MEMOIRS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 American Museum of Natural 
 
 History. 
 
 Volume III. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 II: 
 
 I. — Symbolism of the Huichol Indians. 
 By CARL LUMHOLTZ. 
 
 May, 1900. 
 
■f • 
 
 
 
 ; 
 
anxaf 
 
 91-B 
 
 20739 
 

 
I. — Symbolism of the H uichol Indians. 
 
 By Carl Lumholtz. 
 Maps, Plates I — IV. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Introduction . 
 
 PAGE 
 
 3 
 
 IV. 
 
 Front-Shields, continued. 
 
 I. 
 
 Brief Sketch of the Country and Tribe, 
 
 5 
 
 
 Front-Shields of Mother West- 
 
 II. 
 
 Gods and their Paraphernalia ; Fetishes, 
 
 24 
 
 
 Water 
 
 
 Images and Disks 
 
 2 5 
 
 
 Special Front-Shields 
 
 
 Staircase of the Gods 
 
 62 
 
 V. 
 
 Back-Shields 
 
 
 Gods in the Form of Small Stones . 
 
 62 
 
 
 Stiff Mats 
 
 
 Animals belonging to the Gods 
 
 66 
 
 
 Soft Mats 
 
 
 Chairs and Stools 
 
 69 
 
 VI. 
 
 ‘ Eyes ’ 
 
 
 Fetishes 
 
 76 
 
 VII. 
 
 Votive Bowls 
 
 
 The Two-headed Serpent . . . . 
 
 80 
 
 VIII. 
 
 The Ark of the Deluge Legend . . 
 
 III. 
 
 Ceremonial Arrows 
 
 83 
 
 IX. 
 
 The Shaman’s Plumes, and Objects 
 
 
 Arrows of Grandfather Fire . . . 
 
 92 
 
 
 connected with Feast-making . 
 
 
 Arrows of Great-grandfather Deer- 
 
 
 
 Shaman’s Plumes 
 
 
 Tail 
 
 94 
 
 
 Objects connected with Feast- 
 
 
 Arrows of Elder Brother .... 
 
 95 
 
 
 making 
 
 
 Arrows of the Corn Mother . . . 
 
 99 
 
 X. 
 
 Facial Paintings 
 
 
 Arrows of Mother East-Water 
 
 99 
 
 XI. 
 
 Miscellaneous Symbolic Objects . 
 
 
 Arrows of Mother West-Water . . 
 
 100 
 
 XII. 
 
 Conclusion 
 
 
 Arrow of the Mother of the House 
 
 
 Appendix 
 
 
 of the Little Ones 
 
 101 
 
 I. Index of Prayers, with their Repre- 
 
 
 Arrows of Special Makes .... 
 
 101 
 
 
 sentative Symbols 
 
 IV. 
 
 Front-Shields 
 
 108 
 
 II. Index of Symbols and their Significance. 
 
 
 Front-Shields of Father Sun . . . 
 
 I IO 
 
 III. Index of Objects and Ideas, and their 
 
 
 Front-Shield of the Corn Mother . . 
 
 124 
 
 
 Representative Symbols 
 
 Front-Shields of Mother East-Water, 125 Errata 
 
 PAGE 
 
 130 
 
 I3 1 
 
 138 
 
 138 
 
 147 
 
 154 
 
 l6l 
 
 169 
 
 174 
 
 04 
 
 177 
 
 196 
 
 204 
 
 209 
 
 219 
 
 219 
 
 221 
 
 225 
 
 228 
 
The following alphabet is used in transcribing Huichol words 
 
 a 
 
 
 a 
 
 in 
 
 bar. 
 
 d 
 
 (( 
 
 aw 
 
 « 
 
 law. 
 
 ai 
 
 (( 
 
 i 
 
 « 
 
 find. 
 
 au 
 
 « 
 
 ow 
 
 « 
 
 cow. 
 
 b 
 
 « 
 
 b 
 
 « 
 
 babe. 
 
 5 
 
 (( 
 
 th 
 
 a 
 
 think. 
 
 d 
 
 (( 
 
 d 
 
 « 
 
 dread. 
 
 e 
 
 « 
 
 e 
 
 « 
 
 they. 
 
 e 
 
 « 
 
 e 
 
 
 then. 
 
 e 
 
 (( 
 
 e 
 
 (( 
 
 flotuer. 
 
 / 
 
 « 
 
 f 
 
 « 
 
 fife. 
 
 & 
 
 <( 
 
 g 
 
 
 goose. 
 
 h 
 
 (( 
 
 h 
 
 « 
 
 house. 
 
 i 
 
 « 
 
 i 
 
 « 
 
 marine. 
 
 k 
 
 « 
 
 k 
 
 « 
 
 hick. 
 
 / is always thick, almost approaching an r pro- 
 nounced with the tip of the tongue, like the 
 l of the peasantry of central Norway. It is 
 sometimes interchanged with r. 
 
 m like m in mum. 
 
 n « n « nun. 
 
 o « o « note. 
 
 p like p in pipe. 
 
 r « ■ r « run. 
 
 s « s « sit. 
 
 s « s/i « shoe. 
 
 t ... . « t « tit. 
 
 ts « ch « church. 
 
 u ’ « oo « good. 
 
 it « it « Ger. fur. 
 
 v « v « valve. 
 
 w « w « wit. 
 
 y « y « you. 
 
 z « 2 « zero. 
 
 t ch « Ger. Buch. 
 X l^e \ . 
 
 " ( j « Span, jota. 
 
 Long vowels are indicated by the long nrora, 
 a, e, I, 6, u. 
 
 Vowels that do not form diphthongs are sepa- 
 rated by a hyphen. 
 
 A small superior letter at the end of a word or 
 syllable should be pronounced very slightly. 
 
 Accents are placed following the accented 
 vowel. 
 
 [^] 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 During the years 1890-98 I made three expeditions to Mexico under the 
 auspices of the American Museum of Natural History, New York, spending 
 altogether more than five years in researches among the natives of the north- 
 western portions of that country. 
 
 Without here touching upon the general results obtained during these years, 
 I shall confine myself for the present to one tribe indigenous to the Sierra Maclre, 
 the Huichols, of whom little or nothing was known up to the time of my arrival 
 among them in 1895. I visited these Indians on my second expedition, and spent 
 ten months among them, and their neighbors the Cora Indians, this period 
 covering the greater part of the year 1895 and the beginning of 1896. During 
 this time I gained valuable information concerning these people, and collected 
 a vast number of ethnological as well as some archaeological objects, that shed 
 much light on the state of their culture and their relationship to other tribes. 
 A short preliminary report on the Huichol Indians, whom I was the first to 
 study, appeared in the Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, 
 January, 1898. Soon afterwards, in the spring of 1898, I visited the Huichols 
 a second time, under the same auspices, in order to supplement the material in 
 hand, and to settle some doubts that had arisen in my mind while working up my 
 notes. Much additional information was thus secured, and the collections con- 
 siderably enlarged. Some of the results of my studies of these people are pre- 
 sented in the following pages. In weighing the value of this contribution, it 
 should be borne in mind that the interpretation of the symbolism was obtained 
 from the natives themselves. 
 
 For the accompanying sketch-map of the country of the Huichols and 
 Coras, more than approximate accuracy is not claimed. It is based on notes 
 taken during my travels ; and, as it is practically the first attempt at a map of 
 that section, I beg the reader’s indulgence for shortcomings, that, under the cir- 
 cumstances, were unavoidable. The illustrations are from drawings made by Mr. 
 Rudolf Weber. 
 
 Carl Lumholtz. 
 
 March, 1900. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2016 
 
 https://archive.org/details/symbolismofhuichOOIumh 
 
A 
 
 MAP SHOWING COUNTRY OF THE HUICHOL AND CORA INDIANS 
 
MAP SHOWING SACRED PLACES VISITED BY THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 

 
I. — BRIEF SKETCH OF THE COUNTRY AND TRIBE. 
 
 Historical data regarding: the Huichols are rare and sometimes obscure. It 
 seems, however, to be the accepted opinion that the country of the Huichols is 
 included, with that of the Coras, under the term ‘ Nayarit,’ and that the bounda- 
 ries of Nayarit, or the Province of Nuevo Toledo, as it also was formerly called, 
 were Acaponeta in the west, and Colotlan in the east. This fact would indi- 
 cate that the conquest of the Huichol country by the Spaniards occurred at the 
 same time as that of the Coras, 1722; but it seems hardly probable that the 
 Huichols should not have been at least partly conquered before that time by 
 Spaniards coming from the east, more especially since they are not as warlike as 
 the Coras. This opinion is confirmed by a manuscript which I came across on 
 my travels, and which will be published on a later occasion. This manuscript 
 places the foundation of the pueblos of Santa Catarina and Tezompa in the 
 seventeenth century. Indeed, there seems to be no doubt that the Huichols 
 were conquered before the Coras. It is doubtful whether missionaries gained 
 much influence among them until later, when, after the conquest of the adjoining 
 Coras, missionary work was firmly established among the two tribes by the 
 Franciscans. 
 
 Six pueblos — San Andres Coamiata, Guadalupe Ocotan, San Sebastian, 
 Santa Catarina, Tezompa, and Soledad — are in existence. All these except San 
 Andres, which lies on a high mesa on the western side of Chapalagana River, are 
 on the eastern side of that river, which traverses the Huichol country from north 
 to south. Tezompa and Soledad are at present inhabited by a mixed population 
 consisting of Huichols and Mexicans, but the other pueblos are entirely owned 
 by the Huichols. As usual among the tribes of Mexico, the Indians do not like 
 to live in villages, but prefer to live on their ranches. Only the elected officers 
 of the tribe stay in the pueblos. 
 
 In spite of the missionary work of the past, to-day there is no priest among 
 them, the churches are in ruins, and the Huichols are living in the same state of 
 barbarism as when Cortes first put foot on Mexican soil. The introduction 
 of sheep, cattle, and iron implements has modified to some extent their mode of 
 life, but not so much as one would expect. Many of them are knowing enough 
 to put on an external show of Christianity towards people from whom they 
 expect some favor. Some, the most civilized, know how to make the sign of 
 the cross, and are familiar with the name of the Virgin Mary, of Dios and 
 Diabolo. Still their ancient beliefs, customs, and ceremonies all remain in their 
 pristine vigor, these Indians jealously guarding their country against encroach- 
 ment by the whites. 
 
 The Mexicans call them los Hide holes, ■ — a corruption of the tribal name, 
 Vlra'rika, in the western part of the country pronounced Visa'lika. According 
 to some Indians, the name means ‘prophets’ (Sp. adivino). According to 
 
 [5] 
 
6 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 others, it means ‘ healers,’ ‘ doctors,’ (Sp. curandero). This latter would be 
 very appropriate, as every third person seems to be a doctor, and the fame of the 
 Huichol healers extends far beyond their own country. Many of them make 
 annual tours, practising their profession among the neighboring tribes, especially 
 among the Coras and the Tepehuanes. 
 
 The Huichol tribe numbers to-day about four thousand souls, and they live 
 in a mountainous country, difficult of access, in the northwestern part of the State 
 of Jalisco, on a spur of the great Sierra Madre. This range runs in a northerly 
 and southerly direction, parallel to the Sierra del Nayarit, both sierras forming the 
 southern part of the Sierra Madre del Norte, which ends at the Rio Alica (also 
 called Rio Santiago and other names). Of this sierra the Jesuit Father Ortega 
 says, in the first chapter of his ‘ Historia del Nayarit : ’ “It is so wild and frightful 
 to behold, that it, more than the quivers of its warlike defenders, took away the 
 courage of the conquerors, because not only did its ridges and valleys appear in- 
 accessible, but the extended sphere of towering mountains and peaks perplex even 
 the eye.” 
 
 The country is well watered by the river Chapalagana, which runs at the 
 bottom of a mighty, deep valley, a great many small tributaries forming as many 
 side valleys. While very narrow and steep at the bottom, the valley gradually 
 broadens out, the sides rising to a height of from twenty-five hundred to three 
 thousand metres. The country thus consists of two parallel ridges and the valley 
 between, the tops of the ridges being covered with immense pine forests, the 
 abode of numerous deer (the Sonoran deer, Dorcelaphus couesi Allen). 
 
 On the banks of the river, as well as in the little steep side valleys, the climate 
 is tropical. Most of the natives live here only temporarily, coming occasionally 
 to catch fish and crayfish. Small orchards of bananas and sugar-cane may be 
 seen. The Indians consume the latter crop by chewing the cane. Also a small 
 crop of cotton is raised. Most of the ranches are situated at a moderate elevation 
 above the sea, dispersed all over the district in its numerous valleys. The Indian 
 is rarely found living on the pine-clad heights, which are his hunting-grounds. 
 
 Corn, beans, and squashes are the main agricultural products, all raised on a 
 very moderate scale. On account of the mountainous character of the land, 
 ploughing is not resorted to except in a few places, the old-fashioned Indian way 
 of planting corn being still in vogue. For the purpose trees and bushes are 
 cut down, to be burned a few months later, and the corn is then planted in holes 
 made with a stick. This mode of cultivating, which is still used among several 
 tribes in Mexico, is called in Mexican Spanish cocimilear, and the field is called 
 coamil. There is generally an abundance of rain from July till November; but, 
 owing to the primitive way of planting corn on the declivities of the canons, an 
 extraordinary amount of rain is needed, because most of it runs off without pene- 
 trating- far into the soil. 
 
 The northern part of the country, around the pueblos of Tezompa and 
 Soledad, is not so mountainous, and therefore has already been occupied by the 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 7 
 
 Mexicans, as stated before. The southern part, from the ranch Ratontita south- 
 wards, presents the same natural features as the northern ; but the Huichols heie 
 still manage to keep the Mexicans out. It is probably only a matter of time, 
 however, before this section too will become Mexicanized. Mexicans have also 
 encroached on the outskirts of the country, towards the east and west, on both 
 slopes of the Sierra. 
 
 All that now remains of the country owned solely by the Huichols is the 
 central part. Here the population is fairly safe from advancing civilization, on 
 account of the ruggedness of the country and its difficulty of access. It would 
 hardly pay white men to settle here, because of the small extent of land suitable 
 for cultivation by the plough. I should estimate the present territory of the 
 Huichols to be about forty miles long by twenty-five miles broad. This, however, 
 gives no adequate idea of the length of time required to traverse this country of 
 precipitous hillsides and deep gorges. 
 
 The Huichol Indians are of medium height, and the color of their skin is 
 light reddish-brown. They are a very healthy people, the women are good-looking, 
 and the children are generally very pretty. Their principal food all the year 
 round is corn and beans. In the wet season one or two kinds of fungi are eaten. 
 The hunting of deer and the killing of cattle are always connected with religious 
 ceremonials, their meat being eaten at religious feasts. 
 
 The Huichols are exceedingly emotional, and are easily moved to laughter 
 and to tears. They are also intemperate and licentious, as well as thievish, and 
 do not speak the truth unless it suits them. They have little personal courage, 
 preferring to assassinate an enemy to facing him in open fight. They are musical, 
 their voices for singing being better than those of any other tribe that I ever met 
 with. Their songs are all religious. 
 
 A certain difference exists between the people living on the eastern and 
 those on the western side of the river in regard to character, details of dress, and 
 arrangement of the hair, and even the pronunciation of some words. The Santa 
 Catarina side includes the eastern pueblos, with the exception of that of Guada- 
 lupe Ocotan, which, although situated on the eastern side, belongs socially and 
 religiously to the San Andres side. 
 
 The San Andres people, as I shall call those on the western side, are slightly 
 more na'i've, and somewhat more gentle and quiet, than the Santa Catarina people, 
 who are more fearless and impulsive. Hair-ribbons worn on the eastern side are 
 very narrow, but the designs are better executed and more artistic. The shirts 
 are of shorter cut in Santa Catarina than in San Andres. 
 
 In the whole country there are three styles of wearing the hair. i. It is 
 braided into a single queue, which hangs down the back, a colored ribbon being 
 braided in with the hair, and tied around it toward the end. This is specially the 
 men’s fashion, and is called pi rai. 2. It is gathered into a bunch at the back of 
 the head, and a ribbon is passed under it, the ends of the ribbon being tied into a 
 bow-knot over the middle of the forehead, and the hair falling ungracefully over 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 the ribbon at the back. This is specially the women’s fashion, and is called ku'pa 
 or tapoli'. 3. It is worn flowing. This style is called to'stegali or mayoru'na, 
 and is used by either sex. A narrow ribbon is in all cases bound round the 
 heads of both men and women. Men wear their hair in all three modes, style 
 No. 1 being much more prevalent in Santa Catarina than No. 2 or No. 3. 
 Women on the Santa Catarina side use either No. 2 or No. 1, while on the San 
 Andres side they use only No. 3. 
 
 The differences in pronunciation are but slight. In San Andres they pro- 
 nounce their words thick, as the Indians of Santa Catarina assert. In many 
 cases r is replaced by s, and in others by /. Thus Vlra'rika, the tribal name, is in 
 San Andres pronounced Vlsa'lika ; ri'kuli, a woman’s tunic, is on the San Andres 
 side called si'kuli. 
 
 The people of the western side are somewhat better off than the easterners. 
 Those of Santa Catarina, although poorer than the rest, are imbued with their 
 own importance, being in possession of the chief temple of the country and of the 
 principal sacred places. Jealousy and ill-feeling exist between the people on one 
 side and those on the opposite side. This, however, does not seem to have 
 arisen from religious reasons, but from the fact that the pueblo of Santa Catarina 
 is continually trying to push its boundary too far over on the western side. This 
 may be the result of the old division of the country into districts, or the effect of 
 the efforts of the missionaries to confine the Indians in pueblos with ill-defined 
 boundaries. 
 
 At the present time the dress of the men consists mainly of a shirt (kami'ra, 
 Sp. camisa), either made of a cheap quality of cotton-cloth (Sp. manta ) obtained 
 from Mexican stores, or woven from wool, and often embroidered. The women 
 wear a skirt and a short tunic, both of cotton-cloth. Sandals of the usual cowhide 
 pattern are worn. Ancient sandals braided from strips of palm-leaf are now 
 only used as ceremonials. The same is the case with ancient girdles woven 
 from ixtle, the fibre of the maguey {Agave americana L.). Throughout the 
 memoir I shall use the word ‘ixtle’ (Nahuatl, ichtli *) in the Mexican sense, as 
 an expression for fibre of all century-plants, but especially of the maguey. 
 
 The women weave tunics, girdles, and hair-ribbons of ancient designs, from 
 wool. Cotton-cloth is gradually taking the place of woollen stuffs, as it is cheaper, 
 and easier to work on. The women are clever at embroidery, with which they 
 adorn both their own dress and that of the men. Some few of the men are also 
 quite skilful in this art. The tribe make two kinds of alcoholic beverages. One 
 is a weak brandy called tats, distilled from the sweet stem of a certain species of 
 century-plant called in Mexican Spanish sotol d The other is a kind of sweet, 
 thick beer called nawa', made from corn. Both these drinks play an important 
 part at feasts. 
 
 The Huichols live mostly in circular houses (ki or iki ) made from loose 
 
 1 Dictionnaire de la Langue Nahuatl, par Remi Simeon, Paris, 1885. 
 
 2 See Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, X, p. 13. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 9 
 
 stones, or from stone and mud, and covered with thatched roofs. The temples 
 of their gods (Plate I, Fig. i) are of similar shape, but much larger, having 
 their entrance towards sunrise. They are called toki'pa, which means ‘house of 
 all.’ Inside may be seen niches for the gods of the temple. In the temple of 
 Santa Catarina, which is dedicated to the god of fire, I used to see people deposit 
 flowers in his niche, burning copal as incense, and muttering prayers in a low 
 voice. The centre of interest in a temple, however, is the fireplace, which is 
 situated in the middle of the building. It consists of a circular bed of clay 1.20 
 metres in diameter, surrounded by a thick clay wall some 15 cm. high. When no 
 feast is going on, this circular bed, which is called a'ro, is always brimful of ashes. 
 To the west of the fireplace, on a level with the fioor, is a disk of solidified vol- 
 canic ash, generally ornamented with carvings of deer. It is called a te'pali (see 
 p. 24); and on this the shaman, when singing in the temple, places his drum, 
 seating himself behind it with face turned towards the east. Outside, in front of 
 the door, is an open space surrounded by small god-houses, rectangular or circular 
 in shape, and covered with thatched, gabled roofs. The entrance to the god- 
 houses faces the open place in front of the temple. Such small god-houses, which 
 are called si'liki, are found near every house, and may also frequently be met 
 with at lonely places in the forests. In these houses, as well as in sacred caves 
 and springs and other consecrated localities, are placed ceremonial arrows, votive 
 bowls, ceremonial chairs, and other symbolic objects, which will be described 
 hereafter. These ceremonial objects lose their value after five years, and are 
 thrown out of the house. The roof of the temple, with certain symbolic objects 
 attached to it, is renewed every five years, simultaneously with the election of 
 new officers. 
 
 There are at present nineteen temples in the country, and although one may 
 generally find ranches near them, still it is only at the time of the feasts that the 
 population of the district congregates there, officials and their families camping 
 on such occasions in the god-houses. I shall not enter into a complete exposition 
 of the religious system of these Indians. Suffice it here to give an outline, — so 
 much only as is requisite for the understanding of our present subject. 
 
 The Huichol country is divided into three sections, each dedicated to one of 
 the principal gods. What was formerly the fourth section, dedicated to another 
 of the principal gods, has been almost entirely taken by the Mexicans. 
 
 1. The section in and around the pueblo of Santa Catarina, in the east. 
 This pueblo is called by the Indians Toapu'li, which is the name of two small 
 mountains at the foot of which it lies. In the pueblo, close by the mountains, 
 stands the temple, on the same site where it has been from time immemorial. It 
 is the principal temple of the country, and dedicated to the god of fire (Tate'vali). 
 All the people of this section are said to be ‘of Toapu'li.’ 
 
 2. The section in and around the pueblo of San Sebastian, the southeastern 
 part of the Huichol country. The pueblo is called by the Huichols Tate' [our 
 Mother] Wau'tega, or simply Wau'tega, which is the name of a spring in the 
 
IO 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 neighborhood. The temple here, recently destroyed by fire, belonged to the 
 second god of fire (Tato'tsi Ma'ra Kwa'ri). The people of this section are said 
 to be ‘ of Wau'tega.’ 
 
 3. The section in and around the pueblo of San Andres, comprising the 
 western part of the country. The pueblo is called by the Huichols Tate' I'ki a , 
 which means ‘the house of our Mother.’ It alludes to a mythological event con- 
 cerning a serpent (Tate' Ipou) which was born here, and then went down to the 
 coast. This section is ruled over by the Sun (Tayau' or Tave'rik 3 ), and all the 
 people there are said to be ‘ of Tave'rikV 
 
 The fourth section was without doubt the country now comprising the 
 pueblos of Soledad and Tezompa, in the northeast. The temple of Lajas is the 
 only remaining portion of it. This is dedicated to the god of wind or air 
 (Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke). 
 
 Each of these sections contains many temples, where feasts are held ; and 
 the people of each section are welcome guests at the feasts celebrated in their 
 temples, but those of other sections of the country are not invited to take part. 
 
 I once counted forty-seven gods recognized by the tribe ; but the number is 
 practically unlimited, since every hill and every rock of peculiar shape is con- 
 sidered a deity. The stones and rocks are alive, representing the mythical 
 ancestors or their belongings, — their bows and arrows, their pouches, tamales 
 (Fig. 241), etc. However, it would be a mistake to assume that all gods are in 
 reality different. The principal ones have as many as eight or ten names, and 
 thus the number of distinct deities may be placed very much lower. A great 
 number are necessarily only different impersonations of the same god. The gods 
 are supposed to dwell in lagoons, water-holes, and springs, or, as the Indians ex- 
 press it, “ all gods arrived from the sea, but here they made water-holes or springs.” 
 Every god has one. Women are considered as the daughters of the goddesses, 
 and men as the sons of the gods, each one belonging to a particular god. Each 
 god has his animals, which, as an Indian explained to me, stand in the same 
 relation to the god as do the hens to the master of the house. The four 
 principal gods are : — 
 
 1. Tate'vali, the god of fire. His name means ‘our [ta] grandfather 
 [te'vali].’ I shall call him Grandfather Fire. The fire is called among the 
 Huichols tai, but the fire in the temple is Tate'vali. He is the god of life and 
 health. He is the curing and prophesying shaman, and the particular god of the 
 shamans, especially of those who cure and prophesy. Animals belonging to him 
 are the macaw, the royal eagle, the cardinal bird, the tiger, the lion, and the 
 opossum. Herbs and grass also belong to him. This god, together with Tato'tsi, 
 made the first temple of the Huichols. 
 
 2. Tato'tsi, the second god of fire, and the chief deer god. His complete 
 name is Tato'tsi Ma'ra Kwa'ri, which means ‘ our [ta] great-grandfather [to'tsi ] 
 deer-tail [ma'ra kwa'ri].’ I shall call him Great-grandfather Deer-Tail. He is 
 the singing shaman. The white-tailed hawk belongs especially to this god. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 1 
 
 The relations between these two deities are interesting. Great-grandfather 
 Deer-Tail is the son of Grandfather Fire, having, according to tradition, sprung 
 forth from the plumes of his father. Still he is older. The explanation of this is 
 as follows : Great-grandfather Deer-Tail is the spark produced by striking flint ; 
 and Grandfather Fire, the fire fed by wood. The two, therefore, are also brothers, 
 and older than the Sun. The names of these two gods are constantly on the lips 
 of the people. When Huichols meet, especially after separation for a time, they 
 first speak of the gods, and one hears the names of these two most prominently. 
 
 The implements of to-day for making fire are a piece of flint, tinder (a fungus 
 from oak-trees), and a piece of steel bought from the Mexicans. Evidently 
 the Indians formerly made fire by striking flint against pyrites ; the more conven- 
 ient steel implement, which is called tau'tsu or tau'tsyu, being a later introduction. 
 
 I have heard the following interpretation of the fire-making implements : The 
 steel is Tate'vali, and the sparks his facial painting (Tate'vali urai'ya) ; the flint is 
 Tato'tsi ; the tinder, Tate'vali’s food (Tate'vali i'ne wa ). 
 
 3. Tayau' (or Tau) or Tave'rik a , the Sun. The former name means ‘our 
 father.’ The significance of the latter name I was unable to learn. It may have 
 some reference to riku'a (‘ rattle’ or ‘bell’). I can only say that it is the name 
 given by the rabbit to the Sun, as related in the following myth. 
 
 “ The ancient shamans made Father Sun by throwing the young son of 
 the Corn Mother, Tate' Otegana'ka [or, according to another tradition, of Young 
 Mother Eagle, Tate' Ve'lika Uima'li], into an oven, arrayed in full attire, with 
 sandals, pouches, and tobacco-gourds, and carrying his bow and arrow. From 
 the oven the boy travelled underneath the ground, and rose as the Sun, where it 
 rises to-day, in the east. Five days after the birth of the Sun the chief men 
 wanted to give him a name, and the Rabbit made five ceremonial circles and 
 turned his face towards the Sun, saying, ‘Ve'rik a , ve'rik a , ve'rik a ! ’ The Rabbit 
 had horns in those days, and was the son of one of the tama'ts [our elder 
 brothers]; but the Rabbit changed ‘clothes’ with his father [the Deer |. The 
 Turkey next made five circles and said, ‘ Sri pi' [he is starting], tau, tau, tau ! ’ 
 H e was the brother of the Sun.” I shall call this god Father Sun or the Sun. 
 
 The principal animals belonging to Father Sun are the turkey and the 
 rabbit, the tiger, the red-tailed hawk (Kwir or Kwis), the quail, the gigantic 
 woodpecker, the swallow, and the cardinal-bird. 
 
 The lduichols sacrifice a turkey to the sun in the latter part of May, when the 
 sun is on its return, and at the same time a sheep is sacrificed to the fire. They 
 sing all night, and next day drink their two beverages. They are careful 
 observers of the annual course of the sun. Near Santa Catarina there is a notch in 
 the mountains that stands out against the horizon ; and they know that when the 
 sun “arrives” there, as they say, the rainy season is not far off. 
 
 The Setting Sun, Tayau' Sakaimo'ka, or Sakaimo'ka alone (sometimes called 
 Sakaimo'ta), is considered as the assistant of Father Sun. An idol of him is 
 standing on a mesa above the Cora pueblo of Sierra del Nayarit, “looking 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I 2 
 
 towards Mexico,” as the Indians express it. This mesa is the one called Tonati 
 by the chroniclers, while by the Coras it is called Nayarit. The Huichols call it 
 Sakaimo'ka. The same names are given to a cave in the same locality, where the 
 Coras and the Huichols deposit ceremonial objects and other offerings. This god 
 is worshipped equally by the Cora Indians, whose religion and language are related 
 to those of the Huichols. 
 
 4. Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke, the god of wind or air. His name means 
 ‘our elder brother [tama'ts] big hi'kuli [ pa'like | (walking) everywhere [tamo- 
 ye'ke].’ These translations were given to me by an Indian, but I do not know 
 whether they are philologically correct. According to another informant, Tamo- 
 ye'ke is a rock near the mining town Catorce. This rock is considered one of the 
 ancestral gods of the Huichols. Hi'kuli is said to grow in the form of a cross on 
 his face, his hands, and his feet. Probably my informant meant to say that the 
 plants formed a cross on each of these parts of the body. He is also commonly 
 called only Tama'ts, and I shall speak of him as Elder Brother. His name 
 indicates him as the god of hi'kuli and as a deer god. The hi'kuli (Sp. peyote ) 
 appeared first as a gigantic deer (p. 18), which left a plant in each of its footprints. 
 When Elder Brother was out running deer, so the myth relates, he met two 
 women, who were roes, and followed them to their home. There they invited 
 him to eat grass, which he did, and became a deer. He still had no antlers ; 
 but Tate'vali applied his plumes to the right side of the deer’s head, producing 
 plumes or antlers of Tama'ts Wawatsa'li (deer god in the south), and to the left 
 side, producing plumes or antlers of Tama'ts O'to Ta'wi (deer god in the north). 
 Tama'ts again became a man, but the deer thereafter remained with antlers. The 
 antler on the right side of a deer is considered as the plume of the royal eagle 
 (moye'li Tate'vali) ; and that on the left side, as the plume of the red-tailed hawk 
 (moye'li Tato'tsi). 
 
 Elder Brother is the messenger of the gods, and when the shamans sing, he 
 communicates their songs and wishes to the other gods. The animals over whom 
 he rules are the deer, the rattlesnake, the rabbit, the gray squirrel, the humming- 
 bird, and all parrots, a hawk called Suli'kwai, the hawk Piwa'mi, the owl, and 
 also the hens. The cock belongs to him, because it is supposed to follow the 
 course of the sun, and to know always where the sun is. Every time it crows, 
 it signals the location of the sun to Elder Brother, who, as said above, is a 
 go-between of the gods. 
 
 Tama'ts [Elder Brother] Kauyuma'li, also called Te'vali [Grandfather] 
 Kauyuma'li, is the name of the god who put the world into shape, and had to 
 fight with the people in the underworld to accomplish his purpose. He appears 
 in different impersonations, — as a deer, a wolf, a pine-tree, and a whirlwind, — and 
 it is he who taught the ancients “ all they had to do in order to comply with what 
 the gods wanted at the five points of the world,” — to make ceremonial arrows, 
 chairs, and votive bowls, to run deer, and to drink hi'kuli ; but the god of hi'kuli 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 13 
 
 taught them to sing. “ The principal men requested Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke, 
 who resides in the east, to sing during the day, while they went off running deer.” 
 
 Among female deities should be mentioned first of all Tako'tsi Nakawe'. 
 This name means ‘our grandmother |tako'tsi| growth | nakawe'].’ She is fre- 
 quently called by either name alone. I shall speak of her as Grandmother 
 Growth. All vegetation (na'ka, ‘ to grow ’ ) is her product. She is also the 
 mother of the gods, especially of Grandfather Fire. All the earth belongs to her > 
 and she lives in the underworld. People implore her for long life, because she is 
 very old. Salate (a large kind of fig-tree), a certain species of bamboo, a tree called 
 capome (which grows in the canons), and other trees, also belong to her, as do in 
 the animal world the armadillo, the peccary, and the bear, that is considered her son. 
 This goddess has, like other deities, many names, according to her functions. She 
 is frequently called Tate' Yuliana'ka (yu'li, ‘wet;’ na'ka, ‘to grow:’ i. e., ‘wet 
 | the earth | in order that corn may grow ’), and as such she is mistress of pottery 
 utensils, because these are made of earth. She is also called Tate' Iku' [corn | 
 Otegana'ka, and is, as the name implies, the special goddess of corn : in this im- 
 personation, therefore, we shall speak of her as the Corn Mother. Sheisawater 
 and rain serpent in the east. Squashes, beans, and sheep also belong to her. 
 
 The other female deities are called tate' (‘our [ta | mother [te] ’ ), and there 
 are five principal ones : — 
 
 1. Tate' Naaliwa'mi, in the east, — a red serpent because she appeared in 
 lightning. She is mainly a water and rain serpent, bringing rain from the east, and 
 I shall call her Mother East-Water. Her supposed dwelling, and accordingly her 
 principal place of worship, is in a deep gorge with caves, near Santa Catarina, in 
 the eastern part of the Huichol country. Cattle, mules, and horses are under her 
 protection. Lightning is thought to be the baton of this Mother ; and as rain 
 accompanies the lightning in the springtime or in the wet season, flowers, which 
 are the result of the rain, belong to her, “ are her skirt,” say the Indians. In this 
 connection it is worthy of note that colored paper bought in the Mexican stores, 
 generally in the shape of artificial flowers, is attached to her objects almost 
 exclusively. 
 
 2. Tate' Kyewimo'ka (sometimes called Kyewimo'ta), in the west, — a white 
 serpent because she appeared in a white cloud. She is a water and rain serpent, 
 bringing rain from the west, and is also the morning mist in the autumn, that 
 sometimes freezes the corn. I shall call her Mother West-Water. She is the 
 Aphrodite of the Huichol Indians, as are also Mother East-Water and Tate' 
 Tuliriki'ta (p. 52). Her dwelling and principal place of worship is due west of 
 the Huichol country, in a cave situated in the territory of the Cora Indians, near 
 the pueblo of San Francisco, on the western side of the river of San Juan 
 Peyotan. To her belong deer and corn, as well as ravens. 
 
 3. Tate' Rapawiye'ma, in the south, —a blue serpent because she appeared 
 in a lagoon. She is a water and rain serpent, bringing rain from the south, and I 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 14' 
 
 shall call her Mother South-Water. She is also the lagoon itself, which is called 
 by the Mexicans Laguna de Magdalena , and is situated four days’ journey south of 
 the Huichol country, on the road which leads from Guadalajara to Tepic. She is 
 also a kind of water-lizard (Imo'koy), described to me by the Indians as being 
 about 30 cm. long, spotted, and very smooth. It may be the axolotl. She is 
 more intimately connected with the singing shaman than all the other Mothers. 
 To her belongs the seed-corn. 
 
 There is also another lagoon called Tate' Rapawiye'ma, which is near the sea 
 and much farther from the Huichol country, viz., in the neighborhood of Talpa, 
 State of Jalisco. At present the Huichols rarely deposit sacred objects there. 
 
 Still another Tate' Rapawiye'ma is mentioned, which is situated near 
 Mascota, and is called Laguna de Laja. The water of this lagoon is credited 
 with medicinal properties. Goitre, for instance, is said to be cured in four months 
 by external application of the water and by drinking it. 
 
 4. Tate' Hau'tse Kupu'ri, in the north, — also a serpent. Hau'tse means 
 ‘rain and fog hanging in the trees and grass;’ Kupu'ri means ‘cotton-wool,’ the 
 symbol of white clouds. I shall call her Mother North-Water. She is, besides, 
 a fish that lives in a lagoon called Hauli'pa, which is situated in the mountains 
 north of the Huichol country. This fish is also called Kia'tsu rie'vi or sie'vi 
 (Sp. bagre), and is about 20 cm. long, much spotted, and with some marks on the 
 shoulders considered by the Indians as ‘eyes’ or si'kuli (Chap. VI.). To her 
 belong corn, squashes, beans, also flowers, besides cattle, mules, horses, and sheep. 
 
 5. Tate' Ve'lika Uima'li, above. The word ve'lika means ‘royal eagle’ 
 (Sp. Aguila real ) ; uima'li, ‘young girl.’ Thus the whole name means literally 
 ‘ mother eagle young girl,’ and I shall call her Young Mother Eagle. She is 
 intimately connected with the cult of the Sun, and, as stated before, according to 
 one account, is his mother. She holds the world in her talons, and guards every- 
 thing from above, where she dwells. The stars are her dress. 
 
 These five Mothers, and Grandmother Growth, or rather the districts 
 where they reside, constitute the six cardinal points of the tribe. The color of 
 the south is red ; of the north, white ; of the west, black ; of the east, white ; 
 of the region above, blue or green ; of the region below, brown. According to 
 another informant, the names of these regions, in the order in which water is 
 sacrificed to them, are the following: 1. Rapawiye'ma, south; 2. Kupu'ri, 
 
 north ; 3. Sakaimo'ka and Kyewimo'ka, west ; 4. Naaliwa'mi and Otegana'ka, 
 east; 5. Ve'lika Uima'li and Tayau', above; 6. Tato'tsi and Tate'vali, below. 
 It should be noted that the number 5 is the ruling number of these Indians. 
 Sometimes they also speak of five points of the world or of five winds. Compare 
 the regions, pp. 38, 39. 
 
 From what we now know of the four principal gods and the Mothers, we 
 readily perceive a conception in the Huichol mind of the four elements, — fire and 
 air (male), earth and water (female). 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 15 
 
 The moon (Metsa'ka) is a grandmother. She is not highly valued among the 
 Huichols, and ceremonial arrows and votive bowls are not sacrificed to her. She 
 is the companion of Grandfather Fire, guiding by her light people who travel 
 at night. She is also of importance in the making of native beer, since the latter 
 becomes strong through her influence, so that people get ‘beautifully’ drunk, as 
 the Indians say. But her greatest service is to help the Sun in protecting the 
 Huichols against the god of death, Toka'kami. 
 
 The stars are of considerable importance in the mythology of this tribe. 
 They are comprised under the name rula've, and all are gods or goddesses. The 
 star from which they gain knowledge is Tonoa'mi (‘ singer’), the morning star, the 
 Tsu'lavete of the Coras. He is a shaman, singing all the time, and is supposed to 
 guard the Sun. The Huichols bathe in the morning at dark, and before descend- 
 ing into the water-hole they sing a while to him, praying that he be with them, 
 and give them health and knowledge. It is also a belief that they gain power 
 (‘medicine’) of bringing rain from him; therefore the bath is also useful in this 
 regard. In the country of the hi'kuli, as well as in the sea, ceremonial arrows are 
 left for Tonoa'mi as prayers for long life. 
 
 Sacrifices of all kinds are offered to the gods, but the principal offering is the 
 deer. It does not belong to any special god, for all the principal deities are mas- 
 ters of the deer, and the deer themselves are gods. Since the introduction of 
 cattle, the latter animals are used prominently as sacrifices, especially ' at rain- 
 making ceremonies. Roosters are also now and then offered to Elder Brother. 
 These animals, and foods prepared from corn, beans, or squashes, etc., are offered 
 to the gods before being eaten by the people. The food is sacrificed at night to 
 Mother East-Water and to Young Mother Eagle ; in the daytime, to the four 
 principal gods and to the Setting Sun, to the Corn Mother (in the morning), to 
 Mother South-Water and Mother North-Water (in the middle of the day), and to 
 Mother West-Water (at sunset). 
 
 Besides sacrifices of this kind, the Huichols offer to their gods remarkable 
 symbolic objects, which form the main topic of this memoir. They are embodi- 
 ments of prayers, and are mainly found in the god-houses and sacred caves, 
 where they present a grotesque and striking appearance. Ceremonial arrows, 
 sometimes in great numbers, are very generally stuck into the inner sides of 
 the thatched roofs of the god-houses or into the seats of ceremonial chairs. 
 A great many symbolic objects of various colors and shapes are attached to the 
 arrows, and others hang down under the roof, while on the altar may be seen 
 rudely carved and decorated wooden images of the animals dedicated to the god. 
 But idols are rarely found in the god-houses. 
 
 The ceremonial objects are not very numerous in the temples, still one 
 usually sees a few arrows or some ‘ eyes ’ stuck into the roof. Thus in the 
 temple of Santa Catarina ceremonial arrows may nearly always be observed 
 above the niche of Grandfather Fire, but the Indians tell me that it is much 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 16 
 
 better to leave them in Teaka'ta (p. 17). Such symbolic objects may also be 
 frequently met with in the crevices of rocks or at some sacred spring, etc. Some- 
 times they are actually left in some water-hole or lagoon ; for instance, in the 
 country of the hi'kuli, or even in the sea. 
 
 All sacred things are symbols to primitive man, and the Huichols seem 
 literally to have no end of them. Religion is to them a personal matter, not an 
 institution, and therefore their life is religious, — from the cradle to the grave 
 wrapped up in symbolism. Even the material of their bows is taken from a kind 
 of wood which belongs to the special god of the district. Thus the people of 
 Santa Catarina and surrounding country, who all belong to the god of fire, use 
 bows made from Tepemezquite, a light reddish-brown wood ; while the people 
 of San Andres, who belong to the Sun, make theirs of the mahogany-colored 
 Brazil-wood. 
 
 The interpretation of their symbolism is not always easy to get, since some- 
 times the Indians have reasons for not wishing to tell the truth, or, though they 
 have none, they dislike to divulge their ideas on this subject. Even when they 
 are quite willing to explain, they are hampered by their inability to express them- 
 selves. Occasionally it happens that the shaman has made a special arrangement 
 of things according to instructions given him in a dream, which of course no one 
 else understands. However, it has always astonished me how well, in a general 
 way, the Huichol shaman is able to explain symbolic objects. The common run 
 of people are also very well instructed in symbols and ceremonies, although they 
 sometimes, but rarely, make mistakes by placing the ceremonial things in the 
 wrong god-house. There is a certain uniformity in the patterns of all these 
 symbolic objects. The quality of the work varies much, although it is seldom 
 actually poor. 
 
 The gods are implored, naturally, for material benefits only, and extensive 
 research has convinced me that every god is asked for almost anything. Of 
 course a person may give preference to a certain god, for instance to the one 
 under whose protection he was placed as a child, or to one about whom he or the 
 shaman has dreamed ; but I find that the goddess of child-birth may be im- 
 plored for success in killing deer and raising cotton, while Grandfather Fire 
 may be asked for luck in weaving, embroidering, etc. ; and Elder Brother, for 
 the health of children. Still we recognize certain spheres peculiar to each god. 
 To illustrate : The god of fire, who is the healing god, is implored specially by 
 the curing shamans ; Elder Brother is the particular god of the hunter, and the 
 special helper of women in their textile and embroidery work. In making bows or 
 fishing-nets, or nets for carrying burdens, as well as in making bowls, Grand- 
 father Fire is implored; in making fishing-lines, the Corn Mother; in sowing 
 squash-seed for making tobacco-gourds, Great-grandfather Deer-Tail. 
 
 In the neighborhood of the pueblo of Santa Catarina is a deep valley, at the 
 bottom of which a river rushes on its way. Along this river are many caves 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 17 
 
 and god-houses dedicated to various male and female deities. Generally the caves 
 contain some small spring or pool of water, called a kutsa'la, in which children 
 must be bathed at certain seasons. At the kutsa'la of Grandmother Growth 
 every Huichol must wash himself once a year with the holy water. Sacred caves 
 are called by the same name as the god-houses, — si'liki. The caves of Grand- 
 
 mother Growth and Mother West-Water are called their houses (kk.or iki' a ). 
 
