompanied by drums, horns, and other instruments ; 
 and Horace mentions the Berecynthian horn, in direct allusion to 
 those rites, for Cybele was also called Berecynthia, Again, the 
 Corybantes were the same with the Curetes, the priests of that 
 goddess. 
 
 In the verses, which my Persius repeats and ridicules, the poetas- 
 ter says. 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcenician. 65 
 
 Towa Mimalloneis implenint corniia bombis, 
 Et raptum vitulo caput ablatura superbo 
 Bassaris, et Lyncem Mcenasjlexura corymbis 
 Evion ingeminat : reparabilis adsonat Echo. 
 
 The Mimallones were priestesses of Bacchus, so called from Mount 
 Mimas in Lydia. It was, indeed, by the Lydians, that the Bacchants 
 of Thrace and Macedon were instructed in the exercise of their fran- 
 tic rites : and accordingly the Macedonian women, who celebrated 
 the orgies of Bacchus, were called Mimallones, Bassaras, and Ly- 
 dians. Me/a ^£ TKUTu M.ot,y.i\xi, act xxXufjcevxt MtfjLocWovei;, kui Boi(7(rapa,i, Kxt 
 AvSoci, x.ccjocx.Bx^f^^'"'''' ■'■«? Tpi^a?, kui e<rje(pxi/u[ji,€va.i, rtveg f^iv o(pecriv, xi Se 
 (TfjuXoi^t, Kxi ufjcTTeXu, y.cct Ki<r(ru. (Athenseus, L. V.) After these things 
 came the Macedonian zvomen, who are called Mimallones, and Bassarce, 
 and Lydians, having their hair dishevelled, and crowned, some indeed with 
 serpents, with the ilex, with the vine, and with ivy. t^epoi; Se Trspi T^truv 
 eg-i Xoyog, ug 7ra(ra< f^iv at ryjoe yvvociKeg ivo-xfii roig Op(pi)ioig oua-at xxi roig 
 -Trept Tov Aiovv(rov opytoccrf^oig ex t» Travv ttuXocih, KXu^uvsg (lege AuScaveg) ts 
 Koii Mifji-ocXXoveg STTUvvfAiuv ix^(ra,i, voXXoi roctg hSuvktiv, koci rxig Trepi tov Aiuov 
 ©pvj(riTKig o[A,oic!i dpucriv, a.(p uv Soxei to Spi^THSveiv ovo[za Tocig KctjcxKopoig yevsaSoii, 
 Koci -TTBptsyoig lepeoupyixg. ( Plutarch in Alexandro. ) But there is another 
 report concerning them. As indeed all the zvomen were engaged from re- 
 mote antiquity in the Orphic mysteries, and in the celebration of the orgies 
 of Bacchus, they were surnamed Lydones and Mimallones; and they do 
 many things similar to the Edones,and the Thracian zvomen round Mount 
 Hcemus,from which circumstances it seems that to Qpw^ivuv became the 
 name for excesses, and for idle superstitious ceremonies. At Bxa-a-upcn fjLiv 
 
 eXeyovjo Kxt AvSai, Koct MocKijui, KUi Mt[ji.xXXoveg 
 
 Ai Ss Bxira-xpai pcev etprji^evui th Aiovva-a Tpo(pot Sia to Qxa-iv iii xpa. Troieia-dxi 
 OKZ TO f/Mviuoeg, Avoau Se TOTTiKug koiSx koii Meix.{](x,i, ug MccxeSovtH.xt. (Eusta- 
 thius. ) They are indeed called Bassarce, Lydce, Macetce, and Mimallones 
 
 They are named Bassara;, the nurses of Bacchus, 
 
 K 
 
66 0?i the Names of Places in tlie Campania Felix 
 
 from being furiously agitated while they dance during their abomitiable 
 imprecations ; but Ly dee from the local situation, in the same fnafi?ier as 
 the Maceta, are so called from being Macedonian women. Others have 
 thought that the Bassarse were so called from a garment which they 
 wore, which was so named from a place in Lydia, and which fell 
 quite to the feet. Bassaris, says the scholiast on Horace, est genius 
 vestis ad pedes usque demissa ; dicta a Bassara loco Lydia ubifit. Others 
 again suppose, that the bassaris was a garment made of fox skin. 
 Hesychius makes bassaris the Lydian name for a fox. Tzezes says it 
 
 is nSog aXwTTSKog. 
 
 Tacitus thus describes Messalina, when she assumed the character 
 of a Bacchant : Ipsa crinefluxo, thyrsum qualiens,juxtaque Silius hedera 
 viyictus, gerere cothurnos, jacere caput, strepente circum procaci choro. Now 
 let us compare this description with the ceremonies practised in 
 Lydia. Ipsa crifie fiuxo : we have seen from Athenzeus, that the 
 Lydian women appeared with dishevelled hair on similar occasions ; 
 and we may add the words of Apuleius, when speaking of the vota- 
 ries of Cybele, he says, crinesque pendulos rotaiites in circulum. — Thyr- 
 sum quatiens : the custom was derived from the Lydians. When 
 Antony entered Ephesus, the city, says Plutarch, was full of ivy, of 
 thyrsi, of psalteries, pipes, and trumpets. 
 
 lacchus 
 
 Ebria M^oniis fulcit vestigia thyrsis. 
 
 Claudian. 
 Juxtaque Silius hedera vinctus : 
 
 Candida laxatis onerato colla corymbis 
 Cinget Bassaricas Lydia mitra comes. 
 
 Properlius. 
 
 Ubi capita Menades vijaciunt hedetigerce. 
 
 Catullus. 
 
being frequently derived from the Phoenician. 67 
 
 Gerere cothurtios : Tacitus uses this last word in the same sense with 
 Virgil in the seventh eclogue ; and this part of the dress was derived 
 from the Lydians : 
 
 Lydius apta pedum vincla cothurnus habet. 
 
 Ovid. 
 
 Jacere caput : from this singular custom the Greeks gave the name 
 of Cybebe to Cybele. Her votaries were wont jacere caput in the rites 
 of the Magna Mater : 
 
 Terrificas capitum quatientes numine cristas, 
 Dictceos referunt Curetes. 
 
 Lucretius. 
 
 Strepente circum procaci choro : Messalina conducted the whole cere- 
 mony after the Lydian fashion. See in Catullus the description of 
 the orgies of Cybele : 
 
 Leve tympanum retnugit, cava cymbala recrepant, 
 Viridem citus adit properante pede chorus. 
 
 To these proofs I shall add only a very few more. Virgil gives 
 to Bacchus the epithet of Mceonius. My learned readers will remem- 
 ber the following passages in the Bacchce of Euripides : 
 
 Ki-TTuv as Avouv rug rroXv^pucrxg yuxg, 
 0puyuv']£, &C. 
 
 AXA CO XiTT^a-oci T[/,uXov, spvy^oc, Kvhxq 
 Gtu(rog efjuog, yvvocix.eg, &C. 
 Evjov^ev BifjLt. AvSicc ^e [/,oi Trexjpig. 
 
 The secrecy which was required on the mysteries originated in 
 Egypt ; but the Romans thought it was ordained by Cybele herself, 
 
 Nefas erat patefacere sacra Cybelis sic jussit ipsa Cybele, says 
 
 Servius, in commenting on the words of Virgil, hinc jida silencia 
 
68 Oil the Names of Places in the Campama Felix 
 
 sacris, which alone would go far to prove the truth of my state- 
 ment. 
 
 It now only remains to be shown, that the Etruscans, from whom 
 the Romans obtained ahnost all of their religious customs and notions, 
 were worshippers of Bacchus. See then the verses ascribed to Homer, 
 which are called Aiovva-og vj Xyia-rext — Bacchus ajid the robbers, and com- 
 pare these with the old Etruscan coins, on which we find the dolphins 
 and the ship so frequently stamped. Dempster has not reckoned 
 Bacchus among the number of gods worshipped by the Etruscans. 
 In the third table, however, of his first volume, three figures are re- 
 presented, one of which is evidently the Bacchus described by Homer, 
 as may be concluded from the vine leaves round his head, and the 
 anchor in his hand. Many heads of Bacchus are exhibited in the col- 
 lection of Gori, and particularly on the marble sarcophagus repre- 
 sented in the seventh table ; but the testimony of Livy is yet more 
 important. We learn from that illustrious historian (Lib. XXXIX. 
 C. 8 and g. ) that the Bacchanalia were introduced into Rome by the 
 Etruscans. 
 
 I trust I have said enough to prove the inaccuracy of the assertion 
 of Dionysius, concerning the religion of the Etruscans and Lydians. 
 I shall now proceed, in opposition to the same writer, to show 
 the resemblance which existed between the manners of those two 
 nations. 
 
 Sect. IV. — The Lydians appear, from the account which is given 
 of them by Herodotus, to have been a very polished and opulent 
 people, who were acquainted with the arts both of peace and war. 
 According to Dionysius himself, the Etruscans contended courage- 
 ously, though not successfully, against the Romans, who enriched 
 themselves by the spoils of that wealthy and even luxurious people. 
 The Lydians were the first, says Herodotus, who coined money; the 
 same invention has been attributed to the Etruscans ; and it cannot 
 be denied that their coins are the most ancient in Europe, without 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcenician. 6g 
 
 excepting those either of Sicily, or of Greece. Six golden cups, 
 weighing thirty talents, which were sent by Gyges to Delphos, prove 
 that the Lydians were early acquainted with the art of working in 
 gold. The golden crown of which Pliny speaks, and the golden 
 crown mentioned by Dionysius, attest that the Etruscans possessed 
 the same knowledge. The Lydians were extremely superstitious, 
 attended to signs and omens, and consulted oracles on every occa- 
 sion. The Etruscans, as Dionysius amply testifies, had the same 
 prejudices. According to Herodotus, the Lydians were the inventors 
 of all games, except chess. A Greek proverb proclaimed the supe- 
 riority of the people of Crotona in the games. The Lydians invented 
 scenic representations ; and the Etruscans preserved the invention 
 of their ancestors. Lydos ex Asia Transvenas in Hetruria consedisse, et 
 spectacula religionis nomine instituisse, mutuantur tempus et enimtiatio- 
 nem, ut luda a ludis vocarentiir. (Tertullian. ) It appears indeed from 
 Livy, that the Romans were instructed by the Etruscans in the art of 
 making scenic representations ; nor, if we believe Herodotus, can 
 we doubt that they brought this art from Lydia. There was a chorus, 
 says he, of musicians and of satyrs, resembling those in the pomp of 
 the Tuscans ; all of these were girt with a belt, wore a crown of 
 gold on their heads, and advanced in order with an equal step, sing- 
 ing and dancing, — they are called ludi, adds the historian, because 
 the Tuscans are Lydian colonists. Now Dionysius himself admits, 
 that the ludiones were so called from the Lydians, who were gene- 
 rally believed to have been the inventors of the ludi. Appian Alex- 
 andrinus confirms the testimony of Herodotus: Au3W? au7»? xaXacrfv, 
 e\i ot[j(.cci Tv^privixoi AuSuv uttomoi. They call these Lydi, I think, because 
 the Tuscans are Lydian colonists. It is well known how much the art 
 of dancing was connected with all the scenic representations of the 
 ancients ; and this art appears to have been introduced into Italy by 
 the Lydians : 
 
7© Oti the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 Motiis doceri gaudet lonicos 
 Matura virgo. Hor. 
 
 Dumque rudem prabente modum tibicine Thusco, 
 Lydius cequatam ter pede piilsat humum. Ovid. 
 
 The musical instruments of the Etruscans seem all to have been 
 brought from Asia Minor. The tibia was said to have been invented 
 in Phrygia — tihias excogitatas in Phrygiaferunt, says Isidorus. Apollo 
 played on his seven-stringed lyre, whoxv he triumphed in Phrygia in 
 his musical contest with Marsyas ; and the Etruscan lyre, like that 
 which is represented in the hands of Apollo, had seven strings. Pliny 
 says, that Tyrrhenus invented the trumpet ; and the same thing is 
 asserted by Silius Italicus : 
 
 Lydius huic getiitor Tmoli decus, cequore longe 
 Mceoniam quondam in Latias advexerat oras 
 Tyrrhenus pubem, dederatque vocabula terris. 
 Isque insueta tuba monstravit murmura primus 
 Gentibus, et bellis ignara silentia rupit. 
 
 We have seen that the horn was sounded in the pomp of Cybele ; 
 the Etruscans retained the custom at their religious ceremonies : 
 
 Injlavit eum pinguis ebiir Tyrrhenus ad aras. 
 
 It is curious to remark, that the very dress of the Lydians and 
 Etruscans was the same. That the toga was originally Lydian may 
 be proved from Tertullian de Pallia; and yet more clearly from 
 Artemidorus, cited by Ferrarius de re vestiaria. Among the presents 
 which Dionysius says were brought to Tarquinius Priscus by the 
 Etruscan ambassadors, were a purple tunic embroidered with gold, and 
 a variegated purple garment, such as those zvhich the ki^igs of Lydia and 
 Persia were accustomed to zvear, and such as that zvhich the Romans called 
 the toga. The pratexta was distinguished from the common toga by 
 
being freque?it/y derived from the Phcsnician. 71 
 
 its colours ; and this garment was Lydian before it was Etruscan, as 
 is attested by Festus, Lib. XVII. by Silius Italicus, Lib. VIII. and by 
 Lucilius in the following line : 
 
 Prcctextce ac tiinicce Lydonun opus sordidum omne. 
 
 The chlamys was introduced into Italy by the inhabitants of Asia 
 Minor : 
 
 Dat Phrygiam Ascanio chlamydem. Virg. 
 
 Alter Mileti textam cane pejus et angui 
 Vitabit chlamydem. Hor. 
 
 Ovjog NJfjiAjita? xai Uof^TrtXiog Se^a.i/,evo? Trpitr^Bvjag sk ']»? XUfocq tcov Xiyo- 
 uivuv ncXucyuv (poo^vjuv ■xXoc^uoccz £%ii(r«f TxQXtx p^(rxia,, &C. Iste Numa 
 Pompilius cdpiens Senatores ex regione Pelasgorum, gerentium chlamydes 
 habentes clavos coccineos,(^c. ( Chro?i/con Alexandrinum.) The sandals, 
 or boots, worn by the Etruscans were made after the Lydian fashion, 
 as appears from a passage cited by Dempster from Pollux, and which 
 concludes thus, rec [jisfjoi TuppYjviKa, etyi uv '£x7r(piig [x.oco'dXtjg. 
 
 TlonctXoc jwatrSA???, AvSiov kxkov spyov. 
 
 And from the line in Ovid : 
 
 Lydius apta pedum vincla cothurnus habet. 
 
 It is proved by Festus ( Lib. XVII. ) and by Plutarch, in his Roman 
 Questions, that the bulla was worn by the Lydians, and was introduced 
 by them into Italy. 
 
 It is time that I close this section ; and I shall, therefore, only ob- 
 serve, that in three points, at least, I think, I have answered Diony- 
 sius. If he be right with respect to the fourth and the last, and if 
 the laws of the Etruscans and of the Lydians were different, it would 
 not be sufficient to establish his hypothesis, after the demclilion of 
 all his other arguments. Of the laws of the Etruscans, scarcely a 
 
72 On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 vestige remains to us ; and we only know, on the authority of Hero- 
 dotus, that the laws of the Lydians resembled those of the Greeks ; 
 but Dionysius has betrayed his ignorance of the language, religion, 
 and manners of the Etruscans, and it may be consequently suspected 
 that he knew as little of their laws. Supported then by all the mass 
 of indirect evidence, which I have brought forward in this and in the 
 preceding sections ; as well as by the positive authority which is 
 afforded to me by Herodotus, Strabo, Cicero, Tacitus, Pliny, SoMnus, 
 Festus Pompeius, Servius, Velleius Paterculus, Valerius Maximus, 
 Plutarch, Virgil, Horace, Statins, and Silius Italicus, whose different 
 testimonies are given at length by Cluverius, though they do not 
 seem to have convinced that illustrious antiquarian ; I shall conclude 
 this part of my dissertation, by stating that the Etruscans were de- 
 scended from the Lydians, and were called both Tyrrheni and 
 Pelasgi. 
 
being frequently derived from the Phoenician. 75 
 
 PART THIRD. 
 
 Sect. I.— It is not my intention to inquire, whether the Lydians 
 were the first inhabitants of Italy or not ; nor shall I contradict those 
 authors who speak of the Aborigines, the Cethiin, and the Siculi, as 
 having had the prior possession of that country. I am not the less 
 of opinion, however, that the Lydians, under the name of Etruscans, 
 gradually became the masters of almost the whole of the Italian 
 continent, and that they still retained a great extent of dominion 
 when Romulus laid the foundations of Rome. The whole country, 
 from the Alps to the straits of Messina, appears to have been under 
 their sway. Co?istat Tuscos usque ad f return Siculum, says Servius, 
 omnia possedisse. The words of Livy are to the same purpose: Qiian- 
 quam tanta opibus Etruria erat, nt jam nan terras solum, sed etiam mare 
 per totam Italice longitudinem ab Alpibus adfretum Siculumfama nominis 
 sui implesset. Upon this passage Guarnaci well observes, queste sono 
 lefrasi eleganti dei vecchi autori, che anco per significare vero dominio, e 
 vero imperio dicono. That the Etruscans were masters of Campania is 
 evident from Strabo, who says that they founded twelve cities there, 
 of which Capua was the principal. The following passage from 
 Polybius deserves attention : UXriv ruvlx yz to. TreSta,, to TrxKctiov evB[zovJo 
 Tvppvivoi. Koc^ ag x^ov^g xoct rcc ^Xeypccta, ttoJb }coiX^[/,Bvu ra. TTSpi Kocttutiv xoci 
 
 'NuXrjv -rrsSia, KXi Sioc. to TroXXoig By,7:o^ov etvoci xoci yvupt^eaSoii, 
 
 fjbByocXvjv BTT a.ps\rt So^xv BiXyi(p€voct, Sto ycui Tag ig-opavjug Tag Tvppyjvcov Swcca-TBtoig, 
 a %pti TTOiBia-'^a.i ttiv avK(popa,v btti njv vvv KcclBxofiBvviv vtt uvjuv %w^ai', oiixX etti 
 
 Ix 'TTpOBlpyi^BVX 'KbIiX, KXt TXq BK TUTUV TUV TOTTUV a(p0^f/,ag. IgltUr plamttefTl 
 
 istam tenuere quondam Etrusci, cum quidem et campos circa Capuam ac 
 Nolam, Phlcegraos quondam possidejites, quod multonm pravis conatibus 
 
 L 
 
74 ^n the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 ohstarent, exteris iniiotuenmt , fnagjiamque opinionem virtutis apud eos 
 stmt cojiseciiti, iccirco qui historias legunt de Tyirhe?iorum dynasteis et 
 variis denominatibus, eos oportet, non ad illam ditionem quod nunc obti- 
 nent, oculos referre ; verum ad campos de quibus verba fecimus, et opes 
 quas ex eis locis colligebant. 
 
 The passages which I have cited, might seem sufficient ; but as 
 Strabo has stated that the country on the Sanius belonged to the Osci, 
 then to the Tyrrheni and the Pelasgi, and afterwards to the Sam- 
 nites, it is necessary that I point out the connection between these 
 nations and the Etruscans. Of the Tyrrheni and Pelasgi, I think it 
 unnecessary to speak particularly, because I have already shown, 
 that these were the Lydian colonists, who settled at different periods 
 in Etruria. Let us then proceed to make a few inquiries concerning 
 the Osci and the Samnites. 
 
 Sect. II. — Some report, says Strabo, that the Opici and Ausones for- 
 merly possessed those places in Campania, which have since been occupied 
 by the Oscan nation. Who were these Osci } Festus thinks, that they 
 obtained the name from a part of Campania, which was called Oscos ; 
 but it is more probable that the country was called after the people, 
 than the people after the country. Servius will have it, that they 
 were so named, because the region which they inhabited abounded 
 with serpents ; and Eudoxus endeavours to confirm this idle etymo- 
 logy ; Alii vero Ophicos dictos volunt a serpeiitibus , utto rm o<piuv. Let 
 us attend to the more important observation of Cluverius, when he 
 says, imam eamdemquefuissegeiitem, quce variis appellaretur nominibus : 
 Ausones, Auru?ici, Opici ; quorum hoc vocabulum posttnodum a Romanis 
 correpttim fuit in duas syllabas, Opsci, vel Obsci, ac tandem Osci. To 
 this opinion I readily subscribe with Camillus Peregrinus ; and I 
 must consequently put my question differently, and ask, who were 
 the Ausones ^ The Ausones, says .^lian, were the original inhabitants 
 of Italy. Servius observes (I confess I do not see why), that they 
 were called Ausones, because they were the first who possessed 
 
being frequently derived from the Phoenician. 75 
 
 Italy. If we choose to trust the suspected authority of Dionysius, 
 CEnotrus found the Ausones estabUshed in Italy seventeen genera- 
 tions before the Trojan war. How are we to reconcile these accounts 
 with those given by Festus, Marcianus, Tzetzes, and Eustathius (cited 
 at length by Cluverius and Camillus Peregrinus), in which we are 
 told, that the Ausones derived their name from Auson, the son of 
 Ulysses, either by Circe, or by Calypso ? How, again, are we to re- 
 concile these authors with Virgil, or how are we to understand Ser- 
 vius, who makes the Ausones the most ancient people of Italy, and 
 yet derives their name from Auson ? This same scholiast asserts, that 
 they had always inhabited the lower part of Italy, and yet Mela says 
 that the Auso7ies were the most illustrious of the Aqidtani. This mix- 
 ture of fable, uncertainty, and contradiction, obliges us to look to 
 other sources for the origin of that nation, which was known by all 
 the various names mentioned above by Cluverius. 
 
 Many reasons induce me to conclude, that the people of whom 
 we have been speaking were Etruscans. Silius Italicus gives to the 
 river Po the name of the aquarum Ausonidum. We have seen from 
 Strabo and Polybius, that Nola belonged to the Etruscans ; and yet 
 Stephanus calls it a city of the Ausones. Strabo and Polybius like- 
 wise attest, that the Campania Felix was under the dominion of the 
 Etruscans. The former states, nevertheless, that the Osci and Sam- 
 nites were masters of it, as well as the Tyrrheni and the Pelasgi ; 
 and this can only be understood by what the latter has said concern- 
 ing the Etruscan dynasties. The Etruscans and Oscans were equally 
 celebrated for their scenic representations. We find in the manners 
 of both, that voluptuous elegance which so peculiarly marked their 
 Lydian ancestors, and that unrestrained licentiousness which pro- 
 voked against both the indignation of the Roman moralists. I'iie 
 Fescennine verses, the songs of the Salii, and the FubuLe Aiel- 
 lance, were probably not very dissimilar, either in language or in 
 matter. 
 
y6 On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 From these observations I should be indined to beheve, that the 
 Ausones and Osci were descended from the Etruscans. 
 
 Sect. III.— Strabo asserts, that the Samnites were Sabine colonists: 
 EcTi ^e TTccXcciojcilov ytvoi ot 'Lotfiivoi ttoct ocvjoxSove?. Tifjuv d ocrrotKot Uizivltvot 
 T£ Kcci i:xi^v^cx.i. Zenodotus Troezenius, cited by Dionysius, was of 
 opinion that the Sabines were the ancient inhabitants of Umbria, 
 whence they where expelled by the Pelasgi. Other authors, among 
 whom are Servius and Justin, derive the Sabines from the Spartans. 
 Here I shall refer my reader to Cluverius, who has proved that the 
 Sabines could not have been descended from the Greeks. Neither 
 Cluverius, however, nor Camillus Peregrinus, has discerned the real 
 origin of this most ancient people. Dionysius and Strabo would have 
 the Sabines to have been Aborigines. This must be mere conjecture. 
 We know from Zenodotus, that they once inhabited Umbria. Now, 
 it was in Umbria, according to Herodotus, that the Lydians first 
 landed ; it may then be concluded, from the following observations, 
 that as the Pelasgi arrived in fresh numbers from Greece, the Tyr- 
 rheni (mutato cum sedibus womz'wej retired into the country, afterwards 
 called the territory of the Sabines. 
 
 1 . The Etruscans and Sabines had the same manners and customs. 
 Livy describes the Sabines, as being, in the time of Tullus Hostilius, 
 the richest and most flourishing people of Italy, after the Etruscans. 
 According to Fabius, quoted by Strabo, the Romans first knew what 
 riches were, when they had conquered the Sabines. When Livy 
 accounts for the manner in which Numa acquired his knowledge and 
 his virtues, he seems to think, that that religious king was less in- 
 debted to the science of strangers than to the rude and gloomy dis- 
 cipline of the ancient Sabines. In effect, Numa introduced many of 
 the Etruscan superstitions among the Romans ; and the gods, to 
 whom this Sabine prince erected altars, were all Etruscan deities. 
 The Sabines, like the Etruscans, delighted in adorning themselves 
 with ornaments wrought in gold ; with gems, rings, and bracelets ; 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcenician. 77 
 
 with purple and embroidered tunics. Both nations were rich, luxu- 
 rious, and fond of pleasure ; but gallant in arms, and skilful in the 
 arts. Equally superstitious and equally polished, both believed the 
 same fables, and displayed the same refinement in their institutions 
 and usages. Let my reader consult Livy and Dionysius, and judge 
 if I have exaggerated this resemblance. 
 
 2. I have already stated, that the Samnites were descended from 
 the Sabines : and I, therefore, take it for granted that the former 
 retained the language of their ancestors. Now it can be proved, 
 from the testimony of the ancients, and particularly from that of 
 Festus Pompeius,as well as from many ancient coins, some of which 
 were in the possession of Passari, that the language of the Samnites 
 was nothing else than Etruscan ; but the Samnite dialect, as Varro 
 clearly indicates, was derived from the Oscan. What else can be 
 concluded from this, but that the Ausones, Osci, Sabines, and Sam- 
 nites, spoke different dialects of the same language, which was 
 Etruscan, and which was consequently derived from the Lydian and 
 Phoenician .? 
 
 Sect. IV.— It now only remains for me to point out the resemblance 
 between some ancient names of places in the Campania Felix ( which 
 was occupied by the Etruscans, or their colonists, until it fell under 
 the dominion of the Romans,) and Oriental words, which appear to 
 be descriptive of those places, or appropriate to them from some 
 peculiar or accidental circumstances. 
 
 1. Pompeia, or, as it was frequently written, Pompeii, was situated 
 on the side of the mouth of the river Sarnus, which has been filled up 
 by the ashes which likewise overwhelmed the city. According to 
 Solinus, Pompeia is derived from pompa, in allusion to the pomp with 
 which Hercules celebrated his victories. The learned Bryant derives 
 Pompeii from the Egyptian article pi, and omphi, an oracle. He ob- 
 serves that there were several places so called, none of which could 
 have taken their names from Pompey the great. Of the two pillars 
 
78 On the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 called Pompeian, one stands at the pharos of Alexandria in Egypt, and 
 the other at the extreme point of the Thracian Bosporus — at a mouth 
 of the Nile, and at the mouth of the Straits. I think the name was 
 given from the local situation. Q12/>ow has the same signification 
 in Chaldaic with T}"^ peh in Hebrew. Both signify a mouth, an edge, 
 or an extremity. I understand Pompeii or Pom-peh, to mean the 
 edge of the mouth, and which seems exactly descriptive of its situation. 
 s. Galeno autem Jiorente uniim ex istis castellis, quod ad mare erat 
 forte propter excellentiam suam, nomen sibi Stabiarum sumpserat. This 
 passage, which I cite from Camillus Peregrinus, leads me almost to 
 think, that that writer had in view the etymology of Stable, which 
 I am about to propose. Stabice seems then to me to be a corruption 
 from '^'2)i, tsabi, decus, ornamefitum, gloria ; the ts being changed into 
 st, for a reason similar to that assigned by Bochart, where he derives 
 Stadia from tsadia (Phaleg et Canaan, 7.. I. C. 7. j. The tzade was 
 also frequently changed into s. 
 
 3. Surrentiim is derived from T'^, sir, as is fully proved by Bochart, 
 (Phaleg et Canaan, L. I. C. 33.) 
 
 4. Cluverius cites a passage from Galen ( de methodo medendi , L. V.), 
 from which it appears that the ancient Romans, as well as those who 
 wrote their language accurately, gave the name of Vesuvius to the 
 mountain, which was vulgarly called Vesvius. Lucretius, and many 
 of the poets, after his example, called it Vesevus. The Greeks wrote 
 variously Ovsa-^tog, Ovio-is^iog, BsG-Qtog, Bia-aSio?. These fluctuations seem 
 to indicate, that the name of this celebrated volcano was neither of 
 Greek nor of Latin origin. We know that, before the eruption de- 
 scribed by Pliny and Xiphilinus, there was scarcely any tradition of 
 flames having been thrown out by Mount Vesuvius, though it is 
 evident, from Strabo, that former eruptions must have taken place. 
 Mount Vesuvius, says the geographer,/.? cultivated and adorned around 
 with very beautiful grounds, its summit excepted, of zvhich the greater 
 part is fat, in appearance like cinders, and it exhibits tubulated cavities 
 
being frequently derived from the Phcenician. 79 
 
 in rocks of a burnt colour, as if they had been eaten out by fire ; so that it 
 may be inferred, that this place formerly burned, and had craters of fire, 
 which, from the deficiency of the matter, have been since extinguished, 
 (L. V.) If Vesuvius threw out flames when its name was. given to it, 
 I should derive it from ^^ es i:;^ es, converted into ves-ves, by the use 
 of the ^.olic digamma (as )^rw'^ esta was changed into Vesta ),th3it 
 is, the mighty fire ; for the superlative in the Oriental tongues is often 
 produced by the repetition of the positive ; and the doubling the sub- 
 stantive only indicates the abundance or magnitude of the thing de- 
 noted. But if the volcano were already extinct, Vesuvius, or OuscaSw?, 
 may have come from res, and tt'T ibes, dried up, burnt out, or extin- 
 guished. Vesibes would consequently mean the fire burnt out, or the 
 extinguished volcano. 
 
 5. The name of Veseris was given both to the Sebethus and the 
 country round it ; but, as it will appear in a moment, the river got the 
 appellation from the region through which it flowed. Veseris seems 
 to be derived from tv'^ es (pronounced ves), fire, and i*"iX eretz, land, 
 or country. It will scarcely be disputed, that this name of the region 
 of fire was aptly given to the Phlegrean fields. If, however, we abide 
 by what some think the strict rule in Hebrew, we must translate the 
 fire of the earth. My reasons for thinking, that this rule is not always 
 observed in proper names, will be soon given to the pubhc. 
 
 Nohi appears to me to be a corruption from two Hebrew words, 
 mi, navah, or noh, a habitation, and n"?, lach, or lah, green, or flou- 
 rishing. 
 
 7. Servius says, that Abella was so called ab nucibus Avellanis. If 
 this were so, it might be derived from 3;/ ab, which signifies a thick 
 wood, and b^^'?> alia, lofty. But Abella was probably a place sacred 
 to the Deity, and thence named from 3k^ ab, paler, and "^J^ el, or Th)^ 
 elah, deus. The compound word Ab-el was one of the titles given to 
 the sun by his idolatrous worshippers. 
 
 8. Mount Tiphata. This name is the same with the Hebrew 
 
8o Oti the Names of Places in the Campania Felix 
 
 nan Tiiphet, or Tuphet. Bryant, as usual, shows much ingenuity and 
 learning in treating of the radicals toph, or tuph. According to him, 
 tuphet or tophet, ought to signify the hill of fire; Tophet being in fact 
 the place where the Israelites passed their children through the fire to 
 Moloch. This is undoubtedly a more rational etymology than is 
 generally given of the word : viz. from nsn tympanum, because, 
 during this horrid ceremony, they were accustomed to beat drums. 
 Schmidius has thought that Tophet indicates locum aliquem conspectui 
 ingratum. I find that the Arabians give the name of Ljtj to any de- 
 sart or solitary place. Mount Tiphata is a rugged barren mountain 
 in the Phlegrean region. The Chaldeans, and probably the Phoeni- 
 cians, wrote nn^n, or J^nsn, for nan. It seems evident then that the 
 Latin Tiphata, is the same with the Chaldean and Syrian Typhata. 
 I suspect, however, from the use of the word in Arabic, that tuph, or 
 taph, does not signify a hill, but a solitary, dreary place ; and thence 
 was metaphorically employed to signify a place of sacrifice, some- 
 times a tomb, and sometimes Tartarus, or the infernal world. 
 Tophet then is compounded of Tuph and ait, the solitary gloomy 
 place consecrated to fire — i. e. to the worship of the sun. I trans- 
 late Typhon sol infenis, and I think this agrees better with mytho- 
 logy, than if we translate with Bryant the hill of the sun. The sol 
 inferus, as Bryant well knew, was worshipped and dreaded by all the 
 Amonian nations. 
 
 9. Bryant says, that Cmncs was formerly pronounced Chumain, the 
 hot fountain. The derivation is thus rendered sufficiently obvious, 
 Bryant, however, might have taken notice of the opinion of the an- 
 cients themselves, who thought that Cumce was so called from Cuma, 
 a town in Asia, which belonged to the ^Eolians, and of which full 
 mention is made by Strabo (Lib. XIII.), and this name, they say, 
 was given to it fi'om one of the Amazons. This is confirmed by 
 Stephanus : To (J'oi/of^a utto Afx.u^ovog tyj TToXet n^tia-Qoa. See also Mela 
 (Lib. I ). It is enough for me that the name is confessed to be Asiatic. 
 
being frequently derived from the Phoenician. 81 
 
 10. The Ciimani, according to Strabo ( Lib. V. ) , gave to Dicearchia 
 the name of PuteoH, from the stinking wells in its neighbourhood. 
 I should suspect, that Puteoli was the ancient name revived, nor can 
 I imagine the etymology given by Strabo to be the true one. Pliny 
 has the following words : augent numenim Deorum nominibus varus, 
 urbesque condunt, sicut Puteolos in Campania, ^c. There can be no 
 question of the honour in which Apollo was held at Cumee and at 
 Puteoli, where he had a statue. Such, indeed, was the reverence for 
 this god at Puteoli, that Festus tells us it was called Delos mitior. 
 This being the case, I do not hesitate to derive Puteoli from Put and 
 elah, which last word signifies God. Now Put, as Bochart has proved 
 (Lib. I. C. 2.), was no other than the Pythian Apollo. Puteoli is 
 then a corruption from Put-elah, and signifies the God Apollo. 
 
 11. We learn from Strabo (Lib. VL), that the ancient name of 
 Titernum was Leuternia, which was so called from the giants, who 
 got the name of Leuternii after they had been vanquished by Her- 
 cules, and had been covered with earth. I derive Leuternia from Olb 
 hit, to cover, and ]1J< eran, earth. The Leuternii were those who 
 were covered with earth. 
 
 12. According to various ancient writers, the promontory of Mise- 
 num was so named, from a person who was called Misenus. Strabo 
 (Lib. L) makes Misenus one of the companions of Ulysses. In 
 Virgil, we find this same Misenus converted into a Trojan trum- 
 peter ; and Servius gravely tells us, that he was the son of y^olus, 
 the god of the winds. To this god I give these traditions. Let us 
 observe that the promontory of Misenum was surrounded by foun- 
 tains which liave always been famous. The word might have been 
 originally writen □'jII-'T^' ^^^^ ^^' ^^'^ pressure or abundance of foun- 
 tains. If we could suppose the word a little more changed, which, 
 in order to avoid the aspirate, might easily have happened, I should 
 read a^3"U/"nTC, that \s, girtedby fountains. The word nT/2 is originally 
 Arabic ; but the modern Arabians write it C^^l*^. 
 
 M 
 
83 On the J^ames of Places, &c. 
 
 13. Bafce was fabled to have been named from Baios, one of the 
 companions of Ulysses. This place was situated fast by the lake of 
 Avernus, which was believed to be one of the mouths of Tartarus, 
 where the ghosts of the dead howled round the dreadful gulph. 
 