 Plate I, Fig. 2, shows a place in this valley which is the most important 
 of the sacred spots in the Huichol country. Its chief feature is a little temple 
 dedicated to Grandfather Fire, adjoining which are three god-houses consecrated to 
 three other great gods, and three dedicated to lesser ones. These stand on a small 
 level space scarcely ten metres square, situated at the foot of an argillitic rock 
 that rises almost perpendicularly about fifty metres. The rock inclines slightly 
 forward. Its color is dark red, hence its association with Grandfather Fire. 
 The heat reflected from the rock, besides, forcibly suggests his presence. In 
 the little temple of this god, which in the picture stands in the background, 
 an ancient idol was until recently to be seen. This locality, which is called 
 Teaka'ta, owes its name to the presence of the temple. The name is the same 
 as that applied to the hole in the ground in which the Huichols cook deer-meat, 
 mescal, etc., between hot stones covered with an earth mound. It here refers to 
 the cavity underneath this temple, where stands a still more ancient and impor- 
 tant idol of the same god. The food dearest to the Huichols, and on which they 
 no doubt in ancient times had mainly to subsist, is cooked by the fire god 
 underneath the ground. He thus becomes the god of life, as the deer is the god 
 of sustenance par excellence. 
 
 The Huichol spends a great part of his life at ceremonies and feasts. From 
 May to August, that is to say, the dry and part of the wet season, there are fre- 
 quent feasts for making rain. During the wet season, if it stops raining only for 
 two or three days, the principal men gather in the temple and decide to sacrifice 
 an ox or two, which means a ‘feast,’ or propitiation of the gods, lasting for two 
 days. Then there is the feast of new squashes and of the new corn ; and also 
 that of toasted corn or esquite , connected with the cult of hi'kuli, which will be 
 mentioned below ; but the greatest of all is the feast for eating corncakes made 
 from ground whole corn baked in an oven, and called by Mexicans tamales (dif- 
 ferent from the usual ones). This feast is held for the underworld, and is called 
 in Spanish that of tamales de maiz crudo , which name we shall hereafter use when 
 referring to it. The last two feasts can be held only after successful cleer-hunts. 
 
 The cult of hi'kuli is very important in the life of the Huichol. It would, 
 however, carry us too far to enter into a detailed description, and a brief mention 
 must therefore suffice. Hi'kuli is the name of a small cactus ( Anhalonium 
 lewhiii Hennings) which grows in the central part of Mexico, and which, when 
 eaten, has an exhilarating effect on the nervous system, and causes color-visions. 
 The Tarahumares, who also use this plant, have the same name for it. It is 
 
i8 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HU1CHOL INDIANS. 
 
 thought to be necessary to procure it every year to insure the country against 
 drought ; and therefore in October parties of from two to twelve start on a pil- 
 grimage to the interior or central mesa of Mexico ; the journey, which is accom- 
 panied by much fasting and praying, consuming forty-three days. The locality 
 where the hi'kuli-seekers gather the plant is not far from the mining town Real 
 Catorce, in the State of San Luis Potosi. The name of this country is Palia'tsia, 
 derived from the name of the god Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke (Elder Brother). 
 The leader of the party and the one who follows after him carry a front-shield 
 (Chap. IV.) of Grandfather Fire, while the rest carry those of other gods. 
 
 During the months of preparation for the feast, these people may always be 
 seen eating slices of the fresh fruit, and are in a constant state of excitement, 
 although intoxication does not show itself in the same way as that produced by 
 alcoholic drinks. The balance of the body is maintained even better than under 
 ordinary circumstances, and they walk fearlessly along the edges of precipices. 
 
 They are able to endure hunger, thirst, and fatigue to an 
 incredible extent. A marked effect of the plant, important 
 to note, is that it takes away temporarily all sexual desire. 
 This fact, no doubt, may contribute to the requirement of 
 abstinence from sexual intercourse as a necessary part of the 
 hi'kuli cult from the time of the start for the hi'kuli country 
 till the feast is over, which covers a period of at least four 
 months. Neither is bathing nor eating of salt permitted 
 during this time. The Huichols generally preserve the plant 
 by stringing a number of them, say fifty, longitudinally on a 
 string of ixtle, and hanging them up in coils (Pig. i) on the 
 walls of the temple, or in their houses, to dry. Occasionally 
 they are planted in the ground. In Fig. 2 may be seen a 
 plant as it appears when growing. 
 
 The feast of hi'kuli, which is included in that of toasted 
 corn, takes place generally some time in January ; but it can- 
 not come off until a certain number of deer have been killed, 
 as said above, nor until the field has been cleared and made 
 ready for the harvest of the coming year. 
 
 The myth relating to the discovery of the hi'kuli is the 
 following : — 
 
 “ Long ago, when the forefathers of the Huichols first 
 arrived in the country where the hi'kuli now grows, they saw 
 a deer, and allowed him to go five steps, when he disappeared. 
 When they came closer to the tracks, they discovered that 
 a hi'kuli. All together, there were five, — one for each 
 
 Fig. I (tob). Part of a String of 
 Dried Hi'kuli-Plants ( j nat. size). 
 
 each footprint was 
 footprint. 
 
 “ They shot arrows at every hi'kuli without hurting it, two arrows above each, 
 and in such a manner that the end of one arrow pointed to the east, and the end 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 19 
 
 of the other to the west (Fig. 2). At the place where the deer disappeared a 
 large hi'kuli was found, which was called Pa li or Wapa'li. After a while they 
 proceeded to take up their ar- 
 rows and put them into their 
 quivers. Only the two arrows 
 which they had shot above the 
 big hi'kuli remained, because 
 Great-grandfather Deer-Tail 
 ordered them to leave them. 
 
 Then they sat down and ate 
 hi'kuli. Tama'ts Palisi'ke re- 
 
 hi'kuli first appeared, and there 
 he may be seen to-day in the form of an altar. He is the principal altar, — a 
 big hi'kuli.” 
 
 I was told by the Indians that the hi'kuli-seekers, up to the present day, 
 perform the following ceremony : — 
 
 On arriving at the ground, as soon as the mules have been unloaded and 
 taken care of, the Indians fall into line, and each man places an arrow to his bow 
 and stretches the string as if ready to shoot, pointing the arrow first towards the 
 sun (east), then to each side, then backwards, then upwards, and at last down- 
 wards, without letting the arrow fly. The captain says, “Yonder is the deer, 
 standing at the first altar (mesa) but it is only he who sees him. Then they 
 march forward, still with their bows drawn and aiming ahead, the advance being- 
 directed by the captain and three others. If any one of them sees a hi'kuli, he 
 shoots towards it, not quite hitting it ; but one arrow lodges to the right, and one 
 to the left, over it. In this way every one shoots at five hi'kuli on the march, 
 without stopping to pick up the arrows. They proceed to ascend the first mesa 
 where the captain saw the deer. Having ascended, they all make the ceremonial 
 circuit, and the deer is seen in the appearance of a whirlwind, whereupon he dis- 
 appears, leaving behind two hi'kuli, — one toward the north, and the other toward 
 the south. Here they leave votive bowls, arrows, back-shields, paper flowers, and 
 glass beads as prayers for health, talking, as usual, to the five points of the 
 world. They also ask the hi'kuli, which in former days were people, not to make 
 them crazy. This ceremony completed, the signal is given to return, in order to 
 pull up the hi'kuli shot at on the march, and the arrows left with them. They find 
 their arrows covered with drops of dew. Each man carefully takes up his five 
 hi'kuli, and they ascend again to the first altar, where they had left their offerings. 
 They then partake of hi'kuli, eating it with great delight as a kind of fruit ; 
 and when they have eaten, the same deer which was seen by the captain, and 
 afterwards by them, appears again. This time they all see him, because they 
 now feel the effects of the plant, or, as my informant told me, “they are all 
 drunk.” According to another report, the deer is seen descending from heaven ; 
 
 mained on the high mesa where 
 
20 
 
 LUM HOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 and where he alights, there they find the plants, and shoot their arrows at them 
 in the same way as their forefathers did ; but nowadays all the hi'kuli are small. 
 
 There are several kinds of hi'kuli. According to some, there are five, — red, 
 yellow, black, white, and spotted, the same colors that the corn has. According 
 to others, there are three kinds, — yellow (Tate'vali), white (Tate' Otegana'ka), 
 and green (Tate' Kyewimo'ka). The same name, hi'kuli, is applied to all of them, 
 and all kinds are used at the feast. 
 
 Further information on the hi'kuli cult will be found on several of the 
 following pages (see especially end of Chap. IX and Chap. X). 
 
 Most of the gods are thought to be on the outskirts of the country, and to 
 grudge the Indians the clouds ; but when the shaman sings, they are pleased, and 
 let them loose to fall down as rain. In that way the shamans, and indirectly the 
 people, control the rainfall, and are able to produce rain at will. There is another 
 way in which the people contribute directly towards the bringing of rain, viz., by 
 burning their fields. All the smoke that rises is clouds, and there are many 
 kinds, — black clouds (hai yo'wi or yu'wime), blue clouds (hai yoawi'me), white 
 clouds (hai tora'mi), yellow clouds (hai taru'ye), red clouds (hai rule'me). These 
 smoke-clouds travel to where the rain Mothers live, and all become rain-clouds ; 
 for every Mother, as well as Grandfather Fire, who is in the middle, and Father 
 Sun, has a spring or pool (kutsa'la) where the smoke-clouds remain until the 
 rainy weather commences, when they start out as rain-serpents. There are, in 
 the Indian conception, a great many serpents, most of them rain or fire serpents. 
 When a heavy storm is coming up, the dark clouds and the distant downpour 
 look to the Indians like so many raining serpents of various colors. They are 
 plumed or flying serpents ; but there are several kinds, at least ten, all able to fly. 
 “Don’t you see how the rain travels yonder without coming here?” a shaman 
 friend said to me by way of explanation. The rain-water as it flows over the 
 ground is a serpent, and the rivers that hasten down to the sea are also serpents. 
 The sea itself and the ripples on the surface of water are serpents. The lightning 
 is a powerful serpent, and the shaman sees that the fire is also a serpent, namely, 
 a rattlesnake ; and when the Huichols burn the fields, they see in the moving 
 crest of the fire the plumes of the fire-serpent. The sky and the wind are 
 serpents. The serpentine movements of the latter are visible when it sweeps 
 through the grass and the trees, and it helps to bring the clouds to the country 
 of the Huichols. 
 
 All the principal gods possess each a certain species of eagle or hawk, besides 
 other birds; and when the Huichols make ceremonial objects for any god, they 
 use plumes of the special kind belonging to that god. According to tradition, the 
 various eagles and hawks sprang forth from a cloud of smoke (Sp. fumadero) ; 
 therefore their plumes are black and brown from the fire. The royal eagle is 
 supposed to have been originally a single plume, which ascended, and became 
 Ve'lika, that sees everything. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 2 I 
 
 There are several species of hawk in the country, the most common being 
 the red-tailed hawk ( Buteo borealis Calurus, called in Huichol Kwir or Kwis, in 
 Spanish Aguililla ), whose feathers are very generally used ; but the feathers of 
 the white-tailed hawk (yButeo albicaudatus Sennette, called in Huichol Tu'ra) and 
 of the Mexican black hawk ( Urubitinga anthracina Licht.), as well as those of 
 Piwa'mi ( Asturina plagiata Schlegel), are also in general use. Eagles, although 
 exceedingly coveted, are very rarely procured, on account of the lack of fire-arms. 
 
 Wi'tse is the name of a certain hawk which in former times arose from the 
 west (so'tega) ; and from the east (hira'ta) came the hawk Piwa'mi as well as the 
 deer. From the north (ota'ta) came the white-tailed hawk. All these originated 
 from fire and smoke, as did also, according to one tradition, Grandfather Fire 
 and Great-grandfather Deer-Tail. 
 
 The birds, especially eagles and hawks, move about in the wind and hear 
 everything ; and the same is the case with their plumes : they also hear, the 
 Indians say, and have mystic powers. Plumes or moye'li are to the Huichol 
 health, life, and luck-giving symbols. By their help the shamans are capable of 
 hearing everything that is said to them from below the earth and from all the 
 points of the world, and perform magic, feats. The feathers of the vulture and 
 of the raven are not considered as plumes. All plumes are desirable as attach- 
 ments to ceremonial objects: therefore a Huichol never has too many of them. 
 There is, however, one plume of special merit, and that is, strange to say, the deer. 
 Every one who kills a deer comes into possession of a precious plume, that in- 
 sures him health and luck ; but those who are much in love cannot acquire it, 
 for, in order to catch deer, one must be abstinent. We have already seen (p. 12) 
 how Grandfather Fire, in true shaman fashion, applied his plumes to Elder 
 Brother’s head, and produced antlers or plumes, one on each side. Not only the 
 antler, but the whole body of the deer, is, in the Huichol mind, a plume, just as a 
 bird is called a plume ; and I have met with instances where the hair from the 
 tail of a deer actually served as plume attachments on ceremonial arrow's 
 (cf. Fig. 97). Plumes, according to one account, started from the head of the deer 
 in order that the shaman might be able to sing. 
 
 The deer appeared, according to tradition, on five different occasions, and 
 each time they had a new name. The Huichols count five kinds of male deer 
 and five kinds of roes ; and even the roes appear to the shamans to possess 
 antlers or plumes. The shamans are also the only ones who can tell the differ- 
 ence between a male and a female deer. These ten kinds of deer have all special 
 names, the male ones being named according to the growth of the antlers. The 
 male deer are all tama'ts (‘our elder brothers’), and are the following : — 
 
 1. Tama'ts Wawatsa'li, the principal and the oldest one, with very large 
 antlers. He lives in the south, i. e ., is the deer god in the south. 
 
 2. Tama'ts O'to Ta'wi, a large deer, but with smaller antlers. He lives in 
 the north, i. e., is the deer god in the north. 
 
 3. Ve'lika Moye'li Tama'ts, a deer that is a little bluer than the other deer. 
 His antlers are the plumes of the royal eagle. 
 
22 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 4. Kwir Moye'li Tama'ts, a deer with antlers much ramified and very thin, 
 which are the plumes of the red-tailed hawk (Kwir). 
 
 5. Teola'li Moye'li Tama'ts, a deer whose antlers have small protuberances 
 which resemble a red flower called teola'li. Being red, this flower is dedicated to 
 Grandfather Fire ; and wreaths worn at certain feasts are made from it. 
 
 The female deer are all tate' (‘our mother’) and tako'tsi (‘our grand- 
 mother’), and their names are the following : — 
 
 1. Piwa'mi Moye'li Tate Tako'tsi, a roe whose plumes are those of the hawk 
 Piwa'mi. 
 
 2. Suli'kwai Moye'li Tate' Tako'tsi, a roe whose plumes are those of a large 
 hawk called Suli'kwai. 
 
 3. Tu'ra Moye'li Tate' Tako'tsi, a roe with plumes of the white-tailed hawk 
 (Tu'ra). 
 
 4. Hapo'li Moye'li Tate' Tako'tsi, a roe whose plumes are those of the eagle 
 Hapo'li, which is black with a striped white tail. This eagle is often seen in the 
 willow-trees, and is found in the country of the hi'kuli. 
 
 5. Totowi' Moye'li Tate' Tako'tsi, a roe whose plumes are those of a small 
 yellowish parrot which lives on the coast. 
 
 The moving principle in the religion of the Huichols is the desire of pro- 
 ducing rain, and thus of successfully raising corn, their principal food. I take this 
 to be common to most of the agricultural tribes of this continent. Water first, and 
 water last, is the consideration in all their ceremonies, the centre of their thoughts. 
 
 According to the Huichol myths, corn was once deer, the deer having been 
 the chief source of food in earliest times. Therefore the people, now that they, 
 through contact with the whites, have become possessed of cattle and sheep, look 
 upon these too as corn. 
 
 Since the deer represents sustenance, it may easily be perceived why, in their 
 myths, the hi'kuli, as well as hau'tsima (‘ water’), sprang from the forehead of a 
 deer. It was a deer (a deer god) that left the hi'kuli-plants in his track the first 
 time he appeared in the country where the plants grow, and he afterwards became 
 a big hi'kuli ; and when the gods for the first time felt the exhilarating effect that 
 hi'kuli produces, it came from the magic drink that had been made by grinding, 
 not the hi'kuli, but a deer-antler, on the metate, and mixing it with water. 
 
 In former days corn was also hi'kuli, and therefore to-day the latter still 
 retains all the colors of corn. Sometimes the Indians profess to discover real 
 grains of corn on the plant when they gather it ; and when they leave hi'kuli as a 
 sacrifice to the gods, they usually mix with it grains of corn. Hi'kuli, therefore, 
 is to them the original ear of corn, just as the deer-antler is the original hi'kuli. 
 
 Thus it will be seen that corn, deer, and hi'kuli are, in a way, one and the 
 same thing to the Huichol. Corn is deer (food substance), and hi'kuli is deer 
 (food substance), and corn is hi'kuli ; all these three being considered identical 
 in so far as they are food substances. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 23 
 
 When, at the feast preparatory to clearing the corn-fields, the Huichols drink 
 the broth of deer-meat, they speak of it as “ making corn.” The deer is the sacri- 
 fice most valued by the gods. To the Huichols it is the symbol of sustenance and 
 fertility ; and its blood is therefore sprinkled on the grains of corn before they are 
 sown, that they may become equally sustaining. The hi'kuli, on the other hand, 
 is to them the plant of life, — the life of the deer and of the corn. Hi'kuli is 
 also the special drinking-bowl of the god of fire ; and the Huichols have to bring 
 it to him every year, or they would be unable to catch deer : consequently it 
 would not rain, and they would have no corn. 
 
 The philosophy of life of these people may be best summed up in the sentence 
 to which my Huichol servant once gave utterance : “To pray for luck to Tate'- 
 vali | the god of fire], and to put up snares for the deer, — that is to lead a perfect 
 life.” 
 
II. — GODS AND THEIR PARAPHERNALIA; FETISHES. 
 
 In the temples of the Huichols no idols are to be seen, as they are kept 
 in secret places, often in some remote cave. In the temple of Santa Catarina, 
 according to the Indians, there is an excavation underneath the fireplace, in 
 which an idol of the god of fire stands, surrounded by numerous ceremonial 
 objects. The Indians state that such a cavity is a feature of every temple, 
 and its special god or some sacred object may be placed in it. I saw, 
 however, that in two diminutive temples erected for the god of fire for a 
 special purpose, there were idols standing above ground, besides the ones in the 
 cavities below. Images of gods are still made among the Huichols according to 
 the orders of the shaman ; and their purpose is to prevent a drought, or to drive 
 off some serious disease or other tribal misfortune. The images are carved out 
 of solidified volcanic ash (Sp. cantera), or sometimes out of wood, and in rare 
 instances they are moulded from clay. 
 
 The most important gods stand on disks (te'pali) made from solidified 
 volcanic ash, which vary in size according to the maker’s fancy. Such a disk 
 represents the domain of the god or goddess, and is painted or carved with various 
 pesigns symbolic of his or her attributes and relations to the world. These 
 objects are thus exceedingly instructive as showing the religious thought of the 
 Indian. They are frequently found in the god-houses without images, but never- 
 theless possessing the god’s power. They are then seen either lying fiat on the 
 altar, to which they are often fastened by mud, or placed in a slanting position. 
 They are also met with in the temples (p. 9) and on top of them. All ceremonial 
 disks are smeared with blood of the deer before being deposited for religious use. 
 
 Images of animals belonging to particular gods are also made in various 
 ways (pp. 66-68). They are deposited in the particular place of worship of the 
 god, together with ceremonial chairs and other symbolic objects to be described 
 later. 
 
 The images, as well as other ceremonial objects, but especially the disks 
 mentioned above, are often painted with various colors, all native. These colors 
 are either mineral or vegetable, the mineral colors being supposed to be in the 
 possession of Grandmother Growth. Objects made of solidified volcanic ash, that 
 are to be painted, are first washed with water to make the colors adhere well. 
 As the colors employed by the Huichol Indians have much significance in certain 
 symbolic objects, it seems advisable, for convenience, to mention them here, and 
 the materials from which they are derived. 
 
 1. Mineral Colors. — Red (rule'me), from a ferruginous clay called 
 rata'lika. This is the color most commonly used by the Indians. For painting 
 arrows it is ground on the metate and mixed with copal. White , from a calcite 
 called tata'mi or Kyewimo'ka. Dark green (yoawi'me), from a green clay called 
 teyoa'wi, found near San Sebastian. It is probably a result of the decomposition 
 
 [24] 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 2 5 
 
 of volcanic rock. The inside of drinking and votive bowls is painted with it. 
 Light green, from a similar clay from San Sebastian, but of a better kind. Light 
 red, from a ferruginous clay mixed with calcite. The minerals are powdered, and 
 mixed with the juice of the maguey plant ( agua de maguey) or sometimes 
 simply with water. 
 
 2. Vegetable Colors. — Dark red (rule'me), from Brazil-wood, which 
 is rubbed to a powder on the metate, and then mixed with a weak solution 
 of lime and water. Dark blue (yoawi'me), from a plant called in Spanish anil 
 (indigo), and in Huichol tapa'li. The dye-stuff is mixed with the juice of the 
 maguey. Yellow (tarawi'me), from the root (ta'rai) of a bush called toy, which 
 the hi'kuli-seekers gather in the country where that plant grows. Black (yu'wime), 
 from charred corncobs mixed with the juice of the maguey. 
 
 Grandfather Fire and his Disks. — Images of the god of fire are more 
 frequent than those of any other god. His birthplace is shown near Santa 
 Catarina, in a cave which gives evidence of previous volcanic action. He 
 is thought to have first appeared there as a spark, or, according to another 
 tradition, carrying two arrows and Hint. The cave itself is called Haino'tega, 
 hai'no being the name of a little yellow bird which was kept there by the god. 
 Still another tradition has it that he started from the coast, and remained first in 
 Sakaimo'ta, afterwards in Teaka'ta. Then he went to Toapu'li (Santa Catarina), 
 and from there travelled out to Wize'rkate, near Zacatecas. From here again he 
 travelled on to Maraya'pa, which is situated this side of the mining town Catorce. 
 Finally he arrived in Hai O'nali, which is a spring in the country of the hi'kuli. 
 He returned again to Toapu'li with his family, accompanied by much wind, and 
 to-day still lives in Teaka'ta. In this connection it is significant to note that the 
 mythical ancestors of the Huichols arrived from Aukwe'meka, the mountain in 
 front of Toapu'li ; and when they arrived, they brought much wind with them. 
 
 In the district of Santa Catarina, where he is the ruling god, I know of six 
 of his images, which accordingly must be considered as so many impersonations 
 or incarnations of the same god of fire. There may be even more. While it is 
 supposed that he is incarnate in or abides in all these images, yet his principal 
 body and habitation is the principal image, which stands in the little temple at 
 Teaka'ta, the holy place described on p. 17. 
 
 It is significant that sometimes he is represented, not by one, but by two 
 images. One stands above ground, and the other in a cavity underneath it. The 
 latter is invariably the smaller and the older of the two, and is regarded as closely 
 associated with the sun after it has set, or the sun of the underworld, while the 
 upper image is supposed to be associated with the sun of the daytime, or of the 
 upper world. In both of his manifestations he is thought to have great power 
 over the Sun, to whom he is supposed to talk. It is evident, therefore, that he is 
 identified with the fire of the world, moreover with that of the underworld, and 
 that we may regard volcanic fire as more directly representing him than any other 
 
26 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 kind of fire. He is held to be more ancient even than the Sun, who is his child, — 
 the young Huichol who in ancient times issued forth Phoenix-like from the fire, 
 revived as the flaming Sun (p. 11). The Sun, then, is in reality a new imper- 
 sonation of the god of fire; and it naturally follows that mythically the latter is 
 closely associated, in his powers and functions, with the former. 
 
 The idol of the god of fire here pictured (P ig. 3) is said to be an exact copy 
 of the one standing under the fireplace of the temple of Santa Catarina, in a 
 
 cavity about a metre deep down in the ground. 
 A few years ago, when the officers of the temple 
 removed the disk that covers the cavity, to renew 
 the ceremonial objects placed with the idol, as is 
 their custom every fifth year, they found that the 
 heat from the fire above had not only burned all 
 the ceremonial objects, but had also injured the old 
 idol. Therefore a new image was made by one of 
 the chief men of the place, Felipe, who, being a 
 friend of mine, consented to make a similar one for 
 me. The material is solidified volcanic ash. The 
 legs are apart, and there are indications of arms 
 hanging clown. Nose, eyes, and mouth are very 
 distinct, but the ears are awkwardly placed, being 
 too far forward. There are indications of toes in 
 the form of slight incisions. Felipe carved this 
 rather clumsy figure with his machete , and there is a 
 curious vague likeness between the maker and his 
 work. 
 
 The specimen figured in Figs. 4 and 5 is the disk on which the god of fire 
 stands (Tate'vali te'pali). It was obtained from the same place and from the 
 
 Fig. 3 (e®fs). Grandfather Fire standing on his 
 Disk. (Height, excluding disk, 27.5 cm.) 
 
 same maker as the idol. On the upper surface (Fig. 4) is a carving of the royal 
 eagle (Tate'vali Ve'lika), — the eagle that belongs to Grandfather Fire. Wings 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUJCHOL INDIANS. 
 
 27 
 
 and tail are spread, but the head has been omitted, and the body consists of a 
 circle divided into eight radial sections of nearly equal size. Wings, legs, and 
 talons are plainly visible, and the feathers of wings and tail are represented by 
 parallel lines. All the lines in the carving have been painted black. Above the 
 eagle, between the wings, is the carving of a deer without antlers, painted black 
 in the same way. 
 
 The under surface (Fig. 5) is taken up by a picture of the sun. It consists 
 of a circular space in the middle, from which rays emanate to the edge of the disk. 
 These rays and the central circular space are painted red with ferruginous clay. 
 
 The edges of both surfaces of the disk are notched all round at regular 
 intervals. On the eagle side of the disk, between the notches along the edge of 
 the lower half, are dots of black, — eighteen in all. There is also a similar spot 
 over the left wing of the eagle. The rim is ornamented all round with a carved 
 zigzag line, painted with ferruginous clay, — a design symbolic of the hills and 
 valleys projected on the horizon, while the notches represent the nearer hills and 
 valleys. 
 
 The disk on which the god stands thus shows the animals most closely asso- 
 ciated with him, and symbolizes his powers over the whole world, that is illumined 
 and warmed by the sun. 
 
 I have mentioned above that the god of fire is represented by two idols, — 
 one above ground, and one underneath. The latter stands in a cavity the opening 
 to which is entirely covered by a disk, on which the upper idol stands, as will be 
 observed in Fig. 3. This disk, however, is much larger than the one pictured. The 
 arrangement recalls the form of house of the Pueblos of the Southwest at the peri- 
 od when the wandering tribes of the desert still lived underground or half under- 
 ground. The doors to their houses were made of slabs of stone, and were round 
 like the stone lids of jars, as is evident from the researches of Cushing and others. 
 It might possibly be inferred that the disk placed under the god of fire symbolizes 
 that he alone, of all gods, has the power of opening and closing the door that 
 separates the upper from the underworld. This interpretation is to a certain ex- 
 tent supported by the myth of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail (Chap. IV), who once 
 took refuge in a hole which he made in the ground and covered over with a stone. 
 Possibly the conclusion may also be drawn from the myth that the idol in the 
 cavity underneath represents Great-grandfather Deer-Tail, while the one on top 
 represents Grandfather Fire ; in other words, that the former is the volcanic fire, 
 and the latter the fire of this world. This would agree with the conception of 
 these two gods in the minds of the Huichols, who frequently call them brothers. 
 
 Another disk of the god of fire is shown in Figs. 6 and 7. It was not used 
 
 as a stand for an idol. It was painted at my request by a very intelligent 
 shaman, and it should be stated here that a number of objects treated in this 
 chapter were also made at my request by different shamans and friends of mine in 
 the district of Santa Catarina. Most of them were painted by a very prominent 
 shaman, at one time ‘alcalde’ in Santa Catarina. His father, one of the great 
 
28 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 shamans of the country, had instructed him in the mysteries of life from childhood 
 up. They lived in Pochotita, and the father died only recently. The specimens 
 obtained in this way are reproductions of objects used by the Huichols, although 
 more elaborate in workmanship, design, and color. Two or three of the painted 
 disks were intended by the maker to represent similar ones made of split bamboo 
 interwoven with cotton cord and variously colored crewel. These will be noted 
 at their proper places. 
 
 Fig. 6 (x||s). Disk of Grandfather Fire, Upper Side. (Diameter, 40 cm. ; thickness^ 6 cm.) 
 
 In the centre of the upper surface of the disk in question (Fig. 6) there is a 
 cavity 2.5 cm. deep by 6.5 cm. in diameter, which is called Tate'vali aiku'tsi, 
 meaning the drinking-gourd of Grandfather Fire. A disk with a central cup of 
 this kind is called tano'ra. The name aiku'tsi refers specially to a votive bowl 
 filled with a mixture of water and ground hi'kuli, — -the form in which hi'kuli 
 is consumed at the feasts. The Huichols, according to their conception, are only 
 continuing the practice which Grandfather Kauyuma'li initiated, who was the first 
 to procure aiku'tsi. While putting the world into shape he seized from his 
 opponents their votive bowl filled with this liquid. On disks of other gods, that 
 have been placed in a horizontal position on the altar of the god-house, I 
 have seen similar hollows ; and, according to the etymology of the name, they are 
 to be considered as drinking-gourds of the gods for whom they were deposited. In 
 some of these cups, especially in those belonging to Grandmother Growth, native 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 2 9 
 
 beer and chocolate are sacrificed. In this specimen the cavity is painted dark 
 brown inside ; and along its edge runs a band of green, on which, at regular 
 intervals, are brown spots, symbolic of grains of corn. The rays that emanate 
 from it are painted alternately red and blue, and symbolize ears of corn. The 
 paintings are easily understood, in the light of the relations between hi'kuli and 
 corn, as explained on p. 22 and at other places. The designs on the rest of this 
 surface are the following : — (a) The royal eagle, in ferruginous clay and black. It 
 is represented with wings and tail spread ; and on the body is a cross enclosed in 
 an irregular circle, significant of the heart. The eagle looks somewhat like the 
 double-headed eagle of European origin, but it actually represents the front view 
 of the bird. An eagle, when shown in front view, is always represented as 
 double-headed, because the Indian is unable to make a perspective drawing 
 of this view. It is shown with skin split, and it becomes a perfect eagle to him 
 because both sides are represented. The eagle is sometimes represented with 
 head turned to one side, in which case only one head is shown. ( 5 ) A bluejay, 
 called by the Mexicans urraca. This bird, like others dedicated to gods, is 
 viewed, in accordance with what has been said before, as a plume ; therefore the 
 native name of the figure on the disk is wa [bluejay] moye'li [plume or plumes]. 
 (c, d ) Two macaws standing opposite each other, both painted green, with 
 longitudinal stripes of reddish color on wing and tail, as well as some of the same 
 color on top of the head and upper part of the legs, (e) The red-tailed hawk, 
 painted in red and black. From its beak depends a serpent called Hairaku'. 
 The real serpent lives in the water, and is from 80 cm. to 90 cm. long. There 
 is another serpent of the same kind in front of the bird, which the royal 
 eagle is trying to catch. Behind the hawk is seen (f) a man with uplifted 
 arms, painted in dark blue, almost black. Only the upper part of the body 
 is visible on the surface, while the rest of the man is painted on the rim of 
 the disk. He is looking at the hawk swallowing the serpent, (g) A chaparral- 
 cock, painted in dark blue and some red. This bird protects Grandfather Fire, 
 and the hi'kuli-seekers need it for their journey. (//) A maize-plant which has 
 dried up for want of water. All the birds represented above are males. 
 
 On the reverse side of the disk (Fig. 7) are seen : — (a) A male tiger, painted 
 in red, with yellow and green spots. ( b ) A female tiger, painted in dark blue and 
 red, with white and yellow spots. Behind its tail stands (c) a deer in light green 
 color, — the deer god in the south. ( d ) A deer, painted in dark blue, with a 
 longitudinal red stripe, — the deer god in the north. ( e ) A roe, dark reddish in 
 color. (/) A snake called Aitala'ma, with alternate red, black, and yellow 
 transverse bands. It is said to be about 30 cm. long and non-venomous (see p. 49). 
 ( g ) A water-serpent called Hai'ku, represented in black edged with red. It is 
 said to be from 40 cm. to 50 cm. long. (Zi) A serpent called Takayoyuo', painted 
 in dark blue edged with red. It has two heads, and on its back are seen scales. 
 (0 A symbolic figure called neali'ka, — one of a group of objects that will be 
 fully treated in Chap. IV. According to my informant, it is a si kuli (Chap. VI) 
 
30 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 neali'ka (‘ eye face’) of the god, and is painted in black, green, dark blue, and 
 red. The dots indicate grains of corn ; and the whole figure is symbolic of corn, 
 representing no doubt a transverse section of an ear of corn. Compare the 
 design on Grandmother Growth’s right cheek (p. 45), also the designs on the 
 cheeks of the Corn Mother (p. 53) and the central design on the left cheek in 
 the facial painting, Fig. 277, b. The five bird-like figures represent swallows. 
 There is an indication of a sixth, and probably there would have been a seventh 
 
 Fig. 7 (iffs). Disk of Grandfather Fire, Lower Side. 
 
 if there had been room for it. (/) Grandfather Fire himself as a deer-hunter, 
 carrying his bow, and with arrows in his girdle. He is painted in dark blue, and 
 there is some red round the fingers, legs, and bow, as well as on the ‘ winged ’ 
 part of the arrows. Note that the bow is here viewed by the Indian as a serpent. 
 On each cheek are two longitudinal whitish (most likely meant for yellow) stripes, 
 expressive of the face paintin g ( Chap. X) of the hi'kuli-seekers, and symbolic 
 of rain, (k) The male Gila monster. (/ ) The female Gila monster. 
 
 The disk described expresses a prayer for health, luck in killing deer, and 
 long life. 
 
 I have seen disks similar to this, with a cavity in the centre, and with incised 
 linear designs filled in with black and red, lying in a horizontal position on the 
 altars of several god-houses, to which they had been fastened with mud. When- 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE IiUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 ever the temple of Santa Catarina is to be renovated, a disk like the one described, 
 but of different material, is left there, in front of the niche of Grandfather Fire, 
 and is afterwards taken to Mesa del Nayarit. It is made of pieces of split bam- 
 boo interwoven with crewel of various colors, and every year one is taken out by 
 the hi'kuli-seekers from Santa Catarina to the country where the hi'kuli grows. 
 
 I also reproduce a disk of Grandfather Fire of a somewhat different pattern 
 (Figs. 8, 9), made for me during my first expedition to the Huichols by the 
 
 Fig. 8 (523). Disk of Grandfather Fire, Upper Side. (Diameter, 22 cm. ; thickness, 3.5 cm.) 
 
 same man who made the preceding specimen. According to the maker, it is an 
 exact reproduction of the one on which the god of fire stands in the temple of 
 Pochotita. As will be seen, it has some adornments obtained from Mexican 
 stores, but it presents many points of interest. 
 
 The upper surface (Fig. 8) is adorned with modern applications. Right in 
 the middle a small mirror, about 5 cm. in diameter, is fastened by means of bees- 
 wax, in a hollow made purposely for it, so that the surface of the mirror is on a 
 level with that of the disk. The mirror is in this case called si'kuli or ‘eye’ (of 
 the god). At regular intervals, near the edge of the disk, four round objects 
 called ‘faces ’ or neali'ka (Chap. IV), each about 6 cm. in diameter, are attached. 
 Each consists of a circular network about 4 cm. in diameter, made from strings 
 of white and blue beads, surrounded by coils of colored worsted, all fastened to 
 the disk by means of beeswax. The beadwork, which resembles that done by the 
 blind in this country, is in reality the same ornament as is worn by the women for 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 32 
 
 ear-pendants, and by the men and women as pendants to their necklaces, but it 
 here serves as part of the symbolic object. The color of the worsted on one pair 
 of ‘ faces ’ diametrically opposite each other is blue, and of that on the other 
 pair red. There are also two paintings in black and red, supposed to be serpents 
 with red mouths. Between one ‘ face ’ and the next, all round this upper surface, 
 are two diamond-shaped figures, an inner and an outer, formed by the arrangement 
 of layers of worsted on beeswax. The outer ones are yellow, and the inner ones 
 
 alternately red and blue. Over these diamond-shaped ornaments, which repre- 
 sent ‘eyes’ (si'kuli) of the god, two double strings of glass beads have been 
 placed, intersecting each other at right angles in the middle of the disk, the ends 
 only being fastened to the edge with beeswax. Each double string consists of 
 one string of blue and one of red beads. Large spots of red and black paint 
 have been daubed here and there. 
 
 According to the maker of the disk, the four points of the compass do not 
 follow the direction of the arms of the cross of bead-strings, but run between them. 
 Thus the two blue ‘ faces ’ are in the north and south, the two red ones in the east 
 and west, and the two snakes in the southeast. 
 
 Looking at the reverse side of the disk (Lig. 9) with the cardinal points the 
 same as on the first side, we find in the middle a linear carvincr of a deer with 
 antlers (a). The lines of the carving are colored black, and there are a few red 
 and black-and-red spots on body and tail. Above the deer (north of it) is a 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 33 
 
 painting, in red and black, of a front view of the royal eagle ( 3 ). It is, as 
 always when seen from the front, represented as double-headed, and even the heart 
 (c) is in this case pictured as two. In front of the deer as well as below its hind- 
 legs is a figure (d) representing plumes of the royal eagle (Ve'lika moye'li), 
 the parallel lines within each signifying wing-feathers. Such a figure, which 
 is found on several ceremonial objects (see, for instance, Figs. 262, 276 b, 
 277 e,f, 278 d), always signifies a back-shield ‘bed’ (ita'li) of the god in ques- 
 tion, with plumes of some eagle or hawk of the god (represented by the curved 
 lines) attached. Sometimes there are lines crossing the parallel lines, as in 
 Figs. 276, b (left cheek), 277, f. In the latter case one is reminded of the 
 appearance of hawimita'li (see p. 138), which they are undoubtedly intended to 
 represent. When the ‘bed’ is represented by longitudinal lines alone, these 
 lines represent sometimes wing-feathers, as here and in Fig. 277, e ; some- 
 times tail-feathers, as in Fig. 276, a; and in one instance they probably stand 
 for candles, as in Fig. 278, d. Behind the deer is a figure symbolic of the 
 world ( e ), — a picture of the earth, showing the hills and valleys, and in the 
 middle the four cardinal points. Below it is a figure of the hawk Piwa'mi (_/). 
 The round clots on the sides of the wing-feathers as well as on the eagle and the 
 hawk, are part of the plumage, indicating the natural marks on the feathers. 
 Above the tail is a figure (77) which represents the fruit of a certain kind of cactus 
 (Mex. Sp. huisnaga), said to be without spines. It is called in Huichol huwi'li. 
 It is brought by hi'kuli-seekers from the country of the hi'kuli, and, although not 
 used at the feast, is considered as ‘ medicine.’ 
 
 The rim of the disk is adorned with a zigzag design made of yellow, blue, 
 and red worsted, fastened by means of beeswax, as well as with daubs of red and 
 black paint. The meaning of the zigzag is the same as that in Figs. 4 and 5. 
 
 Fig. 10 shows a disk taken from the little temple at Teaka'ta. It used to 
 stand at the feet of the ancient idol, and children when sick were seated on it 
 while being bathed with holy water from the pool of Grandmother Growth, which 
 is situated in a cave near by. On one surface it is painted blue with indigo, and two 
 figures of deer, feet to feet, are pecked into it, one of them having antlers. The 
 one with antlers represents the deer god in the south ; and the roe is called 
 Piwa'mi, because its ‘plumes’ are those of the hawk Piwa'mi (pp. 21, 22). 
 
 The next one (Fig. 11) is also from Teaka'ta, where it was lying on the 
 ground inside of the little temple. It is very similar to the preceding one, and 
 dedicated to the same god. On one surface are seen two roughly made carvings 
 of deer, both with antlers, and feet to feet. A diametrical line separates them, 
 signifying the earth on which they walk. One of the figures has at one place 
 some blue beads attached by means of wax, and the other has white ones attached 
 in the same way. The first one is the deer god in the south, and the second the 
 deer god in the north. The first one represents Grandfather Fire, and the second 
 Great-grandfather Deer-Tail. On this disk, so the Indians assured me, is repre- 
 sented primarily Grandfather Fire and Great-grandfather Deer-Tail ; but, to use 
 
34 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 their expression, it “becomes the same as ” if the deer god in the south and the 
 deer god in the north had been carved. This shows that the deer god in the south 
 is one of the impersonations of Grandfather Fire, and the deer god in the 
 north one of the impersonations of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail. The disk 
 expresses a prayer for luck in killing deer. 
 
 Fig. io. Fig. ii. Fig. 12. 
 
 Figs. 10 (335), 11 (tstuF 12 (/3V). Disks of_Grandfather Fire, Upper Sides. (Diameter, 8.5 cm., 15 cm., 11.5 cm., respectively ; thick 
 ness, 2-2.5 cm -i 3-4 cm., 2-3 cm.) 
 
 The 
 cated to 
 
 Fig. 13UI75) 
 Upper Side. ( 
 ness, 2 cm.) 
 
 next disk (Fig. 12), also from the same locality, is very similar and dedi- 
 the same god, the carvings being the same, but bearing traces of a blue 
 color. The meaning of the deer is the same as in 
 the preceding specimens. Round the edge of this 
 surface are notches at regular distances apart. Food- 
 offerings were put on this disk, which I found placed 
 close to the upper idol. 
 
 Finally should be mentioned a diminutive disk 
 (Fig. 13) of the same god, which I also found lying 
 on the floor of the same little temple, among the 
 arrows. To one surface is fastened, by means of bees- 
 wax, a coil made from a string of red beads. It 
 signifies the heart of a child, and the whole disk em- 
 bodies a prayer to Grandfather Fire that the child 
 may not be sick. 
 
 Disk of Grandfather Fire 
 Diameter, 4.5 cm. ; thick- 
 
 Great-grandfather Deer-Tail and his Disk. — Next in order is Great- 
 grandfather Deer-Tail, whose image is shown in Figs. 14 and 15. It was painted 
 by the same man who painted Figs. 6 and 7. It is carved out of solidified 
 volcanic ash, and differs very little from the image of Grandfather Fire (Fig. 3), 
 the arms in this one being, however, mere stumps. 
 
 Front and back are decorated with paintings in yellow and red, yellow being 
 the predominant color. It will be remembered that the yellow color is brought 
 from the country of the hi'kuli, therefore this color might have been expected on 
 this figure, because the god whom it represents is a master of hi'kuli. 
 
LU M HOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 35 
 
 On the face are seen paintings in yellow of the same kind as those used by the 
 hi'kuli-seekers (Chap. X). That over the nose represents a small serpent called 
 Rai'no. From above each eye descends the figure of a rattlesnake, the tails end- 
 ing underneath the chin. The vertical lines on each cheek represent falling rain. 
 
 The chest is decorated with a large round figure in yellow and red, — a front- 
 shield or neali'ka of the god (Tato'tsi nealikai'ya). The circular figure in the 
 middle, with an inscribed cross, represents his heart, and the five red dots painted 
 on it are symbols of grains of corn. The short lines which project from the 
 
 Fig. M* Fig. 15. 
 
 Figs. 14, 15 (iffkr)- Great-grandfather Deer-Tail, Front and Back Views. (Height, 29 cm.) 
 
 outer edge of the circular figure, as well as those emanating from the succeeding 
 circle, are symbols of hi'kuli. The flower-like figures outside of the second circle 
 represent the leaves of a bush called toy, the root of which is gathered for paint- 
 ing the faces of the hi'kuli-seekers. The yellow tongue-like figures on the edge 
 represent a short grass that is used by the hi'kuli-seekers when on the road in 
 kindling fires from ignited tinder. It is called yemokwa'li. The same grass is 
 burnt for use in coloring the glue employed in manufacturing chairs. On the 
 inner edge of the border of tongues are some dots and small leaf designs which 
 represent fallen leaves of the same bush, toy. The spaces between the yellow 
 tongues have been painted with red in order to finish off the shield. 
 
 Over the right arm, from the neck down, hangs a serpent called Ha'tsi, 
 painted red with yellow spots. This serpent is said to be about 60 cm. long. It 
 lives on the ground, and is believed to be efficacious in bringing luck to the 
 women in their textile work : therefore the design of this snake is very appro- 
 
36 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 priate for the god, who is frequently implored for luck in handiwork. Whenever 
 such a snake is accidentally met with, it is caught for this purpose by the husband, 
 father, or mother of a woman, and held up to her that she may make five 
 strokes along its back from head to tail. The arrow-maker and the painter 
 implore this god in the same manner. 
 
 On the left side, from the neck over the shoulder backwards, hangs another 
 serpent called Kopi'rka. It is painted in red. This snake, which is said to be 
 about 30 cm. long, is venomous, and lives in the canons. It is implored for 
 luck by men who want to make snares for catching deer. It is not, however, 
 like the other one, caught for the purpose, but the men pray directly to its master, 
 Great-grandfather Deer-Tail. 
 
 Under each arm a tobacco-gourd, a necessary part of the hi'kuli-seekers’ 
 outfit, is carved, and painted with red and yellow spots. 
 
 On the back (Fig. 15) is a figure of the red-tailed hawk in profile, painted 
 in yellow. The design representing the heart of the bird is very similar to that 
 representing the front-shield on the front of the image; the beak, eye, and four 
 spots on the ‘ heart,’ are red. It may be of interest to note that the picture of the 
 hawk is called in Huichol kwi'ram ta'rai, the latter word meaning the yellow 
 root from which the color is obtained. The name means, to give a free transla- 
 tion, ‘hawk painted yellow.’ It is dedicated to Great-grandfather Deer-Tail and 
 to other gods. It is, to speak with the Indians, ‘Great-grandfather Deer-Tail’s 
 plumes’ (Tato'tsi Ma'ra Kwa'ri moye'li), the meaning of which has been ex- 
 plained on pp. 20, 21. 
 
 On the head is represented a circlet of macaw-feathers fastened to a string, 
 which is worn at the feast, attached to the straw hats of the hi'kuli-seekers. The 
 
 four in the middle in the form of a cross 
 are supposed to have been blown over by 
 the wind. 
 
 This image is like those that are left 
 in the god-house of Great-grandfather 
 Deer-Tail at Teaka'ta, where this god, 
 another master of hi'kuli, is implored for 
 luck on the journey to fetch the plants. 
 He is supposed to have in his possession 
 all the hi'kuli that the Huichols use in 
 their country ; and when he wants more, 
 he sends to Elder Brother for them. The 
 Indians also say that the hi'kuli of Great- 
 grandfather Deer-Tail is considered the 
 best. 
 
 The image stands on a disk (Fig. 16) 
 very much like that of the god of fire 
 (F igs. 3-5), only both sides bear the carving of the white-tailed hawk. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 37 
 
 Father Sun (Tayau') and i-iis Disk. — According to the description of 
 the Indians, the Sun is represented as a small reddish ball of stone in his god- 
 house at Teaka'ta (p. 17). A disk of the god (Tayau' te'pali) is shown in Fig. 
 17, also in Plate II, Pigs. 1 and 2. It was made at my request, and it was con- 
 sidered by another Indian who was making disks for me as a true representation. 
 
 The greater part of the main surface (Plate II, Fig. 1) is taken up with a 
 picture of the sun, which is represented as a central circular space (called the ‘ face 
 [neali'ka] of Father Sun ’) in yellow and green, with rays of red, brown, yellow, and 
 blue emanating from it, called his ‘ arrows’ (Tayau' ulu'). The many dotted lines 
 scattered among the rays form a peculiar feature of this design : these are sym- 
 bolic of grains of corn (Tayau' iku'). 
 
 The red cross to one side of the rays is a symbol of money belonging to 
 the Sun (Tayau' tomi'ni, tomi'n being the word for ‘ money’ in a Mexican-Spanish 
 dialect), and also symbolizes the rising sun. 'The triangular figures attached to 
 the inner side of the circular band surrounding the rays represent clouds (Tayau' 
 hai). They are red or yellow in color. Outside of this band are seen a number 
 of beehive-shaped figures in black, surrounded by red and yellow dots. Within 
 each a Greek cross is painted, and there are four dots of green or red surrounding 
 each cross. These beehive-shaped figures represent hills (kwie', the same word 
 as that used for ‘earth ’) planted with corn. Accordingly the red and yellow dots 
 that surround the hills represent corn-fields (wa'ra). The crosses are signs of 
 money, and the dots around each cross are grains of corn. 
 
 Along the edge of the disk runs a broad reddish-colored band representing 
 the sky in the daytime (tahei'ma), ‘another sea.’ 1 On it are painted large white 
 circular spots representing stars (rula've). Along the inner edge of this band are 
 triangular figures in red or blue, representing clouds. There may also be seen 
 the outlines in red of similar figures, with a single dot of red on each : these 
 represent mountains and the springs within them. 
 
 The upper surface of the disk is thus expressive of the following thought 
 and prayer: Father Sun, with his front-shield (or ‘face’) and his arrows, rises in 
 the east, bringing money, that is to say wealth, to his people. His heat and the 
 light from his rays make the corn grow ; but he is asked, on the other hand, not 
 to interfere with the clouds that are gathering, that the hills may become re- 
 splendent with corn-fields. Even inside of the hills are found treasures of money 
 and corn, for all mountains are rich ; to the farthest limits of the world appear 
 clouds ; and the mountains contain a spring, every one. In the heavens above, 
 that rise from the sea, sparkle the stars, which also help the Huichol. 
 
 On the reverse side (Fig. 17, also Plate II, Fig. 2) is an illustration of the 
 Sun’s progress in the daytime, and of the animals belonging to him. Most of 
 the figures here are cut into the disk, besides being painted. The apparent journey 
 of the sun is symbolized by a large cross-like figure, which forms the most con- 
 spicuous feature of the designs. It consists of a central circle, to which four 
 
 1 The sky at night is tupa'keta. Night is yu'wekgta. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICIIOL INDIANS. 
 
 33 
 
 rounded figures are attached. These five variously colored figures are all dif- 
 ferent ‘aspects’ or ‘faces’ of Father Sun (Tayau' nealikai'ya). a, the central 
 one, is the sun as it appears in the middle of the day (to'ka). It is painted 
 yellow, with a broad circular band of blue near the middle. To the edge, 
 
 which is also painted blue, are attached short radial stripes in red, blue, and 
 yellow, representing the Sun’s rays, symbolic of his arrows, b, c, cl, and e, 
 the remaining four ‘aspects’ of the sun, have each a special name. It should 
 be noted that these have an incomplete circumference, their outlines run- 
 ning into the outlines of the cross, b is the ‘face’ of the Sun in the east 
 or at sunrise (sime'li). The central part is a circular yellow space, and is sur- 
 rounded by a blue section followed by a red one. A narrow blue band, with 
 
 short radial blue lines emanating from it, forms the edge of the ‘ face.’ The 
 short radial lines symbolize the plumes of the east, which are taken from a hawk 
 called Kwir yo'wi. c is the ‘face’ of the Sun in the south (selia'ta). It is 
 similar in its coloring to the preceding one, with the exception that there is red 
 instead of yellow in the central part. The short radial lines in this figure signify 
 plumes of the south, of the hawk Suli'kwai. d is the ‘face’ of the Sun in 
 the north (ota'ta). The coloring is similar to that of the preceding one, with 
 the exception of the central part, which is blue, and the surrounding section, 
 which is yellow. The short blue radial stripes signify the plumes of the north, 
 namely, of the white-tailed hawk, e is the ‘ face ’ of the Sun in the west (so'tega). 
 This figure differs from the others in that the inner painting is star-shaped instead 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 39 
 
 of circular. The edge of the star is red, and the rest blue with the exception of 
 a yellow spot in the centre. The blue radial stripes in this figure signify 
 plumes of the west, that is, of a hawk called Ra'tu. The names of the cardinal 
 points indicated above are taken from a bas-relief of Grandfather Fire in his 
 niche in the temple of Santa Catarina. Here he is seen as a man with arms up- 
 lifted, the palms of the hands turned forward, and the face toward sunrise. In 
 front of him is east (hi'rata) ; at his right elbow, south (selia'ta) ; at his left, north 
 (ota'ta) ; above him is the sky (tahei'ma) ; the staircase below him is west 
 (so'tega). His navel is hiru'apa, which is the dancing-place of the temple, the 
 middle of the world. It is also called saulia'pa, that is, ‘ belonging to the 
 
 shaman.’ It should be added, that the cardinal points are indicated by the sun 
 in still another way than that given on the disk : namely, the middle of the day 
 as well as the east is rn'li (‘ heat ’) ; the south is Tayau', also tata'ta (‘ our 
 father’) ; the north is Tave'rilA ; and the west is Sakaimo'ka. Ta'ta is a word 
 generally used by Mexicans to designate the father of an Indian, and has been 
 adopted by the Indians themselves. The same is the case with na'na, the word 
 for mother. Whether ta'ta is of Huichol origin or not, I could not tell, possibly 
 not. If it is, it would indicate the same as Tayau' (‘our father’) (cf. p. 14, on 
 the six regions), f is the male red-tailed hawk, painted blue, g is the female 
 red-tailed hawk, painted, body red, and the rest blue, h is the morning star 
 Tonoa'mi, painted in red and yellow (cf pp. 15, 58). i is the male scorpion, 
 Tealu'ka uki', painted red. j is the female scorpion, Tealu'ka u'ka, painted yellow 
 with red outlines. These two scorpions symbolize the arrows of the Sun. k shows 
 the tail-feathers of the red-tailed hawk, — the plumes of Father Sun (Tayau' 
 moye'li), — and are painted red. I shows the breast-feathers of the same hawk, 
 and they represent the wristlet of Father Sun (Tayau' matzu'wa). m shows 
 two crosses which represent money. The Sun is supposed to have five such 
 crosses, which the principal men gave him in the beginning of time, n is a 
 swallow (ista'me). o is a small red-breasted bird called Tauku'koy. p is a 
 tree or pole on which the bird just mentioned will alight, q is the cardinal 
 bird. The three birds, n, 0, q, became much frightened when the Sun first 
 rose, and (lew toward the west, singing ; but their fear was unwarranted, for 
 everything turned out well. Since then they have belonged to the Sun ; and 
 up to this day these three birds may be seen in the sunshine, that is to say, in the 
 Sun’s company, r, s, are linear designs, in red and blue, representing respectively 
 lightning and rain. / is a serpent called Tate' Ipou. It is painted red, blue, 
 and yellow. According to the description of the Indians, it is a very beautiful, 
 non-venomous serpent. When the Sun first appeared, the world became intensely 
 hot (maruli'r), which caused a serpent of this kind to spring forth. Then it began 
 to rain (s). That is what is represented in this section of the disk, u shows 
 two coiled serpents, v shows two serpents in a creeping position. These last 
 four serpents are all of the same kind as the one above (t) ; and their ‘ pictures ’ 
 are meant to show how, when the Sun first rose, some of the serpents followed him, 
 
40 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 and others remained behind. The ones that followed him are represented by the 
 three in motion ; and those that remained behind, by the two coiled ones. Close 
 to each serpent is a round spot of red, and in one case an oblong and yellow spot. 
 These are front-shields, for each serpent has its own shield. Along the edge is 
 a broad band of reddish color similar to the one on the other surface of the disk, 
 only that in this the spots are white and yellow. Like the other, it represents 
 the sky. 
 
 A disk of the kind described above is placed on the altar of the god-house 
 of Father Sun at Teaka'ta, as a prayer that people and cattle may not be over- 
 come with heat and die. Generally the material is split bamboo interwoven with 
 cotton cord and crewel. Hi'kuli-seekers, in the wet season, before they start out 
 on their journey, take such a disk to Mesa del Nayarit, and leave it, in order that 
 it may continue to rain. On their journey to fetch the hi'kuli-plant they take 
 similar disks with them, depositing them in the country where the plant grows, as 
 prayers for life. 
 
 Disk of the Setting Sun, Sakaimo'ka. — I shall next describe a disk of 
 the Setting Sun, or Sakaimo'ka te'pali (Figs. 18-20, also Plate II, Figs. 3 and 4). 
 It was made and painted at my request by the same man who made that pictured 
 in Figs. 6 and 7. 
 
 The designs on the upper surface (Fig. 18) are : — (a) The front-shield of 
 Sakaimo'ka (Sakaimo'ka neali'ka), painted in green, with some red spots. ( 5 ) 
 Pour plumes attached to the outer edge of a. These are the plumes of a large 
 bird called Hala'mali, which, according to the description of the Indians, must be 
 a cormorant : its habit is to sit on the rocks and wait for the sun to rise ; then it 
 turns toward the sun and dives underneath the water. The plumes are arranged 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 4 1 
 
 in opposite pairs. Those of the male bird are dark blue ; and those of the female, 
 green, (r) Tail-feathers of a large wader from the west coast of Mexico, called 
 Walimu'kali, represented by four figures 
 looking somewhat like palm-trees, and 
 colored green and red. (d) Four gigantic 
 water-bugs of the family Belostomidce, 
 called in Huichol Towali'r (Mex. Sp. 
 nixtiguil ), represented by four diamond- 
 shaped figures edged with short lines, all in blue. I heir habitat, according to the 
 Indians, is in the creeks, especially on the coast. They ascend frequently to the 
 surface of the water, and go down again, which movement the Indians take to 
 mean that they lift up the water, thus helping to produce rain. ( e ) Votive bowls, 
 — small star-like figures painted in yellow ( cf. big. 20, d). Yellow votive bowls 
 are brought to Sakai mo'ka (Mesa del Nayarit) as offerings. (/) The earth (the 
 band near the edge) and its corn-plants (the green and yellow stripes attached 
 to the band). 
 
 On the reverse side (Fig. 19) are seen : — (a) A parrot called Totowi', found 
 at Mesa del Nayarit, painted in yellow and red. (b) An irregular figure, painted 
 in blue, intended to represent the caves at Mesa del Nayarit, where disks of this kind 
 are left. The caves are called Tealu'ta. (c) A large land-serpent called Hulia'kami, 
 painted in red and yellow. A peculiar ring over the head is meant to represent 
 a snare for catching deer. The Huichols, when they want to catch deer, pray to 
 this serpent before they put out the snares, because, as will be remembered, deer 
 must be entrapped to insure the growth of corn. The short lines which radiate 
 from the outer edge of the snare signify corn-plants, (d) A serpent in blue, 
 the sky, which in this case is synonymous with the wind. When clouds gather 
 from the west, this is one of the serpents, or winds, that bring them along. 
 (f) A water-serpent found in the sea, and called Koyu'wime. It is one of the 
 Mothers of the sea (Tate' Alama'la), and lives on islands. The body is colored 
 red, with some dark red spots. It has, as will be noted, two heads, one at each 
 end. The lines along the back of the serpent, colored green, blue, and red, are 
 symbolic of raindrops. This is another serpent which comes along with clouds 
 from the sea to the country of the Huichols. ( e ) Round dots signifying grains 
 of corn, (g) The root of the squash-plant, painted in green. (/i) The root 
 of a young bean-plant. 
 
 On the rim of the disk (Fig. 20) are represented: — (a) The serpent god, 
 Sakaimo'ka himself, — the blue zigzag line. The head of the serpent is plainly 
 distinguishable. He was in former times the Sun’s arrow. On the head are seen 
 ( b ) plumes (a'na) in blue or red. (r) A butterfly, painted blue, (d) Votive 
 bowls, — the circular figures between each turn of the serpent, most of them blue, 
 and a few of them yellow. This god “ owns,” to speak with the Indians, “ black 
 [expressed by blue on the drawing, but meant to be black | or yellow votive 
 bowls” (cf. designs of votive bowls in Figs. 39, 277,^). 
 
42 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 When the hi'kuli-seekers return from their long journey, they deposit at 
 Skaimo'ka (Mesa del Nayarit) a disk similar to this in its ornamentations, but 
 made from pieces of split bamboo interwoven with cotton cord or crewel, bringing 
 at the same time a disk from the country of the hi'kuli. As is evident, all the de- 
 signs on this disk, with the exception of those expressive of corn, squashes, and 
 beans, are from the region west of the Huichol country, the Setting Sun’s domain, 
 and therefore very appropriate for the god of that region. The prayer expressed 
 is that there may be no sickness among cattle, sheep, and hens. 
 
 Elder Brother. — Figs. 21 and 22 represent an image of Elder Brother, 
 the god of wind or air and hi'kuli, — a reproduction of one that stands in 
 the neighborhood of Pochotita, near Santa Catarina. It is made from solidified 
 volcanic ash. The legs are apart, and there are distinct indications of arms. 
 
 Fig. 21. Fig. 22. 
 
 Figs. 21, 22 Cffig). Elder Brother, Front and Back Views. (Height, about 24 cm.) 
 
 The face is fairly well carved, and the ears are placed almost in their right place. 
 The nose and eyes are distinct. Under each arm is a prominence representing 
 the hi'kuli-seeker’s tobacco-gourd. The whole figure, although clumsy, is fairly 
 well executed, and resembles the ancient style of art of more advanced Indian 
 tribes. 
 
 The ground color is black. The right side below the arms is smeared with 
 red, and the left with yellow paint. On the face on both sides are longitudinal 
 stripes, alternately red and yellow (in one place on the right cheek white has 
 been substituted for yellow). These signify rain, which, in the mind of the 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 43 
 
 Indian, has many colors (see p. 20). The row of stripes, some red and some 
 yellow, painted over the arms, shoulders, and upper part of the back, and run- 
 ning longitudinally to the body, has the same significance. On the right arm 
 they are alternately red and yellow, and on the left arm only red. Of those on the 
 back and shoulders, four are red, and one (the middle one) yellow. The hi'kuli- 
 seekers of to-day, however, so far as I am aware, no longer wear any such 
 ornamentation on the body. On each side of the face, outside of the stripes, is 
 the picture of a deer-antler in yellow, referring to the god’s first appearance as a 
 deer in the country of the hi'kuli. The mouth, nose, and ears are painted 
 red, as are also lines indicative of fingers. On the breast is painted, in yellow, 
 red, and white stripes, the hawk Piwa'mi ; on the left shoulder, in red lines, 
 an owl ; on the back, in red, white, and yellow, the front view of the hawk 
 Suli'kwai, — all birds belonging to the god. The top of the head is painted 
 with four red daubs ; and the tobacco-gourds under each arm, with yellow and 
 red dots. The latter, as already stated, are necessary in the equipment of every 
 hi'kuli-seeker, and imply that the god carries sacred tobacco (ya'kwai), which 
 is always associated with the cult of hi'kuli, thus representing him as the god 
 of hi'kuli. The facial paintings, which are those of the hi'kuli-seeker, have the 
 same significance as the gourds. 
 
 o o 
 
 Grandmother Growth and her Attributes. — In Fig. 23 is seen a 
 representation of Grandmother Growth, the mother of the gods. She is in full 
 attire, and surrounded by a complete ceremonial outfit. Flaving once seen an 
 image of this Mother in her cave (Nakawe' ki a or iki' a [ house]) near Santa Cata- 
 rina, I persuaded one of my shaman friends to make a similar one, which is here 
 reproduced. The original was deposited on a natural shelf in the large cave, and 
 was inaccessible to me. It was brought down to me, however, for inspection, and 
 I found it to have been made quite recently, by a friend of mine, Felipe, one of 
 the chief men of Santa Catarina. 
 
 The image here shown is rather clumsily carved out of the wood of a 
 fig-tree called pTni'. The legs are apart, the knees bent, and the figure rests on a 
 disk carved out of the same block of wood. A wedge-like piece has been cut out 
 from the front part of the disk, thus producing two rude representations of feet 
 ( cf. Fig. 47, where legs and feet have been similarly carved). Toes are indicated 
 by slight notches on the outer edges. Projections at either side suggest arms. 
 The head is profusely covered with hair made from the fine wool of pithaya 
 (katsima'la), which has been fastened on by means of a glue called kwe'tsaka. 
 
 I he body is covered with black, red, and yellow spots, symbolic of corn of all 
 colors, and there are similar spots on the face. Besides these, will be noticed 
 various symbolic designs. On the left cheek (Fig. 24) is a picture, in black and 
 red, of a back-shield suspended by a string (Tako'tsi namai'ya), signifying that 
 luck in making ceremonial back-shields is desired In front of the left ear is the 
 painting of a deer-antler in red. It is called ma'ra awai'ya. On the right cheek 
 
44 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 (Fig. 25) a star-like ornament called ‘eye’ (Nakawe' si'kuli) is painted in red, 
 yellow, and black, symbolic of corn, representing no doubt a transverse section 
 of an ear of corn. In the centre is a representation of a white flower, toto( 
 which grows in the wet season. This nomenclature is not in conformity with that 
 applied to similar designs, which are usually called neali'ka (‘front-shields,’ 
 ‘faces,’ or ‘pictures’). In this case the name si'kuli was given to me by the 
 Indians, which goes to show that a neali'ka can also be a si'kuli. In this opinion 
 
 Fig. 23 Grandmother Growth and her Attributes. (Height, nearly 38 cm.) 
 
 I have been confirmed by another similar instance (p. 29). The black line with 
 irregular short side lines represents a bean-plant. 
 
 The image is dressed in a skirt and no less than two tunics, in accordance 
 with the present custom of the Huichol women, who wear as many tunics 
 as they can afford, one over the other. The skirt consists of a piece of textile of 
 ixtle (ma-i'ra) sparsely interwoven in transverse stripes with red and black yarn. 
 This covers the body, having been tied round the waist so that the stripes 
 run longitudinally. Toth tunics are of the shape of the tunic of to-day, but 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 45 
 
 made of material of ancient pattern. The tunic is always worn with the 
 corners falling over the front and back. In the present specimen the tunic next 
 to the body is a piece torn from an old garment, and is made from black and 
 white wool, with a border of red on one side. It is woven in an ancient design, 
 consisting of diamond-shaped figures with a single spot in the centre ol each. 
 This peculiar pattern is called rai'mali, which means ‘ tripe.’ It is intended 
 to represent the honeycomb tripe of the deer. Three small wads of a material 
 called in Mexican Spanish pochote are fastened to it, — two on the left, and one 
 on the right side. Pochote is the wool of the seed-pods of a tree of the 
 same name, — a kind of silk-cotton tree of the genus Bombax. The wads, which 
 resemble those of cotton-wool, are symbolic of clouds. The upper tunic is made 
 from ixtle (ma-i'ra sikuliai'ya). Wads of black and white wool ( pochote ), and 
 ravellings of red flannel, are interwoven in parallel rows with the textile. The 
 black wool is symbolic of black clouds, the white of white clouds, and the red 
 of red clouds of the evening sky. 
 
 It is of interest to note the use of pochote on this image and on the 
 ceremonial apparel presently to be described. Among the Huichols three kinds 
 of pochote wool, all whitish, are used in making certain ceremonial objects. 
 According to tradition, Grandmother Growth, to whom this plant specially 
 belongs, in the beginning possessed pochote only, but now she has cotton besides ; 
 in other words, on her ceremonial outfit pochote was used in former times, but 
 now cotton may also be used. It also implies that the cultivation of cotton 
 is of recent introduction. The symbolic significance of pochote is the same as 
 that of cotton-wool, namely, that of clouds and of health. The Huichols call 
 pochote kapo'ri and also kupu'ri, which latter name is also given to cotton-wool. 
 This is the name of the water Mother in the north ; and cotton-wool and pochote 
 are identified with her, because she appears as fog resting on the mountains of the 
 north. In this connection it may not be out of place to mention that even hairs 
 from the tail of a deer may be called kupu'ri. To one ceremonial arrow that I 
 collected, some hair from a deer-tail had been tied, serving the purpose of a wad 
 of cotton-wool, and called by the same name, kupu'ri. 
 
46 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 There are several springs in which every Huichol child has to be bathed. 
 Most important among these is the spring in the cave of Grandmother Growth 
 near Santa Catarina, in which adults also must once a year bathe or wash. The 
 image which I have just described was intended to pray for the health of children, 
 and especially that the water of Grandmother Growth’s spring, so beneficial to 
 mankind, should never dry up. 
 
 With the image are connected the following ceremonial objects : a disk on 
 which it stands, a votive bowl in front of it, a bed at either side (north and south), 
 a serpent stick in each hand, one serpent placed in the tunic in front, and another 
 stuck into that at the back. All these symbolic paraphernalia are prayers for mate- 
 rial benefits, as will be shown under the description of each. 
 
 Fig. 26. Fig. 27. 
 
 Figs. 26, 27 (xlfs). Disk of Grandmother Growth, Upper and Lower Sides. (Diameter of upper surface, 13 cm. ; of lower surface, 12 cm. 
 thickness, 3 cm.) 
 
 i. The disk (Figs. 26-28) on which the image stands ( Nakawe' te'pali) is not 
 quite regularly made, the thickness being uneven, and the under surface slightly 
 smaller than the upper one. It is painted on both sides, and all round the 
 rim. The upper surface (Fig. 26) represents the following figures, painted in 
 
 red: — (a) An ‘eye’ surrounded by (b) 
 ally this design signifies ‘ plumes’), (d ) 
 his plumes. (/) Three front-shields 
 A full-grown deer, but still young 
 (Wa'tsi kyu'kami). (/z) A cow. (z) A 
 turkey, (j) A bean-plant, represented 
 by an irregular line with short side- 
 lines. It is in fruit, as indicated by 
 scattered spots. 
 
 a corn-field, (c) A squash-vine (gener- 
 A macaw, (e) A singing shaman with 
 r ‘faces’ of the singing shaman. (g r ) 
 
 Fig. 28 (iffg). Rim of Disk of Grandmother Growth. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 47 
 
 On the under surface (Fig. 27) is painted a serpent of Grandmother Growth, 
 called Kopi'rka, the same as that of the Corn Mother. It is painted yellow and 
 partly blue, and is represented with a number of red and yellow plumes, the 
 Indian conception being that the scales are plumes ; and the plumes mean that the 
 serpent has wings and can fly, thus symbolizing rain (cf. p. 20). The remaining 
 figure in blue is intended to represent a flying serpent, but there was no room for 
 the artist to paint the plumes. 
 
 The red design on the rim (Fig. 28) is a zigzag line that represents the 
 bean-plant, and the flowers of the same plant will be noticed between the 
 zigzags. 
 
 The disk (the under side) symbolizes prayers for rain, and the result of it 
 (shown on the upper side) will be a good crop of beans, corn, and squashes, 
 khe shaman, by means of his plumes, which he takes from the macaw and the 
 turkey, and by making front-shields adorned with plumes from the same birds, 
 helps to produce this beneficent result, sacrificing at the same time a deer and 
 a cow. In the centre of all is seen the eye of the goddess, aiding by its watch- 
 fulness the shaman and the growth of the cereals. 
 
 2. ddie votive bowl (Nakawe' rukuliai'ya) in front of the image has the usual 
 significance of that ceremonial object (Chap. VII). It was cut out from a rather 
 thin-skinned gourd, and has serrated edges. Both the inside and the outside are 
 painted with various stripes, dots, and symbolic figures. 
 
 In the inside (Fig. 29), which is the more richly adorned, are several sections 
 formed by red radial stripes emanating from a central circular one of the same 
 
 color. The serrated edge is here red. On a background of very light green 
 
 may be distinguished the following figures, all in red with the exception of the 
 
 dots and the smaller figures, which are in yellow : — (a) A water-bird from the 
 
 coast catching a serpent. The feet are at the end of the dotted line (a), and 
 the serpent is the S-shaped figure in light color next to it. (b) A large deer. The 
 very large antlers show that it is an old animal (ma'ra ukila'tsi). It is sur- 
 rounded by grains and ears of corn, (z) A cow, above which are grains of corn, 
 while underneath it are ears of corn ; but the designs are rather indistinct, as 
 the colors, which the artist put on with the end of a straw, have run together. 
 (d ) Two singing shamans guarding the corn from crows. In the centre is the 
 front-shield or ‘ face’ of Grandmother Growth. The wad of cotton-wool fastened 
 to it hides most of it from view. It appears simply as a ring, to the outer edge 
 of which short red lines are attached. The dots represent grains of corn, and 
 the stripes ears of corn. A wad of cotton-wool is also attached to the inner edge 
 of the bowl. 
 
 On the outside (Fig. 30) are radial stripes in red, blue, and yellow, repre- 
 senting a creeper called ha'pani, whose leaves are of the various colors indicated. 
 This creeper grows on the mountain-sides, and produces an edible fruit like the 
 tiina, the fruit of the nopal. One cross and one ear of corn may also be dis- 
 tinguished. 
 
4 8 
 
 LUlVI HOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 The votive bowl embodies a prayer for corn, for which a deer and a cow have 
 been sacrificed. The rain necessary for the growth of corn is symbolized by a 
 bird swallowing a serpent, and by the two wads of cotton-wool. The vine with 
 the edible fruit denotes adoration of Grandmother Growth, to whom it belongs, 
 expressing at the same time a prayer for a bountiful supply of that fruit. 
 
 e/ 
 
 Fig. 30. 
 
 Fig. 29. 
 
 Figs. 29, 30 (xffs). Votive Bowl of Grandmother Growth, Inside and Outside Views. (Diameter, 9.5 cm.) 
 
 3. The northern bed of Grandmother Growth (ota'ta [north] italiai'ya), which 
 lies on the ground at her left (Fig. 23), is an irregular square matting formed by 
 weaving together pieces of split bamboo reeds. A twine of ixtle fastened round 
 the edge of the matting, and in places wound over the ends of the reeds, keeps 
 it from falling to pieces. Both sides are painted with ferruginous clay, but to 
 the upper one are also attached many wads of pithaya wool, which suggest a 
 comfortable bed. The upper part of the bed is indicated by the position of the 
 reeds, which are placed uniformly with their outer sides up. It expresses a prayer 
 for luck in making chairs. 
 
 4. Her southern bed (selia'ta [south) ita'li | bed | hai'me | moisture]), on her 
 right, is supposed to be her favorite resting-place. It consists of a double layer 
 of thin split bamboo sticks, tied together so as to form a rectangular matting 
 in a way to be fully described hereafter (Chap. V). On the under side it 
 is painted red, while on the top are a few dots in yellow. To each corner is fas- 
 tened a wad of pochote wool, symbolic of clouds; and to the middle, by means 
 of beeswax, a bunch of ixtle fibre evenly cut off, and surrounded by small pieces of 
 the petals of a red flower, which are stuck on the wax. It represents the blossom 
 of the Brazil-tree ( U'tsa rutu'li),and is a rather ingenious reproduction of the real 
 flower. The Brazil-tree, which is red, is sacred ; and the conventionalized arrow 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 49 
 
 of Grandmother Growth and that of Grandfather Fire are made from its wood. 
 On each side of the flower are two oval pieces (probably meant to be round) cut 
 from the paper-like cocoons (toto'roy) that are found on the Madrona-tree 
 (totoroy'). These are called neali'ka. They are full of diamond-shaped holes 
 cut with scissors, and their edges are serrated. One end of each is fastened 
 under the beeswax that holds the flower. It is supposed that the wind makes its 
 escape through the holes, as otherwise it would interfere with the rains, prayers 
 for which are expressed in the matting itself, its colors, and its attachments. 
 
 5. The south stick of Grandmother Growth (seliata'na [south | Nakawe 
 kwalele'), leaning against the image on the right side, is cut from bamboo, which 
 is the oldest plant on earth, having been created by Grandmother Growth herself. 
 It is made from the lower part of a reed, the root having been left on, and is cut 
 off to a length of about 31 cm. The root forms a handle, and is carved into the 
 shape of an animal head, three prongs being left on. Two of the prongs repre- 
 sent the ears (na'ka), and the third is purely ornamental. The stick is a represen- 
 tation of a snake called Aitala'ma. It is of nearly the same length as the animal 
 itself, and is supposed to represent its coloring. The head and the prongs are 
 painted with alternate red and blue stripes, wdiile what is meant to represent the 
 body has the decoration of the foreshaft of an arrow. The coloring is divided 
 into three fields, separated by the natural nodes of the bamboo. The uppermost 
 is the natural color of the reed, with a few longitudinal blue stripes. The next 
 one is painted exactly like the ‘winged’ part of some arrow, in this case red with 
 longitudinal zigzag lines alternating with two parallel lines. Similar zigzags and 
 parallel lines are almost invariably seen on the ‘winged’ parts of arrows (p. 83). 
 The lowest one is colored blue. All this confirms the fact that the serpent is an 
 arrow of the goddess, symbolic of her strength. It is at the same time her baton, 
 in which her powers are manifest. In fact, her serpent baton, as will be seen on 
 the next page, becomes symbolic of Grandmother Growth herself. 
 
 6. The north stick of Grandmother Growth (ota'ta | north] Nakawe' kwalele'), 
 leaning against the left side of the image, is similar to the one just described, the 
 main difference being in the painting. The head and neck are colored in the 
 same way as those on the south stick ; but the decoration of the body, which also 
 covers three fields, is different. The uppermost field is painted with four color- 
 bands, the upper and lower being blue, and the two middle ones red. On the 
 next field below is first a red band, then two blue ones, and then a red and a blue 
 one. The lower field is entirely blue. This stick represents another, very harm- 
 less snake called Ha'tsi, and, like the former, is supposed to be of the same length 
 and coloring as the animal itself ; and it also signifies an arrow as well as a 
 baton of the goddess. The handles of the present specimen look like serpent 
 ears ; but, according to the statement of the Indians, they have no such signifi- 
 cance. The serpent Ha'tsi is believed to have no ears, the prongs of the stick 
 serving as handles. Probably the prongs are considered as plumes, whether they 
 be called ‘ ears ’ or not. 
 
5 ° 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 7. The stick placed in the middle of the dress in front represents a large fresh- 
 water serpent called Hai'ku. It is 29 cm. long, is slightly bowed, and has been 
 smoothed with a knife. Both ends are pointed, and somewhat flat- 
 tened on the outer (the convex) side. It is painted blue with the 
 exception of the ends, which are red. The smaller point is sup- 
 posed to be the head. 
 
 8. The stick stuck into the upper part of the dress at the back 
 (Fig. 31, also Fig. 23) represents another serpent, called Kopi'rka. 
 It has been cut so as to show clear indications of a head that is 
 pointed, and, besides, flattened on one side, while the body tapers 
 from here down to the tail. The head is painted red, the belly and 
 tail blue, while the back is spotted in red and blue (cf pp. 36, 47). 
 
 These last two serpents are the goddess’s bows of the east and 
 of the west (or possibly of the region above) in accordance with 
 their arrangement, while her arrows and her beds belong to the north 
 and south. 
 
 Sticks similar to the batons of Grandmother Growth just de- 
 scribed, only much larger, and called by the same name, Nakawe' 
 kwalele' or Nakawe' i'tsu, are in common use among the Huichols, 
 and symbolize the power and old age of Grandmother Growth. 
 They are deposited in the cave of the goddess as prayers for health 
 and long life, and generally a large pile of them may be seen there. 
 
 The roots of the bamboo sticks, having frequently three prongs, 
 assume, with very slight exercise of the imagination, the shape of 
 some animal with snout and ears or horns (or plumes), the cane ac- 
 cordingly forming the body. The prongs have natural transverse markings sug- 
 gestive of snake-scales, and excrescences which might be taken for eyes or teeth ; 
 but the suggestive appearance of the sticks is, besides, often improved upon by 
 cutting, painting, and adorning. 
 
 The sticks, which vary in length from 66 cm. to 102 cm., are cut off even at 
 the ends. Some are deposited in the natural state, as that seen in Fig. 32, which 
 presents double ears or horns. 
 
 In Fig. 33, the whole head and body have been smoothed off with a knife 
 and painted red, with two black bands on the body, in imitation of a serpent. 
 
 On the next specimen (Fig. 34), which has been smoothed in the same way, 
 the designs of a serpent are still more clearly indicated by blue daubs and stripes 
 on the body. On the upper part of the body are painted five blue spots on each 
 side, separated at the back by a longitudinal blue stripe, bordered at its lower end 
 by a transverse band of blue. There are also three longitudinal blue stripes 
 lower down on the body, edged below with a similar transverse blue band. Eyes 
 have also been indicated by blue spots, to each of which a red bead is fastened 
 with wax. Beads are always attached to wooden objects, either singly or in 
 strings, by means of beeswax. 
 
 Fig- 3 i (ills)- 
 
 Serpent Stick of 
 Grandmother 
 Growth. (Length, 
 about 25 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOl, INDIANS. 
 
 51 
 
 The last specimen of this kind presented (Fig. 35) is adorned in an extraor- 
 dinary way. It is first smoothed off like the others, and a string of black glass 
 beads is attached to represent eyes. The middle of the ‘snout’ is wound with 
 strings of black and bluish glass beads ; and several single beads, mostly white, 
 are stuck to it. A hawk-feather is tied to the left ‘ ear ’ or ‘ horn’ by a string of ixtle, 
 
 which is carried round under the ‘ throat,’ and also tied to the right ‘ ear’ or ‘ horn.’ 
 About 22 cm. below the ‘head,’ strings of glass beads are wound round the cane, 
 and fastened with wax. Above these is tied a bunch of eight hollow reeds of 
 different lengths, from about 12 cm. to 16.5 cm., — in a general way, two long and 
 six short ones. The longest two are almost of the same length, 16.5 cm.; one is 
 13.8 cm. long ; two are 13.2 cm., two 12.5 cm., and one about 12 cm. About 
 
52 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 2 cm. from one end of each reed are two holes diametrically opposite each other. 
 Through these holes the attaching cords pass, and, being of different lengths, cause 
 the reeds to hang at unequal distances. With the exception of one, the upper 
 ends of all the reeds are closed, the node of the cane having been left intact. 
 The lower ends of five have been filled for a short distance up with clay (in two 
 cases colored with ferruginous clay). The whole attachment, which when moved 
 makes a sound of different tones, is the necklace of Grandmother Growth. The 
 reeds, which look something like flutes, signify sounds of the wind. 
 
 Small bamboo sticks of the same kind and the same name are left in behalf 
 of children as prayers to another Mother whose cave is near Santa Catarina. 
 Her name is Tate' Tuliriki'ta. Tu'li means ‘small,’ and iki'ta, ‘house.’ Thus 
 her name means ‘ mother of the house of the little ones.’ She is the goddess of 
 conception and birth. A woman desirous of having children deposits in this 
 cave a doll made of cotton-cloth, representing the baby wanted. After a while 
 she goes back to the cave, puts the doll under her girdle, and shortly after- 
 wards is supposed to be pregnant. While the baby is still very young, she 
 deposits small bamboo sticks (Tate' Tuliriki'ta kwalele') in the same cave, in 
 order that the child may begin to walk early, and that it may ‘ walk ’ a long life. 
 The sticks also protect the child from the itch and from pimples. It should be 
 added, that the health of children is also implored by placing such small sticks in 
 the god-house of Ka'tsi, an impersonation of the god of fire, at Teaka'ta. 
 
 I found a very different-looking image of Grandmother Growth (Fig. 36) in 
 
 the little temple of Grandfather Fire at Teaka'ta, 
 where it had been placed in a sitting position on 
 the ground, behind the image of that god. It is 
 of burnt clay, painted with black and some fer- 
 ruginous clay. The face has three parallel longi- 
 tudinal stripes on each side, signifying rain. There 
 is a covering of beeswax on the head and neck, 
 showing that hair had been attached to it, which 
 must have been either of the same material as that 
 on the preceding idol or else of ixtle fibre. The 
 greater part of the legs and arms had been broken 
 off, and taken away as amulets. This figure was 
 made, according to the Indians, about thirteen or 
 fourteen years ago, during a long drought. Oxen 
 were killed at the feast, and the image of the god- 
 dess, smeared with blood, was afterward placed in 
 GrandmotherGrowth - (He:ght ’ the god-house of her son, to bring rain. 
 
 The Corn Mother and her Disk. — One of the impersonations in which 
 Grandmother Growth is represented is seen in Figs. 37 and 38. Here is shown an 
 image of the Corn Mother, Tate' Otegana'ka, or, more completely, Tate' Iku' 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICITOL INDIANS. 
 
 53 
 
 [corn] Otegana'ka [na'ka, ‘to grow’]. It is made of solidified volcanic ash, and 
 the Mother is presented in a petticoat, the feet being visible below. The upper 
 part of the body, which is not covered, shows well-cut breasts. There are indica- 
 tions of arms, and the nose, mouth, eyes, and ears are very distinct, and tolerably 
 well executed. Two transverse lines carved round the skirt divide it into three 
 almost equal parts, and longitudinal lines cross these at short intervals all round 
 the body. 
 
 Figs. 37, 38 ( s 6 2 o ). The Corn Mother, Front and Back Views. (Height, about 30 cm.) 
 
 The hair on the head is represented by black paint, and the feet are also 
 colored black ; ears, mouth, eyes, and eyebrows are painted with black and red, 
 as are all the rest of the designs. On each cheek is a starlike ornament 
 (neali'ka), representing no doubt a section of an ear of corn (cf. p. 30). Fingers 
 as well as nipples on the breast, are represented ; and there is a line on the outside 
 of each arm, from the fingers to the shoulder. Round the waist is another line, 
 from which short, tongue-like figures depend ; this represents her girdle. Across 
 the petticoat in front (Fig. 37) is the figure of a cow with horns ( a ), indicating 
 that cattle are under her protection. The border of the skirt is painted with short 
 longitudinal stripes ( b ), symbolizing ears of corn. On each shoulder is a painting 
 of a serpent (r). On each side of the breasts is a sign of a plume (z/) of the red- 
 tailed hawk, which belongs to her and to other gods. The three round spots on it 
 are, as usual, a part of the plume, and represent its markings. On the upper part 
 of the chest is the figure of a kind of butterfly (<?) called Auwa'lika. Over the lower 
 
54 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 part of the chest and over the stomach is the figure of a small animal {/) called 
 Wato'ra, probably a grasshopper. Both animals belong to the summer, the 
 season when the corn-plant and vegetation in general are most luxuriant. In her 
 hand she holds a baton (g) orkwalele', and a similar one is seen across the upper 
 part of her back. The two are the same symbol, namely, that of the power of 
 Grandmother Growth. In the Deluge legend (Chap. VIII) Grandmother Growth, 
 coming up from the earth as an old woman, causes the trees that the Huichol cuts 
 down in preparation of his corn-fields, to grow up again by means of her baton, 
 thus frustrating his work. Her baton, which is a serpent and a symbol of herself, 
 possesses the power of making corn, and therefore it has been painted on the Corn 
 Mother, one of her impersonations. Her skirt is the fields or gardens of the 
 world, and the three dots seen on it are symbolic of the corn planted in them. 
 