 0( -TfoXXoi Trepi l3o6pov e<po^ci>v aXXoQev aXXog, 
 
 Baja may have gotten its name from the cries of the damned, 
 which were supposed to be heard near Avernus. But if Bryant be 
 right in thinking that the original name was Baian, then, we may 
 safely read ]V'^^^ Ai-ain, changed by the digamma into Vai-an, and 
 thence into Bai-an— the region of fountains, or, if we must translate it 
 singulariter — the place of the fountain. Its waters are sufficiently 
 celebrated, 
 
 14. Servius and some other authors tel us, that Baulce was so 
 called because Hercules kept the oxen there which he had stolen 
 from Geryon. I derive Baulce from '71/3. 
 
 15. The following line is ascribed to Virgil: 
 
 JJnde locum Grail dixerunt nomine Aornon. 
 
 This is probably an interpolation, and therefore I shall say nothing of 
 an absurd etymology, which it was unworthy of the muse of Virgil 
 to record. Aornus, or Avernus, has been evidently once a volcano, 
 and, as it would appear, a very terrible one.^ The root is unques- 
 tionably Ti>i, aor, fire. 
 
 These examples seem sufficient to establish my hypothesis. I 
 have, of course, avoided making mention of those places, of which 
 the etymology has been already given by Mazzochi. 
 
C83 3 
 
 DISSERTATION VI. 
 
 On the Knowledge of the Greek Language, and on the State of the Art of 
 Painting amotig the Romans, before and about tJie time of the Destruc- 
 tion of Herculaneum. 
 
 BY ROBERT WALPOLE, ESQ. 
 
 In reflecting on the great attention which was paid by the Romans 
 to the acquirement and study of the Greek language, there are three 
 circumstances which seem pecuharly to merit observation : the intro- 
 duction and continuance of that language, from the earliest times of 
 the republic, to a very late period ; the knowledge of it among the 
 lower classes of the community ; and the general use of it in some 
 of the provinces of the empire. The very great number of manu- 
 scripts in the Greek language discovered at Herculaneum, has called 
 our attention to this subject ; and the following observations will 
 illustrate and develope more fully the circumstances to which we 
 have alluded above. 
 
 1. The Greek language, says Cicero, in the fourth book of the 
 Tusculan Disputations, was studied in the earliest times of the repub- 
 lic. The books of Numa Pompilius were written in Greek and Latin. 
 Lucius Tarquinius Priscus was the sun of a Corinthian. Tarquinius 
 Superbus received from a woman the nine books of oracles, written 
 in Greek, called the Sibylline. The same king sent his sons Titus 
 and Aruns to Delphi. The embassy to Athens, in order that the 
 aws of Solon might be copied, and the institutions _of some other 
 3recian states, is familiar to the mind of every one. Doubtless, the 
 limilarity which existed between the ancient Latin letters and those 
 
84 On the Knowledge of the Greek Language, and on the 
 
 of the Greek language, from which also the Latins borrowed many 
 words, facilitated the acquirement of the Greek tongue. The merit 
 of the writers of Greece, who address themselves to all mankind, 
 could not fail of meeting with the admiration which they so justly 
 deserved. 
 
 Accordingly, a new zera in the literature of Rome commenced at 
 the time when Carneades the academician, Diogenes the stoic, Crito- 
 laus, the peripatetic, were sent from Athens to Rome. They were 
 introduced into the senate, and, as Gellius informs us, magna con- 
 ventu hominum dissertaverunt. This would have been useless, if 
 their auditors had not been conversant with their language. From 
 this time the Romans began to apply themselves to the study of phi- 
 losophy. We know with what eager attention the lessons of Siro 
 and Polydemus, two Greek philosophers, the friends of Cicero and 
 Torquatus, are said to have been received. In the time of the Mithri- 
 datic war, Philo the academician arrived at Rome with some of the 
 most noble families of Athens ; and then Cicero first heard him. We 
 do not here dwell on the names of many other Grecian philosophers, 
 whose reputation attracted numerous followers at Rome ; we pass to 
 the subject of poetry. 
 
 The poetry of the Greeks, as w-ell as their philosophy, found ad- 
 mirers in the Romans. Cicero in two parts of his works ( in the first 
 book of the Tusculans and the first De finibiis) has said that the 
 Latins had become poets by imitating and reading the Greeks ; and 
 that they not only followed their steps, but translated their works. 
 The names of Virgil, Lucretius, Catullus, Lucan, Ovid, present them- 
 selves to our minds. These writers had drunk largely at the foun- 
 tains of Grecian poetry, and had studied in the schools of Greece. 
 In an ode of Horace, which does equal justice to the talents of the 
 poet and the feelings of the friend, we are informed of the voyage 
 of Virgil to Athens. Ovid and Propertius tell us, that they also had 
 studied there. 
 
State of the Art of Painting among the Romans. 85 
 
 The first Roman emperors were; well acquainted with the treasures 
 of Grecian literature. Julius Ccesar was distinguished by the know- 
 ledge he possessed of the language ; and the last words which burst 
 from the lips of the dying emperor, in his affectionate reproach to 
 Brutus, were Greek. Augustus was the constant protector of Apol- 
 lodorus of Pergamus ; he was fond of intermixing Greek in his 
 letters. Germanicus had translated Aratiis into T^atin verses. Tibe- 
 rius wrote Greek poems; Caligula and Claudius were authors of 
 comedies in that language. Nero was possessed with a passion for 
 all that was Greek. Vespasian and Titus were celebrated for their 
 promptitude in speaking and in writing in Greek. The emperor 
 Hadrian received the title of Grzeculus ; and the interesting work re- 
 lating to himself, which Marcus Aurelius has transmitted to us, was 
 composed in Greek. 
 
 The more indeed we consider the subject, the more reason we 
 shall find to be surprised at the great knov.'ledge which the Romans 
 must have obtained, at different periods, of the Greek, and the regard 
 which was paid to compositions in that language. Polybius, Appian, 
 Dio Cassius, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, ^lian, Josephus, all vvrote 
 at Rome in Greek. Polybius was the friend of Scipio Africanus, 
 iElian was born at Pr^eneste : Josephus wrote in the court of Vespa- 
 sian. Cicero does not scruple to tell us, how much the Hterature of 
 Greece was studied in his time. Erat Italia tunc ( in his youth ) plena 
 Grcecanun arlium ac disciplinaruni studiis. And in the same oration 
 he attests the universality of that language ; Gneca in omnibus fere 
 gentibus leguntiir, Latina suisjinibus, exiguis sane, contmentiir. Pro 
 Archia. 
 
 And here we cannot help observing, with the Abbe du Bos, one 
 bad effect which flowed from the great attention paid to a foreign 
 tongue. The pronunciation of the Roman language had become 
 thereby considerably changed. Cicero informs us, that in his time, 
 it was very different from that used by the ancient Romans ; it had 
 
86 On the Knowledge of the Greek Language, and on tJie 
 
 become loaded with accents, aspirates, and inflections of voice imi- 
 tated from the pronunciation of foreigners. This is called by him 
 peregrinainsolentia. Let us judge, says Crassus, of the ancient pro- 
 nunciation, by the manner in which the women of our time pro- 
 nounce. As women are less in the world than men, they are less 
 apt to alter the pronunciation which they have acquired in their 
 infancy. When I hear my mothpr-in-law Lzelia speak, I think 
 that I hear Plautus and Ncevius ; she pronounces, with a sound of 
 voice, so simple, so void of affectation, and emphasis and imitation. 
 Hence I am justified in thinking that her father spoke in the same 
 manner. 
 
 2. What has been said above may appear to apply only to the 
 state of the Greek language, as possessed by the more cultivated and 
 distinguished part of the community. It will, however, be seen, that 
 there is reason to conclude that the language was very generally 
 known. 
 
 The comedies of Menander were in the hands of every one : 
 solet pueris virginihusque legi, says Ovid, who advises in another 
 part, the women of Rome to attend to the Greek language : linguas 
 edidicisse duas. The expression in Juvenal, in his sixth satire (^om- 
 nia Greece), and an epigram of Martial (Book X.), shew to us the 
 common use of Greek in their times. Justin, in his two apologies, 
 written at Rome, in Greek, addresses himself, not to the emperor, 
 but Isoa, Ti (TvyKXriTu Koc) ^ijjww Travrt 'PuiJt,a,tuv. Let US, in addition to this, 
 consider, how great was the number of schools of rhetoric and gram- 
 mar in the capital. These were in general private institutions. The 
 Emperor Hadrian was the first who established a public seminary, 
 or Athenaeum, to which he himself frequently resorted. 
 
 But greater hght will be thrown on this subject, by reflecting on 
 the characters and countries of those, of whom the great mass of 
 population consisted, and by whom that mass was generally in- 
 fluenced. These we find to be slaves and freedmen, physicians 
 
State of the Art of Painting among the Romans. 87 
 
 and astrologers, and on each of these classes we shall make a few 
 remarks. 
 
 When we consider the many wars in which the Romans were en- 
 gaged against Grecian states, those against the Tarentines, the Sici- 
 lians, Pyrrhus of Epirus ; against the Acarnanians, against Nabis, 
 and the Lacedemonians, or that in which Perseus and his kingdom 
 Macedonia were subdued by Paulus Emilius ; when we add the con- 
 quest of lUyria, when Anicius the pretor brought Gentius to Rome ; 
 the Achaic war in which Corinth was destroyed, and the Mithridatic 
 war, we cannot be surprised if the number of slaves at Rome should 
 have been very great. But these were generally Greeks, as their 
 names and various epigrams attest. These slaves and freedmen in 
 the forum, in the shops of the capital, in the houses of citizens, could 
 not fail, by frequent communication, to impart a knowledge of their 
 tongue. 
 
 Before the time of Cornelius Celsus, no Roman had written on 
 medical science. The first physician who arrived at Rome, was ' 
 Archagathus, a Peloponnesian, who came in the year 535 U.C. The 
 physicians whose names have been handed down to us by Pliny, and 
 who hved at Rome, were all Greek, as Theraison,Thessalus, Crinas, 
 Eudemus, Charmis. These men necessarily, by the profession which 
 they exercised, contributed to disseminate the language of their 
 country. 
 
 A number of foreigners, chiefly Greeks, had arrived at Rome and 
 parts of Italy, and under the names of Astrologi and Chaldei, insi- 
 nuating themselves among the different classes of citizens, had im- 
 posed on their understandings. Their conduct had become so odious, 
 that in the year 614 U. C. by an edict of C. Cornelius Hispallus 
 Pretor Peregrinus, they were ordered to leave the city within ten 
 days. 
 
 We are informed by Suetonius, that Augustus, while he was Pon- 
 tifex Maximus, collected two thousand books of prophecy (libros 
 
88 On the Knowledge of the Greek Language, and on the 
 
 fatidicos) written in Greek, and commanded them to be burnt. In 
 the year of the city 768, Tiberius expelled them from the city. These 
 men are stigmatised by Tacitus in the following words : Geiius homi- 
 num potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax , quod in urbe 7iostra vetabitiir 
 semper et retinebitur. 
 
 3. Of the provinces through which the Greek language was disse- 
 minated, there seems to have been none in which it was so general, 
 as in Syria. No argument on this head can be stronger, than the 
 publication of the four gospels in that language. For although we 
 might allow, that Saint Matthew had written his gospel in Hebrew, 
 yet no person has ever been mentioned as having seen this original : 
 and indeed the speedy disappearance of it, if it ever existed, shews 
 that it was deemed perfectly unnecessary. Exinde autem liquet, 
 says Limborch, in his answer to Orobio, Grcecam linguam omnibus 
 ferme popidis fuisse communem ; ideo Matthcei evangelium in totius mundi 
 usum tnox in linguam Grcecam est trafislatum ; qua translatione approbata, 
 ipsum exemplar Hebraum, quod solis ex Judceis conversis inservire tantuni 
 posse videbatur, nun ea qua Grcecum cura ac diligentia asservatumfuit. 
 Responsio ad ^m. scriptiim Judcei. 
 
 The time to which we should refer the general diffusion of the 
 Greek language in that country, is the period when, after the death 
 of Alexander, Judea was conquered by the kings of Syria and by 
 Antiochus Epiphanes. How many names of cities and towns we 
 meet with which are purely Greek ; among which are Ptolemais, 
 Antipatris, Diospolis, Sebaste, Dafne, Neapolis. The money of 
 Herod and Agrippa is inscribed with Greek characters ; the same may 
 be said of the money of Gadara, of Philadelphia, of Cesarea. From 
 this last town were produced Eusebius, Pamphilus, and the sophist 
 Acacius, who all wrote in Greek. So general indeed was the know- 
 ledge of that language in this province, that Pilate, in his inscription 
 on the cross, thought it necessary not only to use Hebrew and Latin, 
 but also Greek characters. 
 
State of the Art of Painting among the Rurimtis. 8q 
 
 With regard to the provinces of Gaul and Spain, we learn from 
 Strabo that the natives of those countries spoke the language pecu- 
 liar to each of them. This was probably a dialect of the Phoenician. 
 Two cities of Gaul adopted the languages of Greece and Rome. 
 Marseilles had been founded by a colony of Greeks, and at Lyons 
 a Roman colony was founded by Munatius Plancus. The same ob- 
 servation may be applied to the people who inhabited around the 
 river Bcetis in Spain. We learn from Pliny in his third book, that 
 nine Roman colonies had been founded there ; and the activity of 
 commerce most probably had introduced a diversity of idiom among 
 them. 
 
 It is here necessary to notice four passages, which have occurred 
 to us, as apparently contradictory to the statement that the Greek 
 language was very generally diffused. These are to be met with in 
 Pliny, Plutarch, Libanius, and Augustin. 
 
 In his second book, Pliny says, Italiam numine divum electam qua 
 sparsa congregaret imperia riticsque molliret, et tot popidonun discordes 
 ferasque linguas sermonis commercio contraheret ad colloquia. 
 
 The meaning of Pliny seems here to be, that the nations which the 
 Romans had conquered had found it necessary to study the Latin 
 language, in order that they might be able to converse and treat 
 with tlie Romans on matters of public importance, and relating to 
 affairs of political moment, for on these subjects the Romans admitted 
 no other tongue. We know that, in the time of Pliny, many of the 
 conquered nations retained their own particular language. Moreover, 
 the expression/^ra lingua could never be applied by Pliny to the 
 Greek language, the most harmonious and the most philosophic 
 with which we are acquainted. 
 
 The passage of Plutarch, in the Platonic Questions, beginning uq 
 SoxiT [ioi Trep* 'Pufjiuiuv, may be explained in the same manner. The 
 Roman tongue was studied for matters of public and political nature. 
 We need not seek to shew, how partial the Greeks were to their own, 
 
 N 
 
QO On the Knozvlcdge of the Greek Language, and on the 
 
 in preference to any otlier tongue, and how improbable it is that they 
 ever should neglect it. Gregory Thaumaturgus says, " our laws 
 are written and delivered in the Roman tongue y,a.Ta,7r'Kv]y.Tiicn fuv xat 
 aXaZovt. Michael Porphyrogenitus, in his letter to Nicolas I. had 
 spoken with contempt of the Latin tongue. His expressions had been 
 rather severe ; for the latter in answer says, Hanc linguam quam har- 
 baram vos et Scythicam appellatis. 
 
 The passage in Libanius, in his book De Fortuna sua, is singular. 
 He fears y,-^ eKzoTruinv oXug rays ruv Tif^irspuv Xoyuv. At the very time 
 that he was thus expressing his fears, least the Greek language should 
 be neglected, Basil, Gregory of Nazianzen, and his own friend and 
 protector, Julian, were writing in it, not to mention the names of many 
 sophists and rhetoricians. 
 
 The opinion of Augustin, in the nineteenth book De Civitate Dei, 
 may not surprise us, when we consider that he wrote and lived in 
 Africa, in which country, from its vicinity to Rome and Italy, the 
 Latin language had become known. Since the time of the second 
 Punic war, when part of that country had been subdued, the commu- 
 nication between it and Rome had been very frequent, and the Latin 
 tongue had succeeded to the more barbarous sounds of the Phoeni- 
 cian and Punic dialects. 
 
 Indeed, amidst all the encouragement which the Romans afforded to 
 Grecian literature, we find that they did not fail to vindicate at times 
 the dignity of their own language. The letter which they addressed 
 to Pyrrhus, a Greek king, was written in Latin, as Geliius has in- 
 formed us. Paulus Emilius, when he conquered Perseus, pronounced 
 a speech in Latin, which was translated and explained in Greek by 
 the Pretor Cneius Octavius. (Livy. V.) When the seat of empire 
 had been removed to Byzantium the laws and rescripts were made 
 in Latin, as we find by the Justinian and Theodosian code. In the 
 oration which has been attributed to Synesius as well as to Themistius 
 the Latin language is mentioned in these words, tii\ SixXsktov rriv 
 
State of the Art of Painting among the Romans. q\ 
 
 KpoiTova-ocv, as it was doubtless used by the emperors, and to those 
 about the court it would be therefore famihar. But as it appeared 
 that the Latin had not sufficiently extended itself throughout the 
 distant provinces of the empire, soon after that the Codex and Pan- 
 dects of Justinian had been published, they were translated into 
 Greek, and edited under the title of ruu Bua-tXixuv. The Romans left 
 to each nation the use of its own particular idiom ; and the exclusive 
 attention that might be shewn, as in the instances we have just men- 
 tioned, to their own language, did not interfere with the general 
 regard with which the literature of Greece was viewed, or tend in 
 any way towards inducing a neglect of it in the different parts of 
 their empire. 
 
 From what was said above concerning the knowledge and culti- 
 vation of Greek among the Romans, we might conclude that they 
 could not have been witiiout libraries containing books in that lan- 
 guage. Accordingly we find mention of them both public as well 
 as private in different authors. The care and expense of Lucullus in 
 procuring books were not less noble than his use of them. His 
 libraries were open to all ; and they were Greek ; for there, says 
 Plutarch, the Greeks were received as in an abode of the Muses. 
 Cicero, in his third bookr/t' Finibus, indicates a similar library at Tus- 
 culum. When Sylla was returning from Asia to Italy, he landed at 
 the Piroeus, and took from Athens to Rome the library of Apellico 
 the Teian. The library which was made public at Rome by Asinius 
 Pollio (of which Pliny speaks in the seventh book) was' probably 
 Greek ; for at that time there were few Latin writers. Ceesar had 
 the intention of instituting public libraries in Greek as well as Latin ; 
 but was prevented by death. Augustus added a portico containing 
 a library in the two languages to the Palatine palace. We find a 
 proof that the volumes in these collections were generally Greek in 
 this circumstance, that when Domitian wished to repair the libraries 
 which had been burnt, he searched for copies in different parts, and 
 
^s On the Knozvledge of the Greek Language, and on the 
 
 sent to Alexandria for persons to transcribe and correct. Hence we 
 find that the superintendance of these hbraries was given more fre- 
 quently to Greeks than Romans ; and the proportion seems to have 
 been four of the former, to three of the latter ; and to each a public 
 salary was given. It may be added, that Dionysius who superintended 
 a public library from the time of Nero to the days of Trajan was an 
 Alexandrine Greek. 
 
 Might not the volumes found at Herculaneum have formed a part 
 of a public institution of the nature of those of which we have been 
 speaking? If they did not, what must have been the means and 
 opulence of the individual who could have collected in those days, 
 when the price of transcription amounted to a great sum, a library 
 so numerous and so various ! 
 
 I shall now proceed to oifer some remarks, merely historical, on 
 the state of the art of painting, before and under the reign of Titus, 
 having neither opportunity, nor information to enable me to treat the 
 subject on the large and extended plan which it deserves. This sub- 
 ject is connected with what has just preceded, as Greece influenced 
 and directed the taste of the Romans in this art, as in literature, and 
 even in the common affairs of life. 
 
 It does not appear that painting, as an art, was known in times prior 
 to those of Homer. The word Zuypa.(po? occurs neither in the Iliad 
 nor the Odyssey. r^oc<peiv is there used to represent or designate an 
 object ; and is never used in the acceptation of painting. The mis- 
 takes of those who have given to the art an earlier origin, seem to 
 have arisen from confounding design and painting, two things essen- 
 tially different. Under the reign of Alexander, the art reached a 
 point of perfection which it seems never to have since attained. The 
 ap"e of the Ceesars is not mentioned by Pliny as having produced any 
 among those paintings which formed part of the finest ornaments of 
 the capital of the world. It has been supposed that many of the 
 paintings at Herculaneum were copies of performances executed by 
 
State of the Art of Painting among the Romans. 93 
 
 the hands of Grecian artists. It certainly deserves to be noticed, 
 that the information which can be obtained from ancient authors re- 
 lating to the artists who employed themselves in painting throughout 
 Italy and Rome for many ages, leads us to infer that they were 
 Greek. The names that we meet with from the time of Mummius, 
 when the Romans first became acquainted with the art, to the age of 
 the first emperors, are Greek ; among them are Lala of Cyzicum, 
 Sopolis, Dionysius, Timomachus. Of the few Romans who exercised 
 themselves in painting Pliny has given us no favourable idea. 
 
 Does he commend Fabius Pictor ? this praise appears to us dictated 
 rather by vanity or love of his nation, than to proceed from any 
 striking merits of the artist. Considering the rusticity of the Romans 
 at that time, the ignorance in which Rome herself was plunged, we 
 think it very improbable that Fabius should have reached any extra- 
 ordinary height in the works of his pencil. No mention is made of his 
 travels into Greece or foreign countries to perfect himself. He had 
 only covered (in the opinion of Caylus) the walls of the temple of 
 Safety with some of those monochromata which Pliny mentions in de- 
 scribing the early commencements of the art. 
 
 From the time of Fabius to that of Pacuvius, an interval of 150 
 years, we hear of no Roman painter. This latter artist was a poet ; 
 he might therefore have shewn some fancy and invention in his per- 
 formances. But if his talents as a painter were only equalled by those 
 which he possessed as a poet, his works could never have been an 
 object of merited commendation. 
 
 Turpilius perhaps stood on a higher ground than the former. He 
 might have travelled in Greece. We are surprised to find Pliny ad- 
 miring him for executing his works with the left hand. In the life 
 of Jouvenet it is mentioned that a few years before his death he 
 painted with his left hand, as a paralytic affection had disabled the 
 right. This is only stated as a singularity in the life of an artist 
 who had always been accustomed to use the right arm. 
 
94 On the Knowledge of tJie Greek Language, and on the 
 
 From the paucity of the Roman artists, and the comparatively in- 
 ferior merits possessed by them, and from the number of Grecian 
 artists and their greater repute, we may fairly conclude that whatever 
 shews any superiority in design or invention about this period may 
 be properly ascribed to the latter. No Roman is mentioned as having 
 distinguished himself in any particular branch of the art, Ludius ex- 
 cepted, who lived under the time of Augustus. Concerning him we 
 shall have occasion shortly to speak. 
 
 It is not so easy to shew by whom these paintings were copied. 
 We think that it is probable that they were the performances of some 
 of the numerous freedmen possessed by the Romans, many of whom 
 were employed in works of this kind. But we do not coincide with 
 Winckelmann in supposing that they were Greeks by nation ; our 
 reasons for dissenting may be seen in the notes to the edition of his 
 work, published by the Abate Fea, to which we refer. 
 
 But that there should be a general decline of taste in this art about 
 this period ought by no means to surprise us. Let us examine the 
 state of the art during a few years preceding this time. Vitruvius 
 had already declaimed with severity against the custom introduced in 
 his time of covering the walls of houses and rooms with insignificant 
 pictures which did not occupy or instruct the mind. (L. VIII. c. 3.) 
 Such putid performances are condemned by Lucian when he says, 
 " I should wish in pictures to sec not only cities and mountains, 
 but also men, and to remark that, which they do and say." 
 (Op. 11.497.) 
 
 In fact, under the reign of Augustus, a new style of painting liad 
 been introduced by Ludius, according to Pliny ; but was only conti- 
 nued, according to Vitruvius, by him ; that of adorning the chambers 
 with views of scenery relating to the country, to woods, and groves, 
 and sea objects. It is not so much against this, as another style, 
 that Vitruvius directs his censure in the passage which we submit, 
 with a translation, to the reader. " Pro columnis enim statuuntur 
 
State of the Art of Painting among the Romans. q^ 
 
 calami, pro fastigiis harpaginetidi striati cum crispis foliis et volutis. 
 Item candelabra (vdicularum sustinentia figuras supra fasiigia earuni ; 
 surgentes ex radicibus cum volutis coliculi teneri plures, habentes in se 
 sine ratione sedentia sigilla, non minus etiam ex coliculis fores dimidiata 
 habentes ex se exeuntia sigilla, alia humanis, alia bestiarum capitibus si- 
 milia." L. VII. c. 5. " Instead of columns are placed reeds, instead of 
 pediments are arabesques fluted, with crisped leaves and vine ten- 
 drils ; also candelabra supporting figures over the front of small 
 houses ; many tender stalks rising from roots with volutes including 
 in them small figures sitting, without any meaning ; also flowers 
 springing from stalks having half busts rising out of them ; some 
 like human heads, some like those of beasts." 
 
 It may be remarked, that drawings of this nature are to be seen 
 among those of Herculaneum ; so that this bad style had continued 
 from the days of Augustus to those of Titus. Let the reader turn to 
 the 3d and 4th volumes of the pictures of Herculaneum, and examine 
 in the former the 56, 57, 58, 59th tables, and in the latter, table 56, 
 and 6$ ; he will find that they illustrate the above passage of 
 Vitruvius. 
 
 We should not omit to state liere the causes of this decline men- 
 tioned by Pliny ( 35, 1 ) and by Petronius ( 324) ; the former of whom 
 says, that the taste for works in precious marbles and gold had be- 
 come so great, that with these they covered their walls instead of 
 pictures. The latter complains partly of the insatiable desire pos- 
 sessed by the wealthy to plunge into all kinds of vice, and partly of 
 a torpidity of spirit, that led them to hold in no esteem the master- 
 pieces of antiquity, or to render them the object of critical enquiry. 
 In another part (p. 10) he mentions the decline of the art; but 
 the passage, in which he alludes to it, is difficult, and has hitherto 
 baffled the ingenuity of critical research: " Pictura quoque non 
 alitim exitum fecit, postquam JEgyptiorum audacia tarn magnce artis 
 compendiaria^n iiivenit." The above circumstances, together with the 
 
g6 On the Knowledge of the Greek Language, and on tlie 
 
 spirit of tasteless innovation mentioned by Vitruvius, leave us at no 
 loss hardly to account for the low state of the art under Titus. 
 
 Let us here consider in what manner some of the em])erors them- 
 selves, between the time of Augustus and Titus, affected the art, and 
 hurried it on towards a rapid decline. 
 
 The licentious exxesses of Tiberius during his residence at Capreae 
 are well knovVn. How his rooms were there painted, we are in- 
 formed by Suetonius, The complaints of Clemens Alexandrinus 
 may be well applied on this occasion ; " laying aside all shame they 
 paint in their houses the infamous connections of the genial deities ; 
 and are pleased with immodest pictures hung on high, as the orna- 
 ment of the nuptial chamber." nporp. The successors of Tiberius gave 
 instances of their depraved and vitiated taste. Caius was prompted, 
 lihidine accensus, to endeavour to take away from the temple of Lanu- 
 vium the figures of Atalanta and Helen, who were represented naked. 
 Claudius from a picture of Apelles consecrated to the public by Au- 
 gustus effaced the head of Alexander and placed instead of it that of 
 Augustus. The extravagance of Nero is well known ; he caused 
 himself to be painted of the height of 120 feet, on cloth ; no piece of 
 metal or wood was found to suffice. But whatever ignorance, or 
 contempt, or bad taste might be shewn by this emperor in these re- 
 spects, should in some degree be imputed to the lessons of his pre- 
 ceptor Seneca, who has excluded sculpture and painting from the 
 liberal arts. 
 
 It was at this period of the decline and fall of the art, that Pliny 
 came forward, and addressed his work on Natural History to Titus, 
 then Consul the sixth time. In the month of March of the succeed- 
 ing year Titus was on tlie tiirone, and Pliny died in the following 
 November. If, in after times, painting received encouragement and 
 patronage, it was doubtless owing to the excellent writings of this 
 man. It was his design to inspire the Romans with an esteem and 
 taste for the fine arts, the only field on which they had disdained to 
 
State of the Art of Painting among the Romans. 97 
 
 enter into competition with Greece. We find Cicero in more places 
 than one complaining of this contempt of the monuments of art 
 (Tus. i. c. 2.; in Verrem Act. 2. 1.) ; and Virgil was obhgedto seek 
 for another source of praise than in their encouragement of the arts, 
 when he makes Anchises exclaim, 
 
 Tu regere imperio populos, Romanes memento. 
 Ha tibi erunt artes. 
 
 O 
 
C98 3 
 
 DISSERTATION VII. 
 
 On the Materials o?i which the Ancients wrote. 
 
 BY THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM DRUMMOND. 
 
 1 HAVE thought it might not be uninteresting to some of our readers, 
 if I briefly describe the materials on which the ancients were ac- 
 customed to write. 
 
 1 . Tables of stone. — Some of the oldest monuments of the graphic 
 art, of which we hear, were inscriptions on stones and bricks. The 
 Decalogue, as every one knows, was written on tables of stone. 
 Josephus says, that the immediate descendants of Seth inscribed an 
 account of things invented (t« eup-^y-Bvu) on two columns, one of which 
 was of bricks, the other of stones. According to Epigenes, the 
 ancient Chaldteans wrote the history of their astronomical observa- 
 tions on bricks. Kircher thinks, that the most ancient hieroglyphics 
 were commonly engraved on stones. Porphyry makes mention of 
 stone columns which were found in Crete, and on which some ac- 
 count of the mysteries of the Corybantes was written. The inscrip- 
 tions on columns often recorded events in history, and discoveries in 
 science, and accordingly to them the ancient historians, Sanchonia- 
 tho and Herodotus, acknowledge their obligations. 
 
 The Greeks began to engrave on stones at a very early period ; 
 and we may believe the same thing of the Etruscans, since, as 
 Laurentius observes, uncial letters were generally inscribed by the 
 
On the Materials on which the Ancients wrote. gg 
 
 Romans on the stones called termini. My reader will find many 
 old and curious inscriptions, copied from stones in the collections of 
 Gruter, Reinesius, Grtevius, Montfaucon, and Muratori. 
 
 With all this evidence, however, I am inclined to think, that the 
 first essays in the art of writing must have been made on softer 
 materials than stones. It may be observed, without adverting to the 
 absurd stories told about the books of Adam and Enoch, that we 
 hear of books, before any thing is said of stone tables : Srrihg hoc oh 
 moniime7itum in libro. (Exod. 17.) In the targum of Jonathan, the 
 passage is thus given ; Scrihp. hoc in mtrnoriam in libro xeniorum prisco- 
 rum. It is true, that the Hebrew word liiD, which originally signi- 
 fied an enumeration, or register, is nowise significative of the form 
 or materials ; but its frequent use in subsequent parts of the Old 
 Testament, where it is rightly translated a book, seems to deter- 
 mine its meaning here ; and Calmet must have been mistaken 
 when he asserted that the LXX. always render it by a^ovs?, since in 
 the copy of the Septuagint, which now lies before me, it is translated 
 
 2. Tablets of lead.— These are thought by some to be of extreme 
 antiquity : Quis mihi dat ut exarenturin libro stylo ferreo, etplwnbi lami- 
 na, vel celte scidpantur in silice. This version is inaccurate. The He- 
 brew is better rendered in our English translation : That tliey (my 
 words) were graven with an iron pen and lead in the rock forever! The 
 meaning is, that Job wished his words to be inscribed with an iron 
 instrument in the rock, and that the incisions should be filled up with 
 
 lead. 
 
 There can be no doubt, however, that the use of leaden tablets 
 was very ancient. Pausanias ( in Boeoticis ) mentions that the works 
 of Hesiod were written on lead. According to Pliny, the public 
 documents were written in leaden volumes, after the use of the pu- 
 gnlares was laid aside. Vossius has rashly censured Pliny for having 
 employed volumina pro laminis. In the commentary of ^neas Polior- 
 
 -r ■/■ 
 
lOo On the Materials, on which the Ancients wrote. 
 
 ceticus, who lived about the fourteenth Olympiad, we are informed 
 that the women conveyed secret intelligence by means of little leaden 
 volumes which they wore as ear-rings. Dio writes, sg eXoi(riJi.ov fjLoX[jQ\s 
 XsttJov eyypei^l/ccvjeg rivcc UTniXi^av ccvjov wCTrep rt ^oipjtov, &C. 
 
 These passages are sufficient to justify the expression of Pliny. 
 It appears, indeed, that the leaden plates were so extremely thin, 
 that they might be easily rolled up. ^neas Poliorceticus tells us, 
 that they were beaten with a hammer, until they were rendered very 
 thin and pliable ; that they were sometimes sowed up between the 
 soles of the shoes ; that even the messenger who carried them was 
 ignorant of the circumstance ; and that while he slept, the corre- 
 spondent to whom they were addressed, unsowed the shoes, read 
 the letters, replaced others, and thus carried on a secret intercourse 
 without suspicion. 
 
 3. Wooden tablets. — Calmet pretends that the Jews wrote upon 
 wooden tablets from the most remote antiquity. He cites the words 
 of Job, 2it exarentur in libro; and he takes it for granted that this book 
 was of wood. The w^ord "IDD, as I have before observed, does not 
 indicate the materials. The passages which Calmet quotes from 
 Isaiah and Jeremiah, are still less to the purpose : Scribe ei super biixum, 
 et in libra diligenter exara illiid. This version is unfaithful ; it should 
 be, scribe ei super tabulas {^^)^^b)^, and the tables might have been of 
 stone or of metal. The first verse of the seventeenth chapter of 
 Jeremiah proves that the Jews were in the habit of inscribing vvith 
 an iron instrument ; but it by no means shows that they wrote upon 
 wood. There is, however, a passage in the fourth book of Kings, 
 which Calmet quotes from the Vulgate, and which, if it had been 
 faithful to the original, would have determined the question in his 
 favour : etdelebo Jerusalem, sicut deleri sclent tabula; et delens vert am, 
 et ducam crebrius stylum super faciem ejus. Now this version, as well 
 as that of the LXX. is totally unlike the original, which is rendered 
 with sufficient fidelity in the English translation of the Bible ; and I 
 
On the Materials 07t which the Ancients wrote. loi 
 
 will wipe 'Jerusalem as a man wipeth a dish, wiping it, and turning it 
 upside down. 
 
 Eustathius asserts, that the practice of writing on wooden tablets 
 existed among the Greeks from the most remote antiquity ; and 
 Pliny, adverting to a passage in Homer, says, that the use of the 
 pugillares was introduced before the Trojan war. A modern writer, 
 Martorelli, contends, that the Greeks had never been in the custom 
 of writing on wood, until the arts had begun to decline, and he boldly 
 challenges any examples of it to be shewn. The verses of the Iliad, 
 to which Pliny alluded, he asserts to be spurious : 
 
 Tfaipaj ev ttivocki 7f]uKJu ^v[^o(pdopa. ttoXXx. 
 
 Our critic pretends, that the o-ij/xocja Xvy^a, and %[/,o(p9opx voXXx are 
 redundancies ; that there is nothing Homeric in the style ; and that 
 wooden tablets could not be folded. I do not perceive, that there is 
 any redundancy here, or any thing which is not in good taste. 
 Bentley was a tolerable judge, and he remarked the oys as Homeric. 
 Homer did not mean a folded piece of wood by TnvxKi Tfjvxjco, but a 
 wooden tablet with two leaves. In the story which Herodotus tells 
 of Demaratus, he employs the expression hxrtov ^itttvxov. Homer 
 himself has employed the word (Jex7o? in a manner that cannot leave 
 much doubt, not only of his having been acquainted with the art of 
 writing, but of his having himself written on wooden tablets. (Fide in 
 Batr. 3. J I must, however, quit the criticisms of Martorelli, to enu- 
 merate the tablets of wood on which the Greeks were accustomed to 
 write. 
 