 A most remarkable symbol is found on her back (Fig. 38). It is a coiled 
 serpent with wings, or a plumed serpent. What might at first glance be taken for 
 two legs are not legs, for the serpent of the Corn Mother has only wings, and 
 1 flies in rain.’ As we have seen before, the rain that comes from the different 
 ‘corners’ of the world belongs to as many different serpents or Mothers that fly. 
 The one in question is the serpent of the Corn Mother, or the Corn Mother her- 
 self, the rain from the east. The Corn Mother and Grandmother Growth are 
 the same kind of rain or flying serpents (cf p. 47). This is one of the most 
 primitive designs of the plumed serpent. 
 
 The disk on which the Corn 
 Mother stands is outlined in Figs. 
 39 and 40. The designs on the 
 upper surface (Fig. 39) are: — 
 (a) Two swastika-like yellow fig- 
 ures, each representing an ‘eye’ 
 of the Mother. ( b ) A dark field 
 of green, on which have been 
 painted snakes in black and red, 
 the whole representing an ap- 
 proaching storm, with its dark 
 rain-laden clouds, and appearing 
 to the Indian like serpents. Such 
 rain serpents have a special col- 
 lective name, Nuna'lita or Witu- 
 li'r. The picture thus conveys 
 simply the idea, ‘It is raining.’ 
 (c) A star-like figure in the cen- 
 tre, painted red, expressive of 
 a spring or pool. ( d ) Small 
 figures resembling arrow-heads that have been placed round in a circle, painted 
 black, intended to represent serpents that are starting out to fall down as rain. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 55 
 
 When the rain is over, the clouds (that is, the serpents) come back again to 
 the spring. In the section surrounding c are (e) a number of serpents still in their 
 water-pools, where some remain whenever it rains. Some are painted yellow, and 
 others blue. (/) A large serpent called Hakwi'aka, represented by a long 
 z igzag line in dark blue, which follows the circumference of the central section 
 just described. Within the inner bends of the serpent are (g ) tongue-shaped 
 figures in red, representing lightning. The lines protruding from the outer bends 
 of the serpent are (/z) small serpents called Hai'ku No'itsi. Between the coils of 
 the serpent are (z) altars (niwa'tali) in yellow. Niwa'tali is the altar of the god- 
 house, but the mountains and hills are also considered as altars on which the 
 clouds or Mothers rest, which latter is the meaning here intended. Above and 
 encircling most of the pictures described is (j) a black serpent, which is the 
 Mother herself resting on top of the altars, (k) Votive bowls running along the 
 outer edge of the disk. The cross painted on most of them signifies the four 
 cardinal points. 
 
 On the reverse side (Fig. 40) are the following figures: — (a) A fish 
 (mu'ri), painted in black, with white stripes and spots. It is an expression for 
 green corn, because to the Indian green corn (lku'ri) is fish (mu'ri iku'ri). 
 Although on the drawing the fish is represented with white spots, the green corn 
 is called ‘black fish’ (mu'ri yii'wi). (d) A scorpion. I cannot give a definite 
 explanation of it, but it may be the arrow of the goddess. The shaman is in the 
 habit of offering cormneal to 
 scorpions to appease their wrath, 
 and this custom may have some- 
 thing to do with the appearance 
 of this animal on the disk of the 
 Corn Mother, (r) A large black 
 water-serpent called Hakwi'aka 
 yu'wime (‘black’), which lives in 
 a water-hole in the country of 
 the hi'kuli. This serpent sym- 
 bolizes full-grown corn, or, to 
 speak with the Indian, it is corn. 
 
 On its back, however, is seen a 
 lot of green corn, expressed by 
 black and white lines emanatine 
 from it. These lines represent 
 also scales, and are called kupai'- 
 ra. They belong to Tate' Ku- 
 pu'ri, their complete name being 
 iku'li | green corn | kupairara'. 
 
 (d) The wing-like figures were explained by my informant as six corn-stalks with 
 ears of corn. They are called Sauli'rika Wee'me (Sp. mayor , ‘old,’ or ‘princi- 
 
56 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 pal ’), literally ‘ the principal curing shaman.’ The leaves of the plants are 
 called ‘ the curing-shaman leaves ’ (sauli'rika ramoya'li). The design resembles 
 the corn-fields in the facial painting, Fig. 276, e. 
 
 One side of this disk, as I have shown, is taken up entirely with symbols of 
 rain. The rain-serpents start from the holy springs, bringing rain to the Huichols ; 
 and on the mountains rests fog, the home of other water-serpents. The designs 
 thus express a prayer for rain ; and the result is seen on the other side of the 
 disk, in the shape of corn, expressed in the silent language of primitive symbolism. 
 The Corn Mother herself is here pictured as a large serpent whose scales are 
 green corn, and the green corn is further expressed by the picture of the fish ; 
 putting it more precisely, the serpent is full-grown corn, and the fish green corn, 
 but both are manifestations of the one Mother, as is also the corn-plant itself, 
 which should be viewed as a serpent. 
 
 Fig. 41 (i87u). Disk of Young Mother Eagle, Upper Side. (Diameter, 30 cm. ; thickness, 7 cm.) 
 
 Disk of Young Mother Eagle, and its Bearing on Huichol Astronomy. 
 — The next disk to be described (Figs. 41, 42) is one dedicated to Young 
 Mother Eagle (Tate' Ve'lika Uima'li te'pali). On the upper surface (Fig. 41) 
 are the following designs : — (a) Front view of the eagle herself. The irregular 
 oblong figure in the middle is her heart ; but all the dots represent, as usual, 
 markings on the plumage. ( b ) Grains of corn, painted green. ( c ) A water- 
 serpent called Hai ku taru'ye, painted in yellow and red. The short parallel 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 57 
 
 lines in yellow and dark red attached to the back are plumes, and the whole ser- 
 pent is symbolic of rain, (d) Mountains, represented by the zigzag line in red, 
 which runs all round the edge, (e) Corn-fields on the sides of the mountains, 
 painted yellow, dark red, and green. The green dots inside of the design repre- 
 sent weeds in the corn-fields, (/) Corn-fields (eleven), all painted green, found 
 in the deep canons. 
 
 The under surface of the disk (Fig. 42) is interesting, as it represents in a 
 general way the astronomical knowledge of the tribe. Here are seen the constel- 
 lations and single stars (painted in dark red), as well as a number of stars (repre- 
 sented by small green and red dots) not known by any special name to the 
 Huichols. These, as well as all visible stars, are called rula've. All stars are con- 
 sidered as the dress of Young Mother Eagle, and, according to another belief, they 
 
 //' 
 
 £ 
 
 Fig. 42 (tPs). Disk of Young Mother Eagle, Lower Side. The dotted lines do not belong to the 
 original, but have been added for the sake of clearness. 
 
 Fig. 43. Star-Chart, 
 drawn by an Indian. 
 
 once lived on the earth. The following are here represented : — (a), the Scorpion 
 (Sp. Alacraii), called in Huichol Tama'ts Tealu'ka (‘Elder Brother Scorpion’). 
 I he scorpion is the arrow of the Mother, (y) The heart (iya'li) of the Scorpion, 
 represented by a large red dot. (b) The Pleiades (Mex. Sp. Cavrellos), called in 
 Huichol Semani'r. (, c ) A constellation called Nl'veli U'rte, representing a woman 
 bearing a child, and the people gathered together to see. There is a larger dot 
 (•y) in the midst of the group, representing the morning star, Elder Brother 
 
58 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Tonoa'mi, who, according to the myth, is watching the woman ; and all the rest of 
 the stars round them are women spectators. As soon as the woman had given 
 birth to her child, the cock ( e ), that was standing close by, began to crow. 
 1 he constellation called the ‘Cock’ (Wa'kana) is the one called in Mexican 
 Spanish Caro, (d) A constellation called Irurui'ste (Sp. Arado). Irui signifies 
 ‘ a brush broom,’ thus the name means ‘ a place where there are brush brooms.’ 
 There are five of these. These stars are people, both men and women, who 
 started to go to see the woman who was about to have a child, but did not arrive 
 in time, (f) The Deer. (g) The Dog ((iu/e) which is running the deer, (/z) 
 The Beehive (Sp. Colmena), of the kind that hangs on the rocks, called Siete'ri, a 
 single star. (/) The Humming-bird, Elder Brother |Tama'ts] Tupi'na, which is 
 gathering sweets from the beehive. It rises in the east to eat from it. (m) The 
 fresh-water crab, Ai'na, pursued by an animal ( n ) called Mea'ta (Mex. Sp. 
 Mcpach ). (o) The morning star, Elder Brother Tonoa'mi, represented by a 
 
 large red dot. It is a man who rises in the east, beginning his course in October. 
 It travels to a place where Young Mother Eagle is, viz., the zenith, and disappears 
 with the daylight, (p) A large star in the east called Rawa' or Rawa'mi, repre- 
 sented also as a red dot. It is Great-grandfather Deer-Tail, and is as large a 
 star as the morning star. The two are apart, but Rawa' travels all the time, and 
 at last, in October, joins Elder Brother Tonoa'mi. From then on, they rise 
 together. 
 
 There are two other large stars seen on the disk in what would be the south 
 and north. These are simply called rula've, and are stars that “ sometimes fall 
 down and get broken against the rocks when trying to kill a serpent (Sp. culebra ) ; ” 
 in other words, meteors. According to another informant, these two stand im- 
 movable, guarding the world. The one in the south is called Te'vali [Grand- 
 father] Selia'kami, and the one in the north Grandfather Yoa'wi [blue]. These 
 two stars receive further assistance in their office as guardians from Elder Brother 
 Rurui' (Sp. Grillo), a cricket which chirps in the ground. 
 
 At my request, this informant drew a picture of the three constellations b, c ? 
 and d, which I append for the sake of comparison (Fig. 43). The same man 
 also told me of two more constellations and one more single star not represented 
 on the disk. “There is one constellation,” he said, “called ‘Shrimp’ (Sp. 
 Caviar on , Huichol Ha'ku). It is large, and has three stars on each side, 
 rising after sunset in the east, and travelling towards the west.” ‘ The Big 
 Lizard ’ (Sp. Iguana, Huichol Ketse') is the name of another constellation, 
 which rises, according to my informant, in the northeast, and travels southward. 
 A large constellation called ‘ Helgramite’ (Ta'toy) rises “in the southeast, and 
 travels towards the north.” 
 
 This comprises, so far as I am aware, the astronomical knowledge of the 
 Huichol. The reader may infer Moorish or Spanish influence in some of the 
 groups. The star Antares is thus called ‘ the Scorpion’s heart,’ which is the gen- 
 erally accepted Arabic meaning of Antares ; but the animal plays too impor- 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 59 
 
 tant a part in the religion of the Huichols to be lightly passed over, it being 
 considered an ‘elder brother’ whose wrath is appeased. Besides, the unique 
 figure of the Scorpion is so conspicuously marked by the stars, that it seems quite 
 likely that the group is of native origin. A large star in the middle of the con- 
 stellation would be expected to be the heart of the animal, judging from the inter- 
 pretation of the symbolism in the ceremonial objects of the Huichols. Thus the 
 diamond-shaped, round, or square marking on the middle of a human figure, or on 
 a bird or some animal, is constantly called by the Huichols ‘the heart.’ The 
 Scorpion is an important deity, whether he be on the earth or on the sky. It 
 should also be noted that this constellation, while known to the ancient Egyptians 
 and Assyrians, as well as to the Greeks and the Romans, was associated, according 
 to Mr. Stansbury Hagar, with the same animal by the ancient Peruvians, and 
 probably by their more northern relatives the Chibchas. 
 
 There are other groups as to the originality of which there can be no doubt. 
 At any rate, in judging of this “ star map ” of the Huichols, it should be remem- 
 bered that while both my informants spoke Spanish, they were consulted at 
 different times, independently of each other. One of them, who pointed out to 
 me the constellations on the heavens, grew quite enthusiastic about his knowledge 
 and that of the Huichols, compared with that of the ‘neighbors,’ the Mexicans. 
 “ People think that we Indians don’t know anything, but we know far more 
 than the whites,” he said. 
 
 Mr. Stansbury Hagar, who has devoted much time to the subject of native 
 American astronomy, tells me that, in his studies among our Eastern Indians, he 
 has never met with an instance where the Indians failed to distinguish correctly 
 between their native constellations and the very few which they have learned from 
 the English and French. 
 
 A disk like the one described above is made for the feast of green squashes 
 and green corn, and is afterwards placed in the god-house of the Mother. 
 Here again we see (on the upper surface) 
 that a Mother — ‘ the Mother above ’ — is con- 
 nected with the rain-serpents, in fact is one 
 herself. The result of the rain for which she 
 is asked is shown in the corn-fields of the 
 mountains and deep valleys in midsummer, 
 ready to be cleared of the numerous weeds 
 that spring up on account of the rain and the 
 heat. On the reverse side we are shown the 
 stars of the sky. 
 
 Disks found on Top of Temples. - 
 Lastly we shall mention a kind of disk 
 found on the top of every temple. I met 
 with one in a god-house of the temple of 
 
 Fig. 44 (/ire). Disk found on Top of a Temple, Upper 
 Side. (Diameter, 24 cm. ; greatest thickness, 5 cm.) 
 
6o 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 San Jose, in the neighborhood of San Andres, and easily succeeded in buying it, 
 as it had been discarded from actual use. The upper surface (Fig. 44) is carved 
 with a circle running at an average of from one to two centimetres from the edge. 
 The extremities of its two carved diameters, which bisect each other at right 
 angles, symbolize the four corners of the earth. Within the circle is an inscribed 
 square, carved rather irregularly. The disk is supposed to protect the temple 
 against lightning ; and, from the meaning of disks in general, we may infer that 
 this one on top of the temple symbolizes the presence of the gods. It is renewed 
 every five years, together with that part of the temple which is subject to 
 renovation. 
 
 The Moon. — Figs. 45 and 46 are representations of the moon. In former 
 days, according to tradition, the moon was under water, and was called Ha 
 Liana'ka ; but it started out of the water, and placed itself where we see it to-day, 
 when it is called Me'tsa or Metsa'ka. The moon in these two stages is shown in 
 
 Fig. 45 ( T |g g ). The Moon 
 under Water. (Height, 
 17 cm.) 
 
 the figures, which represent two wooden images respectively 17 cm. and 12.5 cm. 
 high, taken from the temple of Ocota. The larger one, which represents Ha 
 Liana'ka, has the arms outstretched. The other, which represents Metsa'ka, is 
 very similar, only the arms are carved close to the body, probably unintentionally. 
 
 The God of Death. — The god of death of the Huichols is called Toka'kami. 
 He walks about everywhere in the night, on the lookout for some Huichol to eat. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 61 
 
 Fig 48. Head of God of 
 Death (Fig. 47), Side View. 
 
 Man is his only food, and he never drinks water. In size, he is as large as a 
 Huichol, but he is very black and dirty because he never bathes. He starts on 
 his rounds just after sunset, smeared all over with blood, and he has nothing for 
 dress but the bones of his victims. The large arm and leg bones hang all round 
 him, making a noise, when he walks, like that of rattles. Grandfather Selia'kami 
 and Grandfather Yoa'wi try to prevent him from coming out of the earth to eat 
 people. 
 
 In order to get, if possible, the Huichol idea of the god of death, I persuaded 
 one of my shaman friends in Santa Catarina to make a wooden figure of the god, 
 
 which is here reproduced in Figs. 
 
 47 and 48. The hands are provided 
 with roughly carved fingers, and the 
 legs are apart. The figure, and 
 the disk on which it stands, are 
 carved out of the same block of 
 wood. The figure has long erect 
 ears, which were made separately, 
 and very solidly glued into a hole 
 made for the purpose on each side 
 of the head. They have serrated 
 edges, and each ear represents the 
 notched bone on which the shaman rubs an accompani- 
 ment to his song for the deerduint (Figs. 108, 286, 287). 
 Thus oneof his attributes is the mystic power of incanta- 
 tion, so effective with a good shaman, so dreadful in the 
 hands of sorcerers and of the god of death. The nose 
 is long and prominent, and nostrils are carved in the 
 upper part of the end, as in some animal. A tongue 
 cut from two pieces of palm-leaf, laid one over the 
 other, is glued into the mouth, from which it protrudes. 
 The occiput is fiat, slants downward, and has on each 
 side two horizontal incisions, forming terrace-like 
 shelves (Fig. 48). On these shelves the god is sup- 
 posed to carry the dead. The figure is painted black, 
 but is covered all over with stripes and dots of fer- 
 ruginous clay, indicative of the blood with which he is smutched. Round the 
 waist and over the back, shoulders, and chest, are white lines representing human 
 bones attached to strings ; other white stripes, lines, and dots on the face and ears 
 are meant to show his uncouth appearance. 
 
 The Huichols are very much afraid of the god of death. Even the most 
 powerful shamans fear him. As long as the Indians are in good health, how- 
 ever, they never see him ; but he appears to those who are dangerously sick, and 
 the sight of him forebodes an early death. 
 
 Fig. 47 (1737). The God of Death. 
 (Height, 44.5 cm.) 
 
62 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Staircase of the Gods. — An ancient object connected with the gods 
 should here be mentioned. It is a diminutive stone staircase now and then found 
 in the country of the Huichols, and called imu'mai. One of the steps is called 
 
 imu'. The specimen here figured 
 (Fig. 49) was found on the ground 
 in the deep valley that separates 
 San Sebastian from Santa Catarina. 
 It is a small block of sandstone 34.5 
 cm. long by 15 cm. at the broadest 
 part, and 6 cm. thick at the thickest 
 part, into one surface of which six 
 steps have been carved. According 
 to the Indians, there is a pile of 
 these objects below Acaponeta, — 
 one for each god. The staircase 
 signifies travel, — each step (imu') 
 one stage of the journey. It signi- 
 fies especially the travels of Grand- 
 father Fire and Great-grandfather 
 Deer-Tail from the coast to the 
 
 Fig- 49 (illi)- Staircase of the Gods. (Length, 34.5 cm.; greatest mnntrV nf thp hi'kllli When mirh 
 
 breadth, 15 cm. ; thickness, 6 cm.) LUUIlliy U1 LllC U1 K.U11. VV J1C11 SUL11 
 
 a staircase is found, it is kept as a 
 remembrance of that journey, and helps to produce rain. 
 
 Gods in the Form of Small Stones. — Frequently gods are represented 
 by small pebbles of some curious shape or color, which are kept in the god- 
 houses carefully wrapped up in rags. Thus, at Teaka'ta 
 the Sun may be seen in his god-house as a round red 
 stone, once produced by the magic of the shaman’s 
 plumes. At the god-house of Elder Brother, near 
 Guayavas, the god himself is a small green stone hidden 
 in some rags ; which stone, the Indians say, belongs to 
 the sea, its color being, in their concep- 
 tion, the same as that of the sea. In 
 one of the god-houses round the temple 
 of Ratontita, I secured one of these gods, 
 which is here reproduced (Fig. 50). It 
 is a small quartz pebble with dendritic 
 markings, about 1.5 cm. long and 1.1 cm. 
 broad, which represents a water Mother 
 (tate') called Kakauya'li, who is the mother of Mother West-Water. It was, 
 as usual, carefully wrapped up in rags ; and in the same bundle were found 
 three more objects, — two very small quartz pebbles which are her arrows, and a 
 
 Fig. 50 (,f 8 ). 
 
 Quartz Pebble, Sym- 
 bol of Mother Ka- 
 kauya'li. (Length, 
 1.5 cm. ; breadth, 1.1 
 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 51 GVs)* 4 Winged ’ Part of 
 an Arrow. (Length, 8.2 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 6 3 
 
 piece of reed representing the ‘winged’ part of an arrow (Fig. 51). This last is 
 8.2 cm. long, and nocked at both ends, but not plugged. The nocks are painted 
 blue, and so is the broad band round the middle of the reed, while the rest is 
 painted light brown. Longitudinal zigzag markings are seen along the whole 
 extent of the reed, and round the blue band a short twine of yellow and red 
 crewel is tied. The ‘ winged ’ part, as is at once evident, has reference to the 
 two ‘ arrows,’ and, as being the vital part or heart of an arrow, gives potentiality 
 to both. The colors of the twine signify health and strength (yellow, the color 
 of fire), and life (red), thus emphasizing the vital strength of the arrows. 
 
 Fig. 52. Fig. 53. 
 
 Figs. 52 ( 7 \%), 53 ( 7 «\). 
 Rock Crystals representing, 
 respectively a Male and a 
 Female Te'vali. 
 
 Tevali'r. — Rock crystals are objects about which the Indians have singular 
 beliefs. Two large specimens, secured in Santa Catarina, each about two centi- 
 metres long, are supposed to be hailstones belonging to the Corn Mother, the 
 clouds of this deity having been changed into this form. ‘ They are,’ to speak 
 with the Indian, ‘the Corn Mother,’ and there are other rock crystals which in 
 the same way are Mother East- Water. 
 
 Small rock crystals, supposed to be produced by the shamans, are thought to 
 be dead or even living people, — a kind of astral bodies of the Theosophists. 
 Such a rock crystal is called te'vali (plural, tevali'r), or ‘grand- 
 father,’ — the same name as is given to the majority of the gods. 
 
 But it may, however, represent any person or relative, in ac- 
 cordance with the directions of the shaman. In the collection 
 I have a father and a mother, a grandfather and a grandmother, 
 of the Indian who sold them to me. The distinction between 
 the sexes seems to depend upon the size of the crystals, the 
 smaller ones being females. Figs. 52 and 53 show a male and 
 a female respectively. In the collection is a crystal which represents the uncle of 
 an Indian who is still alive. 
 
 The crystal, te'vali, like the small stones which represent gods, is kept 
 carefully wrapped in rags, and is put away in a secluded part of the house, often 
 inside of a basket. A stranger would not be likely to discover one except by 
 accident. Sometimes it is tied in its wrapping to the ‘ winged ’ part of an arrow, 
 which may be stuck into the roof of the house or that of the god-house or temple 
 ( Fi g- 54 )- 
 
 Such rock crystals are thought to bring special luck in hunting deer, and 
 therefore a Huichol’s ambition is to have many of them. He generally keeps 
 from five to six, but some have even as many as ten. They also insure the 
 hunter against stumbling or any other accident while on the run. It is, how- 
 ever, a duty incumbent on the owner to make ceremonial arrows for his te'vali, 
 hence the latter is also called by the name ulu'-uka'mi, meaning ‘one for whom it 
 is necessary to make arrow’ (ulu'). Every time, therefore, when he starts out to 
 run deer, he makes arrows for each one of his fetishes in order to further insure 
 his luck, and he wraps the te'vali in a piece of loose textile of ixtle, thus putting 
 
64 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 him on the ancient matting or 4 bed ’ (ita'li), which symbolizes his presence or 
 powers in helping to kill deer. 
 
 Sometimes, when a man is sick, the shaman will say to him, 44 Your father 
 | he may have died a year previous] wants to come back, therefore you are sick. 
 You will have to hunt deer. Make your arrows for the different gods.” If the 
 sick man be unable to rise and take part in the hunt, others can run in his 
 behalf ; for instance, his brother. Arrows are then made, and Grandfather Fire 
 is asked for good luck. The shaman next produces at night, by means of his 
 plumes and much ceremony, a 44 small white stone, like rock crystal, which comes 
 flying through the air, and at first seems soft to the touch, but soon becomes har- 
 dened.” This is the te'vali which was expected. Often the te'vali is produced at 
 the hi'kuli feast, in the middle of the day, after the dance of the first night. As 
 soon as the deer is killed, the sick man recovers ; and the te'vali, and the arrow 
 made for it, as well as all the other arrows of the man, are bathed with its blood. 
 Thereafter, every time this Indian goes to hunt deer, he makes an arrow for his 
 te'vali and asks it for luck, and afterwards the te'vali and the arrows are smeared 
 with blood. It remains in his possession as long as he lives, and is then inherited 
 by his sons. 
 
 Both men and women may become tevali'r while still alive, the condition 
 being that they have been true husbands and wives. Besides, a man must not eat 
 meat from the first five deer which have been killed after he has become te'vali. 
 
 A dead man may return to this world as a te'vali more than once, but it is only 
 the first time that his return causes his son or other relative to get sick. When 
 two or three years pass without a deer being killed, and nobody knows the reason, 
 the shaman may explain that the father of an Indian wants to return a second 
 time. In this way a man may return five times ; and every time he is given a new 
 name, according to information furnished by the shaman. Following are some of 
 the names : — 
 
 1. Ruku'li [votive bowl] Yoa'wi [blue] Te'vali, which means 4 Te'vali with 
 
 blue votive bowl.’ 
 
 2. Moye'li [plumes] Toto'n 1 [ toto', a white flower of the wet season] Te'vali; 
 
 that is, 4 Te'vali with plumes and toto'.’ 
 
 3. Wen [owe'n, ‘chair’] Yoa'wi [blue] Te'vali; that is, 4 Te'vali is seated 
 
 on a blue chair.’ 
 
 4. U'ra [spark, also facial painting] Tonoa'mi | name of the morning star] 
 
 Te'vali, which means ‘ Te'vali with the facial painting of the morning 
 
 star.’ 
 
 5. Neali'ka | face] Tawe' [drunk] Te'vali, which signifies that Te'vali is drunk 
 
 in the face, i. c., the intoxication from hi'kuli shows itself in his face. 
 
 Deer-lninters after death become tevali'r, and accompany the Sun on his 
 travels. They live where the Sun rises, which place is called Hai [clouds] Tono'- 
 lipa [ rising, liberating themselves |. In that region are believed to be many clouds, 
 which, like plumes, are liberating themselves. Clouds are thought to be plumes. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 65 
 
 Fig. 54, a, shows a te'vali in its wrapping attached to an arrow. It was found 
 in the house of an Indian near Santa Catarina, who had stuck it into the roof 
 inside of the house. It has three ‘winged’ parts, one over the other, which form 
 three sections. The upper section is painted in the most usual way, — a broad 
 colored band with longitudinal zig- 
 zags and lines. The band is red, 
 and surrounded on its upper and 
 lower ends by narrow blue bands : 
 this is a ‘ face ’ or picture of the Sun 
 (Tayau' neali'ka). The lower sec- 
 tion is in arrangement identical with 
 this, only the color of the broad 
 band is blue, and that of the narrow 
 ones black; this is the ‘face’ or 
 picture of the god of fire (Tate'vali 
 neali'ka). Between these two sec- 
 tions is the third and smallest one, 
 painted with longitudinal rows of 
 round spots. The rows are alter- 
 nately blue and red. This is the 
 ‘ face ’ or picture of the te'vali (te'- 
 vali neali'ka). 
 
 The wrapping containing the 
 te'vali has been tied by a red and 
 black twisted yarn to the last-named 
 section of the ‘ winged ’ part, ex- 
 tending also partly over the lowest 
 one. To this last a hawk-feather 
 has been attached. The idea of 
 tying the te'vali to the ‘ winged ’ 
 part specially designed for it on 
 the arrow is to summon him to 
 come. This same meaning applies 
 to all cases where the fetish is at- 
 tached to an arrow. 
 
 If we unroll the wrapping, we find it to be a small piece of cotton-cloth ( b ) 
 made specially for the purpose. It has a narrow hem all round, and is 
 embroidered in red with figures that represent a certain flower called toto'. The 
 complete name for the embroidery is toto' sikuta'mi. The latter word means that 
 the flower is reproduced in textile, embroidery, or painting ( cf. Fig. 2 77, f)- This 
 embroidered piece represents the blanket (u'kali) of the fetish ( d ), which, be- 
 sides, has been carefully wrapped in cotton-wool (te'vali kupuriai'ya), symbolic 
 of health and clouds. Within the wrapping is also a short piece of bamboo reed 
 
 Fig. 54 Arrow, with Te'vali in its Wrapping; b y Wrapping 
 
 unrolled; <r, d y Contents of Wrapping, — ‘Winged’ Part of an Arrow, 
 and a Te'vali. 
 
66 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 (c), 6.5 cm. long, with both ends cut off even ; and it is painted like the ‘ winged ’ 
 part of an arrow, which it is really intended to represent. Its complete name is 
 te'vali ulu'ya iyaliai'ya neali'ka (‘te'vali’s arrow-heart picture’), and, as it is the 
 vital part of the arrow, it represents the whole arrow of the fetish (cf p. 83). 
 
 The man who kept this arrow was not a hunter, but the prayers that he ex- 
 pressed through it were that it might give him life (toki'la), and keep him from 
 being bitten by the scorpions. Life, which is a constant object of prayer with the 
 
 Huichols, is, in their conception, hanging somewhere above 
 them, and must be reached out for. 
 
 Animals belonging to the Gods. — In the various 
 god-houses images of animals belonging to the gods, such 
 as deer, turkeys, tigers, rabbits, etc., may frequently be 
 met with. Most of them are offered as silent prayers, 
 but some merely express adoration of the god. Generally 
 they are carved from wood, and shaped in an extremely 
 rude way. Sometimes they are painted, and nearly always 
 adorned with beads fastened by beeswax. 
 
 In Fig. 55 is seen a rude wooden image of a macaw, 
 taken from the little temple of Grandfather Fire at Teaka'- 
 ta. It was standing on its feet in an erect position. It is 
 painted red, with the exception of five spots on its body,— 
 one on each side of the breast, one below the throat, one 
 on the crest of the breast, and one on the stomach. These 
 spots were evidently once covered with beads, as there 
 are a few remaining on the three uppermost ones. Round 
 its neck is a groove to which a few beads have been attached. Evidently this 
 was intended for a necklace. There are traces of blood on the figure. 
 
 Fig. 55 (55V). A Wooden Macaw. 
 (Height, about 23 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 56 represents a wooden image of a deer dedicated to the Sun (Tayau'). 
 It was obtained in San Andres, where Juan Antonio Minjares, a native of the 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 67 
 
 place, made it for me. It is rather artistically decorated with variously colored 
 beads, fastened with beeswax. Blue is the predominant color, but red is also 
 extensively used, the designs being mainly ornamental. 
 
 In the country round Ratontita, in the southeast, the Indians make small 
 ceremonial animals of a kind of braid-work, using for the purpose strips of 
 the century-plant called in Mexican Spanish sotol. 
 
 Fig. 60. 
 
 Fig. 61. 
 
 Figs. 57 (75V), 58 (tts). Straw Figures representing Rabbits. (Length, 13 cm. and 8.5 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 59 (73k)* Straw Figure representing a Turkey. (Length, 16 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 60 (72V). Part of a Straw Figure showing Tail of a Rattlesnake. 
 
 Fig. 61 (735). Straw Figure representing a Serpent. (Length, 43.5 cm.) 
 
 Figs. 57 and 58 represent the rabbit, dedicated to the Sun (Tave'rik 3 ). Ears 
 and tail are prominent features. Some rabbit figures have four legs, but that 
 shown in Fig. 57 has but three. Others have a handle instead of legs (Fig. 58), 
 for convenience in depositing them. In another specimen of rabbit there is 
 a thin handle across the back, no doubt for hanging it up in some god-house. 
 
68 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Fig. 59 represents the wild turkey, also dedicated to the Sun (Tayau'). It is 
 characterized by the appendage to the throat of the bird. In two of the three 
 specimens secured there are three legs to enable them to stand. Fig. 60 shows a 
 rattlesnake, which was dedicated to Mother West-Water ; and Fig. 61, a serpent, 
 H ai'ku (Sp. ciilebra), dedicated to the same Mother. The mouth of the serpent 
 is distinct, as is also the rattle on the rattlesnake. 
 
 Deer-heads are more frequently met with in the god-houses than figures 
 of animals. In the accumulations of discarded ceremonial objects found near the 
 god-houses, large piles of bleached deer-skulls, as well as antlers, may generally 
 be seen. The temples too are very often adorned with deer-antlers. The 
 deer-heads are deposited as votive offerings, or as prayers for luck in hunting 
 deer. They are either left without any preparation at all, or are skinned and 
 stuffed with grass, part of the frontal bone and the antlers being left with 
 the skin. The heads of roes are also deposited, because they too have antlers, 
 
 Fig. 63 ( T K4ff). Antlers of a Young Deer. (Height, 10 cm.) 
 
 although no one but the shaman sees them. On two heads in the collection, 
 which are from the temple of Guayavas, the skinning was done by cutting a slit 
 along the throat from the point where the head was severed. They were then 
 carefully stuffed with dry grass, and the slits sewed up again. The lips, as well 
 as the eyelids, are stitched together, and in one case a piece of red flannel is 
 sewed in between the lids. The specimen illustrated (Fig. 62) is entangled in 
 a snare. It is symbolic of a prayer for success in catching deer. Deer-antlers 
 which have five branches belong to the Sun (Tayau') ; when they have three, they 
 belong to the god of fire ; and when two, to Elder Brother. In the cave of 
 Grandmother Growth I once found a pair of sheep-horns which had been left 
 there by some one from San Andres as a mark of adoration. 
 
 In the ranches around Santa Catarina, when deer are killed, one pair of 
 antlers is placed in the temple, another pair in Teaka'ta, and the rest are kept in 
 the house. At the feast, when the shaman sits singing in front of the god-house 
 
 o o o 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 69 
 
 of the ranch, the new antlers may be found with the ceremonial objects placed in 
 front of him before he begins to sing. After the festival is over, they are placed 
 in the god-house. 
 
 It will be remembered (pp. 21-23) how important a part the deer plays in 
 the religion of the Huichol. We saw that the antlers are considered as plumes, 
 further that they are hi'kuli. It will now be seen from Fig. 63 that the antlers 
 are also arrows. The illustration shows the antlers of a very young deer. I 
 found them deposited in the god-house of Elder Brother in Teaka'ta. They are 
 called Kwatemo'kami Sipora'wi. Kwatemo'kami means a small deer up to one 
 year old ; Sipora'wi, that the deer is old enough to have antlers. These antlers 
 signify to the Indian, who deposited them for luck, the plumes of the hawk 
 Piwa'mi, which belongs to Elder Brother ; further, the hi'kuli of Elder Brother ; 
 and finally the arrows of the same god. The idea of the antlers being arrows 
 readily occurred to the Huichol, since they are the animal’s weapon of attack 
 and defence. 
 
 We shall presently see, in treating of the ceremonial chairs, that these are 
 also considered as antlers. 
 
 Chairs and Stools. — One of the strangest sights in the sacred caves and 
 god-houses is the number of chairs and stools of varying sizes deposited there for 
 the gods. These are conventionalized, toy-like objects ; but the original underly- 
 ing idea was, of course, that the gods should take their seats in them, — an idea 
 still predominant with many. This is shown by the custom of placing idols in the 
 small chairs described below. The purpose of depositing them is either to 
 express adoration of some god, or, more generally, to embody prayers for various 
 things. Plumes are often attached to them, generally to the back ; frequently 
 the chairs are filled with ceremonial arrows stuck upright into the seat ; ‘ beds ’ 
 are also placed on the seat, namely, those classed as ‘ flower-beds’ (p. 148) ; in 
 one instance (Pig. 187) there is a curious feather ‘bed’ on the seat. Finally 
 symbolic objects are hung to the back or deposited on the seat, expressive of 
 the supplicant’s wants. On beholding a chair of this latter kind, one instinc- 
 tively calls to mind the easy-chair of a grandfather, whom the little children have 
 asked for presents ; and as they cannot read or write, they have hung objects 
 indicative of their desires on the back of his chair or deposited them on its 
 seat. He will understand their meaning- when he comes to rest in the chair. 
 
 The chairs and the stools are small copies of those in use among the Huichols 
 of to-day, but often somewhat modified. They have the same names. The chair 
 is called owe'n (Sp. si /la ) ; and the stool, u'pali (Sp. banco). The stool (Fig. 64) 
 js simply the chair without back and arms. It is made of split bamboo sticks, 
 joined above and below to a hoop of strong wood, the lower hoop being slightly 
 smaller than the upper one. Strips of strong bark taken from a tree called 
 ha'tala u'ra, that grows in the canons, have been tied across the latter in all 
 directions, forming a seat. On top of this bark seat a coarsely plaited matting of 
 
;o 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 thin strips of bamboo is securely fastened. The seat is called i'tsi, and round its 
 edge is bound a layer of strips of leaves of the century-plant, sotol, placed longitu- 
 dinally, and tied with a rope of 
 fibre from the above-mentioned 
 tree. The appliance of leaves of 
 sotol, which at first seems purely 
 ornamental, is significant, and in 
 accordance with the traditions 
 regarding the chair. As seen 
 in the myth on p. 71, the stool, 
 and accordingly the chair, is to 
 be considered as the flower of 
 sotol. There are many houses 
 in which stools or chairs are 
 found, though seldom more than 
 one of a kind. 
 
 The chairs are made by at- 
 taching a back and arms to the 
 stool, as seen in Fig. 65. The 
 main framework of the back con- 
 sists of two natural forked sticks, 
 attached with prongs downward. 
 One prong has been tied to the 
 chair, while the other stands out 
 as a leg or support to the back. 
 In order to make the outstanding 
 legs firm, two sticks have been 
 tied crossways between them. 
 The framework of the back is 
 completed by three strong pieces 
 of split bamboo reed tied to it 
 horizontally and at equal dis- 
 tances from each other. This 
 solid back is further strengthened 
 by the addition of thin pieces of a 
 kind of bamboo tied on in the form 
 of large fancy scrolls (toni'kuli). 
 
 The framework of the arms 
 consists of a strong upright stick 
 tied to each side of the front, and 
 th ree horizontal sticks connecting 
 it with the back ; each side being 
 furnished, in the same way as the back, with scrolls of bamboo. 
 
LUM HOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 7 1 
 
 The different parts of the stool and the chair are all put together and firmly 
 secured at the joints by heavy twine of ixtle and glue. The latter is taken from 
 the root of a certain plant called kwe'tsaka (Mex. Sp. chautle ), and adheres 
 admirably. When prepared for use, it is moistened with water and rubbed on the 
 metate, being at the same time mixed with burnt grass, which gives it a dark hue. 
 The grass must be of the kind called yemokwa'li, referred to on p. 35. The glue 
 thus prepared is put on in thick daubs, which are rounded off with the fingers, and 
 gradually become as hard as wood. 
 
 There are very few chair-makers. They live on the eastern side of the river, 
 near Santa Catarina, and easily supply the wants of the Huichols. 
 
 In all temples on festive occasions one may meet with such chairs, the 
 shaman and the officers of the temple being seated in them. They thus have a 
 religious importance which is wanting in the stools; and the shaman always sings 
 sitting in a chair. When the festival is over, each one carries his chair home. 
 
 At first sight one may doubt whether these chairs and stools, particularly the 
 former, which in their general aspect resemble the easy-chairs of civilized life, are 
 aboriginal work or not. While I do not remember ever having met with 
 chairs in Mexican houses, it is quite frequent to see stools there. It might 
 be inferred that the Huichols, who are great travellers, obtained their ideas from 
 white men, but this is quite improbable. In the whole neighborhood of the 
 H uichol country there are no chair manufacturers as far southwest as Tepic, or as 
 far east as Zacatecas. I made the acquaintance of one in the suburbs of Guada- 
 lajara, who, however, was far from being so skilled in his art as the best Huichol 
 makers. 
 
 But what is decisive in this question is that I found the Huichols to have 
 myths and traditions on the subject, which I here give. 
 
 “ Elder Brother made chairs for all the gods. ‘ The chair is the flower of the 
 sotol’ (rutu'li tsai), said he. He cut the two forked sticks that form the main 
 framework at the back of the chair from a tree called re'tata kwakwa'ri, which is 
 very strong, and lasts for a long time. He also went to Grandmother Growth to 
 ask her for the glue, and for the grass to mix with it. He asked Grandfather 
 Fire for a spark, in order to burn the grass and make it fit to be mixed with the 
 glue. The fancy scrolls he made from a large vine called neoli', asking permis- 
 sion of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail to cut it. The seat he made by the favor of 
 Grandfather Kauyuma'li, and he got the strips of sotol leaves from Great-grand- 
 father Deer-Tail. All the bamboo and the ixtle he furnished himself. 
 
 “ In former times, when the corn was a deer, the antlers became a chair, 
 that Grandfather Fire might sit down : therefore to-day the antlers of the deer are 
 considered as the chair of Grandfather Fire, and all the principal gods have 
 similar chairs.” 
 
 The stool was originally made from the branches of a bush called opali'ra. 
 This was before the mythical ancestors had learned to use bamboo. 1 
 
 1 I collected specimens of this bush, but have not been able to have them identified. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Grandfather Fire (Tate'vali Ku'mke Wee'me) was the first who sat down in 
 a chair before he and the mythical ancestors started out running deer. “ But they 
 killed only a rabbit ; and the arrow remained ugly, smeared with the blood of 
 th is animal.” 
 
 I shal'l first consider some specimens of ceremonial chairs. In the collec- 
 tion is one dedicated to the god of fire (Tate'vali owe'n) which was found in the 
 god-house at Teaka'ta. It is not worth while picturing it, as it is an exact copy 
 of the ordinary chair described, only of a diminutive size (33.5 cm. high at 
 the back). It was deposited as a mark of adoration of the god. Ceremonial 
 arrows are stuck upright into such chairs, as previously alluded to. In the god- 
 houses a great number of chairs fitted out in that way may generally be observed. 
 
 In the gocl-house of Grandfather Fire may be seen double or triple chairs, 
 each consisting of two, sometimes three, stools joined together side by side, having 
 
 a common back, and being generally 
 about double the size of the single 
 one just mentioned. 
 
 Fig. 66 shows a chair of Grand- 
 father Fire. It has two attachments 
 on the back. One is a real tobacco- 
 gourd, smaller than the usual size, and 
 without any stopper (cf Figs. 260- 
 264). It is a prayer for luck in raising 
 the small squashes from which tobacco- 
 gourds are made. The other object 
 represents a hi'kuli-seeker’s tobacco- 
 gourd. Its main part is made from 
 a wad of cotton-wool, which is tied 
 around and over one end of the nar- 
 row neck of a gourd. Pieces of red 
 crewel are wound round the wool 
 longitudinally to keep it in place and 
 by way of adornment. It has a stop- 
 per, which is cut from a small gourd 
 and adorned with transverse layers of blue crewel fastened with beeswax. I his 
 symbol of a gourd expresses a prayer for luck in killing deer. 
 
 Fig. 67 shows a chair dedicated to Mother East-Water, from the temple 
 of San Jose near San Andres, where it was exhibited at the feast of tamales de 
 maiz crudo. The fancy scrolls, as will be seen, are missing. Hawk-feathers have 
 been stuck into the seat. 
 
 Fig. 68 represents a chair which was dedicated to Grandfather hire, from 
 whose god-house at Teaka'ta it was taken. It is modified somewhat, in that the 
 usual back and sides are wanting. Instead of these, four connecting arches- — two 
 long and high, and two short and low — have been placed on the edge of the 
 
 Fig. 66 Orffs)* Chair of Grandfather Fire. (Height, 30 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 73 
 
 seat. They consist of split bamboo, wound with cotton cord and crewel or wool. 
 The two largest arches are covered with white cotton cord, over which red 
 crewel is wound, the white appearing between the windings. The extreme third 
 of one of these arches is wound with blue. The little arch which connects this 
 blue end with the other large arch is covered with brown yarn, and the one opposite 
 to it with white and red. 
 
 The seat consists of a network of white and black yarn. A ‘ bed ’ of the 
 god is placed on the seat, and secured on one side by thin strips of palmdeaf. It 
 is much like a thick rug, and is woven from white yarn, wads of white wool, and 
 red yarn, the last forming red parallel stripes on the white background. It io a 
 ‘ flower-bed,’ which is a form of back-shield. The chair was deposited to express 
 a prayer for health and life. 
 