 The a^ovBi; were square tablets, made sometimes of brass, and 
 sometimes of wood. Aulus Gellius says, that the laws of Solon were 
 written on wooden axones ; and the lines, as Calmet remarks, were 
 written alternately from right to left, and from left to right, in the 
 manner wliich the Greeks called boustrophedon. The KupSe^f were 
 
 ^J:. <'• i. 
 
los On the Materials on zvhich the Ancients wrote. 
 
 triangular pieces of wood, or stone ; or rather they were pyramids 
 having three sides. The laws were also written on these ; but, if I 
 do not err, it was chiefly those laws which related to religious insti- 
 tutions. By the words ^i)Qov, and (Jex7<ov its diminutive, the Greeks 
 often meant generally a book ; though the h^ov properly signified 
 a wooden tablet which had the form of the letter A. Yet I suspect 
 that this is not the etymon. Jeremiah writes mr\'7l for books, Tbl 
 signifies a door. The ddton might have been so called from its 
 having folding leaves like doors and gates. It appears from a pas- 
 sage in the Hippolitus of Euripides, that the delton was generally 
 made of the wood of the pine-tree. The mva,^ was a square board 
 on which the Greeks were accustomed to write : 
 
 AXXa S^'cj^s? TTiVotKug tb veuv Kcti cu/jLocIix. (pcojuv 
 Ku|t*aO' ciXog (poctatrt 'rrvpog r oXooto ^viXXoa. 
 
 Aristotle has quoted this passage ( ttsoi ^uvficca-iuv otKnirf^aiuv ) but 
 throws no hght upon the word in question. That it was employed, 
 however, in the time of Homer to signify tablets for writing on, I 
 think indubitable. Concerning the origin of this word I confess my- 
 self embarrassed. We may reasonably conjecture, however, that 
 most Greek words, which relate to the art of writing, or to the ma- 
 terials employed in it, are derived from the Phoenician, or Egyptian, 
 which were cognate dialects, though in different degrees, with tlae 
 Hebrew and Chaldaic. In this last tongue VvC find that the word 
 which signified to educate was pitiac. Might not the tables on 
 which children were probably taught their letters have thence their 
 their name .? No works of any length appear to have been written 
 on these tablets, on which the Greeks were accustomed to write the 
 indexes, and the heads of chapters. nivuKiov was the name of the 
 wooden tablet on which the judges, or members of any public as- 
 sembly, wrote their sentence, or vote. The TrivoMtg was the board 
 on which the wax intended for writing on was spread. Lotvn; was yet 
 
On the Materials oji which the Anciejits zvrote. 103 
 
 another name for a wooden tablet. It appears to me to be derived 
 from |C;d a branch, and properly a branch of the palm-tree, of the 
 wood of which the a-xmSsi; were probably originally made. YlBvycrj is 
 used by Euripides to signify a tablet, which was of course made of 
 the wood of the pine-tree. The nv^iov was a tablet so called from 
 the box-tree, of the wood of which it was made. The Jews classed 
 the box-tree among pines, and distinguished it by the general appel- 
 lation "Oii'i^n, which means eminent, excellent, fortunate, quia estfeli- 
 cissima,prastantissima inter omnes species cedrorum ( Buxtorf. Lex. p. 57. ) 
 Now the word plS [pauk or peck) in Phoenician signified high or 
 eminent. It was a general name given to persons, or to things, 
 which might claim it by rank, fortune, value, or even local situation. 
 Thus Bochart shews that it was given to persons living in moun- 
 tainous countries, and the Arabians denote men who are rich, or 
 powerful, by a word which is composed of the same radicals. It ap- 
 pears then that thePhoenician word was the equivalent of the Hebrew ; 
 and TTv^iov derives itself so easily from pl2, that I am led to believe 
 that this last word might have borne the same sense with "T!t:'5<;ri, 
 which comes from "i:i'i< healus, excellens. The aZxl was a square piece 
 of wood, and was generally understood of those boards on which 
 mathematicians drew their diagrams. (See lamblichus in Fit. Pythag.) 
 I derive «£a| from 3J/ ab, a beam of wood. 
 
 4. Waxen tablets. These tablets were prepared by spreading over 
 a board a layer of wax melted together with resin. 
 
 Martorelli denies that the Greeks and Romans were in the habit 
 of writing on tablets of wax until the time of Augustus, I shall give 
 up to him the passages which he has cited, and which he explains 
 after his own manner ; but among several proofs which might be 
 quoted against him, I shall ask for an interpretation of the following 
 lines, if the Greeks did not write on tablets of wax : 
 
 So 0£ Xxf^LTrjyifiOC (pxog af^TrBJxiroci 
 AsPQov 7s 'ypu<fieig 
 
104 On the Materials on xvhkb the Ancients wrote. 
 
 TrjvS', vjv TT^o x^^'^" ^7' l2«(floi(^iig 
 Kcci TBivja 'TraXiV 'ypu,fjLfji,ot](x cuyxjag, 
 
 VcTfjeig Ti TreSu ttevxi^v, &C, 
 
 Iphig. in Alii. 
 
 It raay be proper to say something in this place of the composition 
 which the ancients called Maltha. This appears to have been of se- 
 veral kinds. That described by Pliny (L. 36. c. 24.) does not appear 
 to have been used for writing on. The mixture of wax and resin, 
 which was employed for writing on, was however also called maltha 
 ( Vide Steph. Lex. in voce [/.uxda,). This word seems originally to have 
 signified mortar, or rather clay, as is indeed indicated by Pliny. ( Vide 
 in loco citato, et in L. 2. c. 104. j H.Stephens says, that he was unable 
 to discover its etymon. It is evidently derived from the Syriac d??^ 
 argilla. In the Talmud, melt a, or melata, is used to signify plaster, 
 and milat in Arabic signifies mortar. Jeremiah (c. 43.) has em- 
 ployed this word to signify clay. The passage is wrongly translated 
 both in the Septuagint and Vulgate, and though not very clear in tlie 
 original, is unintelligible in them. 
 
 5. Tablets of brass. Plutarch mentions that a plate of brass, having 
 Egyptian characters engraved upon it, was found at Thebes in Boeotia. 
 According to Pollux, the laws of Solon were written on tablets of 
 brass. Dionysius of Halycarnassus remarks, that the ancient Romans 
 inscribed their laws on oaken tables, because they were not yet in 
 the use of writing upon brass. It is mentioned by Polybius, that the 
 treaty made between the Romans and Carthaginians at the end of the 
 first Punic war, was written on brazen tables. In the passage to 
 which I have just alluded, Polybius calls them %aX}cw^a7« ; but in 
 other places he has employed the word g-ijx^, and I observe Dionysius 
 of Halicarnassus has done the same. It would appear from Pollux 
 and Suidas, that those pieces of brass, on which the public documents 
 were written, were of a cubical form. 
 
Oil the Materials on which the Ancients wrote. 105 
 
 6. Ivory Tablets. It has been doubted by some writers, whether 
 these were in use among the ancients ; thus they understand the 
 libri elephantini to have signiiied parchments made of the omentum of 
 the elephant. But this notion may be easily refuted. Qjiiod si libri in 
 codicibiis sint membraneis, vel chartaceis, vel etiam. eboreis, &c. ( Ulpian). 
 The custom of cutting the teeth of the elephant into thin slices pro- 
 bably existed very early ; and Pliny (L. 8, c, 3. ) says that they had 
 lately begun to saw the bones of this animal from want of the teeth, 
 which, he observes, are alone of ivory. I am therefore inclined to 
 believe, that the libri elephantiiii, of which Vopiscus speaks (in Fita 
 Tacita Imperatoris) , were ivory. 
 
 7. Skins and parchnents. Montfaucon thinks that the books 
 of the old testament were written on skins ; Calmet, that the Jews 
 wrote on the papyrus. But Pliny says that the papyrus was not em- 
 ployed until the time of Alexander ; and even those writers who 
 have cdntroverted this point, admit that it was not in general use 
 before that period. 
 
 Montfaucon has enumerated the different Greek names by which 
 the skins and parchments used in writing were called. As, however, 
 this writer has made no remarks on them, I shall endeavour, as 
 briefly as I can, to supply the deficiency. The SKpSepxt were generally 
 the skins of sheep, goats, and kids. Herodotus gives the following 
 account of them : Ka; rug jG<£ak? St(p9£pxc KxXsaa-t ocTTo th TraKona luveg, 
 oji Koje iv (TTTocvBi (3iCXav B^aBuvjo SiipSsprjCTi uiyBii^tri T£ jcoci oiiri(rt, Eji oe ycai to 
 x«/' euc TToWoi Toiv BctpQccffUV eg roioi.vlot,g St(p(iepa,g ypocCpact. Prisca consuetu- 
 dine biblos lones appellant pelles, quod aliquando penuria biblorum 
 Mgypti et Syria pcllibus caprinis ovillisque utebantur : adhuc quoque ad 
 meam memGrijtn jnulti barbarorum talibus in pellibus scribunt. Major 
 Rennel conjectures with much apparent probability, that (^((p^spa comes 
 from the Persian word dijihur, which has the same signification. 
 I,ufiUj,ov has been used, though I beUeve rarely, and by no classical 
 
 P 
 
io6 On the Materials on which the Ancients wrote. 
 
 author, to signify a book. By the (rui/,ccJKx,, when employed in a figu- 
 rative sense, were more generally understood, those decorations of 
 the scene which the French call les coulisses. Aspjwa signifies generally 
 the skin. I do not remember to have seen it employed, when skins 
 were spoken of as materials for writing on. The Uz^yxiAzvon were so 
 called from certain parchments in the library of the Kings of Perga- 
 mus : Max ceniulatione ( says Pliny ) circa bibliothecas region Ptolomcei et 
 Eumenis, siipprimente chartas Ptolomceo, idem Varro tnembranas Pergami 
 tradidit repertas. The same story is told by ^^lian and Hieronymus 
 with little variation. The word jtis^g^ai/a is of Latin origin. 
 
 I am unable to fix the time when the Romans first began to write 
 on skins and parchments. Dionysius of Halicarnassus mentions that 
 an ancient treaty between the Romans and the Gabini was written 
 on a wooden shield, which had been previously covered with the 
 skin of the ox, which had been sacrificed when the two parties had 
 settled the terms of agreement. 
 
 8. The hark of trees. This was wliat the Greeks properly under- 
 stood by xylochartion ; and Montfaucon is accurate when he says, 
 corticea charta differt a papyrea. The former was thick and brittle : 
 the latter finer, and less liable to be broken. Before the use of the 
 papyrus became general, tlie bark of the philyra, a species of the 
 linden tree, was generally employed for writing on ; and books 
 written on it existed even in the time of Ulpian, who thus makes 
 mention of them : Librorum appellatione continentur omnia volirmina, 
 sive in charta, sire in ?7iembrana sint, sive in quavis alia materia ; sed si in 
 philyra, aut in tilia, ut nonnulli conficiunt, aut in quo alio corio, idem erit 
 dicendum. From a passage in Plutarch, in the life ofPyrrhus, it has 
 been thought by some that the bark of the oak was employed for 
 writing on. Cedrenus, in his annals, says tliat (pXoiog was used pro- 
 perly to signify a book. 
 g. Leaves of trees. Before the use of tlie papyrus became general 
 
On the Materials on zvhich the Ancients wrote. 
 
 107 
 
 the ancients were accustomed to write on the leaves of palm trees 
 (See Pliny, L. 13. c. 10. ). The leaves of the plant, which we call the 
 mallow, was employed for the same purpose : 
 
 Levis in aridulo malvce descripta libello, 
 Pr Ksiaca vexi munera navicula. 
 
 10. Linen books. Postea publica momwient a, says PWny , plumbeis vo~ 
 luminibus, mox et privata linteis confici ccepta, aut ceris. Livy makes 
 mention of linen books as containing information which could not be 
 found in public documents ( L. 4. c, 7. ) . We find from Vopiscus, 
 that the Emperor Aurelian had his journal, or diary, written in linen 
 books : Quce omnia ex libris linteis, in qiiibus ipse quotidiana sua scribi 
 pneceperat, pro tua sediditate condisces. I am inclined to think, that by 
 these linen books the Romans only meant their tablets of wax, which 
 were prepared by stretching a piece of linen over a board, to which 
 it was made to adhere by some glutinous substance, and then laying 
 the wax over the linen. Thus in Plautus : Effer cito. P. Quid? 
 C. Stilum,ceram, tabellas, et linum. Again, per ceram, et Unum, literasqiie 
 interpretes, &c. (Vide in Bacchid. et in Pseud.) From the materials 
 which are mentioned here, it may be fairly conjectured, I think, that 
 they were employed as I have de scribed above. 
 
 CA- 
 
[ 108 n 
 
 DISSERTATION VIII. 
 
 Paleographical Observations o?i the Herxulanean Manuscripts. Written 
 at Palermo in the Tear 1807. 
 
 BY ROBERT WALPOLE. 
 
 The Herculanean manuscripts which are in Mr. Drummond's 
 house are all Greek, one excepted ; that is a fragment of a Latin 
 heroic poem ; there is much spirit in part of it ; sometimes there 
 is a quaintness and antithesis not unlike Lucan. This is a line: 
 Consiliis nox apta diiciim, lux aptior armis. The author mentioning 
 the design of Cleopatra to kill herself, ends a verse with, trahiturque 
 libidine mortis. 
 
 The Greek MSS. amount to more than eighty ; they are all with- 
 out an accent or spirit ; they are beautifully written ; the letters are 
 capitals ; there is no distinction between the words ; the forms of 
 the letters are various : the alphabets, therefore, which will be 
 formed from them, must be important to those who interest them- 
 selves in paleographical researches. 
 
 Coins and ancient inscriptions, in capital letters, present no accent, 
 no spirit. I say nothing about the H in the Sigean or the Athenian 
 inscription of the time of the Peloponnesian war, or those on the 
 Columnce Farnesiance ; these are well known. The digamma is 
 to be seen on the coins of Ehs, inscribed FAA ; which formerly 
 were given by numismatic writers to the Falisci. See p. 13 of Mr. 
 Knight's Essay on the Greek Alphabet. 
 
Pakographical Observations, &c. 109 
 
 There is a very ancient manuscript in the library at Florence ; 
 
 the title is in capitals, and accented thus : MANE0X1NOC AOOTE- 
 
 AECMATIKilN BIBAION. Salvinio sent the account of it to Wet- 
 stein ; such examples of accentuation are rare. If any manuscripts 
 be written in the character ciirsivus, and be found at Herculaneum, 
 they may probably be accented. The inscription found there is in 
 that character, and accented. On this I shall have to say something 
 presently. 
 
 The circumstance of the MSS. being written in capitals sufficiently 
 accounts for the want of accents ; is it not always so ? inscriptions 
 and coins are in capitals and unaccented. Why they did not accent 
 capital letters, is a question which we are not prepared to answer. 
 Wetstein says, that the critics and grammarians kept the mysteries 
 of accentuation to themselves, and to certain authors. This latter 
 part of the assertion is true ; the grammarians, and those who 
 attended to accent, exercised themselves particularly on the works 
 of the poets ; on none so much as Homer. I shall here bring for- 
 ward some passages which will prove this ; and will at the same time 
 shew the great attention and accuracy employed on the subject of 
 accentuation. 
 
 Callimachus the poet was a celebrated grammarian : he lived, 
 says Suidas, until the the time of Ptolemy Euergetes, about the 133d 
 Olympiad. He wrote many scholia on the ancient poets. There 
 were accented copies of Homer in his time. On the first line of the 
 third Iliad v.'e read; // is Jirst asked, hozv we ought to pronounce 
 auTu^ : for some have read it with aii acute accent on tlie last syllable, as 
 CaUnnachus : O^urovug yoc^ aveyvuKutri nvig, ug KaXX(n*a%of . 
 
 The Scholiast on Aristophanes, Av. 599, quotes him as circum- 
 flexing yx\)\og on the penultimate, when it means a boat ; when it 
 signifies a vessel, it is oxytonated. 
 
 Apollonius the poet was a scholar of Callimachus ; he is quoted 
 on the Plutus of Aristophanes, 103 : Analogy puts the grave on 
 
110 Paleographical Observations on 
 
 ■TTiSev, rt.v says Apollojiius. Aristophanes of Byzantium lived in the 
 145th Olympiad ; he is the person generally said to have invented 
 accents (see Montfaucon Paleo.) What this meant, I never could 
 understand ; what is said of Callimachus above shews that he must 
 have had before him an accented copy of Homer and Aristophanes. 
 The authority of Aristophanes of Byzantium, with regard to accen- 
 tuation, is referred to in the Nubes, v. 1149, on the word arrajcXij. 
 
 Aristarchus lived in the 156th Olympiad ; he was preceptor to the 
 son of Ptolemy Philadelphus ; we have this notice of him given us 
 by Joannes Charax : With good reason, in the commencement of 
 the Odyssey, Aristarchus would not give two acutes to avS^a f^oi, but 
 only one to a.v. EvKoyug si? t'/jv a.^x'^v rt^q O^va-(r£iocg, A^«rTO!^%o? ovk 
 EiGouX'/jS'/j Souvai eig rov avSotx. ^ot ^vo o^eiag, aWa f;i,iav bi; to otv. AristarcIlUS 
 says the Scholiast on the Equites, 485, writes y.^a.yov with an acute, 
 instead of x^avyoca-Tixuc. Eustathius on Odys. ^ refers to him ; the 
 pleasure of Aristarchus has prevailed that the circumflex should he 
 on Zcx.(peXc,)?. ETTEJcpaTijtre ij tov A^ta-ru^x"^ ^''^^ ''"^ f:i.^KTira.(T^(a a^ea-Ksnx, 
 p. 266, edit. Basil, 1559, tom. iii. 
 
 After these men come Dionysius Thrax, and Didymus, from his 
 great application called Brazen-bowels, x'^^^^''t^^°? '■> Tryphon (quoted 
 by Ammonius), who wrote a book called ArTittri -tt^oo-uSici. ; Symma- 
 chus, who is referred to with Didymus, in the scholium on the word 
 sTrcTToi in the Aves, v. sg ; Heraclides, mentioned by Eustathius, 
 p. 681, t. iii. Basil edit, on Si o^u Kavovi^ug Tre^ia-Trocrai, H^aKXeiSrig SniXoi. 
 
 We must not omit Athensus, who must have had before him an 
 accented copy of Euripides, and Eupolis, when he says, in tlie tragic 
 and comic writers, %£fi'<i3« is read with an acute on the penultimate, 
 ita^o^vTovrnq oaiiyvmTou %£fi'<iSa. The same Athenffius informs us, that 
 <piXoi/,Kxo? has an acute on the antepenultimate in Pindar, and -nvyf^ccx^ 
 in Stesichorus on the penultimate. L. 4. 
 
 The accents that we have thus found used by Callimachus and 
 others, might be the same marks and signs which Aristotle alludes 
 
the Hercidanean Manuscripts. iii 
 
 to, when he says, ?t is a part of rhetoric to know how to use the 
 tones, such as the acute, and grave, and middle, or circumjlex : Wok; 
 Tois rovoiq, oiov, o^eiM, xai (3x^Btai,, ycxi f^etr'^. Rhet. 1. 3. c. i. — There can be 
 no reason for supposing that they should be different ; I do not mean 
 to say that Dionysius Thrax gives the best explanation of the form 
 of accents ; but the following passage shews that he considers them, 
 as having retained the same unvaried form and number : fFhy 
 are there three tones? because there are three manners in zvhich men 
 move themselves when they run ; for either a man runs erect, and imi- 
 tates the acute ; or bending, and imitates the grave ; or like a man 
 in a chariot, and imitates the circumflex : A;aTj e«r( r^s*? rovai ; ^lon 
 
 Toeig TooTTOi BKTi Tuv xivovvTUV EuVTOug TT^og ^^oy.oV Tj ycci o^Qug rig t^£%£;, 
 xxi uifjbiiToci T7IV o^siccv, 71 KSKUpoTug, KXi i/.t[^BiTXi Ty\v fioc^eiatv, rj rivtox,iiTiKcag, 
 
 KOii |W(|M,e(r«( Tvv irs^i^'iTufAtvfiv . Nor is there any reason for supposing 
 that the grammarians of later ages differed from what had been 
 laid down by the critics and grammarians of former times. Lascaris 
 indeed asserts that they did not ; at least, all he gives, he drew, he 
 says, from Herodian, Maximus Planudes, Theodosius, Chjeroboscus, 
 Phrynichus, Thomas Magister, Pollux. 
 
 The want of accents in capital letters might sometimes occasion 
 mistakes in reading ; this in fact did happen. I translate the follow- 
 ing from Aristotle's treatise tts^j (ro(pia-riyiuv tKiyxuv. Some defoid 
 Homer against those ivho blame him, as if he had absurdly said, 
 
 TO pv ov KocTocTrvSiTUi cfjui^^u, {instead of ou). Tliey get rid of the 
 charge by the accent, saying that ou is to have the acute on it. kxi 
 Tov Oy-wov svioi SioqQouvtui TT^og iXByxovrccg, cog ocroTreog it^i\y(.orot,, to jj-bv k. t. X. 
 Xvova-i yua a-oro ti\ Tr^oa-ulta. XByovrsg ro ou o^utb^ov. The valuable com- 
 mentator on this treatise, Alexander of Aphrodisias, says, Hippias 
 the Thasian reads ov not circumfiexed, but negatively, and which he 
 pronounced with an acute accent: l-TrTnxg Boicriog ^*; -TfB^ia-rrui^ivug uvoc- 
 yivua-ycuv to ou, uXK ocTTo^ocvTiKug, otts^ xvTog oPurovug bi^'/ikbv, p. 15. 
 Floren. 1521. 
 
112 Paleographical Observations on 
 
 Aristotle gives us another instance ; they defe7id also zvhal relates to 
 the dream of Agamenmon, because Jupiter himself did 7iot say ^tSof^ev h ot 
 £Li%05- a^sa-dxt (with the acute on St ; the first person plural) but ordered 
 Dream StSovxt (the infinitive ) . kki to n*ei/ tt^i to svvttuiov tov AyuLLBuvovog, 
 OTi cuK avrog o Zeu? stTrev SiSo[/.sv k. r. X. aXKct, rw euVTrvtco sttsteXXsto SiSovxi. 
 The comment of Alexander is worth translating. If, says he, a man 
 r* read the passage, putting an accent on SiSofji^iv, he makes Jove a liar, as 
 
 promising to give victory, and not realising his promise ; but if it be read, 
 putting an accent on So, you will both absolve Jove from lying, and Homer 
 will be blameless, as then Jove is speaking to Dream, and ordering that 
 Dream should give glory to Agamemnon, and not Jove himself; and there- 
 fore Dream promises glory to Agamemnon, and lies, and not Jupiter." 
 E< yovv TO oioofjtev oe ot £u%o? ocps(rBoct avxyva rtg tov tovov Qttg sig to SiSouev, tov 
 Aioe. "TTOiu ^iuSo^ivov, on; VTrKT^vovfievov SiSovai tviv vt^^v, kki //.t] stg spyov s^ocyovTx 
 TVjV u7ro(r%£(n!'* u os ng to oo tov tovov Seig avxyvca to s^rig, Koct tov Aix. tov 
 ^jsvoearuut ocTToXiKTBtg, koci tu Of^yjpeo TreotTrot'yjcreTa.i to aviyx.X7;Tov, oig tou Atog 
 XiyovTcg tu oveiou y.oct Z'ntToi.TTQVTog, otoofjisvxi ocutov tov ovstgov to BV^og tu 
 Ayoif/,e[/,vovi, xat ju.ij ocutov tov Atog. Kxt yovv o ovBtpog VTrotr^vBtToct tu 
 Ayxj^BfAvovt TO ev^og xxt T^evSBTOit,Kxt ovk o Zeuj otVTog, p. 15. It deserves 
 to be mentioned that Alexander Aphrodisiensis says, that he could 
 not find any where in Homer the part of the verse alluded to. He 
 thinks that Aristotle was the author of it : Avtov Ss TrXxa-cca-dxi ro tov 
 
 (TTtyOV TB^^xyiov. 
 
 I cannot quit this part of the subject, without translating another 
 singular passage from the commentator whom I have already 
 quoted, relating to the error which might arise from reading Greek 
 written without accent. In conversation, says he, and discussion, a man 
 will not deceive you zvheji he says, 
 
 BTat^a ■)(fiV(rix et (popottj Srifjcotna iCTu, 
 
 for the speaker is intelligible, whether he utter the sentence with an acute 
 on the penultima of SriiAoa-ix, or perchance if he accent it on the ante-- 
 
the Herculanean Manuscripts. 113 
 
 penultima; having o?ice spoken, he has signified his meaning; but if the 
 
 word ^rifioa-ia. he in writing without accent, then indeed he introduces a para- 
 logism. Ev f/,£v oy,iXia, Kxt oixXsPei oux, ocirccTyicrii iron o Keyuv, ' iTxipa^pva-nx 
 SI (po^oiTj dyii/,o(na. kttu^ u'Ky\-r:ra.i yot^ o Xiyuiv Tra^o^urovug rov Xoyov e^eveyKcov 
 rj Tvxov KOii -Tr^oTTOi^ozvTovug. Attoc^ ya,^ stoviKug, Bcrvty^ocvs to sccvtou (3ovXvi[/,x' 
 ei OS sv y^oi(pYi siyj tcsi^svov to Syji^cocrix, ov^svx tovov syov, tots ^y\Tot, kxi tov 
 
 ■7Toi.^oiXoyi(rj/.ov sTrxysi. p. 14. In the edition which I use, which is that 
 of the Greek text, printed by itself at Florence, 1521, the last words 
 are 7ra,^xXoyi(ri/,ov xTTSKr;, which not understanding, I have altered into 
 sTTxyst, for want of a better word. This word however is used in 
 a passage preceding this, in the same sense. It is hardly worth ob- 
 serving, that the mistake which Alexander intimates, as likely to be 
 made from absence of accent, is this : Should a courtesan wear golden 
 ornaments, let her be public; or let them be confiscated. Such and 
 other mistakes happened when the capital letters were employed, and 
 accents not placed. It is true that the antiquity of the language of 
 Homer, and writers after him to a certain age, might have made it 
 more necessary to use accents to explain and illustrate what was 
 ambiguous. Yet might not mistakes happen in reading some works 
 in prose of a later date .? Among the Herculanean MSS. are the 
 works of Epicurus. In a manuscript on rhetoric, are the lines of 
 Homer, T^ig f^uKu^sg Aavaoi k. t. X. ', yet is there no distinction, no 
 mark. 
 
 The difficult and complex subject of accent and quantity has been 
 much discussed. It would appear, that the ancients had some method 
 of making the accentual process harmonise with a just regard to 
 quantity. The study of accent was a part of their earliest education ; 
 " after this," says Dion. Halic. talking of the grammatical part of 
 education, we learn words, and their accidents, I mean their extension ; 
 and shortening ; and accent ; and things of the like kind. Mstx tovto 
 rj^Tj Tag Xs^sig, Kctt tu, (rii^/3e/3ijxoTa uvTxig, sjcTKceig ts Xsyca, kxi truTToXcig, 
 xxt 7r^o(ruoiKg, km tx 7tapu7rXyi<rM Toxnotg. ttsdi <tuv> ovof^. T[irj[x,x as. 
 
 Q 
 
1 14, Paleographical Observations on 
 
 It was in vain that Demosthenes attempted to introduce a new ac- 
 centuation of some words ; he swore, says Plutarch, by /Esculapius, 
 putting the acute on the antepenultima, ufjisvm ^e kui tov Ao-kK'^ttiov, 
 irpoTfupo^wuiv Aa-xXfiTTioi'. See the (3ioi ruv Sikcx. ^yjto^uv. This he did, 
 says our author, vsure^tKu? ; he afterwards corrected himself, and 
 called it AfrycXriTrwv. At another time, when he said [x,i<rdcorog, the ears 
 of the Athenians were immediately offended ; as far as we can find, 
 he said this with a particular purpose in view ; Ulpian's note is this ; 
 some have asserted that the orator willmgly and with intention committed 
 the barbarism in saying fila-duro? ; then some one caught him up, as it zuere 
 correcting him, and exclaimed in the proper accent fjuKr^oiTog." nveg 
 eipvjKoxrtv on skuv ev tu eouTctv o mru^ efioi^fSx^riirBv s^e-TrtTviosg, [/.KrQurog XeyuV 
 SiToc£TreXce.l3eTO Tig uvrov, ug Siop9ou[zevog y,cct sfioria-e ru lom rovu [^ktSutoc. 
 iiTU T'/jv Siop9u(rtv UTTOKpitTiV ycoct fiefitxiua-m et^rjuev, edit. Wolf. p. 529. The 
 
 remark of Ulpian will be clearly understood by referring to the 
 passage in the oration de Corona. 
 
 The learned Coray speaks much in favour of tlie pronunciation of 
 his countrymen, the modern Greeks. The first sounds which strike 
 a stranger's ears are certainly not much in favour of his assertion ; 
 you hear av&^o'n-og instead of a.v9^u7i-og, and Ke(pxXvi with an elongated a, 
 and written with the acute on the «, instead of y.e(pa.Xr,, as the ancients 
 wrote it. It is in consequence of their total disregard of all quantity, 
 that so many blunders on this head occur in what they v/rite, as 
 metrical compositions, whether in hexameter, or hexameter and 
 pentameter. 
 
 But this is not the subject before us : let us recur to the Greek 
 inscription found at Herculaneum. In the Pitt. Antiche di Ercolano, 
 vol. 2. p. 34,, is the following account: On the 6th March, 1743, at 
 Resina, on a xvall which formed the angle of a street leading to the 
 Theatre, was found zvritten in black a?id red letters, &c. ; a fac-simile is 
 then given of the inscription, which is as follows : 
 ■ cag iv aro^ov (2ovXeu[4.cc rccg ttoXXk? %£(faj vmcc. 
 
the Herculanean Manuscripts. 115 
 
 It is an iambic verse of Euripides, to be found in a fragment of the 
 Antiope, and is to be read thus : 
 
 l.o(pov yx^ Bv l2ovXiVfx,ot Tcx.g ttoXXx? x^pag 
 
 VIKU. 
 
 It is written in the character cursivus, and has the accents and 
 spirits marked. 
 
 In a work of Schotz are some remarks on this inscription ; they 
 are directed to the supposed age of the inscription ; the book pro- 
 bably is not to be found easily, I shall therefore state some of the 
 observations. 
 
 This inscription, as containing a moral maxim, was exposed, as 
 was frequently the case with other sentences of the like nature, to 
 public observation. This surely supposes a character in use, and 
 known to all. How then does it happen, that, among the Greek in- 
 scriptions of the ages before Titus, and after, which have been pub- 
 lished, no inscription until the sixth century should ever have been 
 seen written in that character, or with the marks of accents ^ 
 
 Are we to say, that this character was lost just after the time of 
 Titus, and reappeared in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, 
 when we see it in manuscripts of that age ^ This is improbable. 
 
 The initial sigma (0-) in <ro(pov is made out of the capital form of 
 that letter, and is first found in the MSS, of the tenth century ; for 
 in earlier manuscripts written in the running character, it is seen in 
 the capital form ; as in the manuscripts of Stobseus written at the end 
 of the ninth century. 
 
 The final sigma (?) in the words w?, ra?, 'jroXKctg, %ei^af, is formed 
 out of the final sigma used in the manuscripts of the eleventh and 
 twelfth centuries, and is seen in manuscripts of the fourteenth cen- 
 tury. 
 
 The letter v in ev, and vikx is first seen in manuscripts of the thir- 
 teenth and fourteenth centuries. 
 
 Q2 
 
]i6 Paleographical Observations on 
 
 The form of the /* in (2ovXiU[/.tx. is of the same date. 
 The TT of this shape (tzt) is never seen in the beginning of a word, 
 as TToXXxg, except in manuscripts after the i2th century. 
 
 The same objection may be made to the form of the aspirate over 
 w? and £v, and the circumflex over x^^^'^^ ^"^ vikx. The round and 
 angular forms of the aspirate are promiscuously used by the scribes ; 
 see a specimen in a manuscript in Montfaucon, p. 234,; but there the 
 round form is added by a later hand. 
 
 Let us now consider two circumstances which demand our atten- 
 tion in these manuscripts ; first, the absence of all abbreviations, and 
 secondly, the num.erals. From a summary review of the most 
 ancient inscriptions of which we have the dates ascertained, we may 
 observe in what cases, in engraving Greek characters, the ancients 
 were accustomed to use abbreviations. In this, however, they do not 
 appear to have been guided by any fixed rules. We find them indis- 
 criminately in the names of persons, of ofl'ices, of numbers. 
 
 The medal of Amyntas, the most ancient money known to us, of 
 certain date, who began his reign in the first year of the sixty-third 
 Olympiad, gives us B for (2ex.a-tXeug, and M for Mcace^ovm. Xenophon 
 (Grffic. iv.) informs us, that in the ninety-sixth Olympiad the Sicyo- 
 nians had on their shields the initial S. We know that the Argives 
 in the same manner used the A. 
 
 The Sigean inscription, Olymp. 50, among others, has these 
 contractions, KAFO, for kui syu, KAniSTATON, for xa* STria-Tocrov, 
 MEnOEIIEN, for [a.s eTroiea-iv. 
 
 The Delian inscription is of the same age as that just mentioned, 
 or perhaps more ancient. It is a senarian iambic, and contains the 
 common apocope of the « in nfn before ocvS^tccg. 
 
 The marble found at Athens of the date of the third year of 
 Olymp. 80, has some abbreviations ; among these are TPIE for 
 Tpngupxov, and OTA for (pvXupxov. 
 
 In the Sandwich marble, Olymp. 101, we find T for tuXuvtov. 
 
the Herculanean Manuscripts. 117 
 
 The letters E.0 have been explained differently by Corsini and 
 Taylor. 
 
 In the Sigean decree, third year of Olymp. 123, is the contraction 
 KATHN for kkto, rriv. 
 
 In the Milesian marble, Olymp. 133, we read /3w for l3u[zoug. 
 
 In the Teian and Cretan monuments relating to the 147th Olymp. 
 is found AI, which Chishull interprets ^ixaTvi. 
 
 Of this age is the Laconic or Cretan marble, illustrated by Maffei ; 
 in that we have the sigia Kafor xara, as in many other marbles, and 
 
 xoiiTrpcciCTOi; for kxi ocTTpoiKTog. 
 
 In the Heraclean tables we find the episema AI. ME. riE. KN. 
 These have been elucidated by Mazzochi and Maffei. 
 
 The inscription in Gruter and Gualter, relating to the boundary 
 of fields, contains A for ajro, E for ES, TE for TEPMXiN ; its asre is 
 not known, but it is prior to the Christian sera. 
 
 The brazen tablet of the second year of Olymp. 175, in the Con- 
 sulship of O. Lutatius Catulus, and M. i^imilius Lepidus, V. C. dye, 
 has KAAZ for KXa^oi^sviuv. 
 
 The inscriptions tliat are of the time of the Romans contain fre- 
 quent abbreviations ; these are easily consulted ; and to them we 
 refer our reader. 
 
 The custom then of using contractions, even in the most ancient 
 monuments known to us, seems to have been very prevalent. They 
 were doubtless frequently used in others which are lost to us. These 
 abbreviations were familiar to the eyes and minds of those who wrote 
 the manuscripts, but they have studiously avoided to make any use 
 of them. In this respect, there was a great difference in the form of 
 writing, and that used by the quadratarii. 
 