 There are several chairs of this description in the collection. In two of them 
 there are two arches of equal length, intersecting each other at their middle 
 points. They belong respectively to the Corn Mother and to Mother West- 
 
 Water. The prayer expressed by the chair of the latter is interesting. Its object 
 is success in raising corn and cotton, the latter expressed by wads of cotton-wool 
 attached to the seat. The chair is but 6 cm. in height. 
 
 In Fig. 69 is shown a chair dedicated to Mother West- Water (Tate' Kye- 
 wimo'ka owe'n). It has two arches or arms parallel to each other; but the most 
 striking peculiarity about it is that an ‘ eye ’ or si'kuli has been substituted 
 for the seat. The colors of the cord and crewel tied over the hoops that form the 
 arms are white, dark blue, and red. The large ‘ eye ’ which is tied to the chair, 
 and serves as a seat, is white in its central part ; then follow sections of dark blue, 
 red, white, and red. It is an ‘ eye ’ of the goddess in question, and has the usual 
 meaning, namely, that of a prayer that she may keep an eye on the supplicant. A 
 
74 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 parrot-feather, and an artificial flower made from white and yellow paper, are at- 
 tached to one of the arms, and a parrot-feather to the other, all symbolizing 
 prayers for life. On the seat are two small votive bowls of the Mother (Tate' 
 Kyewimo'ka ruku'li), one on top of the other, each embodying a different prayer. 
 
 The lower one (Fig. 70) is not painted, but has been adorned with kernels of 
 white corn, called niwe'saka, many of which are now lost. According to tradition, 
 these sprang in ancient times from white clouds of Mother North-Water. Kernels 
 of corn placed in such a way in a votive bowl are put there as a sacrifice and as a 
 prayer for more corn. In the centre is a coil made from a string of red beads. A 
 
 free end of the coil has been carried to one 
 side, and arranged in festoons surrounding 
 the coil. The coil represents a heap of 
 beans, and the long string signifies the root 
 of the bean-plant. Prayers for beans and 
 corn are thus expressed. 
 
 The other bowl (Fig. 71) is painted red ; 
 and in the centre are a number of white and 
 blue beads on a daub of beeswax, significant 
 of corn. The bowl thus expresses a prayer 
 for corn. 
 
 Through the large ‘eye’ that forms the 
 seat of the chair a small ‘ eye ’ of the same 
 goddess (Tate' Kyewimo'ka si'kuli) is stuck. 
 The centre is dark blue, and the border 
 white. It is a prayer for the health of a 
 child. The main purpose of the chair is to 
 express a prayer for corn and beans, empha- 
 sized further by the two votive bowls ; also 
 long life is asked for through the parrot- 
 feathers and artificial flower ; and the maker 
 added a prayer that his child might continue 
 
 Fig. 69 (xffg). Chair of Mother West-Water. (Height, 16 cm.) 
 
 in <joocl health. 
 
 o 
 
 A chair carved out of wood is shown in Pig. 72. It is dedicated to Tate' 
 Tuliriki'ta (in regard to this goddess see p. 52), and was taken from her cave in 
 Santa Catarina. It is painted blue with indigo ; and both to the seat and to the 
 lower part of the back beads are attached on layers of beeswax. The ornament 
 on the seat, which has been somewhat damaged through handling, consists of 
 a coil made from a string of white beads, surrounded by a row of blue beads. 
 This circular figure symbolizes corn. From it extend ray-like rows of beads, em- 
 blematic of beans. The zigzag line of white beads at the back represents the 
 squash-vine. This chair thus expresses a prayer for corn, beans, and squashes in 
 plenty. 
 
 I would add that one chair of the usual type, with back and arms, is profusely 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 75 
 
 adorned with blue, red, and yellow paper, obtained from the Mexicans. The 
 paper is wound round the framework, and paper flowers are attached to it every- 
 where. The chair is dedicated to Mother East- Water, and expresses a prayer for 
 luck in raising cattle, which are all supposed to belong to her. 
 
 Fig. 70 (xfjjgf). Lower Bowl on Chair, Fig. 69, Inside View. 
 Fig. 71 (iffsO- Upper Bowl on Chair, Fig. 69, Inside View. 
 
 Fig. 71. 
 (Diam., 7 cm.) 
 (Diam. 6 cm.) 
 
 Fl S- 72. Fig. 73. 
 
 Fig. 72 (iffg). Chair of Tate' Tuliriki'ta. (Height, 9 cm.) 
 
 F'g- 73 (lias)* Stool of Mother East-Water. (Height, io cm.) 
 
 Some of the stools are exactly like the one figured in Fig. 64, but of a smaller 
 size. Generally, however, they are modified in their make, cotton cord and crewel 
 forming part of the material employed. The seat is made of cotton cord or 
 variously colored crewel, which is stretched across the upper hoop in all directions 
 or with the threads perpendicular to each other, or it may be closely interwoven 
 
76 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 over the hoop. Glue is rarely applied to the joints, these being fastened almost 
 without exception by ixtle or cotton cord alone. 
 
 Fig. 73 shows a ceremonial stool of the latter type, belonging to Mother 
 East- Water, the material of the seat being red crewel and white cotton cord. 
 It was taken from her god-house in Teaka'ta, and is a request for success in 
 raising corn. 
 
 In other specimens an ‘ eye ’ is substituted for the usual seat. See, for 
 instance, Fig. 205. 
 
 Fetishes. — Stones, generally chalcedony, having a peculiar shape or color, 
 become fetishes of the Indians, and are plentiful, especially in the neighborhood 
 of San Andres. Sometimes there is a whole heap of such stones, in which case 
 every one is thought to be related to every other stone within the same heap ; 
 
 the whole heap being one 
 family, so to speak, and 
 called by the same collec- 
 tive name, after the principal 
 member. All are instru- 
 mental in producing rain 
 and bringing good luck ; 
 and ceremonial arrows and 
 votive bowls are placed 
 near them. 
 
 Outside of the pueblo 
 of San Andres is a quarry 
 of chalcedony called Si'kima 
 „ , 6E . _ „ . , ,, . n , or Ri'kima. All the pieces 
 
 strewn on the ground here 
 are sacred and mystic to the Huichols, being mysterious people or gods, or 
 rather fetishes. In the course of time the shamans gathered some of them into 
 a heap, and the relation of all the pieces, one to another, is known to them. I 
 was allowed to take some stones from the heap, the largest of which is shown in 
 Fig. 74. It is about 19.5 cm. long, is covered with peculiar white nodules, and 
 represents a female. Another, which presents about the same appearance but is 
 smaller, is also a female. Others, which are still smaller, are young people. 
 
 A chalcedony nodule with a drusy quartz incrustation was taken from 
 another group of stones only twenty-five yards from the preceding one, and of 
 the same name. Conspicuous in this group were two large stones of curious 
 shape, suggestive of long necks, limbs, etc. Two priests, who some years ago 
 were staying for a short while in San Andres, and who were shown several 
 of these heaps of stones that the Huichols worship, broke them ; but this has not 
 changed in any way the opinion of the Indians about the stones. That could only 
 have been brought about if the priests had been able to carry off not only every 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 77 
 
 piece of chalcedony in the country, but also every other stone that may have 
 some curious shape. 
 
 In another group of such natural fetishes I noticed a Hat piece of chalcedony 
 (amorphous quartz) about 8.5 cm. long, which is supposed to be the ‘bed’ 
 of the divine being which resides there, To'la Kwa'ri, the whole heap having 
 consequently the same name. 
 
 Another sacred spot of this kind is called Kasi'wali. Here was found a sort 
 of chalcedony closely resembling a chert, and it is supposed to attract rain from 
 the south. 
 
 At another place, called Te'ka Tete', a chalcedony crust was obtained, sup- 
 posed to be the ‘ Mother of the Scorpions’ (Fig. 75). There are in it impressions 
 of calcite crystals which have been removed by solution. In it is enclosed a small 
 piece of the same material, which some shaman had put there, and which now 
 
 Fig. 75 (355). Chalcedony Crust representing the 4 Mother of the 
 Scorpions.’ (Length, n cm.) 
 
 Fig. 76 (3*3). Clay Figure repre- 
 senting a Dog for running Deer. 
 (Length, 7 cm.) 
 
 cannot be taken out without considerable effort. It is to the Indian mind sugges- 
 tive of a child in the womb, and the crust is called ‘ Mother of the Scorpions,’ and 
 worshipped accordingly. 
 
 Two pieces of chalcedony were taken from a small heap of stones supposed 
 to be hens or roosters. The larger piece which I took is believed to be a hen, 
 which, by a stretch of the imagination, it may be said to resemble. A small round 
 stone is considered as an egg. These fetishes are thought to bring luck to the 
 hens, causing them to multiply rapidly. There are many more stone fetishes near 
 San Andres than those above mentioned. 
 
 Near stones of this kind, or on top of them, is frequently found a heap 
 of small earthenware objects rudely made, and representing mostly animals, but 
 also household utensils. I visited several places in the neighborhood of San 
 Andres where these peculiar heaps may be seen in lonely spots in the forest. I 
 secured specimens from them, and in my collection are found deer, a dog 
 for running deer (Fig. 76), two coiled serpents, and a gray fox. There also two 
 cows and two mules. One of the cows and one of the mules have each a 
 
73 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 head in place of the tail, thus having two heads. Each cow (Fig. 77) carries on 
 its back a sort of cup. One of the mules (Fig. 78) is furnished with a kind 
 of double cup ; the other one, with a three-pronged figure of the same size as a 
 cup (Fig. 79). I believe these appendages to the back, in regard to which I have 
 no information from the Indians, represent the milk and cheese which the cow 
 yields, and the burdens the mules carry. Further, there is a pair of diminutive 
 horns (Fig. 80). They represent a pair of horns taken from an ox that has been 
 
 Fig. 77. 
 
 Fig. 78. 
 
 Fig. 7 q. 
 
 Fig. 80. 
 
 Fig. 77 (33s). Clay Figure representing a Cow. (Length, 14 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 78 (sse)* Clay Figure representing a Mule. (Length, 9 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 79 (3^3). Clay Figure representing a Mule. (Length, 8.5 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 80 (33V)* Clay Figure representing a Pair of Horns. (Length, 10 cm.) 
 
 sacrificed. At the rain-making feasts, when oxen are sacrificed, the horns 
 are always taken off from the head, together with part of the frontal bone, and 
 adorned with flowers. No doubt their significance is similar to that attached to 
 deer-antlers. The figures representing household utensils, which are also of very 
 diminutive size, are a comal (the plate of burnt clay on which tortillas or corn- 
 cakes are baked), and a small jar representing the one in which the corn is kept, 
 for use by the woman who is engaged in grinding on the metate. Then there are 
 a jar and a plate of very small size, representing the ordinary household utensils 
 of the Fluichols, for instance, those in which food is offered. Finally there is a 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 79 
 
 bowl 8 cm. in diameter, in which food is offered to the fetish at the pile of 
 stones. The edge is scalloped, which is quite unusual. This I have seen only 
 on votive bowls made from gourds. Maybe it was meant to represent such 
 a one. 
 
 I have noticed, besides, in such piles, pipes and gray squirrels made of 
 the same material. Double vessels called ipa' x (Fig. 81) are always found at such 
 places. Generally there are more 
 than one present, and they may be 
 on top of the pile or along- 
 side of it. Such a vessel might be 
 described as two cups communicat- 
 ing by a narrow passage ; but this 
 form undergoes material changes, 
 
 O 7 
 
 SO that it is often difficult to recog- Fig. 8i (&%). Double Vessel of Burnt Clay. (Length, ig cm.) 
 
 nize the original idea. In one of the 
 
 specimens obtained there is no passage, and the connecting link between the 
 two vessels is quite narrow. Among the household utensils of the Fluichols 
 there is none corresponding to this ceremonial object, which is also found in the 
 sacred caves and in the god-houses, where it is occasionally filled with atole, 
 or grains of corn, as offerings to the various deities. I have seen such vessels 
 filled with water alone, both at the votive heaps and standing underneath a god- 
 house. When the Huichol has finished planting corn, he places this symbolic 
 object on some mountain, or rather in the mountains (sierra) from which winds 
 come, in order that the wind shall not blow so much as to destroy the young 
 corn-plants. It is also deposited for other purposes, according to the decision of 
 the shaman. It may, for instance, be offered in order to allay pain in the 
 stomach ; or by a woman who desires to have a child, the underlying idea being 
 that the sacrifice will stop menstruation. 
 
 Ceremonial arrows are stuck into the heaps, and votive bowls are also oc- 
 casionally left there. The heaps are not always found on or near these stone 
 fetishes. This seems to be the case only when the fetish is an isolated and prob- 
 ably important one. Such a fetish is said to be beneficial in producing rain and 
 springs, and guards animals, fields, and utensils. The objects deposited are votive 
 offerings to the fetish who protects the animals, fields, and utensils. They are 
 prayers for good luck, in killing deer, in hunting, raising cattle and mules, and 
 making household utensils. The coiled serpents, gray squirrels, and gray foxes 
 are animals connected with the fetish, expressing devotion and in directly prayers ; 
 and the pipes with their mystic powers are given him because he is a shaman. 
 The accumulation of objects on top of the natural stone fetish may be termed 
 a ‘votive heap,’ and expresses prayers and adoration, in the same way as do 
 symbolic figures painted on the disks of gods or woven in fabrics. 
 
 They recall somewhat similar small objects found at different localities in 
 Mexico. Professor Frederick Starr in 1897 described some from the lake of 
 
8o 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Chapala, from which place I myself brought a large collection the same year. 
 Others have been mentioned by Mrs. Nuttall. Possibly some inference as to 
 their significance may be drawn from the votive heaps of the Huichols. 
 
 A peculiar object is shown in Fig. 82. It is the reproduction of a white rock 
 which is in the sea near San Bias, a port in the territory of Tepic frequently 
 
 visited by the Huichol for depositing offerings in the sea. 
 It is called Wasi'evi, and was taken from the god-house 
 of Mother West-Water in Teaka'ta. It consists of a piece 
 of solidified volcanic ash carved in the shape of a truncated 
 pyramid 10 cm. high. On each side three lines running 
 in a longitudinal direction, and on each corner a row of 
 transverse notches, have been carved. The object is 
 painted black between the notches ; and the two longitudi- 
 nal fields formed by the three incised lines are painted, one 
 black, and the other with black spots. There is no doubt 
 that these markings represent certain natural markings 
 seen on the rock, which to the Indians have a symbolic 
 meaning. The spots are symbols of corn, and the carved 
 notches are staircases (for the clouds to travel on). The 
 carved longitudinal lines, and the longitudinal black fields, 
 are symbolic of rain. There are traces of blood on it. 
 
 On top of it is a corncob of wood thickly covered with 
 dark blue beads, and adorned on top with a paper flower 
 bought from the Mexicans. The corncob is fastened to 
 the pyramid by means of beeswax, and three rows of strings of blue beads are 
 attached round the joint. The top symbolizes a serpent called Yoa'wimeka, — 
 a serpent of the sea, which, according to the Indians, looks like a small ear of corn, 
 the blue beads signifying the sea in which the serpent lives. It is corn, because 
 in former days the corn was a serpent. 
 
 The white appearance of the rock of San Bias suggested at once to the 
 Fluichol its connection with clouds, and it became a fetish instrumental in bring- 
 ing rain. Thus its image expresses a prayer for clouds that shall come from the 
 sea and bring serpents of the sea, i. e., corn. 
 
 Fig. 82 (rif^)- Figure represent- 
 ing a White Rock near San Bias. 
 (Height, 12.5 cm. ; diam. of base, 
 7 cm.) 
 
 The Two-headed Serpent. — The idea of a serpent surrounding the world, 
 conceived of in different ways, but of general occurrence among the races of man, 
 is also found in the Huichol tribe. In Fig. 83 is shown a representation of the 
 serpent Tate' Ipou, that, in the belief of the Huichols, surrounds the world. It 
 has two heads, between which the Sun must pass when setting, having daily to pay 
 a Huichol to each of them. I found the symbolic object representing the serpent 
 stored in one of the niches in the temple of Santa Catarina. It is a rudely made 
 cylinder of burnt clay, reddish in color, and 17 cm. long, the heads being indicated 
 by an open mouth at each end, as well as by small ornamental circular indentations 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICFIOL INDIANS. 
 
 8l 
 
 along the edges of the upper and lower jaws, and around one of the necks. Two 
 indentations of the same kind serve as eyes. Round the middle of the body are 
 arranged, at equal distances, four longi- 
 tudinal rows of small circular holes. It 
 was intended to be afterwards taken to 
 Mesa del Nayarit (Sakaimo'ka), to be 
 left as a prayer for rain, in which case 
 
 it would have first been filled with WaVe, Fi g- ?3 (if?*)- Clay Figure representing the Two-headed Serpent. 
 
 (Length, 17 cm.) 
 
 and the side-holes stopped up with 
 
 beeswax. Wa've (Sp. chia or chocil ) is the name of the seeds of Amarantus 
 leucocarpus Watson (and also of the plant itself), which grows wild, but is some- 
 times cultivated. The seeds are eaten, being ground on the metate and made 
 into cakes. However, they are mainly for religious use, and are an important 
 factor in various ceremonies. Wa've, which according to tradition is older than 
 corn, is the food of the ancestral gods, and there are five kinds, — black for 
 Grandfather Fire, white for Mother West-Water, yellow for the Corn Mother, 
 and two other kinds which show their differences in the color of the leaves of the 
 plant. The Wa've put into the clay serpent is therefore to be considered as its 
 food, a votive food-offering. 
 
 The same serpent is at times represented with a single head. On the 
 lower surface of the disk of Father Sun (Fig. 17) five serpents of the same name 
 are pictured, each with one head. The artist has there given a fair representation 
 of a serpent which I once killed, — - the beautifully colored Pituophis pleurostictus 
 Dum. and Bibr., whose main color is red. The Indians then at once exclaimed 
 that I had killed Sakaimo'ka, and besides called it Tate' Ipou. It is the same 
 serpent with one head that gave San Andres its native name, Tate' Fki a (‘ the 
 house of the Mother ’), which was, according to tradition, born there, and afterwards 
 travelled down to the coast. Having the same name, it is evident that these 
 serpents are the same to the Indian mind. There is no more contradiction in 
 this than in the fact that there are various serpents representing one and the same 
 god, or that the same name is given to a river as to the serpent living in it. Even 
 Grandmother Growth and the Corn Mother are called Tate' Ipou. 
 
 The sea, which to the Indian mind surrounds the entire world, is, with its 
 serpent-like motion, the largest of all serpents. It is the great all-devouring one. 
 The sun has to plunge past its open jaws as day sinks into night and all becomes 
 darkness ; and with it human beings disappear, caught by the serpent. But the 
 serpent, being all water and the greatest of all waters, is also the greatest cloud- 
 maker, and thus also beneficial to the Huichol. Its rain-making powers have to 
 be appealed to, and therefore its image is carried to the west as a powerful 
 embodiment of prayers for rain. 
 
 We shall now enter upon the description of certain other characteristic sym- 
 bolic objects which occupy a most prominent place in the religious cult of the 
 
82 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Huichol. They may be classed in the following groups : — 
 
 1. Ulu'. — Ceremonial arrow. 
 
 2. Neali'ka. — Front-shield or ‘face’ (appearance) of the god. It is round 
 in shape, but with some deviations. It is made by interweaving pieces of split 
 bamboo with cotton cord or variously colored crewels, symbolic and mythological 
 figures being represented in the weaving. 
 
 3. Na'ma. — Back-shield or mat of the god. It is rectangular in shape, and 
 made in the same way as the front-shield. 
 
 4. Ita'li. — ‘Bed’ of the god. It is square, rectangular, or round in 
 shape, and made either of pieces of split bamboo and twine of ixtle or of cotton 
 with wads of wool interwoven, or wholly from leaves, grass, and ixtle. 
 
 5. Si'kuli. — ‘ Eye ’ of the god. It is a cross interwoven with crewel or 
 
 yarn. 
 
 6. Ruku'li. — Votive bowl. It is the ordinary drinking-vessel adorned in 
 various ways to express prayer and devotion. 
 
 The Mexicans, who have but a faint knowledge of these offerings, include 
 under the general name chimal all woven ceremonial objects, especially the 
 si'kuli. 
 
 The material from which these objects are made, excepting the arrow, is at 
 present seldom wholly indigenous. Cotton-wool spun by the women into thread, 
 and native dye, may be used by the Huichols in the manufacture of their symbolic 
 offerings ; but generally crewels of various colors, cotton cord, glass beads, etc., 
 are bought from the Mexicans for the purpose. 
 
 All these symbolic objects express prayers to the god to whom they are 
 sacrificed, for rain, health, luck, or other material benefits. At all festivals, es- 
 pecially those for making rain, these peculiar offerings play a most important 
 part, and for one or two days before the festival, people may be seen busily en- 
 gaged preparing them, looking like so many hands at a children’s toy-factory. 
 
 If the festival is to be a tribal one, the objects are made in the temple by 
 one or two shamans and the officers of the temple. If it is to be a private one, 
 some shaman, assisted by another person who may have the required knowledge, 
 is intrusted with their making. They are then placed in the temple or on an 
 altar, together with the sacrificial meat and the shaman’s plumes, and are after- 
 wards deposited in the god-houses or in sacred caves, or in other places devoted 
 to the worship of the gods from whom favors have been asked. They are first 
 smeared with a little blood of an ox or a deer. 
 
 Such symbolic objects are also made on other occasions during the year, ac- 
 cording to the shaman’s directions, the favorite ones being arrows and votive 
 bowls. 
 
III. — CEREMONIAL ARROWS (ULU'). 
 
 Ceremonial arrows have the same name as the bow-arrows, namely, ulu', and 
 they present in general the same characteristics, but are modified in regard to the 
 ‘winged’ part, the nock, the shoulder, the thickness of the rearshaft, etc. The 
 many attachments symbolic of the needs and wishes of the Indian form a prom- 
 inent feature of these arrows, which is entirely missing in the bow-arrow. 
 
 Foreshaft 
 
 
 Rearshaft 
 
 Winged juzrl 
 
 Sh-outdcr 
 
 Fig. 84. Nomenclature of the Arrow. 
 
 Aoc/c 
 
 The same mystic power which is attributed to the birds, whose locomotion 
 is incomprehensible to the Indian, is believed to be possessed by both the bow- 
 arrow and the ceremonial arrow, which are consequently considered as flying 
 birds. The ‘ winged ’ part, which is the vital part or the ‘ heart,’ is adorned very 
 much in the same way in both kinds of arrows, being in most cases practically 
 identical, only the feathered 1 part of the ceremonial arrow is conventionalized, 
 and its paintings are more elaborate. A never-failing feature on the ‘ winged ’ 
 part of the bow-arrow is the painting of a broad colored transverse band decorated 
 with longitudinal zigzag lines alternating with longitudinal parallel lines. This 
 characteristic decoration, which is called a ‘ face ’ or ‘ picture ’ (neali'ka), is seldom 
 missing in the ceremonial arrow. On the contrary, sometimes there are two and 
 even three of them on the same arrow. The zigzags (suliki'a), which represent 
 lightning, are symbolic of the speed and force of the arrow, and the longitudinal 
 parallel lines are its path (ha'ye). 
 
 The bow-arrow, as one would expect, plays a most important part in the life 
 of the Huichol, and accordingly also in his myths and religious ideas. The po- 
 tentiality of the gods is manifest in their arrows, which perform miraculous 
 deeds. Indeed, the arrow is a synonyme of the peculiar powers of each god. 
 Thus the scorpion, Tama'ts [elder brother] Tealu'ka, is said to have very sharp 
 arrows; the rattlesnake is considered as the arrow of the Sun and of Elder 
 Brother ; the meteorites that fall are the arrows of some god that kills a 
 serpent ; etc. But there was a time when the arrow was not so powerful, i. e., in 
 the beginning of the world, when the gods had to content themselves with very 
 poor arrows, until taught by Elder Brother how to make better ones. The follow- 
 ing is the myth concerning the arrow : — 
 
 “ In the beginning there was a blue serpent called Hulia'kami. The wolf 
 was blue also, and was called Samula've. The tigfer was called Tata'tali ; the 
 
 7 o 7 
 
 1 The ‘ winged’ part is not always feathered. 
 
 [ 83 ] 
 
8 4 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 lion, Ma'ya yoawi'me. The rattlesnake was called Ra'ye Ta'mai; the vulture 
 (Sp. sopilote ), Ko'ka Ta'mai. 
 
 “All the animal gods had only Kauyuma'li arrows, which were not made from 
 bamboo, but from an inferior material somewhat resembling it; namely, the stems 
 of a coarse grass called halio'ki. The ancestors of the Huichols also made 
 arrows from another kind of material before they obtained what is used to-day, 
 the stems of a plant called wau'la u'ka (‘bird-leg’). 1 
 
 “ They could not kill any deer with these arrows, and so Elder Brother 
 made some of bamboo reed for Grandfather Fire and for all the gods and god- 
 desses. He gave some to every one of them. They ran deer, but they killed 
 nothing but a rabbit. They smeared its blood on their arrows, which, however, 
 remained ugly and ineffective with that kind of blood. Then they killed a roe, 
 and nothing else, and with the blood of this they painted their arrows, which 
 became strong and good. Then they killed a large deer in Palia'tsia ; and even 
 to-day the Huichols, when they kill a deer, paint their ceremonial arrows, but 
 not their bow-arrows, with its blood.” 
 
 Ceremonial arrows, a kind of messengers to the gods, are inseparably con- 
 nected with the life of the Huichol. For any event of importance for which he 
 prepares, or that may happen, he makes an arrow, asking protection or favor 
 from some god. His wife places an arrow for the goddess of child-birth for safe 
 delivery when she is about to have a baby ; and when the child is born, the father 
 makes an arrow for it. If the child be a boy, he continues to make one every 
 five years until the son is old enough to make one for himself. If the child be a 
 girl, the father makes arrows for her until she gets a husband, who then assumes 
 this duty. When the Indian wants to hunt deer, till the soil, build a house, 
 marry, he has to make an arrow to insure success in his undertaking. In case 
 of sickness it is imperative, for regaining health, to have an arrow made ; and 
 when the Indian dies, an arrow is placed in the house where he died, that he may 
 not come back and disturb the surviving members of the family. When the 
 shamans wish to practise witchcraft and make an enemy sick, the arrow is just as 
 indispensable for them as it is for those shamans who attempt to throw off the 
 spell of witchcraft and cure their subjects. Therefore one or more arrows are 
 sacrificed for each individual at least once a year throughout his life. 
 
 We find thus that the arrow as an expression of prayer answers to all the 
 wants of the Indian from the cradle to the grave. There is no symbolic object 
 in more common use, either by the private individual and the family or by the 
 community as represented by the officers of the temple. No feast can be im- 
 agined without the presence of arrows. 
 
 Whenever an Indian wants to pray, his first impulse is to make an arrow. 
 
 1 Wau'la is the name of a certain wader with long, thin reddish legs. U'ka is, strictly speaking, the part of the 
 ‘ leg ’ from the heel to the toe. The stems of the plant have a certain resemblance to the legs of this wader, and, 
 besides, are of the same reddish color. The flowers, when crushed between the hands, leave on them a yellow coloring- 
 matter, which is sometimes smeared on the face for adornment. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 85 
 
 The sacrifice of one or more arrows expresses his desires in a language intelli- 
 gible to him and to the gods. The gods themselves once wandered upon the 
 earth with bows, and quivers full of arrows, and found them very useful. There- 
 fore arrows retain to-day their value as ceremonials, and through them the Hui- 
 chols talk to their gods, who are considered the real owners and masters of the 
 arrows that are sacrificed to them. A man, in making arrows, is also thought 
 to gain knowledge of all sacred matters. 
 
 With few exceptions, such arrows have one or more plumes or feathers 
 (moye'li) attached to the ‘ winged ’ part, taken from the wing or tail of the particular 
 birds of the god implored. Several kinds of plumes may thus be found on the 
 same arrow. Besides adding to the mystic powers of the arrow, these express 
 adoration of the god. In addition, the Indians very often attach one or more 
 symbolic objects, which convey their prayers in a more concise form, in a lan- 
 guage intelligible not only to the god, but also to all their countrymen. 
 
 The most common way of sacrificing arrows is to place them upright in the 
 ground. They are also stuck into the seats of the ceremonial chairs in the god- 
 houses, and very frequently into the straw roofs of these houses, inside of which 
 they may be seen in great numbers. They are deposited in all sacred caves and 
 all sacred spots, springs, and waters ; in deep crevices of rocks, on mountains, in 
 the sea ; in short, everywhere where some god lives whom the imaginative Hui- 
 chol may implore and appease ; for the arrow stands for him personally, or for the 
 tribe, praying its silent prayers. “It talks alone,” to use the Indian expression, 
 without the aid of the shaman. 
 
 Every year a Huichol carries different ceremonial arrows to various places 
 in the country, as well as outside of it, as prayers for life and material benefits. 
 He carries them to the country of the hi'kuli in the east and to Mesa del Nayarit 
 in the west, and even deposits them in the sea. He carries them south to 
 Laguna de Magdalena in the territory of Tepic as a sacrifice to Mother South- 
 Water; and he also takes them up to Acaponeta in the northwest, because he 
 believes that Grandfather Fire and Great-grandfather Deer-Tail started on their 
 journey there. Elder Brother, who taught the gods how to make the right 
 kind of arrows, is implored for success in arrow-making, and a short arrow with- 
 out any ‘winged ’ part, but painted, is sacrificed for the purpose. 
 
 In order to ascertain the meaning of the ceremonial arrow, and if possible 
 find the typical arrow of each god, I set to work examining carefully those col- 
 lected on my first visit to the Huichols. Each arrow was measured in all its 
 details, and every one of its characteristics minutely noticed. In this way eighty- 
 five ceremonial arrows were examined ; and the results, which are instructive as 
 having a bearing on all ceremonial arrows, are given below. 
 
 Most of them are from the neighborhood of San Andres, and were taken 
 from the various small god-houses. Some are also from sacred caves dedicated 
 
86 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 to some special god. Others are from the neighborhood of Santa Catarina, 
 having been taken from similar localities. 
 
 They had been sacrificed to nine different gods, distributed as follows : — 
 
 1. To Grandfather Fire, 9. 
 
 2. To Great-grandfather Deer-Tail, 6. 
 
 3. To Father Sun (Tayau'), 9. 
 
 4. To Elder Brother, 44. 
 
 5. To the deer god in the north, 1. 
 
 6. To the deer god in the south, 1. 
 
 7. To the Corn Mother, 3. 
 
 8. To Mother East-Water, 7. 
 
 9. To Mother West-Water, 5. 
 
 The rearshaft is generally of the same thickness as that of the bow-arrow, 
 but sometimes thicker and sometimes thinner. 
 
 The foreshaft has generally been made from a hard, light-colored wood, but 
 sometimes from red Brazil-wood ; and, like the bow-arrow, it is always pointed at 
 the end, and has no head or insertion nock. 
 
 The arrows are all of different lengths, none of them quite as long as the 
 bow-arrow, generally 5 or 6 cm. shorter, sometimes much shorter. The rearshaft 
 is generally longer than the foreshaft, but sometimes the reverse is the case. 
 
 Rarely is the upper part evenly cut off. This occurs in just three of the 
 85 arrows; namely, in one of the god of fire, in one of Great-grandfather Deer- 
 Tail, and in one of Mother East-Water. The general rule is, that the upper end 
 is nocked, but not plugged. 1 A few cases of plugging, however, occur : viz., 
 in an arrow of Grandfather Fire, where the plug is 8.5 cm. long; in one of 
 Father Sun ; and in three of Elder Brother. 
 
 Fig. 85. Fig. 86. Fig. 87. 
 
 Figs. 85 (' 3 0 B \), 86 Cm)* 87 (sVa) . Methods of winging 
 Ceremonial Arrows. 
 
 way. Each feather is placed with 
 
 The ‘winged’ part is differently 
 arranged in different arrows. It is al- 
 ways painted with bands of color ; but 
 the number of arrows that have feathers 
 on this part is about the same as that 
 which have none. When there are 
 feathers, there are either two or three, 
 but all sorts of variations are found as 
 to the cutting of the vanes and binding 
 with sinew. The most common case 
 is the following (Fig. 85) : The quills 
 of two feathers, placed opposite each 
 other, at about the same place where 
 the ‘ winged ’ part of the bow-arrow is, 
 are bound round with sinew. The rest 
 of the feathers have been left free, and 
 the vanes have not been cut in any 
 its upper side next the rearshaft, thus 
 
 1 In all English nomenclature, ‘ footed,’ as used by Mr. Cushing in his paper ‘ The Arrow. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 37 
 
 falling in a graceful curve to each side of it. This is the case with nearly 
 all the arrows of Grandfather Fire, with most of those of Elder Brother, with 
 half of those of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail, with most of those of the Corn 
 Mother, with most of those of Mother West-Water, and also with a few of those 
 of Mother East-Water. This way of attaching the feathers to the ‘winged’ part 
 may therefore be considered as the rule in ceremonial arrows. It may be a ques- 
 tion, however, what may be considered the standard, — this, or the entire absence 
 of feathers on the ‘winged’ part. The cases in which there are no feathers on 
 the ‘ winged’ part are more frequent in the arrows of Father Sun and of Elder 
 Brother. 
 
 As to the variations, there is one case where the feathers are placed as just 
 described, except that the under side is put next to the rearshaft. There is 
 another case where the upper ends are tied to the rearshaft ; and still another 
 where the ends are left free, but the tips have been nipped off. 
 
 Turning now to the cases where three feathers are attached to the ‘ winged ’ 
 part, we find that they are generally bound with sinews to the ‘winged’ part by 
 their quills, as in the bow-arrow ; that is, at both the upper and lower ends. The 
 vanes are cut, however, in a different way from those of the ordinary ‘wing’ of 
 the bow-arrow. They are left intact for the first half of their length, while the 
 second half is cut down in the ordinary way of the ‘ wing ’ of the bow-arrow. On 
 each ‘ wing,’ besides, a small breadth of the vanes is left towards the end, around 
 which the sinew is also tied, leaving the vanes protruding beyond the end of the 
 arrow (Fig. 86). In one case three feathers are bound to the arrow by their quills 
 at the same place where the ‘winged’ part of the bow-arrow would be. They 
 are placed in the same way as on the bow-arrow, but the ends are free, and the 
 vanes have not been cut in any way. There are also cases of three feathers 
 being attached as on the bow-arrow, only the vanes have been cut to a less ex- 
 tent (Fig. 87). 
 
 Grandfather Fire has three variations in the ‘winged’ part of his arrows; 
 Great-grandfather Deer-Tail, three ; Father Sun, three ; Elder Brother, three ; 
 in the arrows of the Corn Mother there are also three variations ; in those of 
 Mother East-Water, four ; and in those of Mother West-Water, two. 
 
 The feathers are generally taken from the wing-cover. In no case is more 
 than one kind of feather bound to the ‘winged’ part. The feathers that have 
 been bound to this part are — 
 
 For Grandfather Fire, mostly macaw, but also hawk. 
 
 For Great-grandfather Deer-Tail, mostly hawk, but also parrot. 
 
 For Father Sun, hawk. 
 
 For Elder Brother, parrot. 
 
 For the deer god in the north, hawk. 
 
 For the deer god in the south, hawk. 
 
 For the Corn Mother, parrot and hawk. 
 
88 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICFIOL INDIANS. 
 
 For Mother East-Water, hawk and parrot. 
 
 For Mother West-Water, hawk. 
 
 In regard to the color-bands and their arrangement, no definite rule can be 
 established. In the arrows of Grandfather Fire, however, the prevailing color 
 seems to be red ; and in those of Elder Brother and Mother East-Water, blue. 
 Still in the arrows of both Grandfather Fire and Mother East-Water the colors 
 are interchanged. Generally we find on the ‘winged’ part a broad red or a 
 broad blue band with longitudinal zigzag markings, often intermixed with lon- 
 gitudinal parallel lines, signifying, as already stated, the flight of the arrow. 
 Above and below this are one or more bands. In a general way, the same ar- 
 rangement is found about the middle of the rearshaft. In two cases (in the 
 arrows of the Corn Mother and Elder Brother) the colors are arranged in a 
 spiral of red and blue, that runs from the top towards the middle of the rear- 
 shaft. 
 
 The colors employed were bought from Mexican stores. They are red, or 
 blue, or black (maybe black is intended to represent blue). A brown color has 
 also sometimes been used as a substitute for red. 
 
 In most cases there is no sinew at the shoulder. In a few instances where 
 there is sinew, three or four longitudinal stripes are painted underneath it. 
 
 The eighty-five ceremonial arrows are quite generally furnished with ap- 
 pendages of plumes or feathers. Many, no matter to what god they may belong, 
 have no other attachment than simply a plume, and there are a few 
 that have not even that. Still, as a rule, the arrows have some kind 
 of attachment tied by a cord to the rearshaft, generally to the colored 
 part of it. Plumes are attached in the following way (Fig. 88) : More 
 than half of the quill is cut off slantingly, from the feathers down, 
 so as to form a long point somewhat resembling a toothpick. This 
 long point is doubled over at about the middle, its end being inserted 
 in the hollow quill so as to form a sort of loop, and through this loop 
 a cord is tied by a simple but ingenious knot. 
 
 The most important appendages, outside of the plume, are front- 
 shields or ‘ faces ’ (neali'ka), back-shields (na'ma), some of which are 
 also considered as ‘ beds ’ (ita'li), and ‘ eyes ’ (si'kuli). When front- 
 to C Arrowf. lumes shields are attached to the arrows of a god, blood is almost always 
 smeared on them. Blood is also often seen on the arrows themselves, 
 as well as on the plumes, especially on those of the god of fire. 
 
 The following is a summary, in a general way, of the attachments to the 
 eighty-five arrows : — 
 
 For Grandfather Fire, one or more feathers from tachments consist of sandals, hawk-feathers, 
 
 the macaw or hawk, also one or more front or shields, bows, and paper flowers, 
 
 back shields. For Father Sun, generally shields, also hawk- 
 
 For Great-grandfather Deer-Tail there are as feathers, and in one case sandals (Mex. Sp. 
 many with attachments as without. The at- guaraches). 
 
 Fig. 88. 
 Method of at- 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 89 
 
 For Elder Brother, shields, diminutive bows, For the Corn Mother, hawk-feathers, diminutive 
 tobacco-gourds, diminutive snares (Sp. lazo), bows, ‘eyes,’ shields, and turkey-buzzard 
 wristlets, hawk-feathers, diminutive drums, feathers. 
 
 bits of textile (generally of ixtle, but also of For Mother East-Water, shields, ceremonial 
 wool), and ‘ eyes.’ tamales , ‘ beds.’ 
 
 For the deer god in the north, and the deer god For Mother West-Water, shields, hawk-feathers, 
 in the south, a hawk-feather. macaw-feathers. 
 
 It will thus be seen that hawk-feathers and front or back shields have been 
 attached to nearly all of them, the hawk-feathers predominating on the arrows 
 of Grandfather Fire, and the shields on those of Mother East-Water. 
 
 Attachments of diminutive sandals sometimes represent the god, sometimes 
 the person. ‘ Eyes ’ represent the god. The diminutive bow represents the 
 supplicant. The diminutive tobacco-pouch, wristlet, and snare stand especially 
 for the hunter and the hi'kuli-seeker. 
 
 The foregoing, then, is a summary review of the eighty-five arrows. There 
 is not much more to add about the general characteristics of those collected on 
 the second visit to the tribe. The material and make are the same. The vari- 
 ability in features is also the same in regard to the length of the arrow and the 
 proportionate length of the rearshaft and foreshaft, as to the thickness of either, 
 as to whether the arrow is nocked and plugged or not, the arrangement of the 
 feathers on the 1 winged ’ part and its paintings, the sinew at the shoulder or the 
 absence of any, and so on. Additional variations observed are as follows : In a 
 few specimens are two ‘winged’ parts, both feathered, with two ceremonial ob- 
 jects attached to each; in one specimen the ‘winged’ part consists of four 
 feathers (two parrot and two hawk) arranged in two diametrically opposite pairs, 
 and surrounded with hair from the tail of a deer, all tied by the same sinew, like 
 a bouquet of flowers ; on one of the ceremonial arrows sacrificed to Grandfather 
 Fire, as a prayer for the health of a boy, instead of the usual zigzag lines, a 
 human figure intended to represent the god himself has been painted. It should 
 be taken into consideration that the singing shaman, who often directs the mak- 
 ing of ceremonial arrows and the arrangement of the attachments, may make 
 exceptions to the general rules according to dreams that he has had. He may, 
 for instance, order parrot-feathers to be used, instead of hawk-feathers, on the 
 arrows of the god of fire, and may make many unexpected changes from the 
 general rule, not only in regard to arrows, but in regard to all ceremonial objects. 
 A few ceremonial arrows are so conventionalized as to consist of one stick only 
 without any division between foreshaft and rearshaft. 
 
 All these variations of the arrow, and the impossibility of finding a typical 
 ceremonial arrow, make it clear that the ceremonial arrow is personal, and con- 
 firm the conclusion reached by Cushing, than whom there is no greater authority 
 on this topic. I understand that a paper by him on the ceremonial arrow — a 
 sequel to that on the bow-arrow — is shortly to appear, which will fully explain 
 
9 ° 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 the meaning of this ceremonial as he observed it among the Zuni and other tribes. 
 Meanwhile he has kindly furnished me with the following passages : — 
 
 “ The ceremonial arrows, war-clubs, and other weapons of a purely ceremo- 
 nial nature, must with these people always be adapted to the size of one or another 
 of the members of the body of the one who makes and uses or sacrifices them. 
 For example, the arrow of a short man, since its shaft corresponds to the length 
 of his right or left arm, and its shaftment [‘ winged ’ part] to the spread or span of 
 his fingers, will be shorter than the arrow of the same god, made by a taller or 
 longer-armed man. Also a ceremonial tablet or war-club, especially, will corre- 
 spond always in length, if for use in striking sideways instead of endwise, to the 
 femur of the man who makes it. 
 
 “ All ceremonial arrows are personal, except the tribal arrows, which are 
 made for the tribe (and even these are vicariously personal, so to say) by the 
 chief shaman of the god for whom they are designed.” 
 
 In regard to the colors applied to the arrows, and their meaning, I am able 
 to reproduce specimens that will throw considerable light on this little-known 
 subject. It is exceedingly difficult to gain any knowledge from the Indians 
 on this point, as they have an almost inexplicable aversion to giving information 
 about their arrows. The specimens shown in Plate III, Pigs, i — 8, were made by 
 one man, a young shaman in Santa Catarina, who had just finished them for his 
 own use. They were probably intended to be feathered. The decorations 
 peculiar to each god are plainly shown, and may be accepted as typical patterns, 
 all ceremonial arrows agreeing essentially with these. They belong respectively 
 to (i) Grandfather Fire, (2) Father Sun (Tayau'), (3) the Setting Sun (Sakai- 
 mo'ka), (4) Elder Brother, (5) the Corn Mother, (6) Mother East-Water, (7) 
 Mother West-Water, and (8) Haita'neka. The last word means a high pine- 
 tree, but which god is meant I do not know for certain, although probably it is 
 Ivauyuma'li. It is an interesting fact that some of the gods are pine-trees. 
 There are three ‘brother pine-trees.’ The oldest is Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke, 
 the next is Tama'ts Kauyuma'li, and the youngest is Tama'ts Palisi'ke. Tama'ts 
 Kauyuma'li is Ho'ko Uima'li (‘female pine,’ literally ‘young girl pine’). 
 Further, the hawk Piwa'mi, mentioned on several occasions, is also a pine-tree. 
 