 The forms of the letters in the manuscripts are very different ; the 
 sigma and epsilon are uniformly rounded : on marbles and medals 
 they are frequently in the square form ; E E £. The reason of this 
 is obvious ; the ductus calami in writing the manuscripts would be 
 
ii8 Paleographical Observations on 
 
 easier, and therefore preferred ; to those who engraved on tablets 
 and marbles, the square form would be of easier execution. The 
 round form of the sigma was used frequently in the time of Titus. 
 That, as well as the round E, is however of very remote antiquity. 
 They are both found on ancient Etruscan monuments. The E was 
 wrongly supposed by Spanheim to be not older than the age of 
 Antonine. Torremozza found it in AEKAAIi, the name of a city in 
 Palestine, founded first in honour of Augustus. Paciaud says it was 
 used long before the time of that Emperor, iion in numis modo, sed 
 etiam in marmoribus. 
 
 The numerals used in the manuscripts shew that the manner of 
 counting is that adopted when the alphabet was divided into three 
 parts ; the first eight letters expressing unity, including the episemon 
 ban for the number six ; the next eight letters expressing tens, 
 with the koppa for 90 ; the last eight expressing hundreds, with the 
 sanpi for nine hundred. Different opinions have been entertained 
 respecting the time, when these three episema were introduced as 
 arithmetical marks. That of Corsini appears to be well founded ; 
 we shall mention it presently, having first made some remarks on 
 the more ancient numerals. 
 
 The ancient Attic or Pelasgic alphabet, before the arrival of 
 Cadmus, consisted of sixteen letters. The same alphabet was used 
 by the ancient Latins. The Cadmean was not adopted by them ; 
 for then they would have used the three episema which are of Phoe- 
 nician origin, and were brought by Cadmus ; but they never had 
 these marks ; they adhered faithfully to the Attic form. The argu- 
 ments on this subject may be seen in the dissertation of Bouhierius. 
 What the ancient Latin numerals were we are told by Priscian ; 
 they approached very nearly to the ancient Attic, of which Scaurus has 
 given us this information : Qiioties Atticiuniim notant, literam ponunt , 
 quoniam apud illos fjnu, m dicitur; et lit ttsvte U, Sexa A, sic et bkoctov, 
 id est, centum, H litera notant. The most ancient specimen of this 
 
the Herculanean Manuscripts. 119 
 
 numerical notation, with which we are acquainted, is the Sandwich 
 marble of the 101st Olymp. The Oxford marbles present us with 
 the same numeral characters. To the sixteen characters of the 
 ancient alphabet, Cadmus added tliree, Z, 0, H, and the three charac- 
 ters called episema, Bau, Sanpi, and Koppa. These were not used 
 immediately as arithmetical marks, but were letters. 
 
 From the collation of two passages in Aristophanes, Eccles. v. 680, 
 and Plutus, v. Q'j^, Corsini supposes, contrary to the opinion of 
 Scaliger, that in the 97th Olympiad, when the play of the Conciona- 
 trices was performed, K expressed the number 10, and that there- 
 fore the episemon bau was not then used, but Z instead of it. On 
 this we may remark, that, as we find in the Sandwich marble of the 
 101st Olympiad, the notation alluded to above, there is no reason 
 for supposing that it may not have been used in a period just pre- 
 ceding, in the 97th Olympiad. On this subject great light has been 
 thrown by the labours of Mazzochi, in his dissertations on the 
 Heraclean tables. It appears that in the more ancient money of 
 Crotona, the Koppa was used to express the sound of a letter ; and 
 in the Heraclean tables we find that Bau was not an episemon, but 
 also, as the Koppa, had the sound of a letter. 
 
 The name of this letter was VAV, in Greek (iav ; afterwards, when 
 it ceased to be used in brass or marble, it received the name of the 
 I¥.o\\c digamma. Its first form was E ; the perpendicular line was 
 produced, and it became F, and lastly ?, when it was only numeral. 
 Its power was either a strong aspirate, or as V consonant, as in 
 EETOL, Veins, in the Heraclean tables. Its place was the same 
 in the Greek, as in the Hebrew, Phoenician, and Tuscan alphabets, 
 namely, the sixth. It appears en money in the times of Claudius, 
 Domitian, Trajan, and Hadrian ; on a marble also of the Christian 
 aera, year 75, quoted by Spon, under the form §•. 
 
 The Koppa is used often on money, and under various forms; 
 on marbles, in two instances only. Its form is well described by 
 
120 Pdleographical Obsen<ations on 
 
 Hesychius, in V. xoTnrocrtoi;. o Btrnv a77icrTDKfji.fizvov P Kui L. So the 
 passage should be read according to Mazzochi, as it stands ; and not 
 altered in the manner which Scahger, Salmasius, and others have 
 proposed. The Sanpi has been observed neither on money nor 
 marbles. 
 
 SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 Norwich, June 3, 1809. 
 
 Few EngHsh books were to be obtained in the country where 
 the above dissertation was written ; and it is only since it has been 
 sent to the press, that I liave seen Foster's Essay on Accent and 
 Quantity, and Bishop Horsley's Treatise on the Prosodies of the 
 Greek and Latin Languages, lent to me by my friend Dr. Sayers of 
 this place. 
 
 In the passage of Alexander Aphrodisiensis, which I have cor- 
 rected, I should probably have adopted the emendation of Foster, if 
 
 I had seen it ; tote St^tu koci o ■n-apex.Xo'yta-f^og U7ref3vi. 
 
 Aristophanes of Byzantium is generally said to have introduced 
 accentual marks, and this is given on the authority of Salmasius, 
 Huetius, and Montfaucon ; yet Foster candidly declares, that they say 
 not whence they learnt this. The passage which I have quoted con- 
 cerning the accentuation of auTao by Callimachus (who lived before 
 Aristophanes just mentioned) shews, I think, that there must have 
 been an accented copy of Homer marked by Callimachus. 
 
 Concerning the antiquity of accents, and the position, that the 
 marks w'ere the invention of an earlier age than is generally ima- 
 gined, I shall leave to those who require a proof on this head, 
 the quiet perusal of Bishop Horsley's treatise ; a work of great 
 merit, notwithstanding the objections, specious or sohd, which may 
 be advanced against it. Every thing which came from the pen of 
 that learned prelate indicate him to have been ou Tvxovra. a.v^a,. In 
 the field of controversy he stands unrivalled ; his letters to Priestley, 
 
the Herculanean Manuscripts. 221 
 
 Tov Toi) T1J? uTTKTTixi; (rTroia-acvTcc. 0opl3o^ou, constitute a model in that de- 
 partment of literature. Posterity will pronounce the same opinion 
 with the present age ; Ttji/ vikuo-kv thvro ^^(pov T-Tre^eiSvi. — Phot. Bib. 
 p. 807. 
 
 I shall here subjoin an extract from the Bishop's work : It is 
 difficult Tiot to draw the co7iclusion from the passages that have beeti pro- 
 duced from the writings of Plato and Aristotle, putting together what is 
 said by both of them, that accentuatio7i, as it stood in their time, zvas 
 reduced to a very regular system, aiid to the strictest rules. And it is no 
 less difficult to conceive that this could be done, without zvritten characters 
 of tone, than that grammar could be carried to any good degree of perfec- 
 tion without an alphabet. 
 
 R 
 
C 223 3 
 
 DISSERTATION IX. 
 
 On the Manuscript of Herculaneum entitled ITep/ rm ^icav. 
 
 BY THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM DRUMMOND. 
 
 The treatise of Cicero de Natura Deorum is one of the most finished 
 and agreeable of his philosophical compositions. He there states 
 and refutes the doctrines of the Stoics and Epicureans concern- 
 ing the divine nature, with so much learning, argument, and elo- 
 quence, that the work might easily be supposed to have been written 
 by a man who had passed the whole of his life in the study of philo- 
 sophy. It seems, indeed, difficult to understand how the most bril- 
 liant orator, the busiest pleader, and one of the most active politi- 
 cians in Rome, who conversed and corresponded with so many 
 friends, who struggled against so many enemies, and who was 
 either courted or persecuted by so many factions, should have 
 found leisure to make himself so accurately acquainted with the most 
 abstruse subjects in metaphysics, and with the most subtle questions 
 which were agitated in the schools of Greece. Cicero, it is true, had 
 studied for a short period at Athens, and was accustomed to listen to 
 Diodotus, Philo, Antiochus, and Posidonius, who were admitted 
 among the number of \\\sf ami Hares ; but when we consider the extent 
 and precision of his knowledge, and especially the clearness, justness, 
 and beauty of his definitions, we shall probably admire how all this 
 
On the Manuscript of Herculaneum, &c. ^z^ 
 
 learning was acquired in his casual conversations with a few philo- 
 sophical friends. 
 
 These difficulties may be in great measure removed by supposing 
 that the Roman orator translated, or compiled, his books from 
 Greek originals, all of which were eclipsed by the lustre of his 
 eloquence^ and which have since been lost and forgotten. The 
 manuscript, which is the subject of our consideraton, and which 
 forms only the fragment of a large work, may be adduced in sup- 
 port of this opinion. The commencement of it seems to have been 
 the prototype of a considerable part of the speech of Velleius ; for it 
 would be idle to suppose that the Greek author was the plagiarist. 
 Who would venture to offer for his own what had been already said 
 by Tully ? 
 
 The fragment before us, then, contains the sentiments of an Epi- 
 curean, concerning the system of theism professed by the Stoics. 
 From the first part of it, Cicero has taken the 14th, 15th, and 16th 
 chapters of his first book de Natwa Deorwn ; but towards the con- 
 clusion of the manuscript, I find the charge of atheism urged against 
 the Stoics with a vehemence which has been avoided by the Roman 
 orator. A disciple of the new academy cannot be supposed to be 
 very desirous of giving too much weight to an accusation which 
 many may be apt to bring against himself ; for mankind in general 
 will never be satisfied with the faith of a philosopher, who refuses 
 to affirm, or to deny, and who always speaks of what is probable, 
 and never of what is certain. On the other hand, the Stoics and 
 the Epicureans, who made lofty pretensions to popular applause, as 
 the philosophical expounders of the popular religion, loudly accused 
 each other of that atheism, of which both affected to be abhorrent, 
 and of which both were indubitably culpable. The atheism of the 
 Epicureans seems not to have been questioned by any men of learn- 
 ing, though their exoteric doctrines were so well disguised as not to 
 offend the vulgar. The Romans, who heard with indignation of the 
 profanation of an idle mystery by Clodius, received with admiration 
 
■:^3 
 
 224 On the Manuscript of Herculaneum 
 
 the splendid blasphemies of Lucretius. Since the establishment of 
 Christianity, the atomical physiology, with all its absurd concomitants, 
 has been fully unveiled. Gassendus, indeed, endeavoured to revive 
 the physics of Epicurus, but he shrunk from the task of defending 
 his religious principles, which have been so severely stigmatized by 
 the eloquent Lactantius. More indulgence has been shewn to the 
 Stoics. Lipsius and Gataker have appeared as their advocates ; 
 Cudworth affirms, that though they were corporealists, they were 
 not atheists ; and Burgman defends them against that charge of 
 hyloism, which has become the sin of Spinosa. It is easy, how- 
 ever, to see that all these illustrious men have been deceived by the 
 specious professions of the philosophers of the Porch, who, while they 
 admitted the efficacy of Providence ( vpovotx ) , and the reason wliich 
 belonged to their igneous god, yet held that Providence to proceed 
 from fate, that reason to result from physical organization, and that 
 god to be no pure intelligence, no free agent, and no independent 
 being. The god of the Stoics was of corporeal substance, inseparable 
 from matter, the immediate cause indeed of reason and of life, yet 
 derived from physical necessity, to which both god and nature are 
 eternally subordinate. 
 
 It is my intention in this dissertation to offer a few comments on 
 the fragment before us. The reader, I trust, will have no difficulty 
 in finding the places referred to in the copy already filled up by the 
 academicians of Portici. 
 
 ■y Page 1, line 12. — AXXcc oiejui XpV(rnf7rog to ttuv STriSiuKpivuv, ev tu Trpuju 
 <7rtpi ^euv, oix^py\6viv tijv cppevx ttxvJuv, xa; Trccvja Xoyov, x.a.i Tr;v ra oXn i\/v^viv, 
 Kui T1) Tif]sf f^iv 4"^%'? "■«"']« 7rav7a%» ytvsirQoci ^£ov, kui rag Xf^a?.] Com- 
 pare this sentence with the following extracts : Ait enini (Chrysippus ) 
 vim divinam in ratione esse positam, et universes naturce animo, atque 
 mente; ipsumque mundum, deum dicit esse, et ejus animi fusionem uni- 
 versam, &c. (Cicero de Nat. Deor.) Ovcrtxv Se ^ea Xyivuv (pfia-t tov oXov 
 Koa-fAov, Kxi TOV apotvov, ofA,oiug Se xoct Xpv(ri7r7rog ev tu im Trspt ^euv. (Diog. 
 J^aert. in Zenone.) O/ l^utxot Koivojepov Qiov oiTrocpuivovloit Trup t^xvikov^ o^u 
 
entitled Tlept tuv ^euv. 225 
 
 {caht^ov, ETTi y£vt(rei TCO(r^\s B[A,7Tepiii\yiipo]og ttocvIx^ t«? (r7rep[zixjt)C}sg Koyisg, aa.^' 
 a; BKocgcc Kcx,^ eif^oipjj.sv'yiv yivejoii. Koct •rrvsvu.oi usv oivjkov ot oXa m n-ocr^jm, rxg oe 
 TTpoa-riyopicx.g [^fjot,\ix,i/,(3ocvov ot oXvj; Trig uXti;, St' Tig )C£%wp*j!i£< TtxpuXXoc^it. ^iov 
 OS Koct Tov KO(r[A,ov, Koci rug xg^spotg, y,xi T171/ yviv, rov tjcvulotjco ttccvJuv vysv, ev 
 
 ai^ept. (Plutarch de placit. Pbilosophor.) The Stoics admitted two 
 principles, the active and the passive, God and matter: Aoke; h 
 uvjotg, says Laertius, ocpy/ng eivxt Tuv oXuv OHO, TO TToiysv, nai to TTctcr'/Qv. to 
 usv av TToitr^ov eivui, tvjv octtoiov aciaiv, Tip) uXijv, rode TTcmv, tov ev ctujri Xoyov 
 TOV ^Bov. But this doctrine contains the very essence of Spinosism ; 
 for, according to the Stoics, tieque eniin materiam ipsam coharere potuisse, 
 si nulla vi contineretur, neque vim sine aliqua materia. Again, they 
 sometimes considered God only as a part of nature. Ita isti, says 
 Lactantius, uno naturce nomine res diversissimas comprehenderunt Deum, 
 et mundum, artificem et opus. At other times they confounded God 
 v/ith nature, as may be seen in the writings of Seneca, and espe- 
 cially in Qncest. Natur. 1. ii. c. 7 and 9. 
 
 Page 1, line 24. — Ato xui Zriva, &c.] By Jupiter the Stoics un- 
 derstood that vis physica, which in fact was their god, and which was 
 known by different names, according to the phcsnomena. Thus the 
 great agent in nature, materially considered, is the eether, which is 
 also called Jupiter ; — when the mechanical power, which produces 
 change in the universe, is the object of attention, the vis cstema et 
 physica still receives the name of Jupiter ; — but Jupiter also repre- 
 sents the reasonable nature, which is the same with fatal necessity. 
 Chrysippus disputat, cethera esse eum, qiiem homines Jovem appellarent ; 
 quique aer per maria manaret, eum esse Neptunum : terramque earn esse 
 quce Ceres diceretur : similique ratione persequitur vocabula reliquorum 
 Deorum. Idemque etiam legis perpetuce, et <^terna vim, qiue quasi dux 
 vita, et magistra officiorum sit, Jove^n dicit esse, eandemque fata/em 
 necessitatem appellat, sempiternam rerum Juturarum veritatem : quorum 
 nihil tale est, ut in eo vis divina inesse videaiur. (Cicer. de Natur. 
 Deor, L. i, ) E«va< oe tov pciv, irjfjitovpyov tuv oXuv, kcci u(nTBp Trcqi^a Travjuv, 
 
226 On the Manuscript of Herculaneum 
 
 KOivug TS, Koii TO [/.spog avja to oiyiKOv Six ttuvJui', o -KoKXciiq Trpoo'Tiyopixig 
 'TTpotTovofJixCilai Kccjx Txg ouva.fA£i(;. Aix f/.Bv yap <fa<n, oi ov tk TTOivJK. Xvjvx 
 Sb KuXaa-i, TTotp otrov th (^r;v aijtoq eg'iv, ij Six ra 'Qffl xs^upvjKBv, &C. — Laert. 
 Diog. 1. vii. 
 
 Page 1. line 30. — Kat yju xvxXyov euca^eo-Sa; rov Atx, &C.^ We 
 find from Stoba^us, that Zeno considered matter as the primceval 
 essence [oua-ixv nvxi rov ruv ovjuv TToivjav TTpulirjv uXijv ) ; an eternal whole, 
 incapable of augmentation, or of diminution (ravlviv h TTxa-av aiSiov, 
 if7e TrXetu yiyvopievyiv, ifje tjXccJIu). Seneca makes it a question, whether 
 God can perform what he wishes, and whether even what is bad may 
 not proceed from the great artificer, no7i quia cessat ars, sed quia id in 
 quo exercetur inobsequens arti est. But the real doctrine of the Stoics 
 is better expressed in the text ; for Jupiter, who here represents 
 physical necessity, cannot possibly be disturbed. Chrysippus, in his 
 definitions, says, Yt^upiJisvvi t^iv th nocfin Xoyog, ^ vo[/,o; tuv ovlcav ev rco 
 KO(rf/.co, Trpovoicc cioi,Kiifjt,£vuv. tj Xoyog kuQ ov roc, [/.ev yeyovoja, yeyove, tx ae 
 yivousvx, yivejxi, rx Se yswiiTOfjuevx yevnja-ejxi. The rest of the StoicS de- 
 fined necessity to be the eternal series, order, and concatenation of 
 causes. It does not occur to me, that I have seen this quiescent 
 state attributed elsewhere to Jupiter by the Stoics ; but the doctrine 
 necessarily results from their philosophy. 
 
 Page 2. line 8. — Kxi f/,vi smxt ^Bovg appevxg f^rih ^yjXeixg, &C.J — The 
 
 Epicureans accused the Stoics of rejecting tlie theogony of Hesiod. 
 In affecting to admit it themselves, they shewed more art than 
 good faith, or sound philosophy. The whole of this passage (from 
 p. 2. 1. 8, to the bottom of the same page) is a fair exposition of 
 the doctrine of the Stoics, who only termed those things sexual which 
 really are so, and who held it to be puerile to be so misled by any 
 metaphorical language, as to mistake cities, rivers, places, or affec- 
 tions of the mind, for gods. The gods, or rather the names of the 
 gods, were expressive of peculiar states of being, of nature under 
 various aspects, of existence, moral and physical, of substance and its 
 accidents, of matter and its powers. 
 
entitled Ylspi rm ^euv. 9.'2.'J 
 
 Page 2, ]. 15. — KoiQoiTrsp o-£Xiji/>ji/, &c.J Compare this with what 
 is said by Laertius, 1. vii. ; and see also how splendidly this doctrine 
 is illustrated by Cicero, de Natur. Deor. 1. ii. 
 
 Page 2, line 21. — Kai xpovov ociuviov ra pBUfiocjo? poov.'^ This is ex- 
 pressed with the ore rotundo of the Greeks ; but I doubt whether 
 cauviov be well supplied. 
 
 Page 2, hne 24.— ^/« h tov ui^epa,, &c.^ It is easy to under- 
 stand here, that the Stoics, in contemplating universal nature, con- 
 sidered the Pagan gods as types of various pluenomena. Vulcan 
 represented fire, Rhea the earth, Jupiter the cether, &c. But, ac- 
 cording to these same Stoics, Jupiter was the same with fate, god, 
 and mind, and yet he was the air which surrounds the earth, which 
 air, the Stoics said, was represented by Juno. Ef n stvut ^eov, kxi v\sv, 
 Koci eipcappcEvi^v, xixt Ai«, &C. (^Laert. Diog. 1. vii.) Hpav Se Ka^aT^v e;j 
 aspa. (Laei't. ibid.) Ka< Atx fA.iv eivca tov Trept Trjv yv\v aspoc.. (MS. p. 3. 
 
 1. i. ) All this seems contradictory. The explanation, however, is 
 simple enough, because the Stoics, who affected to contemplate God 
 in all things, were indifferent to the name by which they recognised 
 him. Fis Deumfatum vocare ? non errabis, says Seneca, hie est ex quo 
 suspensd sunt omnia, causa causarum. Vis ilium providentiam ? recte 
 dices. Est enim- hujus consilio huic mundo providatur iit inconcussus est, 
 et actus suos explicet. Vis naturam vocare ? non peccabis. Est enim ex 
 quo nata sunt omnia, cujus spiritu vivimus. Vis mundum ? Ipse est 
 enifn totum quod vides, totus suis partibus inditus, et se sustinens vi sua. 
 &eov Tcoii ■x.oG'^ov, Koci ug'epoii;, xui rriv yviv XeyHCi. tov ob oivujoilu Troivjuv, vav ev 
 at^Bpi. — [Plutarch, de placit. Philosophor . ) We must beware, how- 
 ever, of being misled by any of these expressions into an admission, 
 that the Stoics were real theists. Even Spinosa says, cogitatio attri- 
 butum Dei est. They who deny free agency to the Deity, and who 
 do not consider the supreme intellect as independent of all other 
 existence, are little further removed from atheism than Hylus, who 
 has pleaded the cause of materialism in my Academical Questions. 
 
228 On the Manuscript of Herculaneum 
 
 Page 3, line 9. Ka* tov tjXiov [^sv, kxi rriv a-i\y\vr,v, koci r^f acXXisi; 
 
 ag-spotg Qeni ot{]oit, kki tov ropoi/.^ The Stoics held that the sun was 
 formed of a fiery matter endowed with intellect, and proceeding 
 from the sea (o< I^uikoi avxi^fix voepov ex 9-aXa77ij?, &c. ), and Posi- 
 donius more explicitly and remarkably said, that the sun was an in- 
 telligent flame proceeding out of the great sea : Tov [/.sv viXiov, ex. rrig 
 fiByaikyji; ^ccXoiJlrii voBpov ovja, ai/asjttjttfls. Porphyry, de Antro Nympharum, 
 writes, roig VcL-KQ Tyii '^ooa;, tjXtov fiiv TpKpeaScct tx tijj 0.7:0 rrji ^ot.Xa(r(Ty\g 
 ecvocfx,v9tx(reug iootcei. (reXrivviv dex tuu Trriyxiuv kxi 7rojx[A,iuv uSocjuV TxS'x^poc, 
 UTfo rrii ex yyjg uvxdufAixa-eug. xxt oix nsla xjjljjlx fjuiv voepov etvxi tov vjXiov ex 
 ^xXXaa-iriij;' riji/ Ss ceXvivifjv, ex 'rrojxy.tuv vSxjuv Tag S'x^epxg, ef xvx^V[>i.ia(rBug 
 Tiig oiTTo Tfi; yvii;. Pliny says, sed in dulcibus aqiiis lunce alimentum esse, 
 sicut in marinis soils. Macrobius observes, Ides enim sicut et Posido- 
 nius et Cleanthes affirmant solis meatus a plaga quce usta dicitur non 
 I'ecedit, quia sub ipsa airiit oceanus, qui terrani ambit etdividit. Omnium 
 autem physicorum assertione constat calorem humore nutriri. This is 
 then the old doctrine of water being the principle of all things, 
 strangely confounded by the Stoics with their own system. Their 
 notions concerning the planets may be understood from Cicero de 
 Natur. Deor. 1. ii. They in general supposed the stars to be spherical 
 like the world, the sun, and the moon; but Cleanthes fancied them of 
 a conical form : 0< ^aixot (npaioixisg Tag xg'spxg, xx9x7reo xo(7fx,ov, xxt yjXiov, 
 xa icreXvivviv, KXexvdi/ig xuvoiiSeig. Plutarch de placit. Philosopher. They 
 thought, however, that the earth was immovable : xxt tvjv ytjv xxtv^ov 
 acrav. Laert. It was their common opinion that the stars were formed 
 of fire, or sether. Posidonius, according to Stobseus, defined a star ; 
 (TWjiia ^uov, eI ai^ipog avvi^yjxog, a divine body constituted out of aether. 
 Cleanthes held the stars to be wholly of fire : Sidera esse tot a ignea, 
 duorum sensuum testimonio conjirmari Cleanthes putat, tactuset oculorum. 
 Cic. Others thought them solid and terrene ; which opinion, Lipsius 
 observes, was derived from Thales. See the surmises of Seneca, 
 Quast. 7. c. 1. and 11, c. 5., and of Pliny, l.ii. 0.9. The Stoics held 
 
entitled nep tuv ^buv. 129 
 
 the stars to be sentient and intelligent. The definition given by 
 Zeno of the sun, moon, and stars, was as follows: Tov yjXwv kca t^jk 
 
 treXifjvyiv, kki tuu uXXcov utrjpuv ey.ag'ov, sivoa voepov, (ppoviiJ!,ov, TTUpiuiov Trup, oig 
 
 Ti-xyMov ; the sun and moon, and each of the other stars, are an intelligent, 
 prudent, fiery fire, as being technical. This is at least whimsical. 
 Concerning the moon, their physics were as erroneous as their meta- 
 physics. They said that she is larger than the earth, which proves 
 that they could not take her paralax, though the method of finding 
 the moon's paralax must have been known to the Egyptians, and 
 probably to some of the Greeks. According to Diogenes Laertius, 
 Thales had calculated that the orb of the moon is seven hundred and 
 twenty times less than that of the sun, and this proves that Thales 
 and his Egyptian masters must have made efforts to take the para - 
 laxes of both these luminaries. It may be suspected, however, that 
 Diogenes was not rightly informed upon this point. The Egyptians 
 calculated the diameter of the sun to be the seven hundred and 
 fiftieth part of his orbit ; and this calculation comes so nearly to the 
 truth, as to make it difficult to conceive, how such accurate astronomers 
 should have erred by at least one half in estimating the relative 
 sizes of the sun and moon. Upon this subject, however, the error 
 of Eudoxus seems altogether extraordinary, and shows with many 
 other things, that the Greeks were children in science, when 
 compared with the Chaldeans and Egyptians. Eudoxus— the most 
 learned of the Greek mathematicians of his time, the friend and 
 disciple of that divine Plato, who was the admirer of geometry, 
 and who, if I do not forget, has somewhere called God the great 
 Geometer— asserted that the sun's diameter was only nine times 
 greater than that of the moon. Thus already in the time of Plato 
 was the astronomical knowledge, which Thales and Pythagoras 
 had brought into Europe, neglected, and perhaps contemned by the 
 philosophers of Greece. In the school of Alexandria, it is true, the 
 Greeks began again to study astronomy upon surer principles. 
 
 S 
 
130 On the Manuscript of Herculaneum 
 
 About one hundred and fifty years after the death of Zeno, the cele- 
 brated Hipparchiis proposed a method for finding the paralax of the 
 sun. This method is certainly ingenious ; and Hipparchus probably 
 owed it to the Egyptians ; but the light of Egyptian science was 
 nearly extinguished, and the philosophers of Alexandria saw only by 
 the dying gleamings of the lamp, when the last drop of oil was ex- 
 hausting, and the wick was burning out. 
 
 The Stoics attributed lunar eclipses to the intervention of tlie earth 
 between the sun and the moon. I doubt, however, whether they 
 could calculate eclipses. Aristotle says, that there had been only 
 three Greek philosophers before his time who possessed this science ; 
 and I suspect that the Stoics were incompetent to the task of reviving 
 it. When we state all that may be said in their favour, we shall be 
 enabled to judge more accurately. We have seen above, that Clean- 
 thes said that the heavenly bodies were of a conical form ; but this 
 error is evidently to be attributed to those who have told the story ; 
 for Cleanthes must have meant to speak of their shadows, and this is 
 strictly true. Again, we learn from Laertius, that they were aware 
 of the obliquity of tlie moon's course. They knew that her orbit 
 was not coincident with the plane of the ecliptic, that no eclipse could 
 happen when she was not in or near her nodes, and that there could 
 be no lunar echpse when she was not in opposition. They, however, 
 who foretel eclipses with precision must know something more. It 
 does not appear, either from Stobeeus or Laertius, that the Stoics knew 
 by how many degrees the moon's orbit was ever at any time, either 
 depressed below, or raised above the plane of the ecliptic ; within 
 what number of degrees may be the sun's and moon's places from 
 the nodes at the time of an eclipse ; nor, finally, what is the motion 
 of the moon's nodes. 
 
 Page 3. line 16. Ei/ ^s ru ^evjtpu, &c.] — Et hcec qiiidem in primo 
 libro de natura Deorum ; in secufido autem vult Orphei, Miiscei, Hesiodi, 
 Homerique fabellas accommodare ad ea, quce ipse primo libro de diii 
 
entitled Ilefx tuv ^iuv. lai 
 
 immortalibus dixerit; ut etiam veterrimi poetce , qui hcec ne quidem suspi- 
 cati sint, Stoicijuisse videantur. — ( Cicero de Natura Deorum). 
 
 Page 3. line 26. Attccv -yap e^iv ai^yip, &c.] — The Stoics held that 
 the elements were generated out of that asther, of which were con- 
 stituted the sun, the moon, the stars, and the gods. Of the three 
 regions of air, which they supposed to environ the world, the ex- 
 ternal was fiery, or ^etherial ; and the mixtion of elements, and the 
 forms of things, had no other source than this primary sether. All 
 bodies, then, which are formed of elements, are subject to generation 
 and corruption. The sther alone is ingenerate and incorruptible. 
 But as all corporeal things have their origin in the sether, as it both 
 exists in them, and contains them ; and finally, as the whole universe 
 must resolve itself at length into Jupiter, who is the aether, and who 
 is at once the cause and the effect, Cleantlies might consistently say 
 of this same cether, that it was the father and the son. But it is evi- 
 dent, that this cEther of the Stoics was very similar to that which 
 Empedocles likewise called Jupiter, and to that primordial fire which 
 was the god of Heraclitus. ^ther, or fire, however, must still be 
 material, and as the universe was considered as a whole, or as parts 
 of it only were contemplated, Rhea might be called the mother, or 
 the daughter of Jupiter. For the material principle, the original 
 matter, or TrpcSIyi uAt?, is eternal and primordial, and Rhea, considered 
 as such, is in fact the mother of Jupiter, and the principle of that 
 reasoning and artificial fire, or aether, which the Stoics called the 
 Deity. When, however, Rhea was finitely contemplated, as in any 
 particular body, (in the earth, for example, of which she was mytho- 
 logically the representative,) she was called the daughter of Jupiter, 
 because every individual thing receives its form and actual existence 
 by the operation of the to rexvy^ov -nv^, whicli is the same with the aether. 
 Page 4. line 12. Ta 'TrxpocTrXrio-ia,, &c.] — I confess it does not appear 
 to me to be quite clear, whether the author is speaking here of 
 Cleanthes, or of Chrysippus, though I rather think of the latter. 
 
132 On the Manuscript of Herculaneum 
 
 The list which Fabricius has given of the writings of the former is as 
 full, as that which he has given of the books of the latter is imper- 
 fect. In the list of the writings of Cleanthes no mention is made by 
 any author, as far as I know, of a work entitled Trep* (pva-eug, whereas 
 the works of Chrysippus concerning physics, physical theses, and 
 physical questions, have been cited and mentioned by Laertius and 
 Plutarch. Again, Cleanthes, of whom our anonymous author had 
 been speaking above, wrote a book 7rep< upiluv ; but Chrysippus wrote 
 de providentia. See Fabricius, vol. ii. and Stanley's Lives of the 
 Philosophers. There can be no doubt that the philosophy of the 
 Stoics resembled that of Heraclitus, for Cleanthes, as Gassendus has 
 marked, wrote four books tuv HpxKXBij^ s^'/iyyiasuv ; but I have no 
 where seen the resemblance so strongly stated as in the manuscript 
 before us. With respect to Heraclitus, little is known concerning 
 his obscure philosophy, unless it be that he held fire to be the great 
 efficient principle in the universe. He wrote only one book Trepf 
 (pva-eug. He appears to liave been well instructed m physics ; but his 
 arrogance is strongly characterised by Proclus ; «AX' H^aKXiijog [/.bu 
 
 eixvjov Travjci sioevcci Xsyuv, 'ttkvJu; thi; ccXXng ocvSTrig-rjf^ovxg ijiroist. Aristotle 
 
 and Demetrius Phalerius have both censured the obscurity of his 
 
 style. Aristot. Rhetor. 1. 3. c, 5. Demeir. de Elocut. c. iq6. See 
 
 Fabricius, vol. 1. Plutarch de Placitis Philosophorum , and Laert. 
 Diogen. in vita Heracliti. 
 
 Page 5. line 9. Ka< to, tuv 6buv ovof^LKJcn, &C.3 — For ttj? Speijxuj'^og 
 
 uTToXuvm KKUTTicijui, which I fiiid in the text, I would read, tt^ J)s£;jWu7'?7o? 
 
 oc'jToXa.vuv ccKcoTTux.g'cog. 
 
 Page .5. line 14. Aioyevvii; S'o (^u^vXavioq, &c.^ — Quem Diogenes Baby- 
 lonius consequens in eo libro, qui inscribitur de Minerva, partum jfovis, 
 ortumque virginis ad physiologiam traducens, dejungit ajabula. Cicero 
 de Natur. Deor. This Diogenes was also a Stoic. He accompanied 
 Carneades and Critolaus to Rome, where de died. 
 
 Page 5. line 16. Tov koo-j^ov y^oc<pu tu Ail, &c.^ — Compare this 
 
entitled Uepi tuv ^luv. 1 33 
 
 wvh the opinions generally attributed to the Stoics by Diogenes Laer- 
 tius, {Aicc yxp ij.ev ^ocrt, &c. 1. vii.) and by Cicero de Natur Deor. 1. ii. 
 P?ga 5. line 22. Ka; tov tiMov iMv AvroXXca, &cj— Sallust the philo- 
 sopher, speaking of the notion of the Stoics concerning the nature 
 
 of the gods, says, AttoXXuvcx, yxg zxt AfJ£[^iv <xv]i riXm kui (rsA-^vijj X'l^Trjeov. 
 Jam Apollinis no): en, says Cicero, est Grcecum ; quern solem esse 
 volujit; Di'anam autem et lu7iatn eande7n esse put ant. 
 
 Page 5. line 24,. K«< tov A/« jW»i ^\j(r&tv 9-eouf aXXajpiag ouS eio-Xyi\\jBiv.'2 — 
 
 When Jupiter was considered as the setherial and intelligent prin- 
 ciple by the Stoics, they held that he could not be confounded with 
 the otlier gods; for though the £ether pervades all things, it is dis- 
 tinct from all. Damascenus therefore rightly expressed the senti- 
 ments of the Stoics, when he said that God pervades all things, but 
 
 without mixtion. Aujo? ^eo? Sm iravlm afiiyug SiriKSi, &C. 
 
 Page 5. line 27. Kai uhvulov siv»t, &c.^ — It is impossible, according 
 to Diogenes, that such portions of Jupiter, that is to say of aether, as 
 are distributed in the other elements, the sea, the earth, and the air, 
 should be called Neptune, Ceres, or Juno, in the same manner as 
 Pluto. The meaning seems to be, that he thought the intelligent 
 fiery element to be always distinct from the others ; and that the 
 matter, which could think, was never to be confounded with that 
 which could not. 
 