 I would ask the reader to compare these arrows with the five arrows pictured 
 in Plate IV, Figs. 1-5. These were made for me on another occasion by 
 other Indians, to serve the purpose of holding the strings of curious ceremonial 
 cakes which are seen attached to them. The cakes, which have different colors 
 according to the god to whom they are dedicated, were first procured by me, and 
 afterwards I succeeded in getting from different makers the proper arrows for 
 the gfod and his cakes. The strings of cakes are to be considered as the neck- 
 laces of the respective gods, and the name of such an arrow is ulu' kokai'ya. 
 The cakes will be described in detail at their proper place (p. 179). By compar- 
 ing now the decorations on the former arrows with those here presented, it will 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 91 
 
 be seen that they agree in all essential points. Fig. 1, the arrow of Grand- 
 father Fire, is feathered with parrot-feathers ; Fig. 2, an arrow of Father Sun 
 (Tayau'), with hawk-feathers ; Fig. 3, an arrow of Elder Brother, with parrot- 
 feathers ; Fig. 4, an arrow of the Corn Mother, with macaw-feathers ; Fig. 5, 
 an arrow of Mother East-Water, with hawk-feathers. 
 
 Further light is thrown on the subject by five arrows which I bought from 
 another shaman friend of mine who lives near Santa Catarina. They are arrows 
 made by the Coras, which he had brought from Mesa del Nayarit in exchange for 
 some that he had made himself. It is a custom among the Huichols every year 
 in the month of October to make an exchange of ceremonial arrows in the sacred 
 cave of Mesa del Nayarit. The Huichols bring arrows of various gods and 
 deposit them in the sacred cave of the Setting Sun, helping themselves at the 
 same time to arrows that have been placed there by the Coras. These arrows are 
 afterwards kept in the private god-houses, and are supposed to bring special luck 
 in killing deer. When needed, they are taken out into the field where the hunt 
 is to be. In Plate III, Figs. 9-13, are reproduced the five arrows, without 
 further comment than that furnished by the shaman, which I give below. As 
 will be noticed, the ‘winged’ part on all of them is unusually elaborate, consisting 
 of three decorative sections (neali'ka) which cover nearly the whole rearshaft. It 
 is in reality a triple ‘winged’ part, but only the top one is feathered. 
 
 1. Arrow of Grandfather Fire ( Tate'vali iilu' ) , Plate III, Fig. 9. — The 
 upper and the lower sections, which are dark blue, represent the sparks of Grand- 
 father Fire (Tate'vali urai'ya). The middle one, of the same color, represents 
 his wristlet (Tate'vali matzu'wa). 
 
 2. Arrow of Father Sun (Tayau’ iilu'), Plate III, Fig. 10. — The upper 
 and lower sections, which are red, are called ruriki'a, and represent prayers for 
 life. The middle one is green, and probably represents hi'kuli. 
 
 3. Arrow of the Setting Sun ( Sakaimo' ka iilu ) , Plate III, Fig. 11. — All 
 the sections here are west (so'tega). The middle one, which consists of four 
 longitudinal stripes, — two green and two red, in alternate succession, — repre- 
 sents a wristlet. The upper section is blue, and the lower green. 
 
 4. Arrow of Elder Brother ( Tama' ts Pa! likS Tamoye' k& iilu'), Plate III, 
 Fig. 12. — The upper section is red, and signifies blood of the deer (ruli'a). 
 The two lower sections, which are green, signify hi'kuli. 
 
 5. Arrow of Mother West- Water (Tate' Kyewimo'ka iilu'), Plate III, 
 Fig. 13. — The upper section, which is red, is east (ira'ta). The next, which is 
 green, is the middle region (hiru'apa). The lower, which is red, is west (so'tega). 
 
 The significance of the colors given above speaks for itself. I consider 
 ruriki'a in the second arrow, and ruli'a in the fourth, practically identical. 
 
 Following are some examples of ceremonial arrows. They might be 
 greatly multiplied, but this would add nothing new as to general features. Nearly 
 
9 2 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 all symbolic objects may be attached, and in the way most convenient, as 
 evidenced by the illustrations, but generally they are tied on by a twine of fibre, 
 cotton cord, or crewel. As regards woven ceremonials, in most cases a free end 
 of the material used in the weaving is employed for the purpose. It is evident 
 that no importance is attached by the Indian to the way in which the figures, 
 human or animal, so often appearing in the woven ceremonials, hang, whether 
 upside down or not. Diminutive bows and snares are often slipped over the 
 arrow. The attachments are all fastened to the ‘winged’ part, so far as this is 
 possible, and both the arrow and the attachments are smeared with the blood of 
 an ox or a deer before being deposited. In all cases where no detailed descrip- 
 tion of the symbolic object is given, the reader is referred to the special section 
 treating of it. 
 
 Arrows of Grandfather Fire (Tate'vali Olu'). — There are five of these, 
 all from the little temple of this deity in Teaka'ta : — 
 
 i. One (Fig. 89) has five plumes attached to it, — two macaw and three 
 hawk feathers, — each tied on separately. It is a prayer for health and luck. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 93 
 
 2. Another (Fig. 90) has two attachments. One is a small gourd, which is 
 too diminutive for actual use, but represents the hi'kuli-seeker’s tobacco-gourd. 
 An opening has been cut in the top, but there is no stopper. Twine strings 
 are attached to the gourd in the same way as those of tobacco-gourds in use. 
 The other attachment is a back-shield (Tate'vali na'ma), which has been strung 
 on in an exceptional way, being attached to the two strings that attach the 
 gourd. The figures on the back-shield, which are red, green, and blue, represent 
 hi'kuli. The arrow is a prayer for luck in raising squash-plants to furnish tobacco- 
 gourds, symbolized by the gourd, and for luck in planting corn, symbolized by the 
 hi'kuli figured on the back-shield. 
 
 o 
 
 3. A third (Fig. 91) is unusually small, its size bearing some relation, perhaps, 
 to the size of the supplicant, who was a little boy. A macaw-feather is attached 
 to it, as well as a back-shield-' bed ’ (na'ma-ita'li). The latter is a rectangular 
 piece of woollen textile woven for the purpose ; and a human figure, supposed to 
 be a picture of the boy (nono'tsi [baby] neali'ka), is embroidered on it in red 
 crewel. The arrow is a prayer for the health of the boy, who was sick. 
 
 4. On another (Fig. 92) is an interesting attachment in the 
 form of a piece of woollen textile, which again is attached to a 
 stick called kwitevo' (see p. 1 5 1 ). The arrow is stuck through 
 the attachment, on which is embroidered in blue the figure of a 
 woman, the cross on the body being, according to my Indian 
 informant, the heart. The prayer expressed is, that the suppli- 
 cant, the human figure on the textile, may have a child. 
 
 5. The fifth (Fig. 93) was deposited by a sorcerer in order to 
 cause the death of a man. It has two ‘ winged ’ parts, both feath- 
 ered ; but its most striking feature is the way in which the feath- 
 ers are arranged. Two vanes are attached to each ‘winged’ 
 part, all of the same kind of feather. At either place they are 
 tied to the arrow by sinew over their quills, as in the bow-arrow ; 
 
 but the vane has been left free, and not 
 cut in any way, the vanes of the upper 
 ‘ winged’ part pointing towards those of 
 the lower ‘winged’ part. The plane of 
 the upper pair of vanes intersects at 
 right angles with that of the lower 
 vanes. A back-shield of the god 
 (Tate'vali na'ma) is hung to the lower 
 ‘ winged ’ part. On it is a picture of 
 two deer-horns in red. To the same 
 ‘winged’ part is also hung a diminutive 
 bow. The supplicant implores Grandfather Fire for aid in injuring his victim, 
 whom in his mind he wishes to hit with the arrow, which is symbolically hurled 
 at him by the bow attached. 
 
 Fig. 93 Ciliy). Arrow and ‘ Eye ’ of Grandfather Fire. (Length 
 of arrow, 57.5 cm. ; of ‘ eye,’ 18 cm.) 
 
94 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 To the arrow belongs an ‘eye’ (Tate'vali si'kuli), which had been placed 
 upright in the ground alongside of it. The central part of the ‘ eye ’ is open. The 
 colors are, beginning with the inner section, blue, white, and black, which succession 
 of colors is once repeated. A unique feature of the ‘eye’ is that five pieces of 
 vanes are stitched to one side of it, adding to its mystic powers. They are the 
 basal portions of five feathers, from which one vane has been removed by dividing 
 the feathers along the middle of the shaft. Three of them are from the macaw, 
 and two from a hawk. The ‘eye’ emphasizes the supplicant’s prayers, asking 
 that Grandfather Fire may keep close watch of the man’s adversary, that he may 
 not escape destruction, or, as the Indian expresses it, that his ‘heart may become 
 pinched,’ and his death soon follow. 
 
 Arrows of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail (Tato'tsi Ma'ra Kwa'ri Ulu'). 
 — There are two of these, both taken from his god-house in Teaka'ta. 
 
 i. One (Fig. 94) has two attachments, — a 
 netted shield and a paper flower. The former con- 
 sists of a slender twig formed into a hoop about 
 9 cm. in diameter. This hoop is wound round with 
 red crewel, and crocheted in cobweb fashion with 
 cotton cord and red and blue crewel, an opening 
 being left in the centre. The colors are, going 
 from the centre towards the edge, blue, red, and 
 white. The netted shield, which is an important 
 symbolic object, represents a snare for killing deer, 
 therefore it is called ma'ra neali'ka (‘face’ or ‘as- 
 pect ’ of the deer), or it is more specially named 
 after those gods who are prominently deer. Thus 
 this is Tato'tsi neali'ka. Other netted shields 
 belong to Grandfather Fire and Elder Brother. 
 When the Indian prays for luck in catching deer in 
 the middle of the day, he places a netted shield in 
 a votive bowl. It is then called wu'tali, and is 
 thought to be instrumental in calling and snaring 
 the deer. The flower is one of the ordinary paper 
 flowers used by the Mexicans in adorning their 
 saints and churches, and is blue and reddish in 
 color. Possibly it represents the tobacco-flower, 
 as sacred tobacco plays an important part in the 
 cult of hi'kuli, of which this god is the patron. 
 
 i igs. 94 vgoCN 'TC4C/* . 
 
 grandfather Deer-Taii. (Length 0/ arrows, 68 i he arrow, whose toreshatt is smeared with much 
 
 and 49 cm. ; diameter of netted shields, 9.5 and 
 
 8cm ° blood, is a prayer for luck in killing deer. 
 
 2. The other (Fig. 95) is decorated on its ‘winged’ part in a somewhat 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 95 
 
 unusual way ; viz., by a long red stripe and an equally long black stripe on diametri- 
 cally opposite sides, the space between them being left uncolored. Both stripes 
 are adorned with zigzag lines in the ordinary way. There is an attachment of a 
 macaw-feather and one of a netted shield, the colors in the latter being, from the 
 centre outwards, red, blue, green, yellow, dark green. The arrow is a prayer for 
 luck in killing deer. 
 
 o 
 
 Arrows of Elder Brother (Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke Ulu'). — These 
 are very numerous, and the different prayers which they express are quite dis- 
 tinct. I have selected nine specimens for illustration. 
 
 i. In Fig. 96 is one from the god-house of this deity near 
 the temple of Guayavas, near the pueblo of San Andres. It 
 has four attachments, two of them being snares of the deer. 
 
 One is a diminutive snare of the same material as the real 
 snare, and corresponding to it in every way. It is even folded 
 up in the same way as the ordinary snares are found stored in 
 the small god-houses of the ranches. A snare is always con- 
 sidered as the ‘face’ or ‘aspect’ (neali'ka) of the deer, or, in 
 other words, of the deer god in question, and it is therefore 
 here the ‘face’ of Elder Brother. To the ‘winged’ part an- 
 other snare is attached, which is more complete. It is a square 
 composed of four pieces of hollow reed of about equal length 
 (5 cm.), cut off even, and strung on a string of ixtle. One 
 side of the square is tied firmly to the rearshaft by a twine of 
 ixtle. These four reeds are painted with dark-blue longitudinal 
 zigzag lines, the ends being left unpainted. In other words, 
 they are so many ‘ winged ’ parts of the arrow of Elder Brother, 
 whose color is always dark blue. A diminutive snare ready for 
 use is tied to the arrow just above the square. It hangs open 
 in the square. This is in imitation of the manner of setting 
 snares in the held. They form a square, either between two 
 bushes which stand on either side of a deer-track, or between 
 two poles. One end of the snare is firmly tied to a tree (the 
 place of which is taken in the present instance by the rearshaft 
 of the ceremonial arrow), and the snare itself is set by tying it 
 to various places on the surrounding sticks or bushes. It is 
 significant that the square is composed of ‘winged’ parts, 
 which is the vital part of the arrow, symbolizing death to the 
 deer. The square itself, even if there is no snare attached to it, becomes in the 
 Huichol conception a symbol for a' snare, and is also called ‘face’ or ‘aspect’ 
 (neali'ka) of the deer. Generally but three reeds of the same description suffice 
 to make it a snare ( cf . Figs. 109, 150). Then there is a diminutive bow strung 
 to the end of the string by which the snare is attached, and to the foreshaft below. 
 
 Fig- 96 (ijV)- 
 
 Elder Brother. 
 58 cm.) 
 
 Arrow of 
 (Length, 
 
9 6 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 This diminutive bow is 26 cm. long, made from Brazil-wood, and provided with 
 a bowstring of twine of ixtle, attached to the bow in the same way as on the real 
 bow. To the upper part of the rearshaft is strung another diminutive bow 16 cm. 
 long, the material being bamboo, and the string being attached in the same way. 
 The arrow is a prayer for luck in killing deer by snaring and shooting. 
 
 Fig. 97- Fig. 98. Fig. 99. 
 
 Fig. 97 (tOIs)- Arrow of Elder Brother. (Diam. of front-shield, 9.5 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 98 (ills). Arrow of Elder Brother. (Length of loop, 2 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 99 (i|§ g ). Arrow of Elder Brother. (Length of sandal, 13 cm.) 
 
 2. Another from the same locality is seen in Fig. 97. It is somewhat 
 damaged, the foreshaft having been lost ; but it presents some interest, espe- 
 cially in regard to its ‘winged’ part, which consists of two parrot-feathers and two 
 hawk-feathers alternating, placed with their upper sides next to the arrow, and 
 tied by their quills in the usual way. Hairs from the tail of a deer are tied 
 round outside of the feathers. It will be remembered that not only are deer- 
 antlers plumes, but also the deer himself ; and here is a striking illustration of 
 the conception of the animal, his hair being employed in the place of feathers. 1 
 
 1 The name of deer-hair when thus used is ‘ mapama / ri. ’ As the hairs are white, they serve in other cases as 
 kupu'ri (‘ cotton-wool’) under the same name, 1 mapama / ri.’ There is in the collection an arrow to which is tied, in- 
 stead of a plume, a tuft of deer-hair still attached to the skin (see p. 21). 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 97 
 
 There are also four hawk-feathers attached, all of different species. The upper- 
 most is from the Piwa'mi ; the second from the red-tailed hawk ; the third from 
 the Wi'tsi ; and the last from the Ra'tu. All these help in killing deer. Two 
 diminutive folded snares are attached, and finally a ceremonial front-shield. The 
 name of the last is Hai'kuli [whirlwind] neali'ka. The central part and the edge 
 are white ; and between these two there is a zone containing various ’colors, the 
 main colors being red and blue in alternate radial sections. At the inner edge of 
 this zone may be noticed some green color. The ceremonial shield, which is 
 that of Elder Brother, identifies the god as the whirlwind, which among the 
 Huichols is not bad, as it helps them to walk. The arrow is a prayer for good 
 
 luck in killing- deer. 
 
 <_> 
 
 3. The next specimen (Fig. 98) was taken from the sacred spring of the 
 god in Teaka'ta. It has three attachments, — an ‘eye,’ a wristlet, and a loop 
 made from a string of red beads. The last-named is considered as a neali'ka. 
 It expresses that the deer is surrounded by blood, and symbolizes a prayer that 
 the supplicant may not err when shooting. The wristlet shows him as a hunter ; 
 and the ‘eye’ is a prayer that the god may watch over him, so that he may be 
 successful on the hunt, which is the general prayer of the whole arrow. 
 
 4. This (Fig. 99) is from the god-house in Teaka'ta. It has two attach- 
 ments. One is a small rectangular textile of wool made for the purpose, on 
 which the figure of a man is embroidered in black. This figure is called Tate'vali 
 neali'ka (‘picture of Grandfather Fire’), but it is meant to represent the shaman 
 who placed the arrow. The other attachment is a pair of sandals made from 
 twisted strips of palm-leaf. These represent the sandals of ancient pattern (Figs. 
 246, 247) which the shamans put on at the feast of tamales de maiz crudo. The 
 prayer expressed by the arrow is that the shaman may have good luck in singing 
 at that feast. 
 
 5. A fifth specimen (Fig. 100) is from the god-house of Elder Brother near 
 
 the temple of Guayavas, near San Andres. It has four attachments, — two 
 ‘beds’ and two ‘eyes.’ One ‘bed’ is a rectangular piece of coarsely woven ixtle, 
 made for the purpose. It is fastened to the rearshaft of the arrow, the latter 
 being stuck through loops left at the ends of the weaving. The other is a 
 rectangular piece of cotton-cloth of about the same size, attached at the shoulder, 
 the arrow having been stuck through a corner of the cloth for the purpose. 
 The latter form of ‘bed’ is comparatively rare, and is of recent introduction 
 through the acquirement of cotton-cloth. It is expressive of the same thought 
 as that given by the loose textile ; namely, that it is a bed, in this case the bed 
 of a child, which is presented to the god as a representative of the child itself. 
 The colors in one ‘eye’ are, beginning at the centre, white, blue, and red ; and in 
 the other, red and white. The meaning of the ‘eye’ is the usual one, that the 
 god may keep his eye on the supplicant. Every year in the beginning of the 
 
 wet season, from April to May, children under five years of age have their 
 
9 8 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 arrows brought to the god-houses of Elder Brother, Father Sun (Tave'rik a ), and 
 Mother East-Water, asking them for health. Such arrows always have at least 
 attachments of loose textiles of ixtle like that just described. The fact that 
 there are two ‘beds’ and two ‘eyes’ shows that the Indian, for some reason 
 known only to himself, placed the prayers for his two children on one arrow, and 
 it does not necessarily imply that they are twins. 
 
 6, 7, 8. The next three arrows (Figs. 101-103) are from the same place as 
 the preceding specimen. They represent a numerous group of arrows belonging 
 to Elder Brother, which are intended to secure luck in handiwork. No woman 
 ever undertakes any kind of handiwork without first asking luck in doing it, and 
 the commonest way is to make what is called a kau're (a piece of woollen textile, 
 generally with some emblematic design in the weaving), place it on an arrow, and 
 leave it in the god-house of Elder Brother. Sometimes the kau're may actually 
 be considered as a sample of what she is going to do, as shown in Fig. 103. 
 The textile shown in Fig. 101 is plain white. On that represented in Fig. 102 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 99 
 
 there is woven a female figure. Both express prayers for luck in textile work, 
 such as making pouches, or girdles, or clothing. In the latter specimen the 
 supplicant makes her prayer more emphatic by placing her own picture on it. 
 
 9. The last arrow of this god (Fig. 104), which is from the goddiouse 
 in Teaka'ta, is specially instructive. It has five attachments. First is a back- 
 shield on which are represented the designs on the back of a serpent, probably 
 H a'tsi, It is a back-shield of Elder Brother (Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke na'ma), 
 who has at his disposal serpents which bring luck in handiwork to women who 
 stroke them (cf p. 36). The back-shield expresses a prayer for luck in making 
 a girdle ; but the woman has other wishes besides. She is a lone woman, and 
 cannot make her arrow herself, therefore she takes the opportunity, when making 
 this offering, to express to the god all that is uppermost in her mind. To the 
 string attaching the back-shield is fastened a wad of cotton-wool, which ex- 
 presses a prayer for health. Two small sandals in wax, one little oval lump 
 of beeswax representing a tobacco-pouch, and one netted shield in black yarn, 
 form the rest of the attachments, and symbolize the following prayer: that the 
 supplicant may have a husband (the sandals), and that she may have a son 
 who will become a singing shaman (the tobacco-gourd, cf. p. 190). and catch deer 
 (the netted shield, cf. p. 94). 
 
 Arrows of the Corn Mother (Tate' Otegana'ka Ulu'). — There are three 
 of these which have been selected for mention. 
 
 1. The first (Fig. 105) is from the pueblo of Santa Catarina. To it are 
 attached three wing-feathers of the turkey-buzzard (Sp. aura ) and a small front- 
 shield. The latter is made in a rather peculiar way ; namely, by fastening a coil 
 of crewel to each side of a disk of beeswax, a hole being left in the centre. The 
 crewel is of various colors, — on one side, innermost red, then white, then blue ; 
 on the other side, innermost blue, then white. It is a prayer for corn. 
 
 2. The second (Fig. 106) has an unusual attachment, — a stool (Tate' 
 Otegana'ka u'pali), through the loosely woven seat of which the arrow is stuck. 
 The seat is made of white cotton cord and thin black crewel. Most of it is 
 cotton cord, the black forming two parallel stripes. The arrow is a prayer 
 for health, emphasized by the white color of the stool. There are instances 
 where tamales (Fig. 241) are attached to the arrows of this goddess as a request 
 for plenty of food. 
 
 3. Another arrow, not pictured, has the royal eagle (Ve'lika Uima'li) em- 
 broidered on a votive scrap attached to it. 
 
 Arrows of Mother East-Water (Tate' Naaliwa'mi Ulu'). — These 
 arrows generally represent prayers not only for life and health, but also for 
 many other things. I will give a few instances. 
 
 1. On one of them is a diminutive sandal tied by the latchet, the mother 
 who placed it praying that her son might become a singing shaman. 
 
IOO 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 2. To another arrow, just below the ‘winged’ part, a red thread is tied. 
 This signifies life, accordingly a prayer that the supplicant, a boy, may live long. 
 
 3. To a third arrow (Fig. 107) is tied a large ‘ eye ’ (Tate' Naaliwa'mi si'kuli), 
 made of black, red, and white crewel — a prayer for long life for a child. The spiral 
 painted on the ‘winged ’ part of the arrow is symbolic of life. The colors are red, 
 black, and the natural color of the reed, which are the colors found on the ‘ eye.’ 
 
 Figs. 105 106 (xffx)* Arrows of the Corn Mother. (About 3 nat. size.) 
 
 Fig. 107 (iff 7). Arrow of Mother East-Water. (About £ nat. size.) 
 
 Fig. 108 (iif-7). Arrow of the 1 Mother of the House of the Little Ones.’ (About 3 nat. size.) 
 
 Fig. 105. 
 
 Fig. 106. 
 
 Fig. 107. 
 
 Fig. 108. 
 
 In the collection are also six arrows which had been left in the cave of this 
 Mother near Santa Catarina, each for a little one when it was bathed in the cave. 
 Children are washed at the spring in this cave to insure health, and life is also 
 asked through the arrows left there. 
 
 Arrows of Mother West-Water (Tate' Kyewimo'ka Ulu'). — These often 
 represent prayers for luck in raising corn. One in the collection was deposited 
 as a prayer for a child’s health. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 IOI 
 
 Arrow of the ‘Mother of the House of the Little Ones’ (Tate 7 
 TulirikTta Ulu'), Fig. 108. — It is from the cave of this Mother, near Santa 
 Catarina (see p. 52). It has three attachments, — a wristlet of leather with a few 
 blue beads attached to its middle part (Tate' Tuliriki'ta matzu'wa), a wooden object 
 called kalatsi'ki, and a back-shield of the goddess. The kalatsi'ki is a conven- 
 tionalized representation of the real object (Fig. 286), which brings luck in killing 
 deer. It is 12 cm. long, and serrated on the edges with the exception of one end, 
 which serves as a handle. All but the handle is painted blue. Woven into the 
 back-shield are a picture of the deer-god of the south (Elder Brother Wawatsa'li), 
 and in front of the deer a representation of the same kalatsi'ki by which the deer 
 is to be called to his death. Note that there is a kind of handle to the back- 
 shield, probably showing that it is to be considered as the shaman’s plume-handle 
 (wi'ta moye'li), which is another back-shield. Thus it is a kind of double back- 
 shield. The arrow is a prayer for luck in killing deer. 
 
 arrows of special makes. 
 
 Under this heading are included arrows that are modified according to the 
 use to which they are put, and those that are highly conventionalized. 
 
 Deer- Hunter’s Arrow, or Arrow of Elder Brother (Tama'ts Pa'like 
 Tamoye'ke Ulu'), Fig. 109. — It was found in his god-house at the temple of 
 Guayavas, near San Andres, suspended in a horizontal position by a twine of ixtle 
 fastened at both ends. It is made from one piece of reed thicker than the rear- 
 shaft of the bow-arrow, and is nocked at both ends. It has five painted sections, 
 separated by narrow bands of the natural color of the stick. Each section is 
 painted dark blue with longitudinal lines and zigzags ; in other words, each is the 
 ‘winged’ part of an arrow. 
 
 This arrow has fifteen attachments, as follows : — (a) Five snares or ‘ aspects ’ 
 (neali'ka) of the deer. They are made by stringing three pieces of reed from 7 cm. 
 to 9 cm. long, each made to represent a ‘ winged ’ part, on a twine of ixtle, and 
 tying the two ends together so that the pieces form a triangle. The ends of the 
 reeds are generally nocked and left unpainted, while the rest is painted dark blue 
 with longitudinal zigzags and lines (see p. 95, where it is demonstrated that they 
 are snares of the deer). The color of the arrow and of the snares agrees with 
 that on the arrows of this god. The deer-lmnter, who keeps this arrow in his house 
 or private god-house, attaches one snare each year until the number has reached 
 five, when he deposits the arrow in one of the god-houses devoted to Elder 
 Brother. ( 3 ) Front-shield or ‘face’ of the Sun (somewhat damaged). It is a 
 polygon of nine sides, measuring 15 cm. between two opposite corners. The 
 central portion is open, being formed by a hoop, into which the ends of the inter- 
 woven sticks are inserted. The colors are, next to the hoop red, followed by 
 white, and then red. (r) The ‘eye’ (si'kuli) of the Sun. ( d ) A netted shield of 
 Elder Brother, about 4 cm. in diameter. The central part is white, and the rest 
 blue (see p. 94). (<?) An indistinct representation of the wife of the deer-hunter, 
 
102 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HU1CH0L INDIANS. 
 
 embroidered in dark blue on a piece of textile. A small loop of blue beads is 
 attached to the figure, probably to the navel, signifying her sex and maternity. 
 ( f) A netted shield of Elder Brother, 6 cm. in diameter, the net being made of 
 brown yarn. In close proximity to the shield, and evidently as its accompaniment, 
 is a small bamboo peg 9 cm. long, and pointed at one end. The peg is attached 
 to the arrow by a cotton twine tied round the upper part in a single knot ; and 
 the netted shield is tied to the same cord, at a distance of 2 cm. from the peg, by 
 a free end of the yarn used in the weaving. The peg may represent an empaling- 
 stick, which is set up in the midst of some narrow path or in some depression 
 over which the deer are driven. The Tarahumares use this method of hunting, 
 but I do not know whether such sticks are used by the Huichols. Therefore I 
 believe that the attached peg is a conventionalized ceremonial arrow. One or 
 more ceremonial arrows are always placed next to the votive bowl which contains 
 the netted shield to entice the deer. — These netted shields (see p. 94) recall 
 the Zuni cord-shields, 1 and the snaring of deer in pitfalls or by means of spring- 
 poles and ropes, as seen in the Troano Codex. According to Cushing, when a 
 Zuni hunts a deer, he makes what is called a little ‘spider knot’ of yucca, which 
 represents the spider and his knot in the middle of his web. He puts this down 
 on the ground on the ‘trail of the deer,’ usually in front of the first four tracks of 
 the deer ; and, pointing backward over this trail, he sticks up slantingly near the 
 ‘ spider knot ’ a little peg, so that the feet of the deer will be impeded or caught, 
 and the deer himself insnared as in the hunter’s web. The web is left open, that the 
 deer may not escape. If it were not open, it would lift the deer up. When entire, 
 it is symbolic of the lifting power of the ‘ cloud shield.’ (g) ‘Face’ or front- 
 shield of Elder Brother. The centre is yellow, surrounded by a section of black 
 on which are two red stripes. The border is white. (//) Another ‘ face ’ or front- 
 shield of Elder Brother. The colors are, innermost red, then white, black, red, 
 white. (2) A third ‘face’ or front-shield of Elder Brother, 8.5 cm. in diameter. 
 The colors are red, black, and white, (k) A back-shield or ‘ bed ’ of Elder Brother, 
 4.5 cm. by 4 cm. The dark-blue diamond-shaped figure on it, which is crossed by 
 a dark-blue line, represents two hi'kuli growing on the ground. Elder Brother is 
 also god of hi'kuli, which is expressed in the figure on his bed. (/ ) A tobacco- 
 gourd, represented by a small oblong open basket 2 cm. long, made from thin 
 pieces of wood interwoven with dark-blue crewel. A free end of the crewel 
 attaches it to the same string, also blue, by which the back-shield hangs. The 
 tobacco-gourd, as said before, is an essential part of the outfit of the hi'kuli-seeker, 
 because he must have tobacco in order to gather the plant. Elder Brother 
 himself was not only the creator of hi'kuli, but also the institutor of its cult, 
 symbolized by the gourd. 
 
 As already stated, the* sacred number of the Huichols is 5, therefore five 
 
 1 See ‘ Outlines of Zuni Creation Myths,’ by F. II. Cushing (Thirteenth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, Wash- 
 ington, pp. 389, 423, and elsewhere) ; ‘A Zuni Folk-Tale of the Underworld’ (The Journal of American Folk-Lore, 
 Vol. V, No. XVI, p. 52). 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 103 
 
 snares have to be put on in consecutive years. Every time one is put on, it 
 means a prayer for catching deer. The two netted shields, which are also cere- 
 monial snares, contribute to the desired result. The five ‘winged’ parts of the 
 arrow, vital parts, one answering to each year, symbolize further the killing of 
 deer. The number 5 also symbolizes the deer of the whole country, — in the 
 four quarters and in the middle region. During these five years the hunter 
 also puts on other symbolic objects which have reference mainly to the catching 
 of deer. Three front-shields express adoration of the god, and so does the back- 
 shield with its accompanying tobacco-gourd. The front-shield of Father Sun 
 
 has been attached because in his light the hunter sees his prey. A peculiar 
 attachment on such an arrow is the picture of the hunter’s wife with the attending 
 ‘eye.’ She probably was taken ill during the five years, and one of the means to 
 restore her health was to place her image on the magic arrow. The ‘ eye ’ above 
 the picture, as usual, symbolizes protection under the watching eye of the god. 
 
 Ko'ma, or Deer-Hunter’s Arrows. — At the ceremonial race connected 
 with the feast of tamales de maiz crudo three peculiar ceremonial arrows are used, 
 each of which is called ko'ma. These three form a set, and each is worn on the 
 back of a young hunter, suspended in a horizontal position by means of a loop, 
 which passes round the neck of the man. At the conclusion of the feast they 
 are put away in the god-house of the Sun. Ko'ma is the name of a ceremonial 
 arrow to which a grass ring bound round with a twine of ixtle has been attached, 
 the arrow piercing the ring diametrically. In two of the specimens pictured the 
 rings are 13.5 cm. in diameter and 1.5 cm. thick; and in the third 10.5 cm. in 
 
104 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 diameter at the broadest part, and of uneven thickness. Two pieces of twine of 
 ixtle are attached to each ring as shown in Figs. 110-112, which serve to suspend 
 the arrow. When in use, it is suspended with the ‘ winged ’ part of the arrow 
 towards the right-hand side of the bearer. We give below three specimens be- 
 longing to one set. They were procured at a feast of tamales de maiz cmido, held 
 at the temple of San Jose, near the pueblo of San Andres. Each ko'ma belongs 
 to a special god. 
 
 1. Kdma of the Deer God in the South ( lama' ts Wawatsal li Ko'ma), Fig. 
 1 10. — To the ring a piece of cotton-cloth is sewed, which covers about half of it. 
 On it is an embroidery in crewel of a deer with two little ones on its back, 
 whose heads are touched by either hand of a human figure standing between 
 them. The color of the deer is red, with the exception of the nose and forelegs, 
 which are blue. The three figures on its back are also red. Two small crosses 
 have been left on the body of the deer, and a triangle of white between them, and 
 
 there are two white spots on the body of each of the young deer. The man hold- 
 ing on to the two little deer symbolizes the catching of deer. A tail-feather of 
 the red-tailed hawk is tied to the rearshaft. 
 
 2. Ko’ma of Grandfather Fire ( Kdma Sauli'rika ), Fig. 111. — Sauli'rika is 
 the name of the shaman as a prophet and a magician, the god of fire being the 
 greatest shaman. The grass ring is in this case bound round with a piece of a 
 red handkerchief bought in a Mexican store, the red color being indicative of fire. 
 To the inside of the lower half of the ring two tigers’ claws are fastened, pointed 
 at each other. The tiger belongs to the fire. 
 
 3. Ko'ma of the Deer God in the North ( Tarnats O' to Taiwi Ko'ma), Fig. 
 1 1 2. — To the ring, from the circumference to the centre, a piece of textile made 
 from yellow-dyed yarn is attached, one end of it being sewed to the ring, and the 
 other end being pierced by the arrow. On this textile is embroidered in red a 
 human figure with hands uplifted. An open square has been left in the middle 
 of the figure. A tail-feather of the red-tailed hawk is attached to the rearshaft by 
 a cotton cord. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 105 
 
 The three men who carry these ceremonial arrows run alongside of one 
 another, the one who carries that of Grandfather Fire running in the middle, 
 while the bearer of the arrow of the deer god in the south runs to the right, and 
 that of the deer god in the north to the left of him. Note that the tail-feathers 
 attached to the latter two are taken respectively from the right-hand side and the 
 left-hand side of the tail of a hawk, corresponding to the position of the bearers 
 of the arrows. The middle bearer is of course the most important of the three. 
 
 He is supposed to see everything, since he carries the powers of the curing and 
 prophesying shaman. The deer god in the north is male, and the one in the south 
 is female , 1 although the latter is called Tama'ts (‘elder brother’). The figure 
 representing the deer (Fig. 1 10) has antlers, which would suggest a male deer ; but 
 
 it will be remembered that the roe is believed to have antlers, although only the 
 shaman sees them. On other occasions the deer god in the south is called Ma'ra 
 Wa'tsi. The circlets transfixed by the arrows are ceremonial snares ; and the 
 three arrows, as well as the whole race, symbolize luck in hunting. The middle 
 runner represents a shaman of the hunt ; and the claws of the tiger within his 
 
 1 This statement was made by my informant when explaining this arrow. It disagrees with information obtained 
 from other men (see p. 21). 
 
io6 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 ko'ma indicate the capture of the deer, whether in the north or in the south. He 
 also guards against any evil or accident that may happen on the hunt, and is the 
 principal medium of luck. 
 
 Fig. 113. Fig. 114. Fig. 115. Fig. 116. Fig. 117. 
 
 Fig. 113 (xlfg). Arrow of Grandfather Kauyuma'li. (Length, 45 cm.) Fig. 114 (xffs)* Arrow of Grandfather Fire. (Length, 53 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 115 ( b 6 xk). Arrow of Grandmother Growth. (Length, 66 cm.) Fig. 116 (xffo)- Arrow of Grandfather Fire. (Length, 67 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 117 (x|fx). Arrow of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail. (Length, 76 cm.) 
 
 Arrow of Grandfather Kauyuma'li (?), Fig. 113. — This is supposed to 
 represent one of the ancient arrows, made from a different and inferior material 
 from that used to-day (see p. 84). It is called kaluu'tsa, and is thought to belong 
 to Kauyuma'li, the god who first taught the other gods to make arrows. It has 
 another name, Sipora'wi ulu'ya (‘ young deer arrow which is explained by the be- 
 lief that the god visited the underworld in the shape of a deer. Here he was 
 shot, but was afterwards revived by Elder Brother. I found this specimen in the 
 god-house of Elder Brother at Teaka'ta. It is a straight stick, thin and fragile, 
 cut from a certain bush called halio'ki. The lower end is cut off even, and the 
 upper end is provided with a nock. Three natural nodes at the lower part 
 constitute to the Indian the main difference between this arrow and one of the 
 ordinary kind made from reed. The upper part of the arrow for more than one» 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 107 
 
 third of its length is painted with a spiral in blue and brown (probably meant to 
 be yellow), and round the nock is a band of the same brown. It has no attach- 
 ments. It expresses a prayer for health (cf. p. 100, Fig. 107). 
 
 Finally I will mention some curiously conventionalized arrows, — stickshaving 
 but slight indication that they are meant to be arrows. 
 
 1. Arrow of Grandfather Fire (Fig. 114). — It was found in the temple of 
 Santa Catarina, where it was deposited in order to be taken later to Teaka'ta. It 
 is a stick of Brazil-wood which has been smoothed off, one end evenly cut off, and 
 the other end nocked. 
 
 2. Arrow of Grandmother Growth (Fig. 115). — It was taken from her 
 cave in the neighborhood of Santa Catarina. It is simply a stick of Brazil-wood 
 somewhat smoothed off, and pointed at one end. 
 
 3. Arrows of Grandfather Fire and of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail 
 (Figs. 1 16, 1 1 7). — These are sticks cut from the big-leaved oak (Huichol towa'ra ; 
 Sp. encino roble ), and represent the pokers used for the fire at the temple of Santa 
 Catarina. They are slightly smoothed off, most of the bark being left on. Both 
 are pointed at one end, — the end used to rake up the fire with, which therefore is 
 slightly charred in these specimens. The other end, in that of Grandfather Fire, 
 is forked, while in that of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail it is cut off obliquely. 
 The name of the nock is tame'. 
 
IV. — FRONT-SHIELDS (NEALI'KA). 
 
 The Huichol Indians, as is apparent from the myth given below, used to carry 
 two shields, — one in front, which may be compared to a buckler ; and another on 
 the back, which was also the mat or bed of the warrior. The myth, which is taken 
 from the story of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail (Tato'tsi Ma'ra Kwa'ri), was 
 related to me in the pueblo of Santa Catarina, and begins thus : — 
 
 “The ranches in the north and the south fought against Tato'tsi and his 
 people, and conquered and ate many of them. However, Tato'tsi gathered the 
 remaining warriors together, and led them towards the north. The enemy were 
 living in a dismal cave. 
 
 “ Tato'tsi then assumed the shape of a deer. On the summit of one of the 
 hills forming the sides of the barranca 1 * he made a hole, jumped into it, and covered 
 the top over with a stone. Soon afterwards the enemy ascended the hillside 
 from the valley below to fight with those above ; but Tato'tsi loosened their lad- 
 ders, which tumbled down, and the people fell with them and were killed. Then 
 he mended the ladders, and descended to see how matters stood in the barranca, 
 and all his men went with him. 
 
 “ They met an old man who had a shield on his back, and who held another 
 one in front of him. The shield in front was round in shape, made from ixtle, 
 and had a hole in the middle to see through. It was shield and ‘ mirror ’ or 
 4 face ’ | neali'ka] at the same time, because not only did it protect him against arrows, 
 but he could also see the arrows through it. They killed the old man with 
 stones, robbed him of his shield, and brought it here, as well as his arrows.” 
 
 The front-shield or neali'ka is primarily round, because first of all it sym- 
 bolizes the buckler, which was round ; but it has also come to symbolize the 
 face (hence a mask is a neali'ka) or aspect of a god or person : in fact, it may be 
 said to be the Indian expression for a picture, therefore rock carvings are called 
 neali'ka. The round mirrors bought in Mexican stores are also called by the same 
 name. My Huichol informants, who understood a little Spanish, sometimes even 
 used to call these symbolic objects ‘ mirrors,’ alluding to the pictures shown 
 on them. The holes in the walls of a god-house, — one above the entrance, 
 and a corresponding one at the rear, — which are always round in shape, are 
 also called neali'ka. The round netted shields ( cf. p. 94) are neali'ka, as are 
 also the diminutive ceremonial deer-snares. We shall call these symbolic objects 
 4 front-shields,’ substituting at times ‘ face,’ 4 aspect,’ or ‘ picture ’ as names expres- 
 sive of the Indian thought in particular cases. The front-shields express prayers 
 for rain, corn, or health. 
 
 There are front-shields which are not round, but angular, with varying num- 
 bers of sides, from six upwards. There are also back-shields, which, although 
 rectangular, are called neali'ka ; but this is only natural, as the term ‘ neali'ka ’ 
 in this case merely expresses the picture shown on the back-shield. 
 
 1 A barranca is a deep canon. 
 
 [toS] 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 109 
 
 Generally front-shields are flat, but they may sometimes have the shape of 
 a Japanese umbrella (Fig. 13 1). They are either attached to an arrow, as 
 in most cases, or simply hung to the roof inside of the god-houses. The latter is 
 the case when they are large. They are generally attached by means of a special 
 cord, either of white cotton or colored crewel or yarn, tied to the colored part of 
 the rearshaft of an arrow, and fastened to the disk at one or two places towards 
 the edge. Sometimes an end of the material used for weaving is left free, and 
 long enough to serve the purpose of attaching. Those described in the following 
 pages are not attached to arrows, unless so stated. 
 
 In a general way, the ceremonial front-shields are made on one and the same 
 principle, by interweaving pieces of split bamboo with cotton cord or variously 
 colored crewel or yarn in the form of a disk, symbolic designs being usually rep- 
 resented in the weaving. The size varies greatly, the smallest in the collection 
 measuring 6 cm. in diameter, and the largest about 50 cm. As a rule, the splints 
 are of the length of the radius of the disk, and pointed at their inner ends, 
 although sometimes they may be as long as the diameter. The spaces between 
 them towards the edge are filled in with smaller splints, also pointed at their 
 inner ends, and in rare cases with pieces of coarse grass. The ends of the splints 
 are left protruding one centimetre or more beyond the edge. In most cases two 
 pieces more solid than the others, and as long as the diameter of the disk, are 
 interwoven with the rest. These heavy splints intersect at their middle points, 
 generally at right angles, forming a cross, which makes the object firm and level, 
 and at the same time has a symbolic reference to the four quarters of the world. 
 This cross appears only on one side of the front-shield. When the spaces are not 
 filled in, then the front-shield is naturally in the form of a many-sided polygon, 
 from six sides up, the number of sides sometimes being so many that the shield 
 becomes practically round. The splints which constitute the framework in such 
 case always appear distinctly under the weaving on one side, while on the other 
 side the shield presents a smooth surface. 
 
 The ends of the different colored crewels used in this way to make 
 various symbolic objects are joined in two ways : in some they are tied 
 together ; in others the end of each color is fastened to the splint. The inwoven 
 figures are shown equally well on both sides. 
 
 No great importance should be placed on the varieties of tints sometimes 
 used in the making of front-shields, and which may appear even on one and the 
 same specimen. Red is represented by colors varying from light purple to 
 yellow and brown ; blue is represented by green and blue ; black, by blue and 
 black (see specially the colors on the front-shield represented in Fig. 130). This 
 applies also to other symbolic objects the material for which has to be bought in 
 Mexican stores. I have even known cases where the maker had to put in a 
 different color from that he desired, selecting the one that most nearly approached 
 it ; for instance, dark yellow instead of red. 
 