 Page 5. line 31. Uoa-etSuvx.'^ — The Stoics derived this word from 
 -TToa-ig. PJato (in Craiyb) gives an etymology almost as absurd. We 
 know from Herodotus (in Euterpe) that Uoo-bi^uv was an African god ; 
 and consequently we may suppose his name to have been originally 
 Punic. Bochart derives it from lum, pesitan ; quod latum el expan- 
 sum sonat. I think this cannot be accurate. The word should rather 
 have been written ]n::'2, if indeed there can be such a word. The 
 truth is, that Pcest, or Pceston, was the African name of Uocth^uv ; 
 because the Greeks changed the Phoenician name of the city of Pcest 
 into Posido7iium, and the Latins revived the ancient name, and again 
 
134 On the Manuscript oj Heradaneum 
 
 called it Pastum. I derive noasiSuv from |^l^^"ti'"lD, pos-adon, dominus 
 abujidantice. The river Pishon, or Pison, was so called from the 
 abundance of its waters ; for Pliny states that its copious stream is 
 supplied by nineteen rivers which fall into it. The authors of the 
 Talmud, if I do not err, have called this river the \L'^^ Pos; and they 
 fable it to be one of those which watered the garden of Eden. Sca- 
 liger calls it 7rXuf/.iA,vpKv, from the lakes, and marshes, which it pro- 
 duces in its coui"se. We see, then, that this word pos, is peculiarly 
 applied to the abundance of waters ; and it would thus seem that the 
 title of the Lord of many waters is implied in the compound word 
 pos-adon. — I am of opinion, however, that the Phoenicians and Car- 
 thaginians, more commonly called Neptune by the name of Pieston, 
 or Piston, from |"!2 spargere, diffundere, and |1K 50/— that is, the solar 
 orb was thus adored as the god who spreads and diffuses the waters. 
 The Sol mariniis was worshipped by the Syrians, Phoenicians, and 
 Chaldeans. [See the Pantheon Hebrceorum, and Selden de Dis Syris). 
 Page 5. line q^. L^vi^vil^u.^ — Plato's etymology of this word is as 
 unhappy as the rest. Sextus Empiricus says better, vj yocp Arif^'^vip, 
 
 Page 6. line 1. UXh%'.c<..'J^-The Greek names of the gods are 
 generally corruptions from the Phoenician and Egyptian. Most of 
 those gods were symbols of the sun. In my explanation of a 
 Punic inscription found at Malta, I have shown, that On (written ^^\ 
 An in Arabic and Persian ) signified the sun. Now though it may be 
 objected to me, that uv is a common termination of many Greek 
 names, where there could be no such allusion ; yet I think, that in 
 the names of the gods, uv was generally significative of the solar 
 orb. Pos adon, as I have said above, may be rendered the Lord of 
 majiy waters; but ado7i, which came at length to signify Lord, is a 
 compound word composed of had, or ad, unus, and on, sol. The 
 learned Bryant is right in thinking that ad, which signifies imus, was 
 often employed {or primus ; but it is very strange that he should not 
 
entitled Uepi ruv ^-euv. 135 
 
 have discovered the origin of this word. Ahad signifies unus, and is 
 often written had, which may easily have been softened into ad; and 
 we shall also find abundance of examples where it is used as the or- 
 dinal number. — (See Gen. i. 5. and Dan. i. 21.). It also signifies 
 the sok, or si?!g/e. — (^See Gen. xix. 9.) With these preliminary 
 remarks we shall easily translate any of the words in which it 
 comes in composition. Adon is sol iinus, or sol solus. Ador is 
 lux unus, or lux primus. Adad, or Hadad is primus twice repeated ; 
 for as Bryant justly observes, the Ampnians generally formed their 
 superlative by repeating the positive ; and Adad consequently means 
 princeps principum, or princeps maximus. 
 
 I shall have to contend in another place with the Hebrew critics, 
 who have objected to the radical On, and signifying the sun, being 
 introduced into proper names. My task is more difficult here in pre- 
 tending that it may be found in the Greek. I shall therefore only 
 suggest a very few instances in which I think I shall be found to be 
 right. 
 
 Vossius brings hiroxxuv from aQ'/iXioi;, and Bryant from Ab-El-Eon 
 pater, deus, sol. The ancient Romans, as Vossius states, called 
 Apollo, Apello ; and it seems not unlikely that the mutable letters 
 € and tt, may have been changed for each other. If I were to adopt 
 this supposition, however, I should choose a simpler etymology than 
 Bryant has done, and read Ab-Elion ]vbil'2i'i pater summits ; or if we 
 resolve elion into its radicals, I should read pater, summus sol. But I 
 would rather derive AttoKXuv from p-'7i:i<— that is, sol caliginis , or sol 
 obscuratus. Apollo was peculiarly the emblem of the sun, when 
 that luminary comes shrouded in clouds, and when famine and pesti- 
 lence go forth upon the earth. We may observe, that when 
 Homer describes Apollo as proceeding to inflict the plague upon the 
 Greeks, he says, l\li vvkJi eoiKu?. Now Homer was born in Asia 
 Minor, and he might have been acquainted with the Phoenician lan- 
 guage ; and p-'?2J^ may have suggested an image, which cannot be 
 
13^ On the Manuscript of Herculaneum. 
 
 sufficiently admired, but which seems to me to be yet more beautiful 
 if Apollo originally signified the shrouded sun . 
 
 Hyperioti was a solar symbol, or more truly one of the names 
 given to the sun. It has been idly referred to the Greek, and sup- 
 posed to be compounded of uTrep above and luv going ; and thus indi- 
 cating the sun in his diurnal course. I conceive it to be synonymous 
 with ]yhi!. Ion, as I have shown elsewhere, was one of the appella- 
 tions of the sun. 
 
 Phaeton, or Pliaethon, a much mistaken personage, says Bryant, 
 was an ancient title of the sun, a compound of Phi-Ath-On. Pi, or 
 Phi, observes this author, was the Egyptian and Cuthite article ; and 
 was in use among several nations of the East. I am surprised that 
 Bryant did not refer his readers to Kircher, who gives the fullest 
 evidence upon this subject. With respect to the word ath, or aith, 
 it is likewise remarkable, that Bryant did not trace it to the Hebrew 
 U,'^, i. e. ash, ignis. The Hebrew shin was so frequently converted 
 into a tau by other nations, that it can scarcely be doubted that ath 
 and ash are the same : for the rest, the etymology given by this very 
 learned man appears to me to be just. 
 
 Phlegethon was one of the rivers which divided the infernal regions, 
 and was fancied by the poets to be a torrent of liquid fire, because 
 the Gntculi derive it from cpxeyu. I believe it to be a compound 
 word— phe/eg-Ethon, the river of Ethon — (a title of the sun) —or per- 
 haps, if this river must be of fire, pheleg-eth-On, the river of jire de- 
 rived from the sun. Pheleg ib^ signifies a river as expressing its divi- 
 sion of the land through which it flows. Its use in this sense, how- 
 ever, is sufficiently common □"'IS ^12 □"'n'?^^ :h^. The river of God 
 is full of water. Psalm Ixv. 9. 
 
 Phlegon, one of the horses of the sun, likewise derived by the 
 Gmcu/i from (pXiyu. I read \y}'i^ pars or parlitio solis. 
 
 Bryant says that Uch, Tn, expressed also Ach, Och, 0%«, was a 
 term of honour among the Babylonians, and the rest of the progeny 
 
entitled nsp* tuv ^iuv. 137 
 
 of Chus. This great etymologist has, however, neglected to state 
 the origin of the word, which is nothing else than in^ written per 
 apocopen riK, and which signifies unus, or primus, and thence princeps. 
 It was also sometimes written nns, thus nn^* nDti* labium unum. ( Gen. 
 xi. 1.) When we meet with the name of Actceon, therefore, I read 
 pXTiriK sol princeps. Achorus is T^'^-V,'^ primus lux, or sol princeps, and 
 not sol magnus, as Bryant has rendered it. 
 
 Bellerophon is composed of various names and attributes of the sun, 
 h^l dominus, -\y^ lux, mx serpens, or Pytho, and |^^5 sol. 
 
 Yix^uv was the type of the sun retiring from the upper hemi- 
 sphere, after the autumnal equinox — it is a compound word ]1"l}'7D sol 
 effugiens. 
 
 Page 6, line 2. Xl? v.xv iroKKa.y.iq a.v;p Xey/j t(? spBiu Hpa.^ — Diogenes 
 Laertius writes, Hp«v Se, kccJx ttiv sig ocepx. Plato says, Hpa. Ss u; epotji} 
 t;?, oKnTipav Koct Xsyfjoct o Zeu; a,vjrjg spxg-rjg £%eii'. — ktw; as fjt.f\zupoXoyuv o vouo- 
 ^ejt!? Tov ocepo!. Hpxv cavo^ocinv B7nicpv7fjo[/,ivog, Seig ttiv xpyy) i-rrt Ti'kB\)]viv. Sal- 
 lust the philosopher, and Cicero de Natiira Deonan, speak to the 
 same effect. ( According to Homer, Juno was bound by Jupiter in 
 golden chains. See also Phurnutus de Natura Deoru7n.) But Hpa 
 and Juno, which names were thus explained by the Stoics, were both 
 derived from the Phoenician, for "i\S aor, lux, is evidently the root of 
 Hpa, afp, oipx, and many other Greek vocables. Juno is not from 
 juvando, but from Zana, or Jana. Zan, in the ^olian dialect, was 
 Jupiter (and Zana was the wife of Jupiter. ) See Porphyry's life of 
 Pythagoras. lamblichus, in his life of the same philosopher, has 
 likewise given the name of Zan to Jupiter. It is strange that it 
 should not have been perceived by Bryant, that Son and Zan 
 were corruptions of \)X'r\\, which is nothing else than riXwg, and Za?ta 
 is ^^3S"^T which answers to ri (reXrivTi. Ana was certainly Phoenician 
 for the moon. The Hebrew word is TM'dl lebana : and this is evi- 
 dently a contraction for X3J<33'7 lebanana, luna Candida. On, Un, An, 
 in the ancient oriental languages, signified the sun ; Ona, Una, Ana, 
 
 T 
 
 vzn-viA,' 
 
 JnA^t' Ayi 
 
1 38 On the Manuscript of Herculaneum 
 
 the moon. Ajia in Shanscrit means mother. May not this be the 
 same with Ana, Luna, who was also the magna mater, and the mater 
 Deorum ? 
 
 Page 6, hne 4,. Ou^e/? tov aepa, Adrjvxv. nijo yxp Keysa-Qxi to ez t»jj AS-ijXijj , 
 x«< Ziv; u^pyiv, Zsi/? ^ijAuf-J — If the reader has so much time to lose, he 
 may consult Plato (in Cratylo), who gives even a more absurd de- 
 rivation of K^rivx than the one before us. Let us, however, acknow- 
 ledge that what we learn from the same Plato seems to be the origin 
 of AQ^vo^, for the name of the goddess Netha, which was written over 
 the gate at Sais, being read from right to left would give the name 
 of Athen. Now this Netha I take to be the same with Nephta men- 
 tioned by Plutarch. A^rivx was likewise the symbol of that mystic 
 asther, which the Stoics were so anxious to distinguish from all 
 other matter. Thus Sallust, ytxi a9-5;v« tov ui^e^oc. Nephta was also 
 called Aithor, and gave her name to one of the months, as we learn 
 from Hesychius, Could Aithor in Egyptian signify eether? See 
 Eustathius ad Iliad. A. Aithor, is evidently composed of aith,Jire, 
 and or, light. This example, with many others, may prove that the 
 Hebrew and Egyptian were cognate dialects. 
 
 Page 6. line 27. Ka; A^tivocv [/.ev oiov A^riXrjv av ei^vio-^xi.'^ — That is tO 
 
 say, «7ro ra ^yiXoc^biv, and « privative. See Phurnutus de Natura 
 Deorum. 
 
 Page 6. hne 29. na^SewiJa.J — Minerva seems to have been known 
 at Athens by the appellation of the Virgin. The Parthenon still 
 remains to attest the taste yet more than the magnificence of the 
 Athenians. This ancient temple has lately been defaced, and the 
 mutilated sculpture which still suited and adorned it, has been sawed 
 off by the barbarous or rapacious hand of a stranger. 
 
 Page 6. line 30. 'yo^yo(poveiccv.'2 — The letters found in the original 
 were y sw. I confess I have some doubts concerning the man- 
 ner in which this word is filled up. Aristophanes has indeed given 
 the epithet of Gorgonian to Minerva; and Palcephatus says, kkX^o-i Ss 
 
entitled Ilept rm ^euv. 1 on 
 
 Tiji/ Advivav Kv^Yivoiioi ro^yovr;v ; but this yo^'yo(povetocv seems a little far- 
 fetched, nor does it seem to suit the context. Euripides, it is true, 
 
 has ropycxpovij. 
 
 Page 7. line 8. Uocvlti av 01 cctto Zrjvmog, &c.^ — This sentence ex- 
 presses the objection of the Epicureans to the nominal theism of the 
 Stoics. Here, indeed, commences the heavy charge of disbelief in 
 the popular religion, which the Epicureans so impudently urged 
 against their adversaries. 
 
 Page 8. line 1. Av^puTrosi^eig yx^ eymvot firj voy,i^isa-iv, aXXa xepK kxi 
 
 'TTVivfjLotla. Koit Ki^Bpocg.'] — The Epicureans pi-etended, that the gods must 
 have a form resembling the human. Cic. de Natur. Deor. 1. 1. 
 c. 18. 
 
 Page 8, line 7. Aixyopa, &c.J — This passage seems to me to bear 
 strongly in favour of the opinion of Clemens Alexandrinus, who 
 maintained, that Diagoras was not an atheist, but that he had pro- 
 voked the indignation of the people by publishing and ridiculing the 
 mysteries of their religion. The truth is, that every man of sense 
 was ready to think with the Stoics, physica ratio non inelegans inclusa 
 est in itnpius fabulds ; but this was not to be said too openly. Those 
 who were acquainted with the double doctrine, were well aware of 
 the real interpretation of the popular religion, which was given by 
 the priests in developing the mysteries. Hence the anathemas 
 thundered against those, who betrayed the secrets which were com- 
 municated to the enlightened few, in the rites performed in honour 
 of Bacchus and Ceres. In the ancient world, atheism was tolerated 
 under the veil of philosophy ; reigned, under the mask of religion ; 
 and might even show her own face in broad day-light, provided she 
 did not thereby insult the monsters, which she herself had set up as 
 the objects of public adoration. Diagoras divulged the mysteries of 
 Orpheus and of the Cabiri ; that is to say, he showed too openly that 
 the religion taught in those ceremonies was nothing else than a 
 system of physics. Can it be wondered then that the priests offered 
 
14,0 On the Manuscript of Herculaneum 
 
 two talents to any person who should bring him to them alive, and 
 one if he were even dead ? 
 
 Page 8, line 12. KxQoiTrep iv roiq Mavjivsuv c^ea-iv J^pig'o^evog (pYia-iv."} — 
 There were four persons of this name ; Aristoxenus the Tarentine ; 
 Aristoxenus, of Selinuntum ; Aristoxenus, the physician ; and Aris- 
 toxenus, a philosopher of the Cyrenaic sect. It is probably of the 
 first of these of whom our author speaks. This Aristoxenus wrote 
 no less than four hundred and fifty-two books on various subjects. 
 His Biot avS^uv were much admired by Plutarch ; and his treatise tte/k 
 rpctyuSoTTOiuv is praised by Ammonius. The only work of Aristoxenus 
 which remains to us is his Harmonic Elements ; it may be found in 
 the compilation of Meibomius, with the works of other writers upon 
 the music of the ancients. The book mentioned in the text is not 
 to be found in the list given by Fabricius of the writings of Aris- 
 toxenus. It was natural, however, for this author, who wrote con- 
 cerning the manners of the Mantiuccans, to make honourable mention 
 of Diagoras, who, as ^lian informs us, was their legislator. Bayle 
 asks how the Mantin^eans came to receive their laws from a man who 
 was proscribed as an atheist at Athens. 
 
 Page 8, line 15. Ef Se tvi Troii^a-si, &c.1 — The a(r[/.ccja. of Diagoras 
 are mentioned by Hesychius and Suidas. According to Sextus Em- 
 piricus, he began one of his Dithyrambi with the follov/ing words, 
 " all things proceed from God and fortune." The learned Brucker 
 says, inserendus v^ro est Diagoras lyricis veteribus apud Fabriciimi. 
 The omission is indeed the more remarkable, that Fabricius reckons 
 the a.a-^cli]«. among the lost works of Diagoras. 
 
 Pace 1, line 24. Eij hpia.v'^viv tov Ap'yetov.'2 — Could this Arianthes 
 have been the Argive mentioned in one of the Odes of Pindar .^ 
 ( Vide od. Istbmio?iic. 2, 
 
 Page 8, line 29. Eig 'Ntx.oSupov tov Muvju/eoc, &c.] — It appears from 
 lEWsn, that this Nicodorus was employed by Diagoras to instruct the 
 Mantinasans in the code of laws which he gave them, and which 
 
entitled Tlept tuv '^euv. 1^1 
 
 merited the praise both of philosophers and historians. The whole 
 question relative to Diagoras, is treated by Bayle with his usual 
 acuten ess. 
 
 P^g^ 9> lin^ !• To Moivjmuv evKUf/.wv.'] — Fabricius states the number 
 of books written by Diagoras to be only two, namely, his A(r^«7«, 
 and his (ii^uytoi Xoyot. We find from our manuscript that the list must 
 be augmented. 
 
 Page g, line lo. ^iXiTTTra, &c.] — Who is this Philip ? The only 
 philosopher of that name was Philip the Opuntian, who transcribed 
 the laws of Plato on wax, and who was also either the transcriber, 
 or the author of the Epinomis. Y.viot re (px<nv ojt (^tXtTTTrog o Oynsvliog rag 
 vofAisq avja [A,ejey^a^\/iv ovjxg ev Krjpu. T«7» ^^ y.xt rriv eTrtvoi/,iSx (pc<,<rtv eivai. 
 Diog. Laert. I. 3. Diogenes likewise testifies that Philip was one of 
 the disciples of Plato ; and names him after Speusippus, Xenocrates, 
 and Aristotle. It would seem then that Philip was otherwise called 
 <^i\o(ro(pog, for it must be of him that Suidas speaks, when he says 
 that Philosophus divided the laws of Plato into twelve books, and 
 added a thirteenth. But is it likely, that the disciple, and, as it would 
 appear, the admirer of Plato, was capable of holding the sentiments 
 ascribed to Philip in the text ? 
 
 Page 9, line 13. Msla. Se Ta,vjx, &C.3 — Compare with this what is 
 said by Balbus (C/c. de Natur. Deor. 1. 2.) ; and see particularly 
 Aulus Gellius (1. 6. c. 1.), and Lipsius [Physio/. Stoicor. 1. 1, c, 13, 14, 
 15, and 16.) 
 
 Page 10. line 7. T^o ys ttxvJi S'/iXovig-iv,Sic.2 — Deum autem animantem, 
 said Velleius, cede volumus esse. He then goes on to state and to 
 censure the opinion of Zeno. Aique hie eauem (lege idem) alio loco 
 tsthera, dcum dicit esse, si intelligi p-test nihil sentiens deus, qui nunquam 
 nobis occiurit n, que in precibus, tieqne iti optatis, neque in volis. It is fair, 
 however, to hear the juJgment of others less vehement in their 
 enmity to the Stoics. Ka* L ■&<>co( ^asy (p^ovaa-t, says Epiphanius, ttj/x 
 WiolvHog T^o, (pxa-Kovjig nvxt vnv Tov Qeov, ij woivjog th opcoy^evt: Kuj^g, apava n (prifAi 
 
14,2 On the Manuscript of Herculaneum 
 
 xui yvig Kui tuv aWuv, ug ev (rufj(,di]i ;pu%ij. Their doctrine is thu3 given by 
 Laertius : ng wrvotv Kotrfyca uBpog c,y}x,etv tov vav nci^xTrep «p ■vi[/,iv ttjv ^xjyv^v. 
 Posidonius indeed called the world \i(rM ef>t.^vxog kxi a(r9i)7<'"?- Tertul- 
 lian wrote, apud vestros quoque sapientes, Aoyov, id est, sernionem atqiie 
 rationem constat artificem videri universitatis. Hiinc enim Xeno delerminat 
 factitorem, qui cuncta in dispositione formaverit ; eumdem et Fatiim 
 vocari, et Deiwi, ct animum Jovis, et necessitatejn omnium rerum. 
 Seneca asks, quid inter na'uram dei et nostram interest f He answers, 
 nostri melior pars est animus; in illo nulla pars extra animum. I con- 
 fess, however, that one of the few maxims of the Stoics concerning 
 God, which ever pleased me, is the following— iVf wo novit Eeum. 
 Multi de illo male existimant impune. 
 
 Page lo. line 17. jjcuWov ri Trefi rag, &c.]] — It seems to have been 
 the error of the Stoics, as it has generally been of all materialists, 
 that they conceived mind to be nothing else than the rarest of corpo- 
 real essences, 1 he gods themselves, according to the philosophers 
 of the Porch, were material. To those, who believe, as I confess I 
 do, that matter however refined, rarefied, or organized, must still be 
 incapable of thought, this notion must appear monstrous. But if, as 
 our author seems to insinuate, the Stoics held the gods to be merely 
 material, and if Jupiter were only the celher, there ought to be no fear 
 of the gcds among men. The ather may be the rarest of substances, 
 but it can inspire no more awe than other corporeal things, than the 
 heap of sand which the wind lifts in the desart, or than the down of 
 the thistle which flits on the breeze. No one imag^ines these to 
 be sentient; and if the cether of the Stoics be the only God, it is just 
 as incapable of obliging m.ankind to respect the laws of morahty 
 from their dread of the divinity, as would be any thing else which is 
 universally acknov.ledged to be inanimate. 
 
 Page 10. line 23. AiOTrep ej^oi ye TO m Ti[A.0KXei5g iipy]fjLiVQV ev AiyvTrju 
 S^ui^K T< Trepi Tuv iv rri x'^p«'^ &C.J — The Timocles here mentioned, is 
 probably a comic writer of that name who flourished at Athens, and 
 
entitled TJepi ruv ^euy. 1 ^3 
 
 who wrote a comedy called 0; AiyuTrjioi. Of this there can indeed be 
 no doubt since Athenasus has preserved the verses which our author 
 imperfectly quotes. The edition of them, as corrected by Casaubon, 
 is as follows : 
 
 Hug av i^ev ouv (rca[Ji,sixv iSug v; kvuv ; 
 Ott^ yap eg raq o/jboXoynfj^svag Gmg 
 Aa-e^nvJBg a StSoxa-iv eu9sug Siktiv, 
 "Tiu oiiXvpoio l3ct}f/,oi; STrijof^/sisv uv ; 
 
 the names of the various comedies written by Timocles are enume- 
 rated by Meursius, in his Bibliotheca Attica; 1. vi. 
 
 Page 11, line 13. fiiv ei ra]' eg-iv, &c.]3 — All this is truly said, and 
 forcibly put ; and yet it is impudent enough in an Epicurean to cen- 
 sure so severely the religious notions of a sect, that in form at least 
 admitted the existence of a Providence, which all the followers of 
 Democritus and Leucippus, though not all the advocates for the 
 atomic physiology, were accustomed to deny. The apparent con- 
 currence, however, of the Epicureans with the popular belief, was in- 
 sufficient to deceive their adversaries. Cotta ridicules, with much 
 happy irony, the affected theism of these philosophers. Gc. de 
 Natur. Deor. 1. 1. 
 
 It may perhaps be thought, that I myself have spoken too un- 
 favourably of the system of theism taught by such men as Zeno, 
 Chrysippus, Seneca, and Epictetus, and adopted by the most illus- 
 trious of patriots, and the most virtuous of monarchs — by a Cato and 
 an Antoninus ; but I write without partiality, and without hostility for 
 any system. I cannot separate the theology of the Stoics from 
 materialism and necessity, and therefore I cannot allow to it the 
 principles of a pure or rational theism. Their morality deserves 
 praise ; but the sternness of its character is more adapted to impress 
 us with awe, than to induce us to imitation. Charity, benevolence, 
 and humility, are the true sources of the social virtues ; and without 
 
144 On the Manuscript of Hercidaneum entitled riep; twj ^euv. 
 
 them all tlie moral qualities which are admired in the schools of 
 philosophers, are only splendid fictions, and artificial refinements, 
 invented to satisfy the prejudices, to flatter the vanity, and to conceal 
 the weakness of human nature. It must, however, be admitted that 
 there is much to revere in the moral system of those teachers of 
 wisdom, qui sola bona quce honesta (it is Tacitus who speaks) mala 
 tantum qu^e turpia; potentiam, Jiobilitatem, cceteraque extra aninium, 
 jieque bo/iis, ?ieque malis adnumerant. Such virtue would, indeed, al- 
 most appear divine, could we be certain in any example that it is nei- 
 ther founded upon pride, nor tinctured with affectation, nor confirmed 
 by the apathy of a cold temperament, and an unfeeling heart. 
 
 I have now only to apologise for the length and the imperfections 
 of this dissertation. From the reception v^hich the Academical 
 Questions experienced, and from the censures of some critics who were 
 angry at hearing so much of Greek metaphysics, I have to fear the 
 reproach of having sinned yet more than before. Yet I know not 
 why such subjects should be ill received by men of letters. Cud- 
 worth, Warburton, and many others of our most learned writers, 
 have not thought these Greek metaphysics unworthy of their notice. 
 
 The authority of Bacon will be respected, and he holds a very dif- 
 ferent language from our modern critics : As for the placits, says he, 
 of ancient Greek philosophers, which men use disdainfully to run over, it 
 will not be amiss to cast our eyes zvith jnore reverence upon them : for, al- 
 though Aristotle, after the manner of the race of the Ottomans, thought 
 he could not safely reign unless he made away with all his brethren ; yet to 
 those zvho seriously propound to themselves the inquisition a?id illustration 
 of truth, and not dominion or magistrality,it cannot but seem a ^natter of 
 great profit to see at once before them, the several opinions of several au- 
 thors touching the nature of things. It is good to read over divers philo- 
 sophers, as divers glosses upon nature. 
 
FRAGMENT OF A GREEK MANUSCRIPT 
 
 found among the Ruins of Hcrculaneum. 
 
 Page 1. 
 
 I 
 
 
 v £1? T»;i/ 7rf» 
 
 2 
 
 £<r 
 
 aK, oulwf STTEl 
 
 3 
 
 TTX 
 
 OiSlSoiMXi Tl^£f 
 
 4 
 
 lU 
 
 ayaS'oi, nai £U£f- 
 
 S 
 
 ■yii 
 
 X X£A£U(r£(V 
 
 6 
 
 
 ► a la? 
 
 7 
 
 ? 
 
 TOiauJaij. Aulos 
 
 8 
 
 ou 
 
 ev^xa-^xt Toif 
 
 9 
 
 ■S'fO 
 
 Su^ixv, yoi^ 
 
 10 
 
 
 Gtl/ (Jl£l- 
 
 II 
 
 X 
 
 1« 7r£fi aJIwi/ 
 
 12 
 
 
 11/ saJjou. AA- 
 
 13 
 
 
 ai X^uo- Tr- 
 
 H 
 
 
 ail' £ tSix- 
 
 >S 
 
 
 ru TTPu- 
 
 16 
 
 
 SiX ^)) 
 
 »7 
 
 
 X irxy- 
 
 18 
 
 
 v\x Xoyou 
 
 19 
 
 X 
 
 ra oXu J/u- 
 
 20 
 
 X" 
 
 T?) Tals 
 
 21 
 
 /* 
 
 Trafla; 
 
 23 Ki xai TK? X 
 
 SA af. Aio x«i Zjikz 
 
 25 x«A flat Aia Jo] 
 
 26 PlOl', loK T£ KOSfAOV TUV flSKXTW - 
 
 27 £jtA4'"%<"' £'►«'; *• 
 
 28 S'iOl/ ai TO n 
 
 29 xoi/ at THi/ 
 
 30 V v. Kai u 
 
 31 nxAyoi/ EUi/ 
 
 23 S'ai Toi/ Aia, x«f Tif 
 
 33 XOll'H^ TTXuluv 
 
 u 
 
14^ Fragment of a Greek Manuscript 
 
 Page 2. 
 
 1 ^MITlVf XXI StU.XPfJI.l- 
 
 2 nVj xxt xi/xy V, 
 
 3 xasi TfiV xvlnu emxi 
 
 4 xxt (ui/01/.ixVy XXI Si- 
 
 5 HJ]!', at ofAOvoixv, XX 
 
 6 JfticJiv, xai AippoSt- 
 
 7 TJ1>, X«l TO TTXp TTXyI- 
 
 8 (TlOl/ TTOSl/. Kai |1A»1 £ll/«l 
 
 9 S'Eaj x^^tvxi;, fi.nSi 
 
 10 S'JiXsiaj, wf [/.nSt 
 
 11 woAfif, fJ-riS' xo']*%' 
 
 12 vojua^ffl-fiaj Je |m,o- 
 
 13 voi/ a^jfuxcof, xai S^})- 
 
 14 XuKWf rxvlx on X. 
 
 15 K«6a7r£f (reAnmi', 
 
 16 x«si v«" x«i rov Apn 
 
 17 X u TToAEjIAS 
 
 18 T£ «», XSSI TH? 
 
 ig rx XXI XV 7«- 
 
 20 ? (pxKrlou Si 
 
 21 TTu af, xai Kpoi/oii 
 
 22 T8 f£U «- 
 
 23 TO? p V. Vixv Si mv 
 
 24 ynv- Aias ^£ TOK ai^E- 
 
 25 f«' T8? Jf TOV AtToX 
 
 26 Xw, xasi TJiv A»i^»i- 
 
 27 TPX y V, n TO lif XV- 
 
 28 T)i yocfUjiAa. x«i ttxi- 
 
 29 J'ajiu w? A£'y£a-9«», 
 
 30 XXI y^xpia-^xi, x«i 
 
 31 ttAo] £(79ai f 
 
 32 ai/3'p 
 
 33 01/ TpOTTOI', XaSl TTO- 
 
 34 A£»?, XXI TTolxfJ!.!!;, 
 
 35 XXI TSTraf, x«i 7ra- 
 
found among the Ruins of Herculaneum. : 47 
 
 Page 3. 
 
 1 ^ ai Aia f* voi- 
 
 2 f» TDK V «- 
 
 3 £P«, ^£ (THO VOV 
 
 ^ AiS TOV Si Al« T-»)f 
 
 6 (T Xfl'J TO OlA- 
 
 7 A.OU ^£ S'fBj aJ/uyoKT 
 
 8 Wf ){i>!» Tsjaf (3"U1/- 
 
 9 01)t£tOi' X«l TOV >lA.I- 
 
 10 OK X«l T?1K (TSAfl- 
 
 1 1 I'm/, xai T8? aAAsf 
 II aa-lt (Zf 3'£8f oiE- 
 13 1<xi, xai to:/ i/ojmoi/. 
 
 I^ X« kS'ftOTTOUf £IJ 
 
 i^ S'£o f ^>i(j-i n*£ ai|3«- 
 
 16 Aei . E> St TU Stu- 
 
 17 VfP T« T£ £K Of^l" 
 
 18 ct o\j(Ta,K>v oivx~ 
 ig (pspti a,, xixt a. 
 
 20 T«fl [AYipU, x«i H- 
 
 21 (TioiJ , xoti EuAi 
 
 22 J*i, >'0'i TTooilasj? «A- 
 
 23 A019 f x« KA£aiv- 
 
 24 S»lf £tf«1« VOt- 
 
 25 x£fou T«if So^aig 
 
 26 aulw. flSTrasi' ■yap £9"- 
 
 27 liv (xt^np avloi 
 
 28 we x«t 7r«1)i^ x«» 
 
 29 uioj . x*;* Tw 
 
 30 Trpulu f/,n i*x- 
 
 31 j^£(r9fln TO rni/ P£- 
 
148 Fragment of a Greek Manuscript 
 
 Page 4. 
 
 3 Iff «. Ta? J' aiJ]af 
 
 ^ TTOlEl Tai? ir I/OlXEt- 
 
 5 f, )Ca^ TU TTjp- 
 
 6 aciiuv. Qv 
 
 7 Jia vofAOV (priiTi £1- 
 
 8 vai, xa.1 t«; j^jiei/af 
 5 Taj tjjUfls a? xa- 
 
 1 1 T«7r Soa-u? TUv 
 
 12 £U£ £(ri« TO! Tras- 
 
 13 fa7rAri(r»« J'f xa» 
 
 14 TOlf TTSfil <pV(r£U{ 
 
 15 yfapf* jiAE^ 4)1/ 
 
 16 n* , x«i Toi? Hetn- 
 
 17 xX s, (ri/VoixsfMC 
 
 18 X »)• Xa> TW TT 
 
 19 T TriK fixla 
 
 20 •Jfai' ^rKriK 
 
 21 n^uliirliii/. Ef Jf 
 
 22 TW Tftlw to;/ X 
 
 23 jUOV £KZ TWV ^ 
 
 24 V /A ► cru^TToAfj- 
 
 25 TlVOjAtl/Otl •S'EOlf, 
 
 26 x«J ai'S'flaTroif, x«» 
 
 27 TOV TToXlfA , xaii 
 
 28 TOI' Aia Tou 10 
 
 29 Eifai. xaSaTT x«j 
 
 30 Tov HeaxAsiJoi/, Ae- 
 
 31 yav. Hv Je tu tte/a- 
 
 32 7r|«, xai Aoyaj £- 
 
found amofig the Ruins of Herculaneum. 
 
 H9 
 
 Page 5. 
 
 1 nJIai TTxiloi.^ 01/ 
 
 3 :tai XoyiKov, xxt (ppo- 
 
 4 vow, xa.t S-£t)i/. Ka 
 
 5 Toif TTjpi Treoi/oiaj 
 
 6 ^£V TOl Tflif OLvlxi 
 
 7 £>c1i5)5(ni' (TVUOl- 
 
 8 X£lW(r£lf T») 4'"?C'' 
 
 10 TW;* ^lUV OfAO,- 
 
 1 1 /a £ipas^|U.!)n£(, T*ic 
 
 12 OfEif*u7n7o5- aTro- 
 
 13 /.auaiK axOTrialwf, 
 
 14 A oyfKnj (J'o Ba(3u- 
 
 15 >l.UHOf IV TW TTEfl 
 
 16 T»if A9rii/af, T K 
 
 17 xofl'fAOi' ypa^ii TW 
 
 1 8 A Tov a,v\oM \nrap- 
 
 19 I/, 7r£fi4;^£ 
 
 20 AlOi )t OSTTEfl 
 
 21 a.vS'puTO uyj) 
 
 22 Xai TO^ 0^ JIA 
 
 23 AttoAA , p (J 
 
 24 Ajih]> 1 fji.iv. 
 
 25 TO At ^ (7fll/ 
 
 26 S'f u? To OUJ 
 
 27 (Jei? a V xai <zJu- 
 
 28 Ct^loi/ a,l 1i T8 
 
 29 A(Of TO J(*£l' Elf TJlf 
 
 3c ^OiXoiilxv SlO^l- 
 
 31 Tai Of Ilo(TliS 
 
 32 l/as Jfif rnv ynv 
 
 33 A»)/Ar)7fa, TO J"£»f 
 
 34 OV Oll^X HfflSV HX 
 
1^0 Fragment of a Greek Manuscript 
 
 Page 6. 
 
 1 ^OtTTip X 
 
 2 liMX Xiyav u; 
 
 4 y» Tif tpsiK H 
 
 5 <?£!? TO a£fla AS')!- 
 
 6 vocv' tkJo yafl As {- 
 
 7 ^«» TO £X Tn? 
 
 8 An? xflii Zeuj «ffi>', - 
 
 9 Ztuf S-JiAuj. Tii/at 
 
 10 <Je TWi' I^UtXUlV 
 
 1 1 ^«(rx£iv oIe to nyf- 
 
 12 [Jl.OHy.OV £1/ T>! X - 
 
 13 ^<*A» ^ponKTic yoc 
 
 14 SIKXI ^10 XiXl {A'kIoII 
 
 15 xaAfcrfiai. X«u(r»7r- 
 
 16 TOl/ j£> TW (n>1- 
 
 17 5(t TO riyfjUovixoi' 
 
 18 >>%>) xax£i T>1l/ 
 
 19 W Otf y£ 01'£;' 
 
 20 pov»(n> aia"«w tw 
 
 21 Jf T IpUVYIV £X 
 
 22 Tr)? p«A>]f £XXJl- 
 
 23 ►£(r3'aj £^£1^ £x Tr;? 
 
 24 £?* 1? u7roJ£)i- 
 
 25 ai o7i T 
 
 26 %i"l I'jfil ^pom- 
 
 27 (TJf. X«t A9'»|I'J1V /*£* 
 
 28 ov AS' ► av ftfjj- 
 
 29 S'lXi J'a; (Jf x«» 
 
 30 y £f« 
 
 31 TO TW qicovncriv 
 
 32 £X rPKiiv (Tvvi(r- 
 
 33 lnxEvoet Koyuv 
 
found among the Ruins of Herculaneum. 151 
 
 Page 7. 
 
 1 TW !p , >tai 
 
 2 TW IHUK ai TWV 
 
 3 Aoyixwv jcai ra? xWa,; 
 
 6 fAxXa, xtxlx p^pUlTMJ T>| 
 
 7 (pfloni(r£i (rui/oi)t£i- 
 
 8 01. n iJjf? ui/ 01 os- 
 g TTo Z ui/o?, £1 )tai a- 
 
 10 tteA ttov to Sot.iy.o- 
 
 l I ViOV (TTT Oi V 0\3 
 
 12 XOl XeiTOV ^£1/ 
 
 13 rmiv ov xols ttov 
 
 14 tvx ov Xiy>i ^ fl- 
 ic vxi yivfcrSw )t«i 
 
 16 TO Trai/ (TUi/ Tri «fuj^ri ttKoi.- 
 
 17 vw(nv ^0 ttoAXkc 
 
 18 aTToA JTTO^I Wf 
 10 XV Cl fX, I/O 
 
 20 O"'!" Oi " 0"? '" El"'" 
 
 21 SltX U(r9u «V TOlf 
 
 22 TTOAAOJ £!<« JWOVOl/ 
 
 23 «7railla Xeyovlii; ov 
 
 24 TToXXxi; isSi TTOcvlxi; 
 
 25 oo"ac ri Jtoim rifJ-ri 
 
 26 TrafaJsJuxfi', rf*wii 
 
 27 a jMOVOV 0(78? (pXITlV 
 
 28 01 Trai/fAAiii/E?, «AA« 
 
 29 x«i TrAsioi/a? fii/ai A£- 
 
 30 'VOl'Iwi'. Ej^ oil TOl- 
 
 31 alo J ouiJe fiffAH- 
 
 32 xaeriv «7roA£i7r£iv 
 
 33 oiou; (SoKiai «^- 
 
 34 Iff )i«» Ji;* Ti oAo- 
 
152 Fragment of a Greek Manuscript 
 
 Page 8. 
 
 1 vij. 1/ a.v'bp 
 
 2 Oltq yx^ £K£lI/OI KO- 
 
 3 /Ai^aTiK cXKot. ocipa. 
 
 ^ xjti TTv vfAxlcc cci a»- 
 
 6 TsSaiffftixolaf £i7rai- 
 
 7 jui Talx? Aiayoflou 
 
 8 fAxXXov TtXnfji.y.iXiiv. 
 
 g O /*£► yx^ ITTX ^iV £1- 
 
 10 Tip apa xai ts 
 
 1 1 fall!/ aAA ax nrivri- 
 
 12 VCKCtl, xxS'XTrip V 
 
 14 triK Api(rlo^£i/oi ^■/t~ 
 
 l^ en. Ev Si rn Trairifii 
 
 16 xaT aAfiflfiai/ ut au- 
 
 17 la Vfyfiasipflosi, tok «- 
 
 18 Aoi? iSiJ'fl' xci^li Tra- 
 in PEfE^ vfi/, «AA' Ecrjiv 
 20 (Mipni*o • t^i; 'TOiriiriq, 
 12 £tc TO Sxii^oviov, xa- 
 
 22 6«T£p «AAa rr) jj-oi^u- 
 
 23 f£i, xai TO y(ypot,i/.ixc- 
 
 24 I'OV £i; AfiaivS'rii' TOK 
 
 25 Apystov, Oeo?, flfof 
 
 26 Trpo 7ra^]o? f^ys 
 
 27 Pfolfis va,u.a ?>p£- 
 
 28 VX MTTlfixlxv XXI 
 JO TO £t; NlKOdWpOK 
 
 30 Toi/ Ma^]l^£a, xx- 
 
 31 la Sxif/LOfx XXI Tvxav 
 
 32 T« Travia pcoloKTiv 
 
 33 ExlfAfKrSai. T« 7r«- 
 
 34 «7rA))(ria J'aujw. 
 
found among the Ruins of Herculaneum. 153 
 
 Page 9. 
 
 1 TTE^lE M«l/- 
 
 2 llVlaV ll/XUjAiOV' 
 
 3 OJIoi (Ts GfKf £1/ TDK 
 
 4 WYpX[J.fX.K<riV CTTO 
 
 5 vo/ji,x(^ovlc xvri- 
 
 6 fau i^ipyo(.(f\iyiu<; 
 
 7 TOK TTpOl.y^a.lTiV osi ,«£- 
 
 8 /« (nrsSri; a. Afu- 
 
 9 d'lpalipot ytu i- 
 
 10 K)i ♦I'lAAtTTTra JiOii TWl/ 
 
 1 1 aAAav tuj/ aTrAwc to 
 
 12 Jf ov a ocif^vluv. 
 
 14 xlso;* at^laf, oli j3a«- 
 
 15 j3*if, xai xxauu 8 <pa- 
 
 16 (T c aijiaj £ii/ai toi? 
 
 17 ►3'fW Olf TK? S'E- 
 
 18 V So^xC^ov\ot,q cx,Tn- 
 IQ stT'jai TWl/ aoiy.o- 
 
 20 pocyrifj-aju i/ioi 
 
 21 (pot,(nv. Hjicfi? ^ Kai 
 
 22 T«u] EHOIf £^ OCIjIuV 
 
 23 Xiyoj^iv t; a.pa.Y.o'KoM- 
 
 24 ■S' , >cai TWl/ ayaifito 
 
 25 T« i/syialx, KXi ^10- 
 
 26 1 T» .JEia Toiui,v\a. itas- 
 
 27 XHTTHITIV XIXl £- 
 
 28 la, >£ai (p^xplx, (pxi- 
 
 29 1/ !• TOlf (?£ Trao"!!/ 
 
 30 H^ufif axoAa^&a? ai- 
 3 I <Ji«f , xa» (p^xflsg 
 
 32 £ i/ai Soyfj.cc]tQofji,sti' 
 
 33 Ts (Jf (ri^i/fj^oi/' £1/ yap 
 
 34 flsAAoif vTroypix,(pT)(rs 
 
154 Fragment of a Greek Manuscript 
 
 Page lo. 
 
 1 T*» a, a,XXa,' Sio\i xat 
 
 2 «7ro(p*ii»Mi/7ai j3Aa- 
 
 3 7r/£ii/, xa( uipiXtiu 
 
 ^ T«f S'faf £p 8- 
 
 5 J's TO Jiultpoi' au- 
 
 6 lotf a>coAH6»7oi' j- 
 
 7 7rio£i;^5'»)ir£jai. tk- 
 
 8 yt ai^li SnXov 
 
 5 £(^'J>^, w? BfTf £15 rtiiy 
 
 10 TTUTToli IXV^PUTrCilV 
 
 11 Tov a£pa x«» OK ai- 
 
 12 ■S'fpa (po^s^jLivoi, *) 
 
 13 TO Trail, osTTEyflai r 
 
 14 1/0? aJixs Trpetyfji.oi- 
 
 15 7o; OUX o7« TWI* TTflOJ 
 
 16 a.fj.iyi OK £1 £/ioif 
 
 17 0"ut£p^£ ai, fi.aXXov ri Trff- 
 
 18 1 Taj J/ afj-y-ki 3'(j/a 
 
 19 >) to; £7ri TWK «- 
 
 20 Ha^9(w TrajTTrUK, « 
 
 21 yi ipai/Ejswf anzi(r9«- 
 
 22 las Jca'iaAajU.Sai/ao'i* 
 
 23 AlOTTSp fjlAOl y£ TO TB 
 
 24 TljUOxASisJ Eipn/AE- 
 
 25 KOK £1/ AiyuTrlw Jpas- 
 
 26 jWa Tl TT pi TW^ £i/ T)) 
 
 27 X,"P'>^ ^iUV £771 Ta 
 
 28 laj ETTEflJ^flat iM.£- 
 
 29 ^asfff £ I/. Otts y«f 
 
 30 pJlo'if £1? T8? ojixoAe- 
 3 J yovfjui/ u? 3'£af <Jt- 
 
 32 (TfSau eg a ^ijo- 
 
 33 ao-ii/ exj^ewg Jixjik 
 
 34 Tl^« £ 8/j' a )3w- 
 
found among the Ruins of Herculaneum. 155 
 
 Page n. 
 
 1 pOf ITT If Eivj/EIEK 
 
 2 oiv 1/1 iya u; 
 
 3 Sfsf ronslag utto- 
 ij. Xa.fxQxvov\ii; out? 
 
 7 Ijs ^woi.jji.iv IK (ylot 
 
 8 Ta J xaxspyixi r\ 
 
 10 Is? a£pa poSisfjie- 
 
 1 1 ►»? aipEu^firflai rii/of 
 
 12 wi/ xaA Tnolot-luv ; 
 
 13 £1/ £1 T 1 £0" IV 
 
 14 Tuc X ijcta? a- 
 
 15 TraAAaTIo sm 1m? 
 
 1 6 av Ti? nnipE^oi ts- 
 
 17 loi? oil rov rati ^ri- 
 
 18 plWl/ (iiOV if T8? 
 
 ip v^puTT ? jw.e7a- 
 
 20 f Epsa"!!/, xosi [AxXKr- 
 
 21 T Eai/ jU.niJ' ETTKTTpE- 
 
 2z ^wi/'/ai, xaSaTTS ipoi- 
 
 23 CIV, thIuv ttoAAmi/ 
 
 24 (Jta Tocvlx il/oya " (3a£- 
 
 26 la; Trai/ta? ra? ttjo 
 
 27 CCvluV £XX£lfA£l/a?, 
 
 28 HiJe £'? af aoixiaf 
 
 29 a7r£ px^i^n SiSoi- 
 
 30 xw? Ta? atJ £7rix£i- 
 
 31 K VflJl Sot/IX.f/,1- 
 
 32 ^a ri raj £i/oip- 
 
 33 yo) ai/«io"0ji1a? 
 
'3^ Fragment of a Greek Manuscript, &c. 
 
 Page 12. 
 
 1 H T8f ocyvwirlov 
 
 Z TJV£? £10-1, b( SlVt- 
 
 3 laf, }) TTOioi Titf? £ - 
 
 5 Jv/)/, olf 8)C e (TIV Ci- 
 
 6 Tro(pxivofi.ivo f, 75 ipa- 
 
 7 i'£^«f oi/laf, «? ai/ 
 
 8 ?l/>8i', x.aT fv 8f 
 
 9 Jf x«v £7r' au] V Trpo- 
 
 10 l^ocirun T8? xav toj; 
 
 1 1 Sfoif ;j.i\x (fiXx^iCc; 
 
 13 TrapaKTiiyoi/lay ojir- 
 
 15 t87b th? J'la p£- 
 
 16 <r£6.'C T'/if )ca| apvxg 
 
 17 JxItflfKTHf aTTO- 
 
 18 ^(oiHug i^iipyxc- 
 ig fJ-ivx, y.xipo<; av i- 
 
 20 Tl TOl/ TTfpj TJ1? £U- 
 
 21 (Tipttx; >.oyov Tr,^ 
 
 22 Jto] ETTixapov au- 
 
 23 18 TTxpaypatpi v. 
 
The preceding Fragment, as read and supplied by the Academicians 
 
 of Portici. 
 
 Page 1. 
 
 Z id^lXU, ovlu; tTTil 
 
 4 [Alv ayx^oi, Kxt cvip- 
 
 5 y^txot KiXivruv 
 
 6 rifAXV (X.\j!ii; BlKTi- 
 
 7 «i? Toixulaa. Avjos 
 
 8 ^oujt £v^x<r5xi Tojf 
 
 9 S'EOK Sapixv, yocp 
 
 10 51HZ» jU.>)9£l/ JlEl- 
 
 1 1 Xri(pol(x TTset a,'j\uv 
 
 12 S'OfiuSElI/ ixvjov. AA- 
 
 13 Act oiE/ai Xpvimr- 
 
 14 TTO?. Ts 7ra^ iTTiinx- 
 
 15 Xflil/Ul/ £1/ TCi) Trpu- 
 
 16 TW TTECI •S'sw^ Siot,ppr\ 
 ij Snv TYiv (ppivm Tra.v- 
 18 Twi/, xai TraWa Aoyoi/ 
 15 x«i Tui/ T3 oAa ■\j^- 
 
 20 p^li*, xai T>) Ta]s 
 
 21 jU.£l/ v|/UJ^Jl TTXlUx 
 
 22 ITai'laj^a yii'fcr 
 
 23 S'lJii S'foi', xai Taf A( 
 
 24 ■9'a?. Aio xai Z*)i/a 
 
 25 HflsAfs-fiflsi Aia <yo7>)- 
 
 26 piov, x\j\ov-ri Koa-j*ov rw xvoa-ta' 
 
 27 V efji,<liv^ov £ii/«i, Jtai 
 
 28 9'toi' >t«i TO nyifj-OMi- 
 
 29 JCOI/ ElKiZl T»)I' OAS 
 
 30 i|/Liy»i'. K«i xlw 
 
 31 ocvxXyov evi/xQ(r- 
 
 32 ■9'ai Toi/ Ata, x«i T»i^ 
 
 33 JtOll'Hl' TtxHuv 
 
 *x 
 
158 The preceding FragmcJit, as read and supplied 
 
 Page 2. 
 
 2 I'll', axi avxyxnv, 
 
 3 xxt mil auIn^ fivai 
 
 4 xai two(/.ixv, xxt St- 
 
 c xJiv, xai OjU.oKoiai', k^i £- 
 
 6 ^P>lV»l^, xai AippoSt- 
 
 7 Tni>, x«i TO 7rap«7rA)i- 
 
 8 o'loi' Trav. Kixi /Alt cifixi 
 
 9 ^£8? X^PliXq, fAy\Si 
 
 10 S'fiA.iiac, «? jUn^E 
 
 11 TToXftf, jJ-riS' xpilxi' 
 
 12 ovoju.a^£(r9«i ^£ |U.o- 
 
 13 i'o> affEnxwf, >c«i S'Ji- 
 
 14 ^uxws rxvlx ovlx. 
 
 15 K«9a7r£fl (r£A»ii'ri>, 
 
 16 xai TTJl^a* X«l TOV Af» 
 
 17 X«1« TOU TToXtfAH 
 
 18 T£ (ir)i/xi, xai t>ij 
 
 19 T«^£(o? xai xv[t\x- 
 
 20 ^£w?. Vi<px\<T\ov Se 
 
 21 TTUj Eivai, xai Kfoi/o* 
 
 22 XiUViOV TH pi-JfAX- 
 
 23 TOJ fOOV. PEaK Je TDK 
 
 24 T'li'. Ai« Si rov aiS'E- 
 
 25 fa" TXf J'f TOK AttoA 
 
 26 Au, X«» T»)K At\[Ari- 
 
 27 Tf« yrii', n to jk xv- 
 
 28 TJi ywivfx.x. xai ttjsj- 
 
 29 SapiuSu? Xiyed'^xi, 
 
 30 xa> yca^Eo'Oiei, xasi 
 
 31 ir>.i»]l£a"6«» TOif 
 
 32 aK^fMTroK Toia]- 
 
 33 OK TpOTTOV, Xat TTO- 
 
 34 Aek, XJ!i -n-olxf^n;, 
 
 35 xai TOTra?, xizi 7r«- 
 
by the Academicians of Portici. i^g 
 
 Page 3. 
 
 1 ^n xxi Atx |U.fi/ [ivx- 
 
 2 I Tov Trepi rv\ii yy\u a,- 
 
 3 fJJ!, TO h <TV.'j\ill/OV 
 
 4 AiSriv. TOU J'j Aioi T>j; 
 
 6 iTtiSji, Y.XI Touo" aA- 
 
 7 Aou? Jf 3-£sf ail/uvoicr 
 
 8 a? XJCJ Taja? (TUi/- 
 
 9 oi)C£io»* xai rov })Xi- 
 
 10 Ot /*£!/, )tai THI/ (TlXn- 
 
 1 1 mif, xflji Taf ocXXng 
 
 12 OKrlepixi •9'sa; oie- 
 
 13 lai, xaji T0> vofAOV. 
 
 14 Jtai avS'flUTro-jf ek 
 
 15 S'fouf ^))(n jAilx^ix- 
 
 16 Aejc. E^ Js Tw (ffu- 
 
 17 /ffW Ta T£ Elf Op^£- 
 
 18 a, )cai Mouo-ajOK «>«- 
 
 19 ip£P£i S'fia, Jcai rai 
 
 20 7ra^ OfAYipU) xoci H- 
 
 21 ITioSu, Xat EufllTTl- 
 
 22 <J»i, xai TToiJiJaif aA- 
 
 23 Aoif Touf xai KA£«»- 
 
 24. •Jl? TTSipOilxt (TVIIOI- 
 
 25 x£ioup Taij Jo^aif 
 
 26 «wu. ccTrxv yap kt- 
 
 27 liK ai3'»p aujof 
 
 28 Wl/ XOil TTOclvP XlXI 
 
 29 uiof ^>icr». xa^ tw 
 
 30 TTfwIw J(A»1 jlAflS- 
 
 31 j^£(r8ai TO T>i> Ps- 
 
i6o The preceding Fragment, as read and supplied 
 
 Page 4. 
 
 1 ocv x«i jOnflufa Tou 
 
 2 Aioa- Eii/ai Jtai S'uya- 
 
 3 liPX.. rx; S' aula; 
 ^ 7roi£» Taif ffUl/OtXEl- 
 C W(rilf. XaK TW TTEg- 
 
 6 « Otpslu}). TO S'EIOI/ 
 
 7 Jia vofxov ^ncri £i- 
 
 8 ^al, xai ra; ^x^ilixi; 
 g Ta; »i|a£l£ja; na- 
 
 10 t ''fPC^if, x«i T«; asv- 
 
 11 rccTroSoiTiii ruv 
 
 12 juffyEiriui/ Ta Tra- 
 
 13 pa7rX»i(ria (?£ xaK 
 
 14 TOlf TTfOl (pUCTfUJ 
 
 15 ypa^fi fj-i^ oiv (T\)vx- 
 
 16 /Aoo'E, xai Toi; Hj«- 
 
 17 xAsda, a-ui/oixEiwn 
 
 18 xol^^). xaf tw tt^w- 
 10 Ticrlw T»ii/ fixla 
 
 20 •&£»•' ipnirii' sivat 
 
 21 nfw1t(rliiv. El/ « 
 
 22 TW Tfllw TO^ X00-- 
 
 23 jUOV El-a TUI/ (pfo- 
 
 25 Ti\JOfAiVOll -JfOlf, 
 
 26 xai an^fUTTOi?, xai 
 
 28 Tov Aia rov aulov 
 « 29 EH/ai; KaSaTTff xa» 
 
 30 TOi/ HpaxXsi/oi', ^i~ 
 
 31 <y£ii/. E^ iJe tw tts/a- 
 
 32 ttIw, x«i Xoyai; £- 
 
by the Academicians of Portici. i6i 
 
 Page 5. 
 
 1 l/u]xi TTXvjxg TOV 
 
 2 JCOfl-^Ol/ C,!^10V £(!/«!, 
 
 3 axi Xoymov, >cai (ppo- 
 
 4 i/oui/, xai S'foi'. Kan 
 
 5 TOIJ TTftfl TTfOl/OlJSf 
 
 6 iiAfJ/ Toi ra? aJIaj 
 
 7 fX?!^*)^"!!/ (Tunoi- 
 
 8 )c£iu(r£K T-/) il'uyvi 
 
 10 TWV S'EWV OVOfAX- 
 
 11 las ecpx^fAollei, tyj; 
 
 12 (JfEi/Aulnlo? aTTo- 
 
 13 Xxvuv xxoTTtcclug. 
 
 14 Aioyfi/ii;- J"!) Eoij3u- 
 
 15 A.WHO? £^ TU TTfpl 
 
 16 Trij A9rivay, toi/ 
 
 17 Koaf/,ov yex^it ru 
 
 18 All TOy asuloi' UTrafl- 
 
 19 J^S'") TTSpH^Si]/ 
 
 20 TOK Aia xas-S'asTTffl 
 
 21 OiV^puTov ^/vyriv 
 
 22 xaij TOI/ HAioi/ f/.£;/ 
 
 23 AttoAAw, t>)i/ Jf (r£- 
 
 24 A)imn A^ijj.ii/, XXI 
 
 25 toi/ Aia ;(*>) Ju(r£ii/ 
 
 26 •9'£ou? xXXolpiovq ou- 
 
 27 J'fif Ari'J/fii/ xaji aJu- 
 
 28 i/aloi/ £in<zi 7ro7£ ts 
 
 29 A»o? to |a£i/ £if mv 
 
 30 BaXixllxi/ J'tal£- 
 
 31 Tayo; noa-suJw- 
 
 32 na TO o£i? Tun ■}/»);( 
 
 33 Ar)^nlpx, TO S'li; 
 
 34 T0> fl!£f<X HpXV X»- 
 
i62 The preceding Fragment, as read and supplied 
 
 Page 6. 
 
 1 S'lZTTfc xasi riAou- 
 
 2 luKx. Xiyeti) M? /t- 
 
 1 av TToAAssxij ^Ip ^£~ 
 
 c JfK Tot a£pa A'S'*]- 
 
 6 I'ai/* Tajo yafl AEyt;- 
 
 7 3ai TO £>« Trif a^n- 
 
 8 Anc xai Zeu? ^ffiv, 
 
 9 Zfuf S-riAu?. Tii'af 
 
 10 Je T6)1/ STwixwi' 
 
 11 ^IZ(7>££11/ 0/6 TO riyE- 
 
 12 fAoviiioi/ IV T/] xe- 
 
 13 ipaA?) ^povwiv y XV 
 
 14 Eii/ai Jio XXI fj.-/\\ov 
 
 15 xaAfo-fiaj. XflUiriTr- 
 
 16 ■'Toi' J''£i' Tu <r/n- 
 
 17 •S'Ei TO nyijxoiiixov 
 
 18 Eivai, icaxEi T»ii' ^w- 
 iQ i/w XV yiyovivxi 
 
 20 pPOVniTlV HITXV. TU 
 
 2 1 ^£ Trill (pavnv IX 
 
 22 Tn? >t£(paAvi? £xxpi- 
 
 23 tEcrS'ai AEyfiK £x tji? 
 
 24 JtEipaArij UTTOiJf*!- 
 
 25 <yxi OUiV oil T£- 
 
 26 p^l") a"U!/£9»I (fflOHI- 
 
 27 (TK. tai AS'rii'3!> jt*£v 
 
 28 010!/ AS'nAri/ «!< £>^»i- 
 
 29 •&«» Ylxp^iVlSx Si XXI 
 
 30 yopyo(fiov[ixv 3t» 
 
 31 TO Till/ <ppovn(TlU 
 
 32 £>t Tfi&i;' (Tui/Ea-- 
 
 33 Irixivxi Myuv 
 
by the Academicians of Portici. 163 
 
 Page 7. 
 
 2 Tu>v )]3'ixwi' KXi rut/ 
 
 J Xoyiauv xai ra? aXAosf 
 
 4 S'a.-SIa; TTOoa-xyo^t- 
 
 6 fj^oiXx xxloi j^pinrti); m 
 
 7 pfl01/*|(r£l (TUI'OOtEl- 
 
 8 01. Ila^If? ou;* oi «- 
 
 g TTO ZiVW^Of, £1 KCtl Ol- 
 io TTiXinrov TO dxii^o- 
 I I HOI/ WCTTTEp OlfAEV OV 
 
 12 xalfXEnroi/ oi J 61/ 
 
 I? TKTIV ou xalEAfiTroii 
 
 14 ivx ■9'Eoi/ Acyatru/ £i- 
 
 ir i/ai yji/EcrSu ^£ xoci 
 
 16 TO TTOIV (TUV TH >j/UJ^*l TrKOi- 
 
 17 vuciv Soli 7roX\aj 
 
 18 a7roA£i7roi/l£f cof ou 
 ig xocv £1 fAoi/ov Afya- 
 
 20 C'" aulMK aip£fl"ll/ ETTl- 
 
 21 Jfixi'ua-Guirai' tojj 
 
 22 TTOAAOl EK* jtAOkOV 
 
 23 aTrai/la hiyo^lc; ou 
 
 24 TToXKaq uSe 7rai/1«5 
 
 25 ocris? n xoifri ?i»l^») 
 
 26 TrapcchSux-iv, riixuv 
 
 27 a HAOVoi/ oo"8f (fxixn/ 
 
 28 ot 7r«i/£AA)i«j, «AA« 
 
 29 x«i ■jrA£ioi/«f fn*** ^t- 
 
 30 yoi/lMV. EjS^ o1» toi- 
 
 31 alou? ouiJe /xE^il- 
 
 32 xairii' aTToAfiTTEiv 
 
 33 oiouf (r£|3oi'7ai waii- 
 
 34 Iff ««• 1" ■''^^« o/A«Ao- 
 
1 ^4 The preceding Fragment, as read and supplied 
 
 Page 8. 
 
 1 yovfitv ocv^puTToii- 
 
 2 ofjf ya,^ iKiivoi [ATI \io- 
 
 3 [^.t^Ho-iti a,Wce. a.£cx 
 
 4 XXI TTUtVfjLxJoe. H.ai ai- 
 
 5 J's^a; u(t\' tyuyi xxi 
 
 6 Tlix^^y^Xolu; llTTXl- 
 
 7 ju.1 ralaf Aixyo^cu 
 
 8 fJ.x}\\ov TtX-n^iAiKiiv. 
 
 10 TTf^ a^* xai T8 S'' slwj 
 
 11 £l^^^ aXA ax nriw,- 
 
 12 nxlxi, KX^XTTiO iV 
 
 13 TOlf Mai/7lK£WP fS-J- 
 
 14 (TiV Afl(r7o^£K)f ^»)- 
 
 15 (Til'. El* Si TJl TTOlriCTfl 
 
 16 xaT aAnfifiaK utt' au- 
 
 17 78 ytyjaipSizi, toij •- 
 
 18 Aoij siJf" «a"£|3£f 7r«- 
 ip CEi'f^an'fi', *AA erliv 
 
 20 lv(prijj.oq, «? 7roi»)7»if, 
 
 21 £(? TO Sxij/.OI/IOt/, XX- 
 
 22 QxTTlp XXXX TYI l/.Xpi\l- 
 
 23 p£i, xai TO yiypxf/.(/,i- 
 
 24 ^o^ £t? Afl3^^^•)1^ tok 
 
 25 Ap'yftoi', fisof, fifoj 
 
 26 Tco Trawof Eoya 
 
 27 (ipolins nofAX ippi- 
 
 28 ►« VTrsftxlxu XXI 
 
 29 TO £1? N<XO(rMflO> 
 
 30 TOK Mxi^tVlX, XX- 
 
 31 Ix dxijj.'^\/x XXI Tuy«K 
 
 32 Tx TTXvlx (ipolota-tv 
 
 33 fxIfAfKrSaj. tx wx- 
 
 34 fa7rA.-/i(7ias S'oivlu, 
 
by the Academicians of Portici. 165 
 
 Page 9. 
 
 I TTl^lC^ll KCCt TO Ala.ll- 
 3 Ouloi Si 6£af £1/ TOlf 
 
 5 i/ofAxC^oulsg oc]ir\- 
 
 6 fsv £^£jya(r]ixu? 
 
 7 TOlf ■TT^OCyi/.OI.fTlV )t«t jU£- 
 
 8 /a cnraSrig ocv e\s\j- 
 
 9 •Jffalfjoi yii/Qf/,i- 
 
 1 1 «AAwv TWK a7r?iw? to 
 
 12 ■JEioi/ a.i/xipuu!av. 
 
 13 Mfja ^£ T«u7a iTTlSzi- 
 
 14 x?£oi; «u7a?, ojt i3A«- 
 
 15 (3)if, x«i x«)cwv !s ^as- 
 
 16 0"iK aiJiB? £ivai Toij 
 
 17 flsi'S'fWTroif Taf S'E- 
 
 1 8 o\jq So^oc^ovjix; oi-m- 
 
 19 j^EcrSasi ruv aiJtxo- 
 
 20 TrpaynfAoiluu cvioi 
 
 21 ^«l(riV. HjlX£K (?£ H«l 
 
 22 raJI' £1/101? £^ ai)]wi/ 
 
 23 Xiyo^iv 7ra.pxxo?^ov- 
 
 24 •Jfii', xai TW!/ «y»9ui» 
 
 25 T« fjuiyiirlx, xa.1 Sto- 
 
 26 I1 Tx Seios TOiaiJifli ta- 
 
 27 TaA£i7r8(rii' xai y£- 
 
 28 niJiIa, xai ^^xflx. (pat- 
 
 29 Kflai. Toi? Jf Trafl-iK 
 
 30 H|iAfi? axoAaS'wj ai- 
 
 31 ^la?, xai (p9ap1a? 
 
 32 £ii'«i;i ^oy|aaii^Oj!/.£i/' 
 
 33 TO (?£ (7l;l'£p^Gl'' £K yaso 
 
 34 «AAoif VTroypaipn(Ti 
 
i66 The preceding Fragment, as read and supplied 
 
 Page lo. 
 
 1 TJ!i T« aXKx' Sioli >ia.i 
 
 2 a7!0<pxi]ia^a,i jSAo.- 
 
 3 "rniiv, xxi u^iXitii 
 
 4 T8? 3-£8f' ua-irtp a- 
 
 5 (5'f TO Sivjipov a.u- 
 
 6 loK axoA-jUypui/ £- 
 
 7 TTllJfip^S-Jia-fT^Sl. T8- 
 
 8 TO yt 7^a^1l J'jjXov 
 
 9 EO"/!!/, Wf »(?£ £15 TW* 
 
 10 TTU-rro'i av^puTTUV 
 
 11 TOi/ xipcc ■K.a.i rov «i- 
 
 12 Sepoi (po^ij/.no(;, n 
 
 1 3 TO Trac, aTrfVElo.! t» 
 
 14 vo^ adixa Trpayuac- 
 
 15 7o? oi'x oil Twv Treof 
 
 16 ufAiyiifoii; eijxcpoi; 
 
 17 (Tuvfj^Elai, fjt,cx.XMv « 7rf(i- 
 
 18 I T«c xxu a-i^i^u .Jivaj 
 
 19 » Ta yp\} iTTi Tuu a,- 
 
 20 xai/flioii/ TraTTTTuv, » 
 
 21 y£ (pav£pw? ai/ocKT^n- 
 
 22 ''a xa7aAajU.£«ka(n* 
 
 23 AlOTTEp £jU.Ol •J'f TO T« 
 
 24 T»jt*0xA£8? tipHjlAE- 
 
 25 I/OK £!< AiyuTrlu J'|)a- 
 
 26 /*« Tl 7r£(3l TWI/ £1/ T)) 
 
 27 J^Wpa ^£WK £7ri T8 
 
 2 8 1i;? £7r£f p^j''aj u£- 
 
 2g 7aipf^£ii/. Otts y«e 
 
 30 ^iiffjii £(? Ta; ojAoXt- 
 
 31 'you|U.£wuf S-£«f a- 
 
 32 0■£?8^'"£f 8 ^flfo- 
 
 33 (J.(ril/ £b6fWf JlXilk 
 
 34 Tii/a T£ ^ap 3 (3w- 
 
by the Academicians of Portici. tSj 
 
 Page 11. 
 
 2 ccti cz^liAsyso"! Tou? 
 
 3 S'Eaf TOislxg vvo- 
 
 5 TUipo? £i(7r)yay£;» 
 
 6 OLpfotq ^pui/loci KK- 
 
 7 7ji 3w»fjt,iv iKOidloi 
 
 9 7r8 vof/.il^ofAtv au- 
 
 10 7a? aspa ^oQ^jju- 
 
 1 1 ^a? aipEu^scrSai rii/of 
 
 12 TWi/ xaXeTTUilotluii ; 
 
 1 3 jme;/ £» TouT £(r?i> 
 
 14 TO THJ *£lXl«f «- 
 
 15 TrxWdllov £(xo7af 
 
 16 ai/ TIJ fTTiflpOt T8- 
 
 17 7oK oil TO)' TMl' S'tl- 
 
 18 p»wv j3ioi' £jf ra; 
 15 avBpuTrovq fAilx- 
 
 20 ^£p8(7(l/, xai [Aa.\K7- 
 
 zi T £izi/ («,>)J' iTTurr fi- 
 zz (ptavixi, Kx^oarep <px- 
 
 23 <TiV, Ta?WK TTOAAWl; 
 
 24. ^jfls T«u1« <J/oya?" j3a£- 
 
 25 7r»7«i Jow xai )t«- 
 
 26 I* 7r«v7ay th? ttco 
 
 27 aulwi' £)C>C£lf>^£^a!■, 
 
 28 aJf £15 ai' aiJijiiaf 
 
 29 UTnify^nn SiSoi- 
 
 30 Jtwj raj 2i'£7n)C£j- 
 
 31 Ml3'»i:'«l SllV0t,f4,i' 
 
 32 vaj 1 Ta? ivoLp- 
 
 33 ywf t' «>«i(r9n7aj 
 
1 68 Tlie preceding Fragment, as read and supplied, &c. 
 
 Page 12. 
 
 1 H mq cx.y]iu!iTioii 
 
 2 nviq fio-i, SfioSix- 
 
 4 (Ttv, >) raj Siccppt]- 
 
 5 out, olt ax enTiv «- 
 
 6 TTO^aifO/Afl/OUf, J) ^«- 
 
 7 Mfa? ok"*?, w? ecu 
 
 8 »/i8V, xa'/' £HBf 
 
 9 0£ X21/ £7r' au?Ji^ vpo- 
 
 10 IfaTTEJJ) TSf xai/ TOIf 
 
 11 S'foif ji*£''ai ^iA.xp^*«; 
 
 12 TTOhifAOV OCa-TTOvSoi) 
 
 13 7raipa(r£iyoi/'iaf wa— 
 
 14 ?£ Zai TS'J |U£pKJ 
 
 15 T8"8 T»)J J'iai/!f- 
 
 16 <r£Kj T)if Ha'/' apyaf 
 
 17 Ex'itGEKrnj a'TTO- 
 
 18 XP""'^'^^ t^£ipyoi(r- 
 
 19 j^£V8, xctipoq av £- 
 
 20 ■»■< TOI/ TTEpj TJJf £U- 
 
 21 (Tt/Sfia? XoyoK TJif 
 
 22 xaT KTiiKspo]/ au- 
 
 23 la 7rxpxyea(pitv. 
 
C 1^9 3 
 
 DISSERTATION X. 
 
 Inscriptions at Herculaneion ; — at Stabit^; — Excavations at Pompeii. 
 Inscnptioti there ; — Subject of Pictures at Herculaneum. 
 
 BY ROBERT WALPOLE. 
 