 The finest front-shields in regard to size and workmanship come from San 
 
I IO 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Andres, where the Indians are better off than on the eastern side of the river, and 
 accordingly have more material to work with. The suggestion of many colors 
 comes naturally to them from the appearance of Father Sun, their patron god, 
 whom they mainly worship. While I was staying in San Andres, during the 
 feasts for making rain, I noticed that the gods for whom front-shields were mostly 
 prepared were Father Sun and Mother East-Water. After the feast, those of 
 the former were deposited in a god-house near the temple of San Jose, in the 
 neighborhood of the pueblo of San Andres ; and those of Mother East-Water 
 were taken to her cave near the pueblo of Santa Catarina. 
 
 In the collection are twenty-five front-shields (not including special kinds and 
 those attached to arrows), by far the greater number of which had been sacrificed 
 to the Sun. I have placed at the beginning the three different types of front- 
 shield, for the sake of the instruction that they give in regard to shape and make. 
 The first round one is by far the most common ; and the reader will find, in most 
 of the illustrations on the subject, fair examples of the ordinary type. 
 
 Front-Shields of Father Sun (Tayau' Neali'ka or Tave'rik 3 Neali'ka). 
 — Eleven of the fourteen front-shields here presented are from one locality, — the 
 well-known god-house of Father Sun, in the neighborhood of the temple of San 
 Jose, near the pueblo of San Andres. One (Fig. 123) is from Popotita, one 
 (Fig. 124) from a god-house on the edge of the mesa of San Andres, and one 
 (Fig. 126) from Pochotita. They were sacrificed either for procuring rain or to 
 insure health. 
 
 To the Indian the Sun, of course, is a man. He was created by the shamans 
 themselves in ancient times, as told before. Every time he rises in the east we 
 see his front-shield, represented to-day by the ceremonial shields made for him. 
 The central part of a front-shield, always defined by a ring, represents the hole 
 through which the god sees, that is to say, his face especially. Therefore the 
 hole is sometimes designated by a hoop, the centre being left open. This hole 
 is plainly seen in all the Sun’s front-shields, where the central part accordingly 
 represents the Sun himself, — his personality or face. The human or animal 
 figures which are pictured on the shields of this god and of others always have 
 their feet turned toward the centre, often standing on the ring. 
 
 1. The first (Fig. 118) shows, as already stated, the most common type 
 of front-shield. Round the centre is a blue band, succeeded after a short interval 
 by a narrow red one, the diameter of the circular space formed by the latter 
 being about 4 cm. The main figures are a man and two deer. The man is col- 
 ored red, his head being very indistinct for lack of space. He represents the Sun, 
 who, although not specially the god of the deer-hunters, may help them to catch 
 deer, and thus secure rain. The deer are blue, and face each other. Between the 
 deer and the man are two snares in blue, a little apart, but on the same blue line, 
 which represents the ground. Between them, and standing on the ground-line, is 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 1 I 
 
 a red cross, representing the morning star, Tonoa'mi, which appears before the 
 sun rises. That is just the time when hunters begin to run deer, and the front- 
 shield is thus a symbol of the rising sun, which is pre- 
 ceded by the morning star ; and it expresses a prayer 
 that both these gods may help the supplicant to catch 
 deer. Along the outer edge is a border consisting of 
 a red and a blue band, the red being innermost. 
 
 Outside of the red runs a single white cotton cord. 
 
 This shield is attached to a ceremonial arrow by 
 two cords, which are also fastened to two diametri- 
 cally opposite points of the disk, near the edge. 
 
 These two cords are tied to the same point of the 
 arrow, viz., the colored part of the rearshaft. The 
 arrow measures in its entire length 48.7 cm., the rear- 
 shaft being 25.4 cm. long, and the foreshaft 23.3 cm. 
 
 It has no feathers on the ‘winged’ part. 
 
 2. In the second type of front-shield (Fig. 119) 
 the bamboo splints intersect each other at their middle 
 points. Between these are interwoven other splints 
 of about half the length of the radius ; while smaller 
 ones, which would be necessary to make it entirely 
 round, have been omitted. The shield is thus in 
 reality a many-sided polygon. The front side, which 
 is represented in the illustration, is smooth, while on 
 the opposite side the two heavy cross-pieces which 
 keep the front-shield flat are plainly visible. The 
 splints project beyond the edge of the weaving at an 
 average of about 3 cm. 
 
 The colors are black, yellow, and white, the last forming the background of 
 the whole, and the black and yellow being arranged in concentric rings on it. The 
 five inner rings, which are somewhat irregular in width, are black, as is also the 
 edge. The remaining two rings are yellow, and of equal width. The centre is 
 white. On both sides of the shield, in the central part, are traces of blood. 
 
 This front-shield, an imitation of the appearance of the sun, is a tribal one, 
 and is a prayer for rain. 
 
 3. The third type of front-shield (Fig. 120) shows how the number of sides 
 of the polygon may be reduced by omitting the splints from the interstices, as 
 well as some of the intersecting splints. It is made from four strong pieces 
 of split bamboo of equal length and breadth (all regularly cut and intersecting at 
 their middle points) interwoven with yarn and colored crewel. The splints pro- 
 ject very little and for varying lengths beyond the edge of the weaving, which on 
 the right side has a smooth surface, while on the other side the form of the splints 
 is plainly visible under the weaving. 
 
 Fig. 118 (zirr)- Front-Shield of.Father Sun. 
 (Diam., 20 cm.) 
 
I I 2 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 The colors are white, black, and red, arranged in concentric rings, the centre 
 being black. 
 
 This shield is also an imitation of the appearance of the sun, and symbolizes 
 its heat, scorching everything, as shown by the black centre. It was deposited 
 as a mark of adoration, and expresses, besides, a prayer for rain and health. 
 
 Fig. 119. Fig. 120. 
 
 Figs. 1 19 (jgVb 120 (53*5). Front-Shields of Father Sun. (About £ nat. size.) 
 
 4. A peculiar feature of this shield (Fig. 121) is that the sticks of the 
 supporting cross are not as long as the diameter of the shield ; and one stick is 
 longer than the other, although they cross each other at their central points. 
 The long stick is wound with red yarn, and the short one with white cotton cord. 
 Another peculiarity is that a strip of bamboo of the same length as the long stick 
 just mentioned, but wound with yellow yarn, has been placed directly opposite it 
 on the other side of the shield, and the two have been tied together at their ends 
 with yellow yarn. The short stick has been tied to the shield without any corre- 
 sponding stick on the other side, but a splint is interwoven in the shield, passing 
 over the yellow stick in such a manner as to practically form a cross ; thus a kind 
 of double cross is formed, one half belonging to the rising sun, as indicated by 
 the red color, and the other half to the setting sun, as indicated by the yellow. 
 
 The chief color of the shield is white. Round the centre is a narrow ring of 
 black ; and round the edge runs a narrow ring of red, surrounded by a still 
 narrower ring- of white. 
 
 Four figures may be distinctly seen, — two of men, and two of eagles, — one 
 pair nearly opposite the other pair, the feet resting on the black ring, with 
 the exception of those of one of the eagles. One of the men is yellow, and rep- 
 resents the setting Sun, Sakaimo'ka ; the other one is red, and represents the 
 rising Sun, Tave'rik 3 . I think the fact that various shades of red and yellow 
 have been used on the figures has no significance. The maker probably had 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I 13 
 
 not enough of one color. The eagles with spread wings — one with head turned 
 to one side, and the other without a head — in the space between and to 
 each side of the men, are uniformly black in color, and belong one to each of 
 the men. Between the eagles and the red man, on either side of the latter, is a 
 figure in black representing the double drinking-gourd (topoli'r, p. 1 26). There are 
 two stripes of black near one of the eagles, while above the other are several of 
 red, all indicative of clouds. 
 
 To either end of a cord passing through the right knee of the yellow man 
 a hawk-feather is fastened, — one hanging on the front side, the other on the 
 reverse side, of the shield. It is the same cord by which the shield is attached 
 to the rearshaft of its arrow. Below these two feathers, to a piece of yellow 
 crewel passing through the right hand of the red man, another hawk-feather is 
 tied. There is also a hawk-feather attached to the shorter bar of the cross. 
 All round the edge of the shield, cotton-wool has been tied, symbolic of clouds. 
 The shield has been smeared with blood at about the centre of the cross on both 
 sides. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I 14 
 
 This shield was made at a feast for procuring rain, and it expresses prayers 
 to both the rising and the setting Sun to enshroud the world in clouds, that 
 it may rain. Further symbols of rain are the water-gourds. 
 
 It is attached to an arrow by a cotton cord tied to the ‘winged’ part. The 
 arrow measures 45 cm. in its entire length, the rearshaft being 24.4 cm. long, 
 and the foreshaft 20.6 cm. At the shoulder it is wound with sinew, under which 
 may be seen four longitudinal black stripes. 
 
 Fig. 122 (5 6 3 5 o). Front-Shield of Father Sun. (Diam., 46 cm.) 
 
 5. In the fifth specimen (Fig. T22) the inner ends of the splints, as usual, are 
 pointed, and only as long as the radius of the disk, with the exception of those 
 which have been put in from the outer edge. All along the outer edge, at inter- 
 vals of only about 3 cm., small wads of cotton-wool were formerly attached, sym- 
 bolic of clouds, but the greater number of them have been lost through exposure 
 in the cave where the shield was hanging. Two hawk-feathers are fastened to 
 the central part by a cord. In regard to colors and their arrangement, the shield 
 may be said to be divided into two parts by a large but narrow ring of blue. In 
 the inner part are figures that no doubt represent the rays of the sun, as the 
 whole section within the ring is expressive of the Sun himself with his various 
 colors. The inner parts of the figures in white, outside the ring, with the 
 blue and yellow cross-like figures within them, represent the shaman’s plumes. 
 Th e cross-like figures represent hi'kuli, or, what is considered the same thing, 
 corn. The broad section of white, black, red, and yellow outside of them, sym- 
 bolizes the rays of the sun, which may even scorch the earth, the red and yellow 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I 15 
 
 ones being indicative of the heat of the sun. Between the shamanistic designs 
 are seen as many figures of the double water-gourd, all in red. 
 
 The prayer thus indicated is addressed to the great shaman, — -the Sun, 
 whose powers are manifest in heat, — that he may rise surrounded by clouds, 
 which bring rain, and hence corn. On the right side of the shield, in the centre, 
 are traces of blood. 
 
 6. The sixth front-shield (Fig. 123) is round, and made of the usual mate- 
 rials. ddte pieces of bamboo are of the length of the radius of the disk, except 
 two wider ones, which are a little 
 longer. At the centre, on the back 
 of the shield, these overlap about 
 one or two centimetres, making the 
 shield more solid. Outside they 
 are split in two strips of the usual 
 width. 
 
 This specimen is peculiar, in 
 that a great number of open spaces 
 are left in its surface. They were 
 made by interweaving groups of 
 two or three splints, and leaving an 
 unwoven space between the groups. 
 
 The central part (about 9 cm. in 
 diameter) is entirely interwoven, 
 the middle being white, surrounded 
 by successive stripes of blue, red, 
 yellow, and black. From this 
 central part emanate ray-like sec- 
 tions. They are interrupted at half their length, however, by a ring of blue and 
 black. The inner rays are all made by the joining of three and three of the 
 splints, but the outer rays are in only three cases a direct continuation of the inner 
 rays. These three rays follow in immediate succession on the shield. The rest 
 are so placed that the outer rays come about opposite the open spaces between 
 the inner rays. The position of the former was made possible by joining the 
 splints in a different way from those of the inner part. The edge of the outer 
 rays is bordered with concentric sections of red, white, and black. This forms 
 also the edge of the shield. There are traces of cotton-wool that had been tied 
 to it, and there are also traces of blood on one side, in the centre. 
 
 This shield represents the ‘open’ sun, with all its rays and colors, unob- 
 scured by any clouds. 
 
 7. The next specimen (Fig. 124) was found suspended by a cord to the roof 
 of a god-house situated on the edge of the mesa of San Andres. It is the lar- 
 gest shield I have met with. The two strong pieces of equal length that form the 
 cross — • one of pine wood and the other of bamboo — are proportionately large ; 
 
 Fig. 123 (- 4 * 7 ). Front-Shield of Father Sun. (Diam., 30 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 1 6 
 
 and therefore it was not possible, as usual, to weave them in with the rest. They 
 are firmly tied to one side of the shield by cotton cord, which attaches the arms 
 of the cross, and by bark fibre, which fastens the centre. 
 
 Round the centre is a narrow ring of black, the diameter of which, measuring 
 from the inner edges, is about 5 cm. The space within the ring is entirely hidden 
 by a yellow paper flower such as the Mexicans use for adorning their saints. 
 This central section has the usual meaning, representing the Sun himself ; and the 
 flower attached to it is a mark of adoration. Only 5 cm. from the edge runs 
 another but very narrow black ring. On the space between these two rings a 
 number of tigers ] of various sizes are seen, all except one represented in the act 
 
 Fig. 124 (55V). Front-Shield of Father Sun. (Diam., 50 cm.) 
 
 of running. They are arranged two and two facing each other, except two, 
 one of which is in pursuit of the other. There is also one small tiger to be seen 
 between two of the large ones. The bodies are generally of a black or dark-blue 
 or even dark-brown color, with spots of red, or blue, or yellow. Some of them 
 have white stripes and no spots, and one has red and yellow stripes. Although 
 all the animals represented vary somewhat in appearance, they have one feature 
 in common, — their large claws. 
 
 There is an inner circle of four animals of various sizes. Two of them — one 
 blue, and the other black — represent male deer, as indicated by their antlers. A 
 
 1 The tiger is the jaguar (Felis on(a Linn.). 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 1 7 
 
 third, which is brown with yellow mouth, is a roe. On the side diametrically 
 opposite to the roe is an animal which is probably a mepach (coati'). See p. 58. 
 
 Just outside of this circle of animals, or rather in the outer edge of it, are 
 seen, at two diametrically opposite sides, representations of birds. One of them 
 is somewhat of the shape of an obtuse angle, one side of which is red and the 
 other blue, and is meant for a flying swallow. The swallow, like the cardinal 
 bird, moves about in the middle of the day, and is therefore a sun bird. The 
 other figure is blue, and represents a quail standing. At various places are seen 
 short lines of red, blue, or yellow. 
 
 There are two blue serpents close to two tigers, near the top, on the left, 
 one of them being between and the other just above them. The mouth is indi- 
 cated in red on both of them. The bodies of the serpents are extended, and the 
 heads are turned in opposite directions. On the right is another pair of serpents 
 in nearly similar positions, the one nearest the centre being yellow with black 
 mouth, and the other black with yellow mouth. 
 
 All the mammals, birds, and serpents represented in the main section of the 
 shield are animals belonging to the Sun, and placed there in adoration of the 
 god. 
 
 The large field occupied by these animals is limited by the narrow black ring 
 mentioned before. Outside of it follows a space, which is filled up entirely with 
 triangular figures — black, brown, white, yellow, blue, red — that fit into each other 
 in an ornamental design round the whole shield. They are symbolic of clouds. 
 
 The outer part of the weaving of the 
 shield consists of radial stripes, alter- 
 nately black and white, symbolizing rain. 
 
 The mere edgm is a narrow band of 
 white. 
 
 The prayer embodied in this front- 
 shield is thus that the Sun, surrounded 
 by all his animals, may rise in clouds 
 which produce rain. 
 
 8. Another front-shield of the Sun 
 (Fig. 125) has a narrow ring of black 
 round the centre, enclosing a section 
 about 10 cm. in diameter. Inside of 
 this are seen four terrace-like blue fig- 
 ures arranged in opposite pairs round a 
 white centre. The spaces between the Fig. 125 (&%). Front-shield of Father sun. (Diam., 35 cm.) 
 blue figures are partly filled in with red. 
 
 This whole central section, bounded by the black line, represents, as before, the 
 Sun himself. 
 
 On the main section, which extends from this black ring to the edge, are 
 various figures on a white background, the most conspicuous among which is a 
 
1 18 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 tiger. The body is long and jaguar-like, although out of proportion The tail is 
 turned upwards and forwards, bending back on itself at the end. The body and 
 limbs are blue ; but the spots on the animal are so numerous that most of the 
 body appears as one mass of blue, red, and white blocks, and blue and white 
 lines. Above the animal is a very light red cross, and in front of it a black one. 
 In front of the tiger is a comparatively well executed eagle in very light red, the 
 tail having stripes of dark red on it. The bird is represented with wings spread, 
 legs apart, and head in profile. In the middle of the body, between the wings, is 
 the heart, a white space resembling the symbol of a shaman’s plume. To one 
 side of it, and touching it with one leg, is a small black eaode, also with wings 
 spread and head in profile, but without tail. The tiger and the eagle, as animals 
 belonging to the Sun, express adoration, as well as a prayer for help. 
 
 The other figures are men and deer. Behind the tiger is a deer of the south, 
 without antlers, in red. A man, dark blue in color (meant to be black), follows, 
 with arms outstretched, the fingers (three in number) being very prominent. 
 He wears a hat. On his right is a male deer of the north, in dark blue. In 
 front of it is another deer of the north with antlers, although not so large. 
 It is black and dark blue in color, with a tinge of pink on the hoofs. In front 
 of this deer stands a man with arms outstretched, like the first man, and also 
 with hat on. There is some light pink color on the top of the hat and on one side, 
 expressing feather ornaments. In the man’s left hand, by which he holds one of 
 the antlers of the deer, is also seen a baton (i'tsu), the greater part of which is light 
 pink in color, while the upper end is light green. The two men are shamans on 
 the hunt. The one with prominent fingers wants to catch deer, whde the other 
 one is pictured as having already caught one. The baton which the latter holds 
 in his left hand is the wand with which he consecrates the heap of tamales (corn- 
 bread) at the feast of tamales dc maiz crudo. These designs, therefore, also 
 express a wish that this feast may come off, when the shaman with the wand will 
 offer the tamales to all the gods. 
 
 Above these two groups of deer and men are seen four red figures represent- 
 ing certain red ‘insects’ which appear in the wet season. Three of them are 
 of a very light color, a shade lighter than pink ; and the fourth, the largest, of 
 a dark-red color. They are called Tate' Ma'toli or Tate' Mau'tuli, and are, so the 
 Indians say, red in color, looking something like ticks, and are frequently seen on 
 the ground at the beginningof the wet season. They belong to the Corn Mother, 
 who, according to one tradition, is the mother of the Sun. As they appear 
 only when the soil is thoroughly drenched with rain, they become symbolic of rain. 
 They are also symbolic of corn (cf P ig. 134, I, where the same designs symbolize 
 corn ; see also Fig. 126, m ; and compare the Zuni conception of dragon-flies as 
 having been created from corn-stalks). A pink cross is seen above the deer, and 
 to the left of it is an irregular figure, also in pink. 
 
 Along the edge of the front-shield is a border consisting of two narrow red 
 bands separated by a yellow band. To the black ring small wads of cotton-wool 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 1 9 
 
 are fastened at short distances apart by means of beeswax, and at one place are a 
 red and a white glass bead. These do not appear in the illustration. 
 
 The Sun is here asked to bring rain, which is symbolized by cotton-wool and 
 the ‘insects,’ so that the Huichols may have plenty of corn to eat, and catch deer 
 enough to give the feast of tamales de maiz cmdo. 
 
 g. I his specimen (Fig. 1 26) was obtained from the god-house of Tayau' at the 
 temple of Pochotita, near Santa Catarina. It is attached to a ceremonial arrow at 
 
 Fig. 126 Front-Shield of Father Sun. (Diam., 37 cm.) 
 
 a, The Sun ; i, c , Water-serpents ; d, A moving serpent : e , /, Two children ; g , Mountain-lion ; h. Tiger ; z, Wolf ; /, Tiger ; 
 
 k , Shaman’s plumes ; /, Butterflies ; zzz, Insects. 
 
 its shoulder. I found it hanging under the roof of the small god-house by a 
 loop of ixtle twine, which is still to be seen near the edge. One of the Indians 
 procured forme an arrow of the Sun, and of his own accord stuck it through the 
 yellow crewel at the centre of the shield, which was damaged or broken. 
 
 This is the best specimen of front-shield that I secured. The central part 
 ( a ), which measures 10.5 cm. in diameter, consists of a yellow centre sur- 
 rounded by a white section, after which follows a broad black section containing 
 ten white figures representing the shaman’s plumes. This section is bordered 
 with red ; and the whole central part represents, as usual, the Sun specially, 
 accentuating in this case his shamanistic powers. Outside of the central part 
 is an elaborate system of variously colored figures on a white background, as 
 follows: — ( b ) A water-serpent called Tate' Yula'ma, a Mother of water in the 
 
I 20 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 north, that appears in the beginning of the wet season. The real serpent is 
 green in color, but is here represented with black body, and yellow mouth, eye, 
 and belly. Its numerous legs, mostly with joints, are in black, red, and yellow. 
 (c) Another water-serpent representing Tate' Rapawiye'ma, Mother of water in the 
 south. It is also green, and appears in the wet season. Its body is colored 
 black, and the mouth and eye red. The legs are similar to those of b, although 
 the arrangement of colors varies slightly, ( 7 ) A moving serpent without legs. 
 It is pictured in black with yellow mouth, and from its neck backward protrude 
 two equidistant horns, — the upper one red, and the lower black. This is the 
 serpent Mother, Kyewimo'ka, in reality green ; and the horns are plumes, — in 
 this case, to speak with the Indians, “the children of the serpent.” ( e , _/) Two 
 human figures holding in each hand a yellow cross. One of them has on a yellow 
 girdle. They represent the two children, called ai'keli, or a'keli (a corruption of 
 the Spanish augeles), who play an important part at raki-making feasts. They, 
 together with the shaman, lead the people in the procession which, at intervals 
 during the night, passes around the ox that is to be sacrificed to the Sun. After 
 the shaman come the ai'keli, then one or two violin-players, and then the people, 
 two by two. The two children are in full ceremonial dress, with shaman’s plumes 
 tied to their heads by pretty hair-ribbons ; and each carries a lighted candle, and 
 a votive bowl containing chocolate and bread. One of them carries on top 
 of the bowl the knife with which the ox is to be killed. One of the children 
 belongs to Father Sun (Tayau'), and the other to Grandfather Fire. Early 
 in the morning, before sunrise, they finally lead the procession to the ox ; and 
 the food-sacrifices which they carry, as well as the knife, are first offered to 
 the Sun at the moment when he appears above the horizon, whereupon the ox 
 is killed. The feast continues for two nights more, during which the same 
 children carry chocolate and bread offerings to other gods who must be appeased 
 at night ; for instance, to Mother East-Water. These two children are also im- 
 portant figures at the ceremonies attending the arrival of the hi'kuli-seekers 
 at the temple, receiving in a handkerchief those hi'kuli which are to be placed as 
 an offering to Grandfather Fire, (g) A mountain-lion in dark blue. (//) A 
 tiger, black and partly blue, with a longitudinal white and red stripe on the body. 
 ( 7 ) A wolf, in black, with tail characteristically hanging down. (/) A tiger, the 
 body black and partly blue, with squares of white, yellow, and red, intended 
 for spots, (k) A pair of shaman’s plumes. Another pair is between and i. (/) 
 Variously colored butterflies, represented by a great number of diamond-shaped 
 figures, most of them in one long row, placed on a line concentric with the 
 circumference of the shield. They belong to Mother West-Water, (m) Small 
 ‘insects’ called Tate' Ma'toli, or Tate' Mau'tuli, mentioned on p. 118. The ma- 
 jority of those pictured are colored red, four only being in black. There is also 
 one isolated red one between g and h. 
 
 The Sun, which as usual is specially designed in the central part, is here 
 again implored for rain. The different animals belonging to him are asked to 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I 2 I 
 
 help make the prayer effective. The shamanistic powers of the Sun, symbolized 
 by the two pairs of plumes, will help to bring about the desired result. The 
 sacrifice of an ox, symbolized by the two assisting children, is brought forward as 
 an inducement to grant the favor of rain, which is pictured as coming from north, 
 south, and west. With the wet season is associated the appearance of butterflies 
 and red and black insects. 
 
 The arrow to which the shield is attached has a rearshaft a little thicker 
 than that of the bow-arrow, and is wound with sinew at the shoulder. It 
 measures in its entire length 62 cm., the rearshaft being 34.8 cm. long, and the 
 foreshaft 27.2 cm. 
 
 10. This shield (Fig. 127) is of somewhat irregular form, and slightly um- 
 brella-shaped, because no bamboo cross is interwoven to keep it flat. Groups of 
 splints have been interwoven 
 at several places, and there are 
 a number of open radial spaces 
 of irregular lengths. Some of 
 them extend from near the 
 centre to the narrow border 
 that forms the edge, and oth- 
 ers are farther from the cen- 
 tre. The whole shield may 
 thus be said to be divided into 
 various irregular sections. 
 
 In the two larger ones, 
 which are opposite each other, 
 are two figures in red on a 
 white ground. One represents 
 a puma, and the other a spread 
 eagle with head in profile. In 
 front of the puma, but sepa- 
 rated from it, except at two 
 places, by a narrow unwoven 
 space, is a radial section of 
 blue. Next to this, but separated by a triangular unwoven space which extends from 
 near the centre to the narrow border, is a white radial section with red transversal 
 designs on its lateral borders. On the side diametrically opposite this last section, 
 at the back of the figure of the puma, are seen four separated radial sections of 
 about equal size ; the sections, however, increasing a little in length towards the 
 left. The first is red, the second blue, the third red, and the fourth white. The 
 centre of the shield is red, after which come concentric bands of black, white, 
 dark blue, red, and yellow. The shield is bordered by a red and a white band, 
 both very narrow. 
 
 Very probably this shield has reference to a bird in its shape. In the 
 
 Fig. 127 (jkj). Front-Shield of Father Sun. (Diam., 29 cm.) 
 
122 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 picture the bird is seen from above, the puma being on the right, and the eagle 
 on the left. One wing was made larger than the other for convenience. The 
 four radial sections of different sizes on top are indications of the head with its 
 various colors, and the blue radial section to one side of the tail may be the 
 lower part of the tail. In such a case the maker intended to give the shield the 
 appearance of the eagle that holds the world in her talons, — Young Mother 
 Eagle, who, according to one tradition, is the mother of the Sun. The two 
 animals belong to the Sun, and the prayers indicated are for life. 
 
 11. Fig. 128 presents a round front-shield attached to an arrow. It is 
 made, however, in a manner slightly different from that of the specimens 
 
 hitherto described. A circular space in the centre, 
 about 5 cm. in diameter, is not interwoven, and the 
 inner ends of the splints, as well as the ‘cross’ of 
 the shield, are visible. Two small hoops of some 
 strong, flexible, light-colored wood, about 4 mm. 
 broad, are put around the outer edge of this space, 
 one on each side of the shield. These hoops are 
 kept in place and bound firmly together by cords 
 at four equidistant points, and give the central part 
 of the shield the appearance of a wheel, the hoops 
 forming the tire. The cords which connect the two 
 hoops pass round the arms of the cross. The col- 
 ored crewel is arranged in narrow concentric sec- 
 tions, varying somewhat in width, the colors being 
 white, red, yellow, and blue. A hawk-feather is 
 tied to the cross in the middle by means of white 
 cotton twine, the twine being fastened to the quill 
 in the same way as to feathers attached to arrows 
 
 (p. 88). 
 
 The shield is a representation of Father Sun 
 (DkY, I itcmo )l Front ' Shield of Father Sun - and his colors. At the same time it may be con- 
 sidered par excelle 7 ice a Sun shield, being provided 
 with a hole, through which he looks. The cross in the middle signifies the earth 
 upon which he looks down ; and the hawk-feather attached to it has the usual 
 meaning of magic powers. The shield is a prayer for health and life. 
 
 The arrow to which it is attached measures in its entire length 54.9 cm., 
 the rearshaft being 38.5 cm. long, and the foreshaft 16.4 cm. There are no 
 feathers on the ‘ winged ’ part, and the bands of color on it, though very in- 
 distinct, are blue and red. 
 
 12. The next shield (Fig. 129), which is octagonal in shape, has one hoop 
 in the middle ; but the arms of the cross, which may be recognized, and also the 
 splints, pass through tiny holes in the hoop, leaving a central opening about 7 cm. 
 in diameter. This makes the shield firm. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 123 
 
 Inside of the central opening, three and three of the splints on opposite sides 
 are interwoven, on the one side with light yellow crewel, and on the other side 
 with blue thread. Thus this inner circle is divided into four parts, — two covered, 
 and two open. On the central part, traces of blood are seen. There is one 
 section of red next to the hoop. The rest of the shield is white, with one nar- 
 row green and yellow section in it. 
 
 The section of weaving which surrounds the hoop is woven double, the color 
 on one side being red, and on the other side white. It may thus be considered 
 a double front-shield. It expresses a prayer for health and life. 
 
 Fig. 129 (53V). Front-Shield of Father Sun. (19 cm. between 
 opposite corners.) 
 
 Fig. 130 ($ G 2 5 g). Front-Shield of Father Sun. (Diam,, 21 cm.) 
 
 13. The specimen seen in Fig. 130 is made from the usual materials, and is 
 in the form of a dodecagon, but is slightly modified by having a disk of pine-bark 
 placed in the middle, into the edge of which the pointed ends of the pieces of 
 split bamboo are stuck. From the centre of the bark to the end of the splints is 
 about 11 cm. 
 
 There is one peculiar feature about this shield : three of the splints are inter- 
 woven for only about half their length (from the edge inward) ; for the rest of 
 their length they are put loosely through the crewel, and not stuck into the bark. 
 The meaning of this I do not know. 
 
 The colors, which are white, red, yellow, and blue, are arranged in concen- 
 tric sections, but without any other intention than that of signifying the Sun with 
 his colors. The splints project considerably beyond the edge of the weaving ; 
 and these ends are all wound with cotton-wool, symbolic of clouds. In the yel- 
 low section the crewel has been joined at ten different places. Whether this has 
 any significance or not, I cannot tell. The probability is that the maker was short 
 of material, because the inner part of this yellow section is made up of a different 
 kind of thread from that used in the outer one. The shield is a prayer for rain. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I 24 
 
 14. The last of the Sun shields to be mentioned (Fig. 131) has also a solid 
 central part, into which the points of the splints have been firmly placed ; but in 
 this case it is oval in shape, and made of wood. The shield is slightly umbrella- 
 shaped, the front being convex. 
 
 One peculiarity about this shield is that an open space of about 2 cm. is left 
 all round at about the middle of the splints, thus dividing the surface into two 
 distinct parts, — an outer and an inner. The splints in this open space are 
 
 wound with crewel. Only 
 half of the splints extend to 
 the centre, the rest being but 
 half as long as the others. 
 These short pieces are inserted 
 in the outer half of the shield, 
 and alternate with the long 
 ones. Both the short and the 
 long splints protrude from 2 
 cm. to 3 cm. beyond the edge, 
 where they were covered with 
 white cotton-wool, but most of 
 it has been lost. 
 
 The colors include almost 
 all the colors of the rainbow, 
 arranged in concentric sec- 
 tions, red and green being the 
 most prominent. The oval- 
 shaped piece of wood in the 
 centre is decorated on both 
 sides with strings of glass 
 beads of various colors stuck on with beeswax. On the outer side is a Latin cross ; 
 and on the inner, a figure like a Greek cross, which represents the four quarters of 
 the world. The latter consists of a network of strings of beads, which formerly 
 served as an ear-ornament. A yellow cord is attached for suspending the shield. 
 
 This shield was made for me by a Huichol, whom I furnished with the 
 crewel. It is a prayer for rain. 
 
 Front-Shield of the Corn Mother (Tate' Otegana'ica Neali'ka). — 
 In the accompanying illustration (Fig. 132) is represented the only specimen in 
 the collection, of a front-shield belonging to the Corn Mother. It was obtained 
 from her god-house at Teaka'ta near Santa Catarina, and is umbrella-shaped, 
 although rather irregular in outline. On it are seen the following designs:- — 
 (a) A serpent called Hai'ke yoawi'me, in green (blue). ( b ) The banks of a 
 pool of water in which the serpent is supposed to be, represented by a double 
 ring, — the inner one red, the outer green, (r) A blue cow (vaca hakwi'aka, i. e., 
 
 
 Fig. 131 (jsi)* Front-Shield of Father Sun. (Diam., 43 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 !25 
 
 ‘cow to make it rain’), (d) A yellow cow (rutu'li [flower] uima'li [girl]). 
 (e) A red cow (hakwi'aka [to make it rain] ruleme [red], i. e., ‘ red cow to make 
 it rain’). (/) The fields on which the cows walk, in blue and black, (g) The 
 ‘ eyes ’ of various gods, represented in various colors, which indicate as many 
 kinds of corn. The white ‘eyes ’ are corn belonging to Mother West- Water ; the 
 red ‘eyes,’ corn belonging to Mother East-Water; and the blue ‘eyes,’ corn be- 
 longing to the Corn Mother, (/z) Two black serpents called Bai lee yu'wime. 
 
 This shield is a prayer for rain and corn. From it we may also infer that 
 the Huichols consider cows almost as important sacrifices as deer. 
 
 Fig. 132. Fig. 133. 
 
 Fig. 132 (xf-l-ff). Front-Shield of the Corn Mother. (Longest radius, 14 cm.) 
 Fig. 133 (rc5c). Front-Shield of Mother East-Water. (Diam., 26.5 cm.) 
 
 Front-Shields of Mother East-Water (Tate' Naaliwa'mi Neali'ka). 
 — I present eight of them. Some were obtained from the western side of the 
 river, the San Andres side, but the most interesting are from the famous cave of 
 this Mother near Santa Catarina. This place is called Tate' Naaliwa'mi Sinau- 
 li'ta, or Tate' Naaliwa'mi Si'liki (‘god-house’). 
 
 1. The first (Fig. 133) was obtained from the above-mentioned cave. The 
 central figure in white represents four clouds that are rising ; and the four figures 
 surrounding these, four birds that are soaring above the clouds. The two darker 
 figures represent red birds, called Ista'me rule'me ; and the other two, blue 
 birds, called Ista'me yoawi'me. Both are species of swifts. The cross-shaped 
 figures in the succeeding section represent corn of various colors, — red, yellow, 
 and blue. A representation of Mother East-Water herself is shown by the zigzag 
 band in blue and red. It is a river (ai'ki), Tate' Naaliwa'mi ai'kiria, or, what 
 is the same thing, a serpent. The nine triangular-shaped figures between the 
 
126 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 head and tail of the serpent represent as many hi'kuli in various colors. They 
 are symbolic of corn. The prayer embodied here is for rain and for health. 
 
 2. On another specimen from the 
 same place (Fig. 134) are seen the fol- 
 lowing designs: — (a) Butterflies, (b) 
 Five humming-birds, three in blue and 
 two in red. ( c ) A boy. (d) A girl. 
 
 These are ai'keli of Mother East-Water 
 (see Fig. 126 , e, f). When questioning 
 my informant of the meaning of these de- 
 signs on this occasion, he said that they 
 were te'wi ( ‘ people ' (), — an interesting 
 word, although not explaining my ques- 
 tion. (<?) The ox sacrificed, (f) A 
 serpent manifestation of Mother East- 
 Water, called Haira'ku, represented in 
 black. (£-) A serpent called Tate' Ipou, 
 another representation of Mother East- 
 Water, pictured in red with spots. (/z) 
 serpent Mother as a river (Tate' Naali- 
 
 Fig. 134 LSIs)- 
 
 27 cm.) 
 
 Front-Shield of Mother East-Water. (Diam. 
 
 Another serpent representing the 
 
 There are, all together, five serpents which 
 
 wa'mi ai'kiria), in red and black, 
 are Mother East- Water. (z) 
 
 Grains of corn of various colors. 
 
 This is the interpretation given 
 by my Indian informants (cf 
 Figs. 125, 126 \m\, and others, 
 where similar figures represent 
 certain small insects called ma'- 
 toli, or, more correctly, Tate' 
 
 [Mother | Ma'toli). From this it 
 is evident that these small red 
 and black insects of the wet sea- 
 son represent corn. Therefore 
 they are here given additional 
 colors. (/) A double drinking- 
 gourd, called topoli'r or kurau'li. 
 
 It is a natural growth, but re- 
 sembles two gourds, one above 
 the other, connected by a slender 
 neck. These gourds are es- 
 teemed as ‘ medicine,’ and are 
 
 magic. The hi'kuli-seekers use such on their journey, both to drink from and 
 to carry home the sacred water in. 
 
 e-- 
 
 c ' 1 h 
 
 Fig. 135 (iffy)* Front-Shield of Mother East-Water. (Diam., 32.5 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 127 
 
 The shield expresses a prayer for rain, referring to the sacrifice of an ox at 
 the feast. The result would be rain, symbolized by the various water-serpents, 
 which are all different impersonations of Mother East-Water. The shield is also 
 a prayer for luck in raising gourds and corn. 
 
 3. A third front-shield, from the same cave, is seen in Fig. 135. It had been 
 deposited by hi'kuli-seekers when leaving a sacrifice of the plants there. On it are 
 seen: — (a) Various hi'knli, some black, some red. ( b ) Seven humming-birds, 
 two in yellow, the rest black, (r) Four men (hi'kuli-seekers), one at each of the 
 four quarters of the world, arranged in opposite pairs, one pair being red, and 
 one pair black. One of the men is almost completely hidden by a paper flower. 
 
 (d) Three double drinking-gourds, — one red, one dark blue, and one yellow. 
 
 ( e ) Three cross-like figures — one red, one yellow, one black — symbolic of corn. 
 
 (_/) The original cereal of the Huichols and of the gods (wa've), represented by 
 two adjoining streaks, one red and one yellow. (^) The ‘insect’ called Tate' 
 Ma'toli (p. 1 1 8). (//) A kind of swift, Ista'me, half black and half yellow. A 
 
 paper flower from the Mexican stores is attached to the front part of the shield, 
 near the edge. 
 
 The prayer here expressed is that the hi'kuli-seeker may be free from sick- 
 ness. The hi'kuli, which is represented in the middle of the shield, is also corn. 
 
 4. The round specimen pictured in Fig. 136, which is from San Andres, is 
 somewhat similar to that shown in Fig. 128, in that its central part is made in 
 exactly the same way ; but the space enclosed by the 
 hoop is in this case smaller, 2.5 cm. in diameter. This 
 central part signifies the world. The rest of the shield 
 differs materially in design. Immediately surrounding 
 the central ‘ wheel ’ is a well-woven section extending 
 to the ends of the splints. Next to the hoop is a nar- 
 row red ring, then a similar yellow one, then a dark 
 blue one. From this blue ring radiate, on diametrically 
 opposite sides, four sections, two opposite ones being 
 blue, and the other pair red, forming thus a kind of 
 cross. The four sections between the arms of the 
 cross are colored, two yellow and two white, in oppo- 
 site pairs. This whole section outside of the hoop and 
 adjoining rings may be looked upon as representing 
 eight rays of various colors, being emblematic of the 
 colors of the rainbow which this goddess, who is one 
 of the principal Mothers of rain, sends during the wet Fig 136 Front-shield of Mother 
 
 11 0 East-Water. (Diam., 10.5 cm.) 
 
 season. It is surrounded by a narrow white ring, 
 
 followed by a broader one consisting of alternate blue and red radial sections, 
 symbolizing rain. The companion of the rainbow is thus seen in the sym- 
 bol of rain surrounding it. Finally comes a narrow white band, followed by a 
 yellow one on the edge. The shield is a prayer for rain. 
 
128 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 It is attached to the middle of the rearshaft of a ceremonial arrow, being- 
 bound to the upper black band with a white cotton cord. The arrow measures 
 in its entire length 53 cm., the rearshaft being 31 cm. long, and the foreshaft 22 cm. 
 Its rearshaft is somewhat thinner than that of the bow-arrow, and is wound with 
 sinew at the shoulder. 
 
 In the next four figures (Figs. 1 37-140) are shown front-shields information 
 about which is lacking both in regard to their significance and the object of their 
 prayers. 
 
 Fig. 137 (&%). Front-Shield of Mother East-Water. 
 (Diam., 17.5 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 138 (#5%). Front-Shield of Mother East- 
 Water. (Diam., 16 cm.) 
 
 5. Fig. 137, procured from one of the god-houses of the temple in Bastita 
 (the northern temple), is made from pieces of coarse straw interwoven with 
 white and black wool. Going from the outer edge towards the centre, the 
 weaving covers about one-third the length of the straws. There is first a 
 broad white, and then a narrow black ring, followed by a narrow white one. 
 After this, two and two (in two cases three and three) of the straws are inter- 
 woven in ten radial sections with open spaces between. Two of these sections 
 are twice as broad as the others, but probably for no other reason than a lack of 
 calculation on the part of the maker. The color of the sections is alternately 
 white and black, — five black and five white. This is of significance, since, as 
 will be remembered, five is the mystical number of the Huichols. In one section 
 blue has been used instead of black. After these radial sections, the rest of the 
 straws are entirely interwoven to the centre, — about a third of their length. 
 The central part shows first a narrow white and then a narrow black band, 
 followed by a large white centre. Traces of blood may be seen on the shield. 
 It was evidently once attached to an arrow. 
 
 6. Fig. 138 shows an octagonal front-shield from San Andres. It is woven 
 in concentric sections. The centre is blue, surrounded by sections of white, 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I 29 
 
 yellow, and blue, which are once repeated, finishing off with a white section. 
 The front is smeared with a little blood. 
 
 The shield is attached by a cotton cord to the rearshaft of a ceremonial 
 arrow, which measures in its entire length 50 cm., the rearshaft being 27.2 cm. 
 long, and the foreshaft 22.8 cm. Unlike the majority of ceremonial arrows, 
 its upper end is not nocked, but cut off even. There are no feathers on its 
 ‘winged’ part. 
 
 7. The next specimen (Fig. 139), also from San Andres, consists of ten 
 pieces of split bamboo placed together like the spokes of a wheel, and inter- 
 woven in the usual way, but so as to form a decagon. The 
 inner ends are pointed, and have been stuck round and 
 into the edge of a disk made of a kind of cork cut from a 
 parasitic growth on a tree. This makes the shield firm. 
 The cork is surrounded by sections of different colored 
 crewel, the most prominent colors being red and blue 
 (green being the same as blue to the Indian). Only half 
 of the length of the ‘spokes’ has been interwoven in this 
 way, leaving the splints to protrude about 2 cm. beyond 
 the weaving. 
 
 It is attached to 
 the broad black band 
 on the middle of the 
 rearshaft of a cere- 
 monial arrow by a 
 cotton cord. The ar- 
 row measures in its 
 entire length 47.8 
 cm., the rearshaft be- 
 ing 29.2 cm. long, and 
 the foreshaft 18.6 cm. 
 
 There are no feath- 
 ers on the ‘ winged ’ 
 part. This arrow, 
 however, differs from 
 all the other ceremo- 
 nial arrows in the fol- 
 lowing respect : it has tied to the broad black band in the 
 centre of its rearshaft, with red yarn, crosswise, a hollow piece of reed about 8 cm. 
 long, nocked at both ends, but not plugged. One side of this piece is painted 
 red with zigzag markings, and the other one blue with similar markings. It is an 
 additional ‘winged’ part (cf. Fig. 150). 
 