 Among other things in the head-piece to Plate IX. Tom. 2, of the 
 Herculanean collection, is a papyrus half opened with some Latin 
 words on it. In the first line is quisquis, in the last is cura, in the 
 penultimate is maxima. The q, u, r, and s are in the character minus- 
 cidus. As this character was used in writing Latin at this period, it 
 may have been employed also in writing Greek : this circumstance 
 will have weight with those who are strenuous advocates for the 
 Greek inscription (the line from Euripides) mentioned in a former 
 Dissertation, and which is written in the character above mentioned. 
 In it the e. and u have a near resemblance to the same letters in the 
 names of the Muses in the Herculanean collection ; as KAiJicu IC- 
 TOPIAN, eAA£:iA KCUMOAIAN, M^AHOM^NH TPAPCDAIAN, TeP- 
 YIXOPH AYPAN, ^PATO) +AATPIAN, HOAYMNIA MYeOYG, 
 KAAAIOriH noIHMA. The £ and u in this form are in one of the 
 Ancyra inscriptions given by Montfaucon, p. 161. Pal. of the date of 
 M. Aur. Antoninus ; and it is singular, that the e in this form should 
 have been but sparingly used by the Latins before the fifth century ; 
 (see Zicoroni on the seal of lead, with the words VTeRe FeLIX on 
 it) the Y of the form +, I find in an inscription given by Odericus, 
 p. 181, in GY+YXIN. 
 
 The Greeks and Romans thus appear to have had, in the time of 
 
 Z 
 
lyo Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. ' 
 
 Augustus, or rather later, two sorts of characters, the great and the 
 small ; the capital letters, and those which were not ; the former 
 used in public works, and employed by those who were writing with 
 a view to neatness and beauty ; the latter being in a current hand, 
 and formed with less attention to care and study. 
 
 It does not appear, that the words found in the Latin papyrus in the 
 head-piece, or in any Latin inscription discovered at Herculaneum, 
 Pompeii, and Stabise, were accented. Yet accents were certainly 
 used, and not unfrequently, in public monuments at this time, and 
 earlier. I shall give a sufficient proof of this in the Pisan inscriptions 
 of the age of Augustus, which are illustrated so ably by Noris, and 
 shall add some of his remarks. I shall first premise, that when I 
 said, in a former Dissertation, that no accents were seen in the Greek 
 manuscripts found at Herculaneum, I only spoke to what I knew 
 myself; for I find that Michaelis, in his great work, translated by 
 Professor Marsh, Vol. II. p. 523, in a note, has these words : " There 
 are accents in sotne of the AISS. zvhich have been discovered at Hercula- 
 neum. See Hiviid Libellus criticus de codice Lambenmno." This fact 
 deserves attention, and those who are able to examine the manu- 
 scripts in Italy, will do well to endeavour to ascertain the full extent 
 of the remark. 
 
 Vossius, in his dogmatical manner, thus decides on the subject of 
 accents : " Qiiam recens ea sit consuetiido apponeiidi accentus ! de Lati- 
 nis satis apertum ex lapidibus antiquis ; quo enim vetustiores eo magis 
 accentiunculis carent. Lapides aliquos objectant, ubi reperiantur ; sed im- 
 perite adeo sculptos, lit satis liqueat Jiullam eorum rationem haberi opor- 
 tere." Unluckily, the Pisan inscriptions are directly opposed to him, 
 and disprove his assertion. How can that be called " recens consue- 
 tudo" of affixing accents, when the inscriptions which have them are 
 of the Augustan age ? It should be considered moreover, that many 
 inscriptions on stones have accents, which are copied without them. 
 Manutius gives the epitaph of Telephus accented ; Gruter has given 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 171 
 
 the same without accents, p. 709 ; Gorius, in his collection, has pub- 
 lished some accented. 
 
 I shall now give some of the words in the Pisan inscriptions, as 
 they are accented. There are three sorts of marks in them ; " pri- 
 mus, Gracum accentum acutum refert, secundum gravem, tertius lenem 
 aspirationem, hoc modo , " Gorius : 
 
 Pecmiia, on the ultimate and antepenultimate. 
 Privatis, on the penult. 
 Manihiis, on the antepen. 
 Magistratus, on the ultim. 
 Bos-que 
 
 Atn with the lenis, over the first syllable. 
 The above are on the inscription belonging to Lucius ; the following 
 are on that relating to Caius : 
 Luctu, on the penult. 
 
 CasH, grave on the ultim. and lenis on the first. 
 Manibus, on the antepen. 
 Colonia, on the ultim. 
 Jussu, on the ultim. 
 Magistratus, on the penultim. 
 The accent on jussu may appear at first to be wrongly placed ; for, 
 says Donatus, in Latinis nunquam acutus accentus in idtimis syllahis 
 poni potest. But, according to the opinion of Noris, the accent was 
 placed to distinguish jussu, the ablative case, from the passive of 
 the preterite, as they used to wx\ie jussu, for jussus ; as in Ennius, 
 lassu' did. In Cicero's time, this manner was thought to be subrusti- 
 cum. 
 
 The Pisan inscriptions, in one point of view, are deserving of at- 
 tention ; they prove, in the Augustan age, a strict regard to the laws 
 of accentuation ; that accents were not confined to the schools, and 
 the grammarians, who used them in teaching foreig 1 rs the lan- 
 guage ; and the fact mentioned by Michaelis, concerning the Greek 
 
172 Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 MSS. shews the same with respect to the use of Greek accents, before 
 the time of Titus. 
 
 It cannot be said, that the Roman lapidaries inserted these marks 
 in the inscriptions erroneously or vaguely. They are placed accord- 
 ing to the strictest rules laid down on the subject ; and it should 
 always be observed, that a public monument of the time of Augus- 
 tus, as far as orthography is concerned, is likely to be very correct ; 
 as we know from Suetonius, that whenever the colonies were to send 
 any public decrees to Augustus, they were framed by the most 
 learned citizens, that nothing might offend the eyes of the emperor, 
 who was known to be a severe observer and examiner of the words. 
 We are told by Tiro (Gellius, Lib. 10), Cicero's freedman, that 
 Pompey debated concerning an inscription in which his third consul- 
 ship was mentioned, whether he should say Consulem tertio, or tertium. 
 Cicero told him, in order to avoid ambiguity, to write tert. 
 
 I shall conclude this subject with remarking, that Noris did not 
 publish the Pisan inscriptions with sufficient accuracy. Gorius has 
 corrected him, and he was, as he says, an duTovTyig; he examined 
 them most minutely ; he says, that there are many more words ac- 
 cented, than either Cellarius or Fabrettus have given. 
 
 Capacio has published some Latin inscriptions which were found 
 at Herculaneum, without any comments on them. I shall point out 
 what appears to be worthy of notice in them. 
 
 In the first inscription, we have devilum for debitiim. I find the 
 changes of B and V very common in the early Christian inscriptions, 
 as BIXI r for vixit ; BIRGO for virgo. 
 
 In the second, mention is made of a school and a chalcidicum, the 
 rights of the municipium ; and the opposition to those who used 
 false weights," lU vitiis ponderum occurrerint." The chalcidicum here 
 seems to be an ambulatory, or a place of meeting for the merchants. 
 The word is used sometimes for a supper room, as in Arnobius ; and 
 sometimes, according to Isidorus, it is a balcony, called by the Greeks 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 173 
 
 (TTvidciiov, and by the Latins, mcenianum also ; whence the Italian 
 migfia?io. 
 
 The inscription is in honour of the family of Meminius Rufus. 
 The words agi, ambitioni, viliis, are written agei, ambitionei, viteis. In 
 Greek, the use of u for r, and /, was so common, that Salmasius thence 
 inferred, that the two former were pronounced js iura.. I may add, 
 that the modern Greeks confound them, and the u also with them. 
 There is no perceptible difference to the ear, between the n in nKoa-i, 
 the u in k^vo?, the t in (piXog, and the vi in ij^ns^a. As an instance of the 
 ancient permutation of ij and <, I give the following inscription from 
 Gruter, p. 701. 
 
 OAwPIOC ONHCI 
 MIANOC TEKNw EI 
 AIw lOYAIANw En 
 OIHCA . MNHMH 
 C EINEKEN . ETf T 
 XI TEKNON OTAIC A 
 OANATOC. 
 " I Florius Onesimianus have made this for my son Julianus, for 
 the sake of remembrance. Be of good cheer, son ; no one is im- 
 mortal." 
 
 When we meet with ^vriy.Yiv ccve6y;Ke, we should translate the words, 
 memoriam posiiit ; memoria meaning sepulcralis inscriptio ; and i^vrifjuri, 
 being the same as iTTiy^u<pyi. Servius, quoted by Kircher de Sun. Rom. 
 L. 3, says. Locus, ustrina did solet ; opens consiimatio , sepulcrum; in- 
 scriptum nomen, memoria et monumentum. 
 
 The third inscription is mutilated in three lines ; in the last is 
 AVGVSTALIB. DATVM. The Augustales were priests, not ma- 
 gistrates, as Reinesius supposed ; their duty was to attend to sacred 
 matters. 
 
 The fourth is a brazen tablet, on which are inscribed laws for the 
 regulation of the sale and purchase of houses. In it are the initials 
 
174. Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 Q. D. E. R. F. P. D. E. R. I. C. meaning, Quod de ea re fieri plactiit , de 
 ea re ita cejisuerunt. The words sed and exemplo, are written SET, 
 EXSEMPLO. 
 
 The following is an inscription on a horse of bronze found at Her- 
 culaneum : 
 
 EX QUADRIGA AENEA 
 
 SPLENDIDISSIMA 
 CVM SVIS IVGALIBVS 
 COMMINVTA AC DISSIPATA 
 SVPERSTES ECCE EGO VNVS 
 RESTO 
 NONNISI REGIA CVRA 
 REPOSITIS APTE SEXCENTIS 
 IN QVAE VESVVIVS ME 
 ABSVRTI INSTAR 
 DISCERPSERAT 
 MEMBRIS. 
 These chariots, whether of marble or bronze, were generally parts 
 of triumphal arches. On the arch of triumph erected on the bridge 
 over the Tiber to the Emperor Augustus was a statue of bronze, 
 borne on a chariot drawn by four horses. The arch erected to Tra- 
 jan at Ancona was adorned by a figure drawn in a car, as before. 
 «* In ejus medio noscitiir arcus ejus sublimis, quadrigis et trophceis in fas- 
 tigio onustus, a S. P. Q. R. in ejus beneficii memoriam Trajano ibidem 
 erectus." Cyprianus Eichovius, quoted by Bergier. 
 
 Capacio has also given some inscriptions from Stabile (Castell a 
 mare ) ; such are the following : 
 
 D.M. 
 
 CAE.CILIAE LIBER ALI CONIVGI PRAESTANTISSIMAE 
 
 AC DE SE BENEMERITAE 
 
 O. CRANAVS EPAPHRODITVS. 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, ^c. 175 
 
 The learned reader will decide, if he is able, on the truth of Mazzochi's 
 assertion, who says, that the word bene-merentis alone, found on a 
 sepulchral monument, declares it to belong to a Christian (de Hil. 
 Epi.). The words bene-merentis in pace do indeed refer to a Christian 
 tomb ; they are, as Lupus expresses it, part of a formula liturgica, in 
 pace te suscipiat Christus. This form is given occasionally in Hebrew, 
 as in an inscription which I copy from Zircoroni : 
 sv9aSs Ke'ijoit ^ocucrTivx. 
 
 Now this is evidently the word tuyhti/ pax, with the final mem obli- 
 terated. 
 
 Capacio gives one in Greek, which is one of consequence, as it 
 tends to fix the site of the ancient Stabice ; it mentions the suburbs 
 and port which were built by the senators of Stabiae. Diphihts finished 
 the work in five years , says the inscription, a slow architect, but quick 
 when cojnmanded ; tcatrot f^auovg ocp-x^iTiKTUv ttoo^ Trooo'TOi.'yf/.x ouus TOi^ug. 
 
 It is surprising, that tlie site of Stabise should have been so much 
 disputed ; among other circumstances which point it out, the follow- 
 ing topographical remarks of Galen deserve attention. " Stabise is 
 by the sea in the recess of the gulph, betwixt Surrentum and Naples; 
 on that side rather towards Surrentum. All that side is a good sized 
 hill, long, running out into the Tuscan sea. It is gently bent towards 
 the west, and does not stretch itself exactly to the south. This hill 
 keeps the gulf shut up against the winds which blow from the south- 
 east, the east, and the north. With this, in the depth of the gulf, 
 another hill joins itself, not a small one, which the ancients in their 
 histories, and the more accurate of the moderns, name Vesuvius. 
 The celebrated and new name of it is Vesvius, known to all on ac- 
 count of the lire, which in it is sent up from the earth below " To 
 
 06 %iy^*01/ OiVTO TO ETT* Tr 9ccXetTTVI (XI Toifiia.] KXTO, TOV 'TTuSf/.BVCC. TCU KoXtTOV 
 f^d'hiO-TU. i(TTl, TOV [/.BTOC^U l,OU^eVTOU TS XOcl 'HiOiTTo'kiUq, \v tJ vXiUpU fJiKKkOV T^ 
 
 y.(x.T» T,ou^evTav, kvtti 6 rj TrXeu^a 'na.fTot, Xo^og IdTtv evf^eyedrig, [j(,XKPog, hg to 
 
17^ Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 Tv^^i^ViV Ei^Tjxwi/ 'TnXa.yoi. bksxXitxi orjpsjj.oc ttcoi; tijc S6(riv o Xcipo^ curog' ovk 
 0ix^f(3ug d £7r» ttiv f/,ea-f}fA,f2^luv IxrerocTocr ouTog [^sv o Xo'pog a.y.Xii(TTOv Tctg 
 a.vu.roXiY.olg uvi^oiq (puXocTrei rov koXttov, 'Kvpu, xxi 'ATTijX/wTrj, t«' f^op'pa.' 
 a-vvxTTTEt ocuTu xocToc Tov fA-wx^ov TOM kcXttov Xoipog ersoog ou f^ticpo;, ov sv 
 T£ Toig cruyypocf/.fyLoicriv ot TTOiXxioi Puf/,aioi, Kctt tuv v\jv ot aKm(ii(rTEpoi Beitou- 
 (otov ovo[/,x^ova-r to o Bvdo^ov re x.oii viov ovofjuot, tov Xoipou, Bstrfitov a,7rot,(nv 
 uva^uTTOtg yvupifjiov, dia to KXTuaev avcic(pspo[^Bvov ex. Trig yXi s" ecvTu ttuo. 
 
 0£^. Me9. £. 
 
 None of the discoveries made at Pompeii is so interesting, as that 
 of the chapel of Isis. An interior view of it is given in Sir Wilham 
 Hamilton's account of the excavations. Over the great gate of the 
 chapel was the following inscription, now at Portici : 
 
 N. POPIDIVS N. F. CELSINVS 
 
 AEDEM ISIDIS TERRAE MOTV CONLAPSAM 
 
 A FVNDAMENTO P. SVA RESTITVIT. 
 
 HVNC DECVRIONES OB LIBERALITATEM 
 
 CVM ESSET ANNORVM SEX. ORDINI SVO 
 
 GRATIS ADLEGERVNT. 
 
 The Decuriones in the colonies, answered to the situation of se- 
 nators at Rome. See Tacitus, Lib. XIII. Theodosius, Lib. LXXXV. 
 de Deair; forbids Deairionem (et si sic did oportet) curice senatorem 
 plumbatarum ictibus siibdi. To be a Decurio, it was necessary to 
 have a certain sum of money ; the quantity is specified by Pliny 
 (Lib, I. epist. 19): Esse autem tibi cetitum millium censum satis in- 
 dicat quod apiid ?ios decurio es. There was this difference in the titles 
 of the senators at Rome and the Decuriones ; the former were 
 called Patres Conscripti, the latter Conscript!, See Gruter, page 
 
 443. 456- 
 
 When the people wished to erect a statue, or dedicate an inscrip- 
 tion to any benefactor, the place for the public monument was granted 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneiun, &c. 1 77 
 
 by the Decuriones. Hence we see often, L. D. D. D. Locus datus 
 decreto Decunonu?n. 
 
 The reader will observe the word (edem in the inscription. The 
 Augurs having marked out the spot for the temple, sanctified it by 
 certain ceremonies, called Augurea, sive Inaugurationes. Without 
 these, a sacred house was not a temple, but was called cedem : Tcm- 
 pluin enim post consecrationem inaugurabatur ; cedes vero non item. Gel- 
 lius. Lib. XIV. Varro's words are, Non omnes ades sacras templa 
 esse; sed ilia tantum quce sint augurio constituta. 
 
 In a niche of the temple of Isis was found a marble statue of a 
 female, with her fore-finger on her hp. (See Sir Wm. Hamilton's 
 account of Pompeii). I give the following passage from Varro, which 
 shews that a statue of this kind was always seen in temples of Isis : 
 " Qiioniam in omnibus templis ubi Isis et Serapis colebatur, erat etiam sifnu- 
 lacnim quod digito labiis impresso admonere videbatur ut silentiajierent." 
 See August, de Civ. Dei, Lib. XVIII. c. v. The digitus above is the 
 fore-finger ; " at ille digitum a pollice proximum ori sua admovens et in 
 siuporem attonitus, tace, tace, inquit." Apul. Met. Lib. I. 
 
 " The walls of the cloisters of the temple were beautifully orna- 
 mented with arabesque paintings ; and the rooms of many of the 
 houses at Pompeii were enriched with elegant paintings in arabesque 
 compartments, and many of the floors were of tesserated mosaic." 
 (See Sir Wm. Hamilton. ) We do not, however, see at Pompeii any 
 of those marks of luxury and extravagance in the furnishing of the 
 houses, which the opulent of Rome displayed. Not content with 
 inserting in the walls pieces of marble of the most beautiful kind, 
 they also had them painted and varied with different colours. This 
 custom commenced under Claudius ; under Nero they began to cover 
 the marble with gold. Thus the marble of Numidia was gilded ; 
 that of Phrygia was stained with purple, " ut ovatus esset Numidicus, 
 ut purpura distingueretur Synnadicus." Plin. Lib. XXXV. c. 1. This 
 explanation of ovatus I have taken from Bergier, who has brought 
 
 A a 
 
178 Inscriptions at Herculaneum, ^c. 
 
 together some curious passages on the manner of ornamenting the 
 houses of the ancient Romans. The mode of staining marble was so 
 perfect, that the dyers of Lacedemon and Tyre were envious of the 
 purple lustre which the marbles exhibited. ( Stat. Syl. in Epith. Stell. 
 et Viol.) The house of Violantilla was adorned with Libyan and 
 Phrygian stone, and the green marble of Laconia (called by us verd- 
 ant ique) : 
 
 Hie Libycus, Phrygiusque si/ex, hie dura Laco?ium 
 
 Sax a virent. Stat. 
 
 Pieces of solid gold, called crassum aurum, and of the same metal 
 beaten out, called bractece, were attached to the beanis and different 
 parts of the house. Some women, says Seneca, had baths paved 
 with pure silver ; they placed their feet on the same kind of metal 
 in which their food was served up ; Videret }ia;e Fabriciiis, et stratas 
 argento muliemm balueas. — We are arrived, he says, Epist. 87, Lib, 
 XIIL at such a height of luxury, that we are unwilling to tread but 
 on precious stones ; Eo delicianmi perve?iitniis, ut nisi gemmas calcare 
 Jiolimus. Such and other traits of splendid folly and extravagance 
 are mentioned in the description which Statius gives of the country- 
 house of Manlius Vopiscus ; see Sylv. L. I. in Tibur. Man. Vopisei. 
 Bergier closes his remarks with the following beautiful passage of 
 Seneca, in which the idle vanity of those who thus abused their 
 wealth is censured. 
 
 " What difference is there between us and children, except that 
 we are mad about pictures and statues, indulging our folly at a 
 greater expense .'' They are pleased with smooth pebbles found on 
 the shore, and having some little variety in them ; we are delighted 
 with large spotted columns, brought either from the sands of Egypt 
 or the deserts of Africa, to support some portico, or supper-room 
 capable of holding a great crowd. We gaze with wonder on walls 
 which are covered over with pieces of fine marble, while we know 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 179 
 
 of what little value that is which is hidden by them. We put a fraud 
 upon our own eyes ; and while we clothe our wainscots with gold, 
 what else are we doing than taking pleasure in a lie ! We know that 
 it is but vile wood which is concealed under this gold." 
 
 " Qiiid inter piieros et nos interest, nisi quod nos circa takdas et statuas 
 insanimus, cariiis inepti ? Illos reperti in litore calculi Iceves, et aliquid 
 hahentes varietatis delectant. Nos ingentium maculce columnarum, sive 
 ex Mgyptiis arenis, sive ex Africce solitudi?iibiis advectce,porticum aliquant, 
 vel capacem populi ccenationem jerunt. Miramiir parietes tenui marmore 
 inductos, cum sciamus, quale sit, quod absconditur; oculis nostris imponi- 
 mus ; et cum aura tecta perfundimus, quid aliud, quam mendacio gaude- 
 mus? scimus enim sub illo aurojosda ligna latitare." Epist. 115. 
 
 There are many altars of different sizes and shapes in and about 
 the temple of Isis. Their form is generally square or cubical. These 
 were the forms commonly in use ; the more ancient were those which 
 were called Ionic altars. Their form is described by Nicomachus 
 Geras. Lib. XI. Arithmet. The altar of Dosiadas is that which will 
 give the reader a correct notion of the Ionic altar. I shall insert it 
 here, with a literal translation ; for the sake particularly of observing 
 a circumstance in it, which escaped the learned Salmasius in his com- 
 mentary on it, in which he has so ably endeavoured to explain a 
 composition, the obscurity of which is noticed by Lucian, and is put 
 by him, on the score of difficulty, on a level with the Alexandra of 
 Lycophron. See the Lexiph. 
 
i8o hiscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 AnSIAAA BnMOS. 
 
 OXog cu y,e Xi^oog Ipuv, 
 
 Ai(3oc,0Bcr(nv htu >c«Xp(^ijv 
 
 Ttto (poivivo'i Tsyyei' 
 
 MuuXiBg V7rep9s Trerpuv "Ncc^iuv Ooovuevxt 
 
 na,[^[/,ccTuv (piootvTO Ylocvog' ou (TTpofiiXu Xiyvul' 
 
 1^05 Bvuorjg f/,£Xixlvei r^i'/yiC'iv jjlb Nua-t'uv. 
 
 E? ya^ fiu[A.ov oovg y,B f^TjTi y (xvpou 
 
 UXlvSoig, f^viT AXvPt/jg TTuyevTcc fiuXoig' 
 
 Ouo' ov KvvSoyevijg btbv^b (p^rXti 
 
 Aafjuv T« f4,viKuSuv KBpOC 
 
 AnTcraitTtv txf/,(pi 0Btpa,criv 
 
 O(ro"«< vBf/,ovTcx.t Kuv9ia.g 
 
 JCOp^OTTOg 'TTiXotTO [/.Ol' 
 
 'Luv ovpctvov yix,p BKyovoig 
 FAVcig jw' £Teu?£ yyjysv^g' 
 Tuuv aac^uov riyytiv 
 E)/euff"£ 'TTxXfA.vg a.(p6iTuv. 
 
 £1/ ^ 'TTIUV KOVjVrjdBV TiV 
 
 Ivig y.oXa.'i^B Topyovog 
 
 Qvoig r B-rrta'TrBvooig tb jjloi 
 
 Tf^yjTTiKOocv TToXxj XapoTBpriv 
 
 T,7rovC7]v' aoviv idi ovi QuotrBuv 
 
 E? B[/,i^v TBUZ^V x,a,9(xpog yap lyta 
 
 lov IBVTUV TBpOiUV OiX KiKBu9^ BKBlVOg 
 
 A[/,(pi "NBKig Q^yilkioctg ov (rx^^odev Muf/vijj 
 
 Xo/, T^ITTXTOp, ■7T0p(p\JpB0V <pUp OiVlSrjICB KPtCXJ. 
 
Inscriptions at Herciilaneum, (^c. 18 1 
 
 " The dark blood of victims does not stain me, as a garment which 
 is dyed with the deep hue of purple. May instruments, sharpened 
 on whetstones from Naxos, abstain from slaying victims on me. 
 The fragrant viscous humour (frankincense) flowing from trees of 
 Arabia does not defile me with its tortuous vapour. You gaze on 
 me an altar not constructed with plinths of gold, or heaps of silver ; 
 nor is that altar which Apollo made in Delos, by taking together the 
 horns of the goats which browse on the lofty hills there, to be com- 
 pared to me. In unison with (the Graces) the daughters of heaven, 
 the nine muses, sprung fi-om caelum and terra, formed me ; whose 
 imperishable art was granted to them by Jupiter, the ruler of the 
 immortals. But thou, who quaffest from the fountain, which Pegasus 
 the son of Gorgon struck out, mayst thou sacrifice and pour out 
 libations more agreeable to me, than honey from Hymettus ; ap- 
 proach hither with confidence ; for I am free from serpents that emit 
 poison, such as that altar concealed which is built in the Thracian 
 Ne£e, and which the bearer away of the golden fleece dedicated to 
 thee, O Minerva, near Myrinna." 
 
 The difi^erent measures, as they occur in order in the poem of 
 Dosiadas, are these ; iambic, trochaic, antispastic, iamb;c, anapaestic, 
 choriambic. In the fifth line I have adopted the alteration of Salma- 
 sius in the optative (pi'Soivro, instead of (pstSovTon, which is against the 
 metre. The verse still seems to want some correction. 
 
 In the seventh line, ray^oujov followed the word i^vjts. The metre, 
 which is antispastic, was thus destroyed. Salmasius proposes the 
 alteration which I have given in the text. The scholiast, whose name 
 is not given by Salmasius, but who is called Holobolus, says, that 
 T«')'%our,ov means, in Persian, gold. Cosmas Indico-pleustes says, that 
 Tayxo^:», in the language of the Axumites, is gold. But neither of 
 these words will help the verse. 
 
i82 Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 In the Epistol. La Crosiaiice, is a remark which escaped Sahnasius, 
 the initials of the hnes of the above poem give the acrostich,'OAu^7r(£ 
 -TToXKoig Itbcti &v<TBlxq ; perhaps Olympius was a poet, and is the person 
 who is addressed in the verse 18. 
 
 In the quarters of the soldiers at Pompeii, were found several hel- 
 mets and pieces of armour for the arms, thighs, and legs ; but none 
 for the breast. Sir Wm. Hamilton. 
 
 Probably the defence for the breast being made of linen, as was 
 the custom, might be destroyed. The XivoQu^vikbi; of the Homeric ages 
 were preferred to those made of metal, on account of their being 
 light and easy to the wearer. Iphicrates, we are told by Cornelius 
 Nepos, changed the breast-plates of iron and brass into those of 
 linen. Caracalla instituted a Macedonian phalanx in honour of Alex- 
 ander the Great ; and the soldiers wore the thorax of linen. Dion. 
 Alexander himself wore one of the same substance. Plutarch. We 
 may have some conception of the strength and firmness of some of 
 these defences for the breast, from the following passage of Nicetas 
 Choniates. Rerum Isaaci Arg. " He was then fighting without a 
 shield ; but had put on for a covering for his breast, a texture of 
 linen, well moistened with sour wine and salt, and frequently folded 
 over. And so well could it resist blows, in consequence of being 
 thus forced firmly together with wine and salt, that it was impene- 
 trable to every weapon. More than eighteen folds of this texture 
 were counted." 'Auto? ^ivToi avev Qvpbou ri^viKuvTOi ^tYiyuviZBTo \ic Se Xivou 
 'Tmroti^uivov v(pa(ru.oc ctvu uucttyjou lycuvug viXi(r[>isvci) oiapoo'xov, TroXXomig tts^i- 
 'TTTV^dev, StKyiv Qupoixog IveSvero. 'Etg toctovtov 0' ijv xvTiTUTTEg a,X<ri, Koci oivu 
 (TiiuTriXviSev, ug koh fieXoug hv»i TfoiVTog crTeyuvuTepov. HptdfiovvTo eig oktu- 
 KullsKcc Mcci TTXitu v(poccrjjt,a,Tog avfJi.'Trruy^ot.roc. 
 
 The subject of some of the Herculanean pictures will give us 
 room to make a few observations, which have been omitted by the 
 authors of the magnificent work, the Antichitd d'Ercolano. 
 
 Tom. I. p. 1. In the corner of this picture are these words : 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 183 
 
 AAESANAP03 AGHNAI03 EFPAOEN. There is a similar affectation 
 of an archaism, in forming the sigma, in an inscription which I copied 
 at Thessalonica, with Captain Leake, in the garden of the bishop. 
 
 AEONTI KAI NEIKOnOAEITOIS TEKNOI3 
 3TPATONEIKH KAI NEIK0AA03 AYTm. 
 
 Tom. I. p. 38. This picture represents a round altar, about which 
 is twisted a serpent ; in the corner of it, near the serpent, is this in- 
 scription ; Genius hiijiis loci Montis. On the other side of the altar is 
 a youth crowned with leaves, with a branch in his right hand, and 
 putting up to his mouth a finger of his left. In the notes to this 
 Plate, much learning is displayed, and a great variety of conjecture 
 employed. The following appears to be the true explanation of the 
 subject. 
 
 The salubrity of Herculaneum, and the immediate neighbourhood 
 of Vesuvius, was much celebrated by the ancients. Strabo says, that 
 Herculaneum, from its situation relatively to the south-west wind, 
 was " a healthy place of residence:" uyiBivrjv ttoiuv riiv kutoikixv. Galen 
 speaks of the dryness of the air round Vesuvius, ©e^. MbQ. e. Proco- 
 pius says, that those who were dying of consumptions were sent 
 there for their health : eg tovto ufj^eXu TO\)g (pdoij uXovrai; ex Tuv avu6ev 
 X^ovuv IxT^oi TrsfjuTToiia-iv. Bell. Goth. c. iv. The serpent round the altar 
 need not detain us ; the figure of the youth with the lotus on his 
 head (which circumstance is not mentioned by the annotators), and 
 his finger to his mouth, is Harpocrates. The annotators stop there. 
 Now Harpocrates is the sun ; see Cuper. Harp. p. 12. The subject of 
 the picture then is this ; the genius of the mountain is the presiding 
 deity; the altar is erected to him ; the serpent (in allusion to i^scu- 
 lapius), and the figure of Harpocrates, or the sun, are indicative of 
 the healthiness of the place. 
 
 At the end of the first volume of the Herculanean collection are 
 some drawings, the subjects of which are architectural. The artists 
 
184 Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 seem to have indulged their fancy, and disregarded all rule. Tliere 
 are Ionic columns without bases, and Ionic columns supporting a roof 
 and entablature of the Doric order, as appears by a species of triglyph 
 and the modillons that are upon it. While the editors of this work 
 attempt to explain some passages of Vitruvius, they leave untouched 
 that passage in Euripides, which is clouded with so much difficulty, 
 from our ignorance of ancient architecture. The passage I allude to 
 is in the Iphigenia in Tauris. The commentators on this poet pass the 
 passage by, as if they understood it. Orestes and Pylades are de- 
 bating in this play, at the part alluded to, on the means of entering 
 the temple of Diana, to take away the statue of that goddess. Py- 
 lades tells his friend " to put his body in between the triglyphs, into 
 that part where there is a vacant space :" 
 
 Opa OB y iicru rptyXv(pct)V, qttoi y.evov, 
 Aeji/tas? xocdBtixi. V. 11 3. 
 
 oTTot KBvov, in quo loco vacuitas, says d'Orville, ad Char. — Now, what was 
 this vacant space between the triglyphs ? Were the metopes of the 
 frize open ; and why were they ? for the purpose of giving light to the 
 temple ? or were tlie ancients, at the time Euripides may be supposed 
 to refer to, ignorant of the mode of closing them up ? These are the 
 questions asked in the note to the last Paris edition of Winkelmann, 
 Vol.11, p. 579. With regard to the grammatical construction of the 
 passage, I shall propose that a stop be put after the particle ^e ; and 
 that it be read thus, oficx. Se y, but mind; and that Set, or some such 
 word, be understood with reference to Kadi7mi ; or the infinitive be 
 used as imperative. " Tou must put your body between the triglyphs." 
 Brunck, whose ears could bear the crasis of axx evrov, for dxx b» uurov 
 (see Soph.yEdi. Coll. 1192) might have suggested ^eT'[A.«g for S6:if^ccg 
 in the passage above ; but such a license is not allowed by the Attic 
 Muse. 
 
 In Plate XLIII. Tom. I. the pediment of the building represented 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 185 
 
 is very low and disproportionate. The pediment, called t^Ixu^ov, 
 and T^iyuviov, was also, as is well known, called xsTog. The reason of 
 which lattername is mentioned by Eiistathius in his Commentary on 
 Iliad XI ; and by Galen in a passage which I shall transcribe. It was 
 given, before Salmasius corrected it, in a corrupt manner; and it 
 may be easily understood by a reference to the plate in question. 
 The passage is to be found in Galen's commentary on the treatise of 
 Hippocrates vrepi d^S^av. Vol. XI. p. 376'. Edit. Paris. 
 
 " The tower is called rv^cm;, and the highest part of the building 
 ccsTUfio. ; for thus they name the part of the roof which is raised up 
 in the form of a triangle. If a man wishes to make a projecting 
 terrace, instead of tiling it, he will make the roof flat, without any 
 pediment. When he puts tiles on, he shews his intention to be, that the 
 rain water should run ofF easily. According to this then, the middle 
 of the roof will be raised high, extending all the length from the 
 hinder to the fore part of the building; it is then brought down 
 gently inclining on both sides, nearly in the form of the wings of a 
 bird, hanging down from the bjdy ; for, according to this resem- 
 blance, the anci.^nts appear to have called this part of the building 
 aerov and aerw^a." 
 
 TujlTl!' [Jt,eV TOV TTVoyOV OCKOVSIV XPVl, OiKOV UiTUfJUa, TO V'^yiXoTOiTOV uioog. 
 
 OVTU yoco ovof/.a^oucri ra? eij v\\Jog a,vocTO(.(7ii(; ttjj opoipv;; rptyuvostdsii. st usv yocp 
 '/;Aix(rTmtov Trotyiai Ttg, ocvn Kipui^ou 7rotrj<rBt t>jv oao'pyiv BTriTrsoov ouk asTuua 
 f)(pu<Ta,v' Y-ipx^ov iTTtTi^ug iuxTTop'pvTov ccVTV TO voup TO 'ojjbfcpiov elvoit f^OUXSTCCI. 
 
 KOiTX TOVTOI hvv V^/1ljX0V Bpyix,(TiTOCl TO [^itTOV Tt;? 0O0(f)9Jf KOiTOC, TO [/.1J>C0g £K TUV 
 
 CTTKTu TTPog TO 'TTpoo'u TEToifjLivov ovTco yap B(p BicocTepctiv TUV TrXdyiuv ycxTuyei 
 T^y opo<piiv ToiTTBtvug 7i[y(,Bvyjv, ucnrBp Tivocg ob TfTB^vyag Kx^Bt^Bvotg. outu yoi^ Bot- 
 KcciTiv BiKcca-ocvTBg 01 -rrxXxiot tcocXbo-xi touto Ti/jg onciug to [/.B^cg, ccbtcv kxi ocSTUf^x, 
 In their remarks on the architectural drawings at the end of the 
 first volume, the editors endeavour to explain the word harpaginetuli, 
 which occurs in Vitruvius, and which I ventured to translate in a 
 former Dissertation, in a sense different from that which is given by 
 
 Bb 
 
iS6 Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 the editors. The word is very obscure ; Philander does not attempt 
 to expound it ; Cesar Ceesarianus gives many readings ; but none 
 help us much. 
 
 PI. LIX and LX. Tom. II. represent sacrifices and ceremonies in 
 honour of Isis. Almost all those who are present at them are drawn 
 with their heads uncovered and bald ; capite deglabrato, as Lac. Fir- 
 mianus says (Lib. I.) speaking of this custom of the priests of Isis. 
 We shall be content with quoting the words of Jerome on the pro- 
 phet Ezekiel, c. xiii. " Perspicue demonstratur, rasis capitibiis siciit 
 sacerdotes cultoresque Isidis ac Serapidis nos esse non debere." The time 
 of the first introduction of the sacred rites of Isis into Rome is thus 
 given by Bacchinus : " Isidis mihi sacra una cum amicitia regiim M,gyp- 
 tiacorum in iirbem migi'asse videnlur, quo tempore Piolemmis Philopator 
 Senatui, P. Q. R. tutelatn jilii moriens commisit." Some asserted in 
 the time of Spartianus that they came in at a later period : " mihi mi- 
 rum videtur quemadmodum sacra Isidis per hunc (Caracallam ) Romam 
 venisse dicantiir, cum Antotiitius Commodus ita ea celebraverit , ut Anubitn 
 portaret et pausas ederet." The pausa were resting places for the 
 procession. See Salma. ad Spar. p. 166. 
 
 Some of the figures in the plates we are considering, hold in 
 their hands sistra. The sistnim was, as Salmasius observes, of the 
 form of a racket ; it was of copper ; holes were pierced through it, 
 in which were put small rods of the same metal ; the instrument 
 when shaken made a noise like that of castanets. The sistrum had 
 often four rods ; in the plates above, there are no more than three. 
 
 Those who are conversant with the symbolical language of Egypt, 
 find in the four bars or rods, an allusion to the four elementar}' prin- 
 ciples and their harmonious arrangement ; concerning which the 
 author de recipiendis Manichceis, uses these beautiful expressions, ad- 
 dressing himself to the deity : o-i) Ik na-a-uooiv (ttoix^Iuv riiv >tTt(nv crvva.^- 
 ucxTXi; TSTpa-crt KoctgoT^ rov xmXov rev Ivteajrov i<TTi(pa.vu(Toe,g. " Thou arrang- 
 ing the creation from the four elements, hast crowned the circle of 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneiim, &c. 187 
 
 the year with four seasons." Tollius thinks that when the bars are 
 three in number, an alkision is made to the elements of fire, water, 
 air; and that the sistrum itself signifies the earth. It is not, how- 
 ever, improbable, that a reference may be made to the three seasons 
 of the year ; for into so many parts, as well as into four, was the 
 year divided : hence the Hours were three ; Minerva, by which is 
 meant the air, was called, says Diodorus, T^iroyivsux., because she 
 underwent changes three times in the year, in spring, summer, and 
 winter. Osiris and Isis (the sun and moon), says the same author, 
 were thought by the Egyptians to govern the whole world, nourish- 
 ing and increasing every thing in the three seasons of the year, the 
 spring, the summer, and the winter, which perform their revolutions 
 with a motion invisible : rov (tui^ttuvto, Ko<rf/.ov SioiksTv, r^e(povTocg n km) 
 «u^oi/T«j TVoLvroi. rm^ioiCTiv upxig ccopxro] Kivr^cru Tr,v Trepiooov a.7rocpriC,oucroe,ig, rri 
 
 Ts eoi^tvv, ycKi Qi^iv^, Kocl x^it^i^'vv. The lyre of Mercury had three chords 
 referring to the same division of the year; " he invented the lyre, 
 which he made with three chords in imitation of the three seasons of 
 
 the year:" >.upa.v re svpeiv, -/)!/ TTOiyicrxi T^t^opdov fAtfyi,ri(ru[^Bvov ra; kxt svixvtov 
 
 ilipocg. Diod. Lib. I. This instrument also refers to the harmonious 
 arrangement of the heavenly bodies. The heavens, says Ficinus, in 
 his commentary on Plotinus (Enn. 3, Lib. II.), are, according to the 
 Pythagoreans, the lyre of the deity. " The ancient philosophers, 
 observes Plutarch from Tim^eus, placed in the hands of the statues 
 of the gods musical instruments ; not as wishing to ornament them 
 with the lyre and flute, but as thinking that nothing was so much the 
 business of the gods, as the harmony and arrangement of things." 
 De anim. proc. This beautiful order, this " music of the spheres," is 
 fancifully illustrated by Pythagoras ; by Timaeus in his dialogue Tre^t 
 ^uxa-g Kca-[A,ca ; by Plato in his explanation of it ; and again by the 
 commentators on him. (See Tim. Pla. and Proc/us on it, Lib. III. 
 Brucker Phil. p. 1048.1.) Plutarch, when he makes mention of the 
 less important notes and sounds of music-, such, as the Tr^oa-XKy.fioivo- 
 
J 88 Inscriptions at Herailaneum, &c. 
 
 y-ivoc, the Xixoivoi;, the 'Tra.^xf/.sa-og, compares the distances of the planets 
 with those of the above chords. ( De anhn. creat.) Aristides, in his 
 third book on Music, has unfolded the same doctrine with Plato, and 
 alludes to it in the animated address in the first book ; part of which 
 I here give, from the corrected text of the learned Meibomius. 
 " Whom shall we first invoke as an assistant on this occasion ? shall 
 we not call on Him, who has arranged all this visible world by means 
 invisible, and who has framed, with such perfection, the whole soul 
 according to harmonic proportions ; — whether it be lawful to call 
 him Demiurgus, aptly applying the name to him from the things 
 which are his works ; or whether we should call him Pure Species, 
 intimating that, from which men have derived their powers; or 
 whether we should address him by the title of Reason, or the One, 
 as men of sublime understandings and wisdom have, or by any other 
 name ; manifesting, by the former appellation, that he arranges and 
 beautifies all ; and by the latter, pointing out that he brings together 
 and binds into one, by indissoluble chains, things many and different ; 
 — Him, let us invoke and pray to, that he may afford us all neces- 
 sary perception, and grant us all facility to speak in a manner worthy 
 the subject proposed." rtvx ttoutov (rvXXrjTrTo^tx. Tuv rrjXiicouTuv viO(TYjK(t 
 KocAitv , 7] o<j^i Tov ocTTOiv jM,£i/ Toos TO cpufAfvov oiopxTOi? TS^vocig apj^txTuuevov 
 'TTxo'oi.v oe i|'U%>ji' oipj/,ovnx.g Xoyotg rtXicoruroc rs^vyicrocj^svov, SiTS ovif^ioup-yov ovoux- 
 Ciiv 9sy.ig, e^ uv npyoca-Tcci, nocXug 9sf/.svovg rriv Trpocrriyo^Kx.v, bitb sidog >cxXhv 
 iuocysg, l^ ou Trxascr^s To7g fjcir xvtov ouvoif^sig ocvQauTroig cryifjbatvovTKg, Itr ouv 
 Xoyov, ttd Ivaooe,, ug civdpeg 6eiot y.a,i cropoi Xoyov eviottov, bit ccXXcag evpeTv ecrrtv 
 iVTuyx/xMOVTOig' tco f/,BV, ug irocvra, dpiA-OTTHv nut yt,ccTa,y.o(rf/,B7v oyiXoxivTocg' tu Se 
 i[ji.<pci,tvovrug, cog TroXXu to. ovtix Jt«» dix(pepofyievoc irocxxrcng oi(rfji,o7g uXvroig iv Ivi 
 (TuXXocfiuv 6%e<. tovtov ^vj xaXcof/,ev, koh BU^u[ji,idct 7roc<roiv fjutv r;[/.tv f3el3oc{x» koc- 
 TuX■yl^^lv, UTToupys^v, 7rx(ra.v oe, tov ttbdi tuu 7rpoKei[ji,svuv enrBtv evot^icog, 'pot.<rTmviv 
 Tr^o^evuv. p. 5. The Xoyot a^fiovtocg above, are those contained in the 
 numbers 1 . 2 . 4, . 8 and 1 . 3 . 9 • 27. See the note of Meibomius 
 on this passage. 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 189 
 
 Tom. II. PI. XVII. Cassandra and Apollo are here represented. 
 The annotators think that the subject is Apollo teaciiing her the art 
 of prophecy. It rather appears to refer to the daughter of Priam 
 rejecting the suit of that god. This circumstance, and the angry 
 revenge of the god in causing all her prophecies to be disregarded, 
 are mentioned twice by Cassandra in the poem of Lycophron : 
 
 Tt ^xtcpa, T'Kvif/.uv en; a.vyjKooui; 7rsrpoe.g 
 
 itg KUfjix xuCpov, en; vutto,; ouo'irXririooi,; 
 
 (coiC^oi, Kevov ^^acXXoucroc, u.a,<rTXKog upoTov ', 
 
 TTKmv "hoyuv ycta Aeipisuf evocr(pi(rB, 
 
 ^levorj'yo-joig (pvjfiocnriv eyy^plcru^ et'"'?, 
 
 jc«» QecrtpUTuv 7raoy.xvTtv ail^eudij (ppoviv 
 
 XiXTouv a-TS^vjQsig, uv eKocX^ocivsv TXiyeiv. V, I45I. 
 
 " But why alas ! do I continue to address myself to the senseless 
 rocks, the deaf waves, and sea-washed cliffs, pouring forth my use- 
 less strain } since Apollo has deprived all my words of credit, casting 
 false rumours upon my sayings, and my skill in the prophetic art, 
 being denied admission to that bed, which he eagerly wished to pos- 
 sess." See also v. 351. I have given in the translation to ha-nxifnla.q, 
 the meaning which the scholiast gives ; it is explained by Sva-v^oa-tTovg 
 in some manuscript remarks on the Basil edition of Lycophron, in 
 the Public Library at Cambridge. 
 
 Tom. II. p. 24. The last degree of initiation, or the eTroTTTeix, is 
 alluded to in this picture. It would be " actum agere" to say any 
 thing on a subject which Meursius has almost exhausted ; but I shall 
 give part of an inscription relative to the mysteries of Ceres, with 
 some remarks. It was found at Eleusis, and is engraved in the 
 Museum Worsleianum only. 
 
ic)o Ijiscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 OTKEMTHSAAErnAAKEAAIMONIHXTEKNAAHAHX 
 
 OTAET0NETPAMEN0NnAT2IN020T2AK.E2EIZ 
 
 OTAETONETPTSGHIAYilAEKAnANTASAEeAOTi: 
 
 EHANTSANTAMOrniKAPTEPONHPAKAEA 
 
 TONXGONOZETPrXOPOTAEKAIATPTrETHSMEAEONTA 
 
 TONKAIAnEIPEZinNKOIPANONHMEPmN 
 
 AZnETONOSnASAIZnAOYTONKATEXETEnOAESSIN 
 
 AAPIANONKAEINHSAEHOXAKEKPOniAS. 
 
 The priestess speaks : 
 " I have not initiated the offspring of the Lacedcemonian Leda, nor 
 him who invented the healing art, nor the valiant Hercules who labo- 
 riously performed all the twelve tasks imposed on him by Eurys- 
 theus ; but I have initiated the Ruler of the wide earth and sea ; the 
 Sovereign of numberless mortals, Hadrian ; who has poured forth 
 exhaustless wealth on many cities, but particularly on those of illus- 
 trious Athens." 
 
 Salmasius contends, that Hadrian did not observe the usual inter- 
 mediate gradations between the ^uijo-f!/ and £7ro7rT£U(r<i/, but initia Cereris 
 adiit, et eodem tempore sacrarium intimuni ingresms est. The same 
 privilege was granted both to Demetrius and Marcus Antoninus. 
 To this circumstance, in the life of Hadrian, I think the priestess al- 
 ludes. It may be observed, that the words jw^jjo-ff and eTroTTTeuo-i? are 
 often confounded. See Sal. ad Spar. p. 33. 
 
 What is meant by the cities of Athens in the last line, may be en- 
 derstood from the following inscriptions, which are still to be seen at 
 Athens. On an arch of the time of Hadrian, and on the front facing 
 the Acropolis, is the following : 
 
 AIAEirA0HNAI0H£EniHnPINnOAIZ 
 
 " This is Athens, formerly the city of Theseus ;" on the front next 
 to the liissus are these words : 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 191 
 
 AIAEI£APIANOTKAIOTXI©HLEriSnOAIS 
 " This is the city of Adrian, and not of Theseus." 
 
 Tom. I. p. 4,6. In this picture are represented some ships ; their 
 heads have either a human face, or some monstrous form painted on 
 them. The annotators observe, that the tutela among the ancients 
 was different from t\\e parasemon ; the last was at the prow, painted 
 and carved ; the tutela represented some god. But Potter says, that 
 they have been taken one for the other, and perhaps sometimes the 
 image of the god, or tutelar deity, might be represented on the para- 
 semon. I think that we may infer this from a passage in Saint Luke, 
 which I do not remember to have seen considered in this light. 
 " After three months, Saint Paul departed in a ship of Alexandria, 
 which had \\'intered in the isle, whose sign ( 7ra^a(r>;j(/.ov ) was Castor 
 and Pollux." Acts, c. 28. Now a common title of these two deities 
 was 9sot (TUTyi^ig; to them as such was the Pharos of Alexandria dedi- 
 cated in behalf of those who went to sea. (See Strabo, Lib. XVII.) 
 In the character of deities ruling the sea, they are addressed by 
 Horace, Lib. I. Od. 36. Catullus dedicates his vessel to them ; they 
 are the Seo* SvvaTot, &Bot y.syxXot, divi potes (Varro, Lib. IV.) ; they are 
 the dt magni in Virgil, ^n. 8. It is probable, therefore, that here 
 the parasemon gave the name to the ship, at the same time that the 
 gods represented on it might be considered as the tutela. The in- 
 scriprions which Gorius gives, do not help us to ascertain the point ; 
 they mention the parasema, and nothing more ; for instance, D. M. L. 
 TERENTIO . SABINO III SALVTE, &c. ; " to Lucius Terentius 
 Sabinus of the ship, the Safety ;" the number before salute signifying 
 TRIERE. See Fabr. ad Col. Traj. 
 
 But Herodotus says, " that the Egyptians affirm that they know 
 the names neither of Neptune, nor of Castor and Pollux ; nor do 
 they admit these gods among the number of their deities." Euterpe. 
 The historian and evangelist are thus reconciled ; what Herodotus 
 
192 Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 said of the Egyptians in his time, respecting their attachment to their 
 own, and dishke of the deities of other countries, might be true ; yet 
 the fact was far different when they came under the empire of the 
 Macedonians and Romans. Then, to use the words of the Emperor 
 Hadrian, Egypt ad omnia Jamie mo?ne/ita volitans fuit ; the gods of 
 Greece and Rome were introduced and worshipped ; the rulers of 
 Egypt, Ptolemy, Berenice, Demetrius took the name of 5eo< o-wt^^e? ; 
 and we find in the geographer Ptolemy, that a port in the red sea 
 was called Atoa-xoguv xi^viv. I shall conclude with a striking passage 
 from Theophylact, in his Commentary on the words of St. Luke ; 
 iBog yup -TTug uei rocTg tuv AXi^ocvopivuv ^ocXiirrx vccxitrt Troog ys tij? Trpupyjg os^ix 
 KKt iviumiA.cc y^Kcpag sivai Toiavrocg, meaning those of Castor and Pollux. 
 See the remarks of y. Husaus, de navibus Alexandrinis. 
 
 Before I close this Dissertation, I shall insert some remarks which 
 may interest the reader, relating to the 
 
 DISCOVERIES AT HERCULANEUM, 
 
 written by persons who were competently informed of what was 
 found at the first excavations in that city, about the middle of the 
 last century. I refer to the Philosophical Transactions, for the years 
 ^75'^^ "^75^^ "^754. 175.5. ^75^- To what they have said, I shall sub- 
 join some observations. 
 
 A letter from Camillo Paderni, the keeper of the Museum at Por- 
 tici, says, " that the things in his charge, found at Herculaneum, con- 
 sist, among others, of medals, intaglios, glass of all sorts, colours for 
 painting." In another letter, he mentions having found busts of 
 bronze ; on one were the following words, AFIOAAXINIOE APXIOT 
 A0HNAIOS EnOIHIE. He describes " a room, the floor of which 
 is formed of mosaic work, not inelegant ; it appears to have been a 
 library, adorned with presses, inlaid with different sorts of wood, 
 disposed in rows, at the top of which were cornices. He was buried 
 in that spot more than twelve days ; he took away three hundred 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 193 
 
 and thirty-seven manuscripts, all in Greek characters; there was 
 also a bundle, consisting of eighteen volumes, wrapped round with 
 bark of tree ; they were in Latin." 
 
 A letter from a different person describes a chamber of a house in 
 Herculaneum, where was found a great quantity of rolls, about half a 
 palm long, and round ; they appeared like roots of wood, all black, 
 and seeming to be only of one piece ; one of them falling on the 
 ground, it broke in the middle, and many letters were observed, by 
 which it ^^'as first known that the rolls were of papyrus. The num- 
 ber of these rolls were about one hundred and fifty, and of different 
 sizes ; they were in wooden cases, which are all so much burnt, as 
 are all the things made of wood, that they cannot be recovered. He 
 mentions the unrolling the philosophic tract on music, by Philo- 
 demus ; this has since been edited and explained ; probably, we think, 
 with the assistance of the learned Mazzochi, the illustrator of the 
 Heraclean Tables ; to him, at least, we know that the manuscripts 
 were taken. This manuscript had about sixty columns, each column 
 had twenty lines, and every line was the third of a palm long. 
 
 The writer of the above letter says, there were Latin manuscripts, 
 some of which were so voluminous, that, unrolled, they would take 
 up an hundred palms. He adds a circumstance, which deserves to 
 be noticed, that some of tliem were written in a running hand. 
 
 The rolls, such as the writer above has described, were called by 
 the Latins not only volumina, as every one knows, but scapi ; a-KUTro; 
 in Hesychius, is tcXxSog, a branch ; thence a staff, and a round piece of 
 wood. The Greeks called them Kocvovoig and kuvovm ; Suidas in v. 
 Hesychius says the name was jcKvxvtg' if^Tvii^rvii; kxI to, Sikuo-tikx 
 
 y^oifA.f^KTiotix. TTUfiK TOD d£(rjA,ocpooou Xcc^&avuv VTryjoBTYig, Kcti 7rricr(ruv elg t^v 
 
 Kavovi^u. " l^-rrvjiCTyig, is the servant who receives the judicial writings 
 from the judge, and forms them into a roll." They were also called 
 roiJLot %a^T&)i/ ; the primitive signification, as Salmasius observes, of 
 To/*o<, being the same as (jx.a.Ttoq, or tCKaloq^ 
 
 Cc 
 
194 Inscriptiotis at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 Camillo Paderni, in a letter gives a fac-simile of some words from 
 a Latin manuscript found at Herculaneum. They differ much in their 
 formation from those in the manuscript, which I quote from in the 
 beginning of my last Dissertation ; and which some have ascribed to 
 Varius, as the author. It would be desirable that some one should 
 give accurately alphabets of the Latin ( as well as of the Greek letters ), 
 consulting the forms of them, as they vary in the Herculanean manu- 
 scripts ; and, beginning with some given period of the Christian £era, 
 ascend upwards to the time of the Duillian inscription, or that relat- 
 ing to L. Cor. Scipio, and his escape from the tempest in the Corsican 
 seas. This last is of peculiar interest, both as a palceographical 
 monument, and as illustrative of a passage in the Roman history, and 
 of some lines in Ovid, which are otherwise very obscure. Fast. vi. — 
 As the inscription is not long, I shall transcribe it here. 
 
 HONCOINO . FLOIRUME . COSENTIONT . R 
 DUONORO . OPTVMO . FVISE . VI RO 
 LVCIOM . SCIPIONE . FILIOS . BARBATI 
 CONSOL . CENSOR . A.IDILIS . HIC . FVET . A 
 HEC . CEP IT . CORSICA . ALERIAQVE . VRBE 
 DEDET . TEMPEST ATEBVS . AIDE . MERETO. 
 
 This modernised would read as follows ; 
 
 Hu?ic U7ium plurimi consefithint Romce 
 Bonorum optimum Jiiisse virum 
 Lua'um Scipionem. Filius Barbati 
 Co?isul, Censor, Mdilis hicjuit. 
 Hie cepit Corsicam, Aleriamque urbem-, 
 Dedit tempestatibus cedem merito. 
 
 In the first line, oino is uno ; in Greek otvk is fjiivot;. The Word 
 was chiefly in use among those who spoke the Ionic ; thus, in the 
 proverb, ^ r^ig e^ ^ TfEff >cuj6o<, that is, eighteen or three, the word 
 xujQo? means unity ; and the people of Ionia, would, as we find from 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 195 
 
 Zenobius, say, ^ r^lg 'il, vj r^hg cimi. Pollux says, ij ye fiovocg ri ttoc^ la<nv 
 ol'vtj. See Salma. ad Vopis. p. 472. 
 
 In the second line Duonoro is for Bonorum. Festus informs us 
 that Duonum was used anciently for Boniim. Duoniis ceruses in the 
 carmen Saliare, means Bonus est Creator. The remaining peculiarities 
 in the inscription may be seen stated clearly by the Jesuit Sirmond, 
 in the folio edition of his works, vol. iv. ; Selden also, de Diis Syr. 
 and Salmasius on Vopis. p. 472, may be consulted. 
 
 To judge from what is said in some of the articles in the Philoso- 
 phical Transactions, to which I have referred, the theatre at Her- 
 culaneum, when perfect, must have been very magnificent ; the 
 pavement was of beautiful different coloured marble ; the pieces of 
 cornices, mouldings, and carved work were very elegant : there 
 were about twenty-five rows of seats, all of stone ; it was probably 
 more than sixty feet in diameter. This is not, however, equal to 
 some theatres which I saw in Asia Minor ; particularly those of 
 Stratonice, Cnidus, and Nyssa. The writer of a letter in the Philo- 
 sophical Transactions for the year 1751, says, " There were no dead 
 bodies found in the theatre ;" if this be true, how will the assertion 
 stand of Dio, who says that the cities of Herculaneum and Pompeii 
 were destroyed while the people were sitting in the theatre; kou 
 ■7rpo(reTt yccti ttoXbk; ovo oXug, to re Hax,ou\a,viou, kou roug Ylcf^TT-^iovg, Iv dexTou 
 Touo/**'xou KuQ7ifji,Bvou, KXTsxacTe. Dio. 1. 66. Besides, few skeletons have 
 been found in other parts, and but a small quantity of riches, by 
 which we should imagine, that the destruction was not very sudden. 
 
 In a street near the theatre were found two equestrian statues, 
 erected in honour of the two Balbi, father and son ; on the front of 
 the pedestal of one, of excellent workmanship, was this inscription : 
 
 MNOMIOMF 
 
 BALBO 
 
 PR. PROCOS 
 
 HERCVLANENSES. 
 
1^6 Inscriptions at Hemilaneum, &c. 
 
 In addition to these works in bronze, and the horse of the same 
 metal, which is mentioned above, with the Latin inscription ( written 
 in a fanciful imitation of four Greek lines, quoted in Pausanias, on 
 the same subject) were many other specimens of ancient art found ; 
 there was a bust of bronze, with eyes of white marble ; boys of the 
 same, with eyes of silver ; a tripod of brass, supported by three 
 satyrs ; all executed in good taste. 
 
 Among the different things which were preserved in the apart- 
 ments at Portici, was a whole loaf of bread burnt to a coal. It is 
 covered with a glass bell, through which were seen the following 
 
 1 .. I u J S ILIGO . C RANII T^. X. , , • 
 
 letters on the bread. p ricpo The hrst word is sup- 
 
 posed to mean fine flour , of which the bread might be made, with the 
 mixture of flour of vetch, signified by E CISER. This last conjecture 
 is not so satisfactory as the first. The words RANII may be, I think, 
 the name of the baker. It occurs in inscriptions. We know, that it 
 was customary with workmen and tradesmen, and people of different 
 professions, to put their names to that which was made by them. 
 Thus at Aquileia, two brass pipes were found made by one Deme- 
 trius, with these words : O . AQ . DEMET . F . O. In the baths of 
 Domitian was found a leaden tube with these letters AVTEIVS 
 FORTVN . F. At Stabise, tiles were found with the makers names 
 
 ATTVSA 
 
 inscribed. On a lamp is seen ^ ' See Nicolaus de Siglis, p. 
 
 s88. 
 
 At Herculaneum was found, as they excavated, a bath ; " It is of a 
 circular form," says a writer in the 47th volume of the Philosophical 
 Transactions, " and seems to have been made to contain water. Here 
 were found some statues." One part of the bath was called y.oXvy,- 
 fi-^S^a, or P>a.TrTKrrvi^iov', in Latin fiatatio and piscina; in this, which was 
 built on the north side, persons bathed, and sometimes were able, 
 
Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 197 
 
 from the size of it, to swim. The baths of private individuals, as 
 well as those of the public, were adorned with statues, mirrors, and 
 marbles of different kinds. It was not before the reign of Augustus, 
 that the public baths were built on that scale of splendour and extent, 
 which the ruins of them at Rome still attest. Their magnitude was 
 such, that Ariimianus Marcellinus says they were potiiis provinciarum 
 instar, quam iillius cedificii forma. The baths of Nero were supplied 
 with salt, as well as fresh water ; those of Caracalla were adorned 
 with two hundred columns of marble, and furnished with sixteen 
 hundred seats of the same. 
 
 Camillo Paderni dwells at length on the description of a sun-dial, 
 which he found at Herculaneum, " which," says he, " ought to make 
 much noise among the learned, and which I believe to be the only 
 one of its kind in the world." I refer the reader to what he says, in 
 Vol. 49 of the Philosophical Transactions. There are but few monu- 
 ments of antiquity of this kind preserved ; I can mention only two ; 
 one is a sun-dial, which is still remaining at Athens nearly in its 
 original situation, placed on the rock of the Acropolis by the theatre 
 of Bacchus. The other is to be seen also in Greece, at the ancient 
 Orchomenus, now called Scripou; it deserves most particularly the 
 attention of the learned reader. As it has been never mentioned in 
 any work whatsoever, I shall describe it ; and in as few words as 
 is possible. 
 
 It is no longer in its original position ; it is in the wall of a Greek 
 church, is of white marble, of very considerable size ; the letters on 
 it, marking the hours, protrude in relief, and are as follows : A, B, r, 
 A, E are the first five letters at equal distances ; then comes a space 
 equal to double the distance between any two of these letters. 
 After this space follow the letters 5", Z, H, 0, 1, at equal distances. 
 There is nothing to be seen which marked the meridian line. The 
 
198 
 
 Inscriptions at Herculaneum, &c. 
 
 following is engraved from a drawing made on the spot by Doctor 
 Clarke. 
 
 I shall conclude with citing the following epigram from the An- 
 thologia, which was probably written on a dial of the above descrip- 
 
 tion : 
 
 TpoliJi,fiot,(ri SeiKvvi/,Bvoit, ZH0I XByaa-i fi^oToig. Lib. I. 
 
 London -. printed by W. Bulmer and Co. 
 Clerdand-iow, St. James's, 
 
.^ 
 
 QBEHTNTEHS. SV m 
 
 ^■' 
 
 l[^ . ^ \^ N ^ . RbBt J 
 
si-A 
 
'-^^c&re ^u/u/mt 
 
 ■ J^f-nmim 
 
 
 ^^^/e- 2. 
 
 1 ] 
 
 LITTEILAE LATINAE | LITTE 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 A 
 
 1 
 
 an/lo.jiinn.ex.numts. /7 M.Jamn.tn uwic/. intrent. 
 
 B 
 
 B Ut'l V ^oTiut. Ui^c/e ^7a^. (Tica.pa/jim.. 
 
 i ^ 
 
 
 
 D 
 
 
 ^r- Jt^num A tn/e/uyi/' D J^octi/^r. y^au/ef-. ejr lap, mar. ^&t-c. 
 
 E 
 
 33> 
 
 
 F 
 
 
 > S 8 ^"^^^PH.e^^F. ^^ ^rm.^?njiit. 2> ^orm. Ctrvusc. 
 
 G 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 'mBc 
 
 raf^ff. tn la^d. ihoent. O e^c moTzumAnt. 0'Scr>r. 
 
 I 
 
 / 1 1 
 
 t^?7?i.z/a!nnit. ^reaiierit.occurv- in /apic/.ctifi iarn.ctr. 
 
 1 
 
 H 
 
 .^^irCH. 
 
 
FORM/. ET DUCTUS LITTER/JIUM ETRUSCARUM 
 
 ^/a* 
 
 Q-*£.S*»,^^^A.' ..^5r««' 
 
 ...,a'. 
 
 
 
 ili^ Vilil 
 
 ■1SR_UJ 
 
 Vi MUJMU 
 
 MJiiV 
 
 us. 
 
 
 JUTTEKAE lATlNAI 
 
 1 UTTERAE ETB.USCAE 
 
 ^NZrVM, 
 
 BOK^OT,™ 
 
 HEKVIAH 
 
 aAB»=UVH. 
 
 ARENA 
 
 ^^--"^^ AVCTOK.M. 
 
 A 
 
 ' /9/Oc\ >i a (TN- A 
 
 /^ A -1 
 
 /?/)/' 
 
 y? 
 
 ^ 
 
 /? A -4 f?fl •■•^=^ N 
 
 ,=( an/i^.Jarm .tx.numit. fj it. Jamn.tn /^u/. invent. 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 ^</ 
 
 8 
 
 J^ 
 
 
 <?(/.... ^ 
 
 ^ P ml V Mnat. VicU 3a^. Ciu/.oa/jun.. 
 
 C 
 
 
 > 3 / ^ 
 
 :^)/->^ 
 
 
 '^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 >^ ■> 
 
 
 D 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 a 
 
 A 
 
 a 
 
 cA^ J«^<j/«;! ^mM^,r D £)«r/y:,. /('ay/ir.rjr /^.mar.X^n. 
 
 E 
 
 3 3 > a ^ ^ i 
 
 ^3^ u 
 
 3^'^'>i 
 
 ^ 
 
 'H 
 
 3 
 
 ^3^ It's '>> 
 
 
 F 
 
 
 y-\\yi^ 
 
 ^ ^ > :i 
 
 >y 
 
 Y 
 
 ^. 
 
 -^^^n^sss 
 
 $ 8 8 «c<^<rPH.,../F. 0^y«,T,..X,,^,^ 5 y«™,. At,^.. 
 
 G 
 
 
 I ^' ' 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 
 H 
 
 ^B CO 
 
 Q a ® 
 
 B ^ 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 g B j^ 61 0:S a 
 
 ffi rafj^. m Is^c^muent.O ex monument. {?^cor. 
 
 I 
 
 1 f 1 
 
 J : / 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 / 
 
 1. f 
 
 i' ^rm.z^mnir.^eouait.occur7-in /a/Jtc^.etin /am.ekr. 
 
 K 
 
 ^ >(X>^ A<</ 
 
 
 
 )f 
 
 ^ 
 
 /( 
 
 ^ ^y 
 
 > w^rCH. 
 
 i L 
 
 A^J J J JvLA 
 
 >/ v/ A J 
 
 S J A 
 
 -^^ 
 
 J 
 
 J 
 
 -/s/AJ.J 
 
 J mr^, mi^rU. m numzs. 
 
 M 
 
 Aim 1 m ^^ 
 
 -~1 A1 H/1 y; 
 
 
 iM 
 
 M 
 
 A2 
 
 "^ h '^Al ryim Ui./^ 
 
 /^ in /untj. inffnt. 'Sfd ranJ. 
 
 \ N 
 
 M H 7 A 
 
 H ^1 'A 
 
 M n n 7 
 
 h 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 H n ^^ 
 
 
 1 
 
 ; go 
 
 08 
 
 e 
 
 
 
 ■•o 80 0. •© 
 
 (§) an/iau^. ^orm. ejr numuimatJK- Jtvr O somJ'. 
 
 P 
 
 1 1 7 rh 
 
 1 1 
 
 11 1 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 'I 
 
 7 in ^. .n 
 
 n M^kEc/mTtn a//i/u^er^,nmr.Jtr{va.tUr. E . G . IV 3 n ^J ;}. 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 7 mXrc^m im/uifii Q n:<// M<J,tur.-!^i &iy.Ojc.^uulmuJ Lg!'^rmt. 
 
 R 
 
 <^ V ^4 q q4^P 
 
 <:i )>, <l <l tl 
 
 <0 M 
 
 ? 
 
 1 
 
 <l 
 
 .^ q S{<] 
 
 
 S 
 
 ll^J5^-L)J 
 
 < ? 3 -^ M ^^ *^ 
 
 2 ^ 2 -- T 
 
 e 
 
 z 
 
 2 
 
 X 2. ^A M ro t 
 
 
 T 
 
 f ry ^ 
 
 T t y t 
 
 ;H- r r 
 
 Y 
 
 / 
 
 t 
 
 rtif 
 
 
 V 
 
 \/\ V y 
 
 ^^^^l-^-i 
 
 y- v/ 
 
 V*-^ KV V 
 
 
 V 
 
 V 
 
 V V • 
 
 
 X 
 
 
 , \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I GH' 
 
 
 \ij 1 
 
 
 
 
 i^ si.^ 
 
 si ■/. /.Xra ma^i^i ^umiratC mmni,nju„w «.pp^t Q_. 
 
 PH 
 
 Z^&%%i 9 
 
 8 a> 1 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 (D 
 
 
 TH 
 
 O Q> S <!> 9 
 
 O O <5' vj> 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 PS 
 
 
 ■■P 
 
 vZ. (/> 
 
 
 
 
 Ki> J. Uy 
 
 1 
 
 t 
 
 c 
 
^ 
 
 '1^ 
 
 o 
 
 < 
 
 o 
 
 
 
LITTER.ARUM f^AILUNDAM FORM.-E > ^ 
 
 JUXTA DIVERSAS LMGUAS 
 EX VETER.UM MOMUMENTIS INTER SE COLLAT/^. 
 
 ^tnuc. 
 
 iTsiajOLOi 
 
 
 1 
 ^'atin. lA/riac. 
 
 9rce.c. 
 
 
 /9 /V 
 
 ^ 
 
 N 
 
 /\ 
 
 A 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 ^:: 
 
 2 
 
 41 
 
 B 
 
 ja 
 
 B 
 
 
 D> 
 
 
 :] 
 
 > ^i"^ 
 
 G 
 
 
 
 
 CJ<I 
 
 
 
 4 4t 
 
 D 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 3 -3 
 
 3^ 
 
 
 C/„. 
 
 E 
 
 
 E 
 
 
 ] ^ 
 
 
 
 /^ 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 
 BBD 
 
 
 
 BQ 
 
 H 
 
 H 
 
 
 1 K 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 I 
 
 a 
 
 I 
 
 
 1 -J J A 
 
 A-i 
 
 s 
 
 L> ^ 
 
 L 
 
 \\ 
 
 A 
 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 hv 
 
 
 ^ y 
 
 M 
 
 
 M 
 
 
 1, »> 
 
 
 ^^ ' 
 
 N 
 
 
 N 
 
 
 O D (§) 
 
 
 
 @ 
 
 O 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 i1 <5 
 
 -)1 
 
 g 
 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 
 1 
 
 R 
 
 
 P 
 
 
 t M 
 
 -\_/v\ 
 
 
 V^ •'V^ 
 
 S 
 
 CO. 
 
 X 
 
 
 T + + 
 
 
 
 + ^ 
 
 T 
 
 
 T 
 
 
 [/■V ^ 
 
 w-u 
 
 
 ^^ w 
 
 V 
 
 
 T 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 4. 
 
 
 w 
 
 (i/l^ .(UU! 
 
 S 
 
 
 Z 
 
 n 7 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 c 
 
 c 
 
>^^J 
 
 
 r^.S-^^ 
 
 A^^"^*^ 
 
 y^\ 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 t*-^ 
 
 'N^ 
 
 
 
 'if' ^' -* '^ 
 
 ,* 
 
 ■> 
 
 ?^ " fe:.^/ \ ii ^£:^r^m