 8. The last front-shield of Mother East-Water to be noted (Fig. 140) is in 
 the form of a hexagon, and was obtained from the same place as the two 
 
 Fig. 139 (? 6 3 5 g). Front-Shield of 
 Mother East- Water. (Diam., 13.5 
 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 140 (5 6 3 5 g). Front-Shield of Mother East-Water. 
 (Diam., 17 cm.) 
 
130 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 preceding specimens. The central part is white ; then follow sections of red, 
 brown, white, and red. 
 
 Front-Shields of Mother West-Water (Tate' Kyewimo'ka Neali'ka). 
 — The two front-shields of Mother West-Water shown here were taken from the 
 famous cave of this Mother, near the Cora pueblo of San Francisco, in the terri- 
 tory of Tepic. 
 
 i. The first specimen (Fig. 141) is much more artistically executed than 
 the second. It is made, as usual, of split bamboo and different colored crewels. 
 
 In the centre is a white 
 section of an irregular 
 square shape, surround- 
 ed by a narrow black 
 section, which again 
 is followed by a nar- 
 row white one. Round 
 
 Fig. 142 (555). Front-Shield of Mother 
 West-Water. (Diam., n cm.) 
 
 this central part, and emanating from it, are seen on a white background numer- 
 ous wavy lines in black, brown, blue, red, and yellow, representing the various 
 colors of the serpents, which to the Indians are showers, in this case coming 
 from the west. Towards the edge is seen a figure a little different from the rest, 
 representing what seems most like the head of a serpent, — Mother West-Water 
 herself. Conspicuous among the wavy figures are three red and three yellow 
 serpentine lines following each other in alternate sections of yellow and red, and 
 occupying a little more than a half-segment of the disk. There is a narrow 
 border of alternate black and white short radial stripes on the edge of the shield, 
 symbolic of rain, and the splints project about 2 cm. all round beyond the weav- 
 ing. braces of blood may be seen on the front or smooth side of the shield. 
 The object of its prayers is plainly indicated as rain. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. I3 1 
 
 2. The second specimen (Fig. 142) also has a white centre, surrounded by 
 a ring of blue. The rest of the shield consists of stripes of red, white, dark blue, 
 yellow, and black, all making a kind of complex spiral suggestive of a rotary 
 motion. As it was found in the cave specially dedicated to this Mother, there 
 seems to be no doubt that it belongs to her, and the shield would then signify 
 the movement of water in a whirlpool. One Indian, however, expressed to me 
 the opinion that it belonged to the Sun. 
 
 It is attached to a ceremonial arrow by a piece of blue yarn. The arrow, 
 which is broken in two, measures in its entire length 54 cm., the rearshaft being 
 30.6 cm. long, and the foreshaft 23.4 cm. There are no feathers on the 
 ‘ winged ’ part. 
 
 SPECIAL FRONT-SHIELDS. 
 
 The front-shields hitherto treated are round, at least in their general 
 characteristics, and they are all made from the same material, — bamboo and cot- 
 ton cord or yarn ; but I shall now present a number of these symbolic objects, 
 some of which are of peculiar shape, and all of them of a material different from 
 that hitherto shown. Some are made of solidified volcanic ash or wood, and the 
 rest present more abnormal features in regard to both shape and purpose. 
 
 First of all is to be mentioned a peculiar ceremonial arrangement which I 
 met with in the temple of Santa Catarina, and which represents the waxing and 
 the waning moon. Underneath the smoky roof of the temple, in the dim light 
 which pervades the place, I one day discovered a curious symbolic object which 
 the Indians said represented Me'tsa, the moon. It was called Me'tsa neali'ka, 
 and was a representation of the waxing moon. Through their assistance I also 
 found out that there was a corresponding object on the other side of the roof, 
 representing the waning moon. After considering the matter a few days, the 
 Indians consented to sell me these objects, which appeared to me especially 
 interesting, representing as they do two phases of the moon. They were made 
 by order of the singing shaman seven years ago, when the new temple was being 
 erected, as a means for causing rain, the Indians having been in sore straits for 
 rain that year. The result was, according to the Indians, that considerable rain 
 fell, the moon being supposed to have much influence in bringing it. The 
 objects are very sooty, but their details may still very easily be made out. 
 
 Representation of the Waxing Moon (Me'tsa Neali'ka), Fig. 143. — 
 This was hanging on the eastern side of the temple, over the entrance, under- 
 neath the roof, at about 3 metres from the ground. It is not quite circular in 
 shape, although no doubt meant to be. It consists of a bamboo hoop 1.5 cm. in 
 width, to the inside of which a crescent cut from a piece of walnut-wood, 1.5 cm. 
 thick, is glued. The space between the crescent and the rest of the hoop is 
 covered with a network of cotton thread. The name of the whole net is wi'ta 
 (‘cotton thread’). Wads of cotton-wool are fastened all round the edge of 
 
132 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 the hoop, at short distances apart, by means of beeswax. To the middle of the 
 netting is fastened a piece of wax, suggesting that a wad of cotton-wool was 
 once attached there. A loop of red bark-fibre is fastened to the middle of the 
 netting on one side, passing through the middle meshes. By this the object 
 was hung to the roof. On the front side of the wood is an irregular oval figure 
 made of coils of strings of red and light-colored beads. It is a special neali'ka. 
 The whole object is made from a continuous cord, and resembles a fishing-net ; 
 but, as in the netted shield, the threads are twisted instead of knotted. It was 
 evidently begun at the circumference, and worked spirally towards the centre, 
 resembling in this respect, according to Cushing, the webs of the Zuni water- 
 shields, like those which the spider can spin and unravel at will. My Indian 
 informants said, however, that this net represented a fishing-net for catching the 
 fish mu'ri (Spanish, bagre , see Fig. 40, a). 
 
 The whole neali'ka represents the new moon, and expresses a prayer that it 
 may bring the water symbolized by the fishing-net ; the fish symbolizing also, as 
 seen before, ears of corn. As the fish is caught in the net, so the corn is secured 
 by rain. 
 
 Fig. 143- 
 
 Fig. 143 (ifig). Representation of the Waxing Moon. (Diam., about 24 cm.) 
 Fig. 144 Representation of the Waning Moon. (Height, 27 cm.) 
 
 Representation of the Waning Moon (Metse'li Taru'rima, ‘Coming 
 to an End’), big. 144. — This is attached to a ceremonial arrow (Me'tsa ulu'ya), 
 which was stuck into the roof on the western side of the temple, above the niche 
 of Grandfather hire, at the same distance from the ground as the preceding 
 specimen. It consists of a bamboo bow, the ends of which are connected by a 
 cotton twine about 35 cm. long. A second piece of cotton twine connects the 
 middle of this twine to the middle of the bow. The ends of the bow are incised 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 133 
 
 on both sides, as on a real bow, for convenience in attaching the twine. The 
 bow is slightly damaged and broken. Cotton-wool was tied by pieces of string 
 to seven points, six of which remain. A few black glass beads have also been 
 fastened to the inside of the bow, at the place where the string attaching the 
 wad passes over it. The ‘winged’ part of the arrow is of parrot-feathers, and 
 the plume attached to it is from the red-tailed hawk. 
 
 Front-shield of Father Sun (Tayau' NealTka), Fig. 145. — -This was 
 
 taken from the eod-house of Father Sun at Teaka'ta. It is a disk of solidified 
 
 <_> 
 
 volcanic ash, with symbolic figures cut into it. Both sides present the same 
 carvings, which consist of a circular figure in the centre, from which emanate five 
 lines which extend to the edge, dividing the surface into five sections ; in each of 
 these a deer is carved. The deer have the following names : 1. O'to Ta'wi, 
 2. Sesota'li, 3. Sipora'wi, 4. Wawatsa'li, 5. Kauyuma'li. The carvings are not 
 particularly well executed, and it is hardly possible to discern any difference in 
 the appearance of these deer, or in the two sides of the front-shield. 
 
 The central circle is the front-shield of the Sun, from which his rays ema- 
 nate. The prayer expressed is that the Sun may favor the supplicant by letting 
 him kill many deer. 
 
 Fig. 146 (xff-p). Front-Shield of Mother West- 
 Water. (Diam., 7 cm.; thickness at central part, 
 1.5 cm.) 
 
 Front-shield of Mother West-Water (Tate' Kyewimo'ica Neali'ka), 
 Fig. 146. — This is of the same material as the one just described. There is a 
 small hollow in the centre of the upper side, and a carved zigzag line near the 
 edge. Traces of wax remain on this surface, and variously colored beads are 
 fastened with it. The other surface has not been carved, but both surfaces are 
 slightly convex. 
 
 Front-Shield of Mother West-Water (Tate' Kyewimo'ica Neali'ka), 
 Fig. 147. — This was taken from the god-house of Mother West-Water in Santa 
 Catarina, near the temple, where it was found lying on the altar. It consists of 
 
134 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 a circular piece of walnut-wood to which strings of beads and variously colored 
 crewel are attached in coils by means of beeswax. The central part, which is 
 formed wholly of glass beads, is divided into two sections, — one blue, signifying 
 the sky ; and the other white, representing clouds. The whole section is sur- 
 rounded by two rings as well as by two adjoining zigzag bands, all made from 
 worsted fastened on with beeswax. The colors are red and yellow. These 
 rings and zigzags represent clouds at sunset. The coils of worsted, black, yellow, 
 and red, represent grains of corn. To this central part, right on the middle 
 between the white and blue sections, is attached a large paper flower. The 
 front-shield is a prayer for rain. 
 
 Fig. 147. Fig. 148. Fig. 149. 
 
 Fig. 147 Cifjjff). Front-Shield of Mother West-Water. (Diam., 20 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 148 (ilfs). Front-Shield of Father Sun. (Length, 11 cm. ; width, 6 cm.) 
 
 „ Fig. 149 (ejfc). ‘ Face ’ of Grandmother Growth. (Length, 13.5 cm.) 
 
 Front-Shield of Father Sun (Tayau' Neali'ka), Fig. 148. — This was 
 lying on the ground in his god-house at Teaka'ta. It consists of a small oblong 
 piece of Brazil-wood, flat on the back, but convex on the front between the two 
 long sides, its thickness being in the middle about 6 mm., and on the sides 3 mm. 
 The front side is covered with decorations of variously colored glass beads, put 
 on in strings with wax. The colors are red, white, and blue, and the front- 
 shield is a prayer for all colors of corn. There can be no doubt that the shape of 
 this front-shield, which is the only one of its kind that I have seen, is an actual 
 reproduction of another form of the ancient shield or buckler than the round one. 
 The projection on either side is due to the application of the wax. 
 
 ‘ Face’ of Grandmother Growth (Nakawe' Neali'ka), Fig. 149. — This 
 was taken from her large cave in the neighborhood of Santa Catarina. It is an 
 oval mask made from the bark of a certain tree. Long narrow eyes and a mouth 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 135 
 
 with teeth have been cut out. Five teeth are represented in the upper jaw, and 
 two in the lower. A hole is pierced on each side and on the top of the mask, 
 towards the edge. The teeth, the corners of the mouth, and the eyelids, are 
 painted red. Outside of the red, the eyes and the mouth are painted blue ; and 
 red and blue spots are seen all over the face, symbolic of grains of corn in 
 its various colors. Seven bits of cotton-wool are fastened to different parts 
 of the face, emblematic of rain. The prayer expressed is thus for rain, and 
 indirectly for corn. 
 
 ‘Face’ of Elder Brother (Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke NealTka), Fig. 
 150. — This was obtained from the god-house of Elder Brother, near the temple of 
 Guayavas, near the pueblo of San Andres. It consists of three pieces of bamboo 
 reeds, nocked at each end, one a little longer than the other two, strung on 
 a cotton twine the ends of which are tied together so that the three reeds form a 
 
 triangle. The pieces are not of the same 
 
 A thickness, showing that no importance 
 
 is placed on the size of the reed. The 
 longest is painted brown (red) ; the 
 other two are painted, one half of the 
 length brown (red), and the other half 
 green (blue); and all have, besides, longi- 
 tudinal zigzag markings and lines. In 
 one case the brown (red) part comes 
 next to the longest side, and in the other 
 
 Fig. 150 (Ai). ‘ Face’ of Elder Brother. . . 
 
 (Length of the longest reed, about 10 cm.) case the green (blue) part. 1 he speci- 
 men represents the outlines of a deer’s 
 face (or head) seen from the front. It was deposited by a hunter 
 to secure good luck. The three parts which constitute the cere- 
 monial object are each the ‘winged’ part of an ordinary arrow, 
 representing thus three arrows. The colors are those of fire and 
 of smoke. (Cf Figs. 96 and 109.) 
 
 ‘ Face’ of a Deer (Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke Neali'ka 
 or Ma'ra Neali'ka). — It has previously been explained that the 
 netted shield is the ‘face’ of a deer. Specimens are shown in 
 Figs. 94 and 95, attached to arrows (see also Fig. 109, d, f). 
 
 ‘Face’ of Elder Brother (Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke of EMeV^her. (Le 1 ^ 
 Neali'ka or Ma'ra Neali'ka), Fig. 151.- — -We have also seen 
 that the ordinary snare for catching deer, which, in diminutive representation, is 
 hung on an arrow, is a ‘ face ’ or appearance of a deer (p. 95). One of such dimin- 
 utive snares is here shown. They are always attached to arrows, more gener- 
 ally to those of Elder Brother, but I have found them on those of Grandfather 
 Fire and Mother West- Water. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 36 
 
 Fig. 152 (iff 5). ‘Face’ of Mother 
 West-Water. (JDiam., 4.5 cm.) 
 
 ‘ Face’ of Mother West-Water (Tate' Kyewi- 
 mo'ka Neali'ka), Fig. 152. — This is a small circular 
 piece of glass, around the edge of which is a sort of 
 frame of beeswax. On the wax on the front side are 
 numerous red Mass beads, while the reverse side was 
 stuck to a rock in the cave of Mother West-Water, near 
 Santa Catarina, where the object was probably put as 
 a prayer for health, imploring the Mother to keep her 
 eye on the supplicant, and watch over him. 
 
 ‘ Appearance ’ of Elder Brother (Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke Neali'ka), 
 Fig. 153. — This is a zigzag made of a string of red glass beads fastened by small 
 daubs of beeswax to the central part of the back side of a bow. The bow 
 is from the god-house of Elder Brother in Teaka'ta, where it was lying among 
 other ceremonial objects on the altar. It is made of Brazil-wood, and furnished 
 with a cotton string, which has been broken, and mended with hair from a horse’s 
 tail. The object was deposited by a man who wanted to make a bow, and is a 
 prayer to the god for luck in making it, his prayer being emphasized by the 
 serpent neali'ka, which expresses a wish that it may be strong. The ‘ picture’ is 
 that of a rattlesnake, which belongs to Elder Brother. The rattlesnake also 
 belongs to Father Sun, as we have seen, and its rattles are some- 
 times attached to ceremonial objects of both these gods. The 
 serpent represents strength, and the serpent ‘picture’ accord- 
 ingly symbolizes strength. 
 
 Fig. 154. 
 
 Fig. XS 3 - 
 
 Fig. 153 (iIIt)* ‘Appearance’ of Elder Brother. (Length, 27 cm. 
 Fig. 154 (ifgjj). ‘ Appearance’ of Grandfather Fire. (Diam., 4 cm.) 
 
 ‘Appearance’ of Grandfather Fire (Tate' vali Neali'ka), Fig. 154. — It 
 was taken from the cave of the god in Teaka'ta. It consists of a Greek cross of 
 beeswax, to each side of which a coil made from a string of red glass beads 
 is fastened. A somewhat irregular disk, evidently meant to be round, is thus 
 made. It also symbolizes the heart of the god (Tate'vali iya'li), and expresses a 
 prayer that the god may direct his thoughts towards the supplicant, and take care 
 of him. It was attached to an arrow, together with many other objects. 
 
 Representation of the Heart of Grandfather Fire (Tate'vali Iya'li 
 Neali'ka), Fig. 155. — A singular symbolic object of this kind is the one here 
 shown, representing, like Fig. 154, the appearance and the heart of Grandfather 
 Fire. A specimen similar to this is hanging under the roof of the temple of 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 137 
 
 Santa Catarina, which is dedicated to this god. It hangs above the entrance, 
 about a metre higher than the me'tsa (moon) described on p. 131. The smoke 
 from the fire of the temple has made it as sooty as the rest of the interior, and its 
 color is almost bluish. Close above it hangs an old rag made of ixtle (ta'ra), 
 which is the ‘ bed ’ of the god. Through the favor of the guardian of the temple 
 I secured an exact copy of this heart. A woman was set to work to make one, 
 and it was finished in the course of a day. Wa've, the sacred seed represented 
 in Fig. 135, was first toasted, then carefully ground on the metate, and 
 finally placed in a jar and boiled. She afterwards kneaded it between her hands 
 until it became plastic and half dry. In a few hours it was hard enough to 
 be carried. The object is chocolate-colored, 7.6 cm. long, and 5 cm. thick at the 
 broadest point. Through the narrow end is strung a cotton thread, by 
 which it hangs. Every five years, 
 when the roof and the symbolic 
 paraphernalia of the temple are 
 renewed, a new ‘ heart ’ is substi- 
 tuted for the old one. Being con- 
 sidered as an ‘ appearance ’ of the 
 god, this symbolic object is intended 
 to express not only adoration for 
 the god, but also a constant prayer 
 that he may be present with the 
 people. 
 
 Fig. 155 (iltr). Rep- 
 
 resentation of the Heart 
 of Grandfather Fire. 
 (Height, 8 cm.) 
 
 ‘Appearance’ or Picture of Father Sun 
 (Tayau' Neali'ka), Fig. 156. — This striking illus- 
 tration of the Sun is embroidered on cotton-cloth. It forms the main and central 
 decoration on one side of a pouch, which is richly adorned on both sides with 
 embroidery of various patterns. The color is red on a white background ; and 
 the central figure, which represents an ‘eye’ (si'kuli), is surrounded by a zigzag 
 line in green. The rays of the Sun are his facial painting. 
 
V. — BACK-SHIELDS (NA'MA). 
 
 The second shield of the Huichol warrior, which he wore to protect his back, 
 is to-day as important a ceremonial object as the front-shield. In the early times 
 of the world, when the Sun was made, the Mothers covered themselves with back- 
 shields against the heat of the Sun ; at the same time the Fathers covered 
 themselves with arrows. According to the myth, when the shamans were about 
 to create the Sun, as described on p. 11, “they painted the face of the boy who 
 was to be the Sun exactly as the hi'kuli-seekers paint themselves to-day, and 
 they gave him his shield of stone (na'ma).” 
 
 The main idea underlying the use of the ceremonial back-shield is that it 
 protects against the heat of the sun ; and the prayers expressed by it are largely 
 for health, but also for protection against evil, sickness, accident, etc. Back- 
 shields represent prayers of all kinds, such as prayers for rain, good crops, and 
 even that the supplicant may have children. It will be remembered (p. 108) that 
 the same mat served the warrior as back-shield (na'ma) and bed (ita'li). 
 
 A Cora shaman once told me that the Coras were considerably annoyed by 
 certain precautions which the Huichols took to prevent the rain from departing 
 from their country into that of the Coras. To this end the Huichols placed 
 small rectangular mats, with fierce animals represented on them, in the middle of 
 the roads, to keep the rain back, which would not dare to pass these. Whenever 
 the Coras found such objects, they used to destroy them. 
 
 Back-shields may be divided into two classes, — stiff mats and soft mats. 
 Either kind may be attached to an arrow, or hung under the roof of a god-house 
 or laid on its altar. 
 
 The stiff mats are of two kinds : — 
 
 i. Square or rectangular mats , solidly made of splints of bamboo tied with 
 twine of a bark-fibre called kau'nali, or sometimes with worsted (Figs. 157-160). 
 These are also called hawimita'li (‘ bed [ita'li ] of moisture [hawi'me]’) ; and, as the 
 name indicates, they are prayers for rain. 
 
 Figs. 157, 158, show the upper and under sides of a ‘bed’ from the temple 
 of Grandfather Fire at Teaka'ta. It is made of strong splints of split bamboo, 
 firmly interwoven with a double twine of bark-fibre. The splints are put close 
 together in two layers, — one layer running crosswise, and the other lengthwise. 
 As is always the case in these mats, the twine is put round the intersections of 
 the splints in such a way as to form a different pattern on each side of the mat. 
 The upper side of the mat is distinguished by the outer surfaces of the splints, 
 which are uniformly convex. An end of the twine is left free, forming a long 
 loop, by which the mat is hung under the roof of the god-house. ‘ Beds’ of this 
 kind belonging to Grandfather Fire are always tied with bark-fibre. 
 
 The mat seen in Fig. 159 is from the cave of Mother East-Water, near 
 Santa Catarina. It is made in exactly the same way as the ‘bed’ of Grandfather 
 
 [138] 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 139 
 
 Fire just described, only the materials used to bind the splints together are black, 
 red, and blue yarn, and white cotton cord, so arranged as to form four bands on 
 one side of the ‘bed,’ — one of each color. 
 
 Fig. 157. Fig. 158. 
 
 Figs. 157, 158 (/5V) • 4 Bed ’ of Grandfather Fire, Upper and Under Sides. (Length of side, 18 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 159. Fig. 160. 
 
 Fig. 159 (igst)- ‘ Bed ’ of Mother East-Water. (Longest side, 14 cm.) 
 Fig. 160 (&%). ‘ Bed ’ of Mother East-Water. (Length of side, 12.5 cm.) 
 
 The ‘bed’ shown in Fig. 160 was obtained from the god-house of Mother 
 East-Water in the pueblo of San Andres. The materials used for tying the 
 splints are cotton cord and a three-ply or four-ply crewel, each strand of the crewel 
 being of a different color. On one half of the mat the predominant colors are 
 
140 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THF, HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 blue and white ; on the other half, yellow, green, red, and white. These differ- 
 ent colors have reference to the various hues of flowers, which are the creation of 
 this Mother as the result of rain in the spring. 
 
 2. Rectangular mats , made by interweaving pieces of split bamboo or straw 
 with cotton cord and variously colored crewels, symbolic de- 
 signs being represented in the weaving. These are the most 
 common kind of stiff mats, and may be considered typical 
 back-shields. 
 
 Fig. 1 6 1 shows one from the little temple of Grandfather 
 Fire in Teaka'ta. The materials used are coarse grass, white 
 cotton cord, and dark-blue yarn. The blue figures on a white 
 background represent hi'kuli. The shield was deposited by a 
 hi'kuli-seeker before going on the journey to procure the plant, 
 that he might have success in his undertaking. There is one 
 of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail almost identical with this, only 
 the figures of hi'kuli are more numerous and a little smaller ; 
 and it was deposited for the same purpose. 
 
 The specimen seen in Fig. 162 was secured at the same place as the preced- 
 ing specimen, and is attached to an arrow by a cord from one corner, the cord 
 running over the lowest black stripe on the rearshaft of the arrow. The mate- 
 rials employed are splints of split bamboo and different-colored crewels. The 
 figure in the centre represents a tiger (black, with yellow and white spots) hold- 
 ing in one claw a baton (also black). This shield, which has been smeared with 
 blood, is suspended with the tiger’s head down. Below the tiger, in the central 
 part, are six parallel longitudinal stripes, alternately blue and yellow, signifying 
 rain. On each side of these stripes are two terrace-shaped figures ; in either case 
 only one is wholly visible, as it hides half of the one behind it. On one side it is 
 red, half hiding a yellow one ; on the other side blue, also half hiding a yellow one. 
 They represent hi'kuli. Below these are eight red figures shaped somewhat like a 
 Greek cross, symbolizing corn, the two towards the sides being only half finished. 
 On both long sides of the back-shield are irregular-shaped figures in black, the 
 black color also extending along the edge of one of the short sides. These rep- 
 resent the earth, with its hills and valleys. Above the tail of the tiger is an 
 irregular-shaped yellow figure, bordered on the upper edge by transverse red 
 stripes, representing variously colored clouds. 
 
 Grandfather Fire is here implored — through both the magic of hi'kuli and 
 his principal animal, the tiger, whose power is symbolized by the baton — to send 
 rain. The result will be grains of corn of the color of the god of fire. 
 
 The arrow to which this shield is attached measures in its entire length 
 58.7 cm., the rearshaft being 28 cm. long, and the foreshaft 30.7 cm. The rear- 
 shaft is much thicker than that of the bow-arrow, and a sinew is bound firmly 
 round it at the shoulder. The color-bands are black and red, and the feathers 
 on the ‘ winged ’ part those of the macaw. 
 
 Fig. 161 (yffa). Back-Shield 
 of Grandfather Fire. (10.5 
 cm. X 6 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. H 1 
 
 The designs shown in the next back-shield (Fig. 163), which is one of 
 Father Sun, are the following : On a white background is woven in red 
 crewel an eagle with spread wings. It is Young Mother Eagle, the mother of 
 the Sun, who holds the world in her talons. The head, the legs, and the tail are 
 represented in side view. The bird is thus shown flying, and seen from one 
 side. A square spot on each wing, the navel, the eyes, and the mouth, are 
 in yellow. Above the eagle, on a stripe of red, are seven diamond-shaped 
 white figures, representing ‘eyes.’ Five of them are perfect, the other two 
 at the edges being half finished on account of lack of space. Along both 
 
 Fig. 162 (esc). Back-Shield of Grandfather Fire. (Length of long side, 17.5 cm.) 
 
 edges of the longer sides are seen a series of terraces in red, as well as some 
 in yellow. These represent the earth with its hills, over which the eagle 
 flies. Below the tail of the eagle is a figure in red with two longitudinally 
 placed yellowish stripes. It represents the double water-gourd (topoli'r). 
 At one corner is a cord which serves to suspend the object, and in such a way 
 that the eagle hangs head down. The shield expresses a prayer for life. 
 
 Fig. 164 shows a back-shield from the god-house of Father Sun, near 
 San Andres. It is attached by a cord (made of colored crewels twisted to- 
 gether) from one of its corners to a ceremonial arrow. The colors of the 
 cord are the same as those on the mat ; namely, white, blue, red, and yellow. 
 
142 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 The materials used are splints of split bamboo, white cotton cord, and colored 
 crewel. On a white background is represented a badly executed figure of the 
 mountain-lion or puma. Its color is blue (except part of the hind-quarters 
 and the tail, which are black) ; but there are two fields of yellow about it, — one 
 between the hind-legs, extending also a little in front of them ; the other be- 
 
 tween the fore-lems and the head. On each 
 
 long 
 
 side is a border consisting 
 
 of a series of red triangular figures representing hi'kuli. The colors of those 
 on one side (above the lion) are red and blue; and of those on the other 
 
 side, red and yellow. Across the lower 
 short side is a border of alternately red and 
 black figures in the shape of half of a Greek 
 cross, representing the black and red ‘ insects ’ 
 mentioned before (pp. 118, 120, 126); and 
 the opposite edge is covered with irregular, 
 variously colored stripes that include all the 
 colors (except black) used on the rest of the 
 shield. These represent clouds of different 
 hues. 
 
 This back-shield, on which is placed a 
 picture (neali'ka) of one of the animals of the 
 Sun, expresses a prayer for rain through this 
 animal, as well as through the magic power of 
 hi'kuli. The black and red ‘insects’ have 
 their usual symbolic sig- 
 nificance, — an abundance 
 of rain (p. 1 18). 
 
 The arrow to which 
 the shield is attached 
 measures 
 length 46. 
 
 shaft being 25.6 cm. long, 
 and the foreshaft 20.6 cm. 
 
 There are no feathers on 
 the ‘ winged ’ part. 
 
 The next back-shield 
 (Fig. 165) is one of Sa- 
 
 kaimo'ka, the Setting Sun. It was taken from the spring of this god (kutsa'la) 
 at Teaka'ta. It is not quite regularly made, and is attached to an arrow. I he 
 curved line represents a serpent ; the other figures, which are red, flowers. It 
 had been deposited at the spring by people who took water from it, praying that 
 they might not get sick. 
 
 A remarkable stiff back-shield combining both forms is shown in Fig. 166. 
 I came across it accidentally in one of the god-houses of the temple of Santa 
 
 is 
 
 in its entire 
 cm., the rear- 
 
 Fig. 164 ($ 2 $). Back-Shield of Father Sun. (19 cm. X 10.5 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 165 (ilfu). Back-Shield 
 of the Setting Sun. (Length of 
 longest side, 10.5 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 H3 
 
 Catarina, — that of Father Sun (Tayau'). It had in some unaccountable 
 way escaped the destruction to which all ceremonial objects are liable. The 
 material is worn away in a few places, but 
 not enough to seriously damage the shield. 
 
 Unlike other back-shields which I have seen, 
 it is dedicated to three different gods, — 
 
 Father Sun, Grandfather Fire, and Young 
 Mother EaMe. The materials from which it 
 
 o , 
 
 is made are all indigenous, consisting of pieces 
 of split bamboo, cotton cord (dyed and un- 
 dyed), and thin strips of a green fibrous ma- 
 terial, probably palm-leaf. An additional 
 special shield of the stiff pattern makes up 
 its central portion. 
 
 Placing the object on one of its short 
 ends in front of us, we see on its upper part 
 the figure of Young Mother Eagle, par- 
 tially destroyed. It is shown in profile, with 
 one wing spread, represented by four parallel 
 lines. Part of the head and neck, which are 
 stretched forward, has been worn away. The 
 legs are apart, and the tail appears between 
 them. The color of the bird is light reddish 
 
 brown, and the material is cotton cord. We notice three irregular designs of a 
 lighter color, — two on the body, and one on the tail. To the one in the middle 
 a short piece of cotton cord is fastened, by which probably a plume was once at- 
 tached to it. 
 
 If we now turn the object upside down, we observe the figure of a turkey, 
 a bird of the Sun, which covers nearly its whole width. It is likewise shown 
 in profile, in the act of dying. The head, body, tail, and wing have a greenish 
 hue. The top of the body, upper and lower edges of the wing, and part of the 
 head, are blue, having been made from cotton cord which had been dyed with 
 native indigo. There are traces of the same kind of blue on the legs, the rest 
 being worn away. On the tail are seen the remnants of yellow cotton cord ; 
 
 and the top of the head as well as the eye is made of red cotton cord. A short 
 
 piece of cotton cord to which a plume was once attached is tied to that part of 
 the body where the heart would be. 
 
 In the central part of the shield an opening 13 cm. by 10.5 cm. was left, 
 
 which has been covered with a back-shield of about the same size. It is a rec- 
 
 tangular solid mat of the kind called hawimita'li or ‘ bed of moisture ’ (p. 138), and 
 is tied firmly to the main back-shield. The usual material of twine has been 
 partly replaced by the green fibrous material alluded to above. On one side of 
 this central back-shield is woven a bell-shaped figure of white cotton cord, on 
 
 Fig. 166. Back-Shield of Father Sun, Grandfather Fire, 
 and Young Mother Eagle. (33 cm. X 21 cm.) 
 
144 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 which again is seen a diamond-shaped figure or ‘ eye ’ of brown cotton cord. To 
 the centre of this diamond-shaped figure is tied a loop of twine of ixtle. Prob- 
 ably a plume was attached here also. The ‘ eye ’ has its usual meaning, and the 
 bell-shaped field on which it stands may be considered as half of another ‘ eye.’ 
 The tail of the eagle may also represent an ‘eye.’ 
 
 From one of the long ends of the central shield extend obliquely towards 
 the legs of the eagle two sections in green. These sections, as well as the 
 
 adjoining terraces and equidistant lines, represent the 
 world, with its mountains and valleys, which the eagle 
 above holds in its talons. The transverse narrow line of 
 green, which above the eagle runs partly across the shield, 
 denotes the sky. 
 
 We have in this back-shield, a representation of the 
 Huichol conception of the world, besides an expression of 
 the power of the god of fire. The god of fire, as the su- 
 preme deity, rests in the middle of the world. The 
 mountains and valleys are clothed in verdure, because the 
 fire, the greatest of all shamans, is able to procure rain. 
 His shamanistic powers are expressed in the ceremonial 
 ‘ eye ’ ; and the expression of moisture in his ‘ bed ’ is em- 
 phasized by the partly green color applied to it, indicative 
 of verdure. Above is the sky, where Young Mother Eagle 
 reigns, and watches over the whole world ; and the Sun, 
 as represented by the turkey, gives light and heat to it. 
 
 In the next figure (Fig. 167) is presented one of Elder 
 Brother’s back-shields. It was procured from a god-house 
 on the edge of the mesa of San Andres, and is attached to 
 the colored part of the rearshaft of a ceremonial arrow by 
 a cord fastened to both ends of one of its long sides. The 
 materials employed are straw, cotton cord, and crewel. In 
 the weaving, on a background of white, is a poor repre- 
 sentation of a deer in dark blue, the hi'kuli deer, in the 
 shape of which Elder Brother originally appeared in the 
 country of the hi'kuli, when the plant first became known 
 to the Huichols. The tail of the deer, which is turned 
 backward, reaches almost to his shoulder ; and the space 
 between it and the body is red, symbolizing his connection with fire, as is the 
 space between the neck and the head on one side and the edge of the shield on 
 the other. Behind and immediately adjoining the tail, is a black-and-red figure 
 representing hi'kuli, the black being nearest the tail. Underneath the deer are 
 some irregular designs in blue. Another design in red and blue is back of the 
 deer. These all represent mountains in the country of the hi'kuli. The square 
 part of the figure underneath the head of the deer signifies the mountain into which 
 
 '*?• ■ - 
 Brother. (10 cm. X 5.5 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 145 
 
 the deer ultimately changed himself, and which may still be seen to-day. The 
 red-and-blue figure behind it may be a symbolical representation of the plant itself 
 growing on a mountain. On the border of the shield, behind the deer, is a nar- 
 row stripe of red ; and there is another one farther out, which is red and blue. 
 
 It is interesting to note how the three phases of the god’s appearance in the 
 country of the hi'kuli are shown on this back-shield. The god appeared as a deer, 
 that left hi'kuli in his tracks ; he also appeared as a gigantic hi'kuli, which is 
 shown by the hi'kuli connected with him ; and finally he became a mountain or 
 altar, which is also expressed on the shield. It expresses a prayer for life and 
 health. 
 
 Fig. 168. 
 
 Fig. 169. 
 
 Fig. 170. 
 
 Fig. 171. 
 
 Figs. 168 (isihr), 169 (yffo). Back-Shields of Elder Brother. (Length, 14 cm. and 13.5 cm. respectively.) 
 Fig. 170 (iffr). Back-Shield of Grandmother Growth. (Length of long side, 15.5 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 171 (fljfo). Back-Shield of the Corn Mother. (Length of long side, 21 cm.) 
 
 The arrow to which it is attached measures in its entire length 51.1 cm., the 
 rearshaft being 25.5 cm. long, and the foreshaft 25.6 cm. There are no feathers 
 on its ‘winged’ part, and the shoulder is bound round firmly with sinew. 
 
 Fig. 168 shows another back-shield of Elder Brother, which is interesting 
 because it has a picture of a hi'kuli represented in an unusual way, namely, by a 
 tree-like figure in white on a red background. It is attached to an arrow at its 
 upper right-hand corner by a free end of the white cord of which it is made. 
 
 A third specimen of this god’s shields is seen in Fig. 169. It was found in 
 his god-house at Teaka'ta. In the weaving are shown the figure of a deer in red ; 
 and underneath, a snare, also in red. It is the expression of a prayer for luck in 
 hunting deer. 
 
 The next figure (Fig. 170) shows, a back-shield from the cave of Grand- 
 mother Growth in Teaka'ta. The irregular figure in red and black represents 
 
146 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 a squash-vine, and the object was deposited in order to secure luck in raising 
 squashes. Another back-shield of this goddess is a prayer for children. 
 
 The back-shield shown in Fig. 1 7 1 was taken from the god-house of the 
 Corn Mother, an impersonation of Grandmother Growth, and is called a ‘ bed of 
 water-serpents’ (hai'ra ku're italia'le). This bed is a picture of nine serpents, and 
 in their midst is the symbol of a grain of corn. Six of the serpents may be 
 readily distinguished. Their heads, which are all rather square-looking, are 
 turned towards one of the short ends of the shield, and their tails towards the 
 opposite end. Four of them are black, and two are blue. The next three are 
 pictured as if lying so that the tail and head meet, forming diamond-shaped 
 
 figures, one within another, instead of circular 
 coils, as would seem more natural. The outer- 
 most is red, the next green, and the innermost 
 yellow. The shield is a prayer for much rain, 
 so that corn will be plentiful. 
 
 Fig. 172 shows a back-shield from the 
 cave of Mother East-Water, near Santa Cata- 
 rina. On it is represented a mountain-lion in 
 red on a white background, expressing a prayer 
 that the lion may not attack the cattle, but 
 remain quiet. 
 
 Another one of the same goddess, and from the same locality, is pictured in 
 Fig. 173. On it the following symbols are figured : (a) A serpent. ( b ) White 
 
 < I< T t -» I T J i gf i lw 
 
 Fig. 172 (i§sa)» Back-Shield of Mother East-Water. 
 (15 cm. X 8 cm.) 
 
 Big. 173 (res?)* Back-Shield of 
 Mother East -Water (12.5 cm. X 6.5 
 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 174 ( T §35.). Back-Shield of Mother East- 
 Water. (Shortest side, 4.2 cm.) 
 
 Big. 175 Cibss)- Back-Shield 
 of Mother East-Water. (16.5 cm. 
 X 7 cm.) 
 
 clouds. ( c ) A black cloud. (d) Rain (yellow and white vertical stripes). The 
 
 result of the rain is seen underneath in the vegetation represented (e, f). ( e ) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF- THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 147 
 
 Th ree flowers, (f) A squash-vine (a green and red band in the form of an 
 angle). (g) The earth witli its hills, from which clouds rise to fall down again 
 as rain. 
 
 The various colors suggest that the fields are clad in green and flowers, and 
 the earth is also full of moisture. The shield thus expresses a prayer for rain. 
 
 In Fig. 174 is seen a third specimen of Mother East-Water’s back-shields. 
 It was taken from the same place as the preceding. Many colors have been 
 applied to it. Its meaning is very simple. The triangular-shaped figure at the 
 bottom represents the earth (kwie'). Above this a gourd-vine with many-colored 
 leaves is pictured, suggesting that the leaves are turning. Many gourds (Sp. 
 guaje') of irregular shapes, but mostly triangular, and also in many colors, are seen 
 above it, supposed to belong to the vine. It is a prayer for luck in sowing 
 gourd-seed. 
 
 Fig. 175 represents another back-shield of the same goddess, from her 
 cave near Santa Catarina. The diamond-shaped central part and the corners 
 are white, as is also the transverse line running across the middle. This cen- 
 tral diamond-shaped white section is surrounded by a red section, which again 
 is surrounded by a black one. All the white on the shield 
 represents native beer, and the diamond-shaped figure 
 in red and black represents ma'wali, i. e., that the beer has 
 been placed in its gourd. It is a prayer for good luck in- 
 making beer, and that people may get drunk quickly on 
 the brew. 
 
 I shall mention two specimens of back-shields of 
 Mother West-Water. Both were obtained from the cave 
 of the goddess at Teaka'ta, near Santa Catarina. In the 
 first (Fig. 176) the six dark-blue figures in the upper part 
 represent hi'kuli, the largest of which is standing on an 
 altar (niwa'tali) of the same color. The prayer expressed 
 by the shield is that the hi'kuli placed on the altar of 
 Mother West- Water may not decay, but dry up well. In 
 the second one, which is not figured, the main color is 
 white, with shading of red and black, and the prayer ex- 
 pressed is that a child may not get sick. 
 
 Fig. 176 GIN). 
 Mother West-Water. 
 7-5 cm.) 
 
 Back-Shield of 
 (15.5 cm. X 
 
 The soft mats are (1) plain pieces of loose textile of ixtle, (2) loose textiles 
 of ixtle or cotton into which wads of variously colored wool are woven, (3) 
 scraps of closely woven textiles of wool or cotton. 
 
 All these soft mats are made on a special kind of small loom, and some have 
 symbolic designs either painted on the textile or embroidered on it. The symbolic 
 significance of others is expressed by the inwoven wads of yarn. 
 
 The most common appearance of the soft mat is simply a loose textile, gen- 
 erally rectangular in shape, and attached to an arrow. There is a god-house 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 148 
 
 near the temple of Guayavas, dedicated to Mother East-Water, where arrows 
 placed by the hundred contain scarcely anything but such scraps of ixtle, which 
 always express prayers for health. They were deposited there to implore health 
 for children. They may also be found in the god-houses of other deities. 
 
 In Fig. 177 may be seen a back-shield of this kind. It was found in the 
 god-house of Ka'tsi at Teaka'ta, and deposited in order that a little child might 
 not get sick. 
 
 The second class of soft mats is illustrated by four specimens. 
 
 1. Fig. 1 78 shows one into which three transverse rows of black woollen 
 wads are woven. It is from the god-house of Ka'tsi, and expresses a prayer that 
 many lambs may be born in the herd, and that they may all be black. 
 
 2. The next specimen (Fig. 179) is called a ‘flower-bed’ of Ka'tsi (Ka'tsi 
 rutu'li italiai'ya). This textile has some wads of red and blue wool woven 
 into it, which signify flowers (rutu'li). The prayer expressed is that the god 
 may have flowers for his bed, which would not be possible without rain, thus 
 implying a prayer for rain. To the same arrow to which this ‘flower-bed’ is 
 attached, a ‘bed of moisture’ (hawimita'li) is fastened, which emphasizes the 
 prayer for rain. 
 
 3. A third one is shown in Fig. 180, which is another ‘flower-bed,’ but one 
 belonging to Mother East-Water ( cf. the preceding specimen as well as that 
 seen in big. 181). It was placed on an altar at a feast for making rain in San 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HU1CHOL INDIANS. 
 
 149 
 
 Andres. It is woven from yarn, wads of black, white, and red wool being at the 
 same time woven in at regular intervals, forming’ thus a kind of soft rug. The 
 red wads were made from the ravellings of flannel, and are mostly applied to the 
 central part, while the black is used on the sides, each color forming indistinct 
 diamond-shaped figures on a white background. In the middle of the diamond- 
 shaped figures is generally found a wad of black yarn, while in the black figures 
 a similar red wad may be seen. 
 
 4. The fourth ‘bed’ (Fig. 181) is rectangular. It was procured from the 
 cave of Mother West-Water in the neighborhood of the Cora pueblo of San 
 Francisco. It was made at a rain-making feast at San Andres, and is woven from 
 
 yarn in the same way as the preceding 
 specimen, bits or wads of wool being like- 
 wise woven in at regular intervals. The 
 colors of the wads are black, white, and 
 yellow. The black and white are the 
 natural colors of the wool, and the yellow 
 is produced by a native dyeing process. 
 
 Fig. 1 81 C? 6 /b)- ‘Flower-Bed’ of Mother West-Water. (Length, 13.5 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 180 (lies)* ‘ Flower-Bed ’ of Mother East- Water. 
 (Length of side, 13 cm.) 
 
 Finally I give five illustrations of the third class of soft mats, — certain 
 votive scraps of wool or cotton. 
 
 1. Fig. 182 shows one of wool, on which are represented two children with 
 a flower between them. The designs are all in red with the exception of the 
 stomach of one of the children, which is blue. This indicates that it is female. 
 It was placed in the god-house of Elder Brother at Teaka'ta as a prayer that 
 children might not get sick. 
 
 2. The next specimen (Fig. 183) is also of wool, and was found in the same 
 god-house as the one above. On it are embroidered three figures in black. 
 The one with the diamond-shaped figure in the middle is supposed to represent 
 a hen, and the one to the right a cock. Between them is a scorpion, signifying 
 a prayer that the scorpion may not sting them. 
 
 3. Another of Elder Brother’s back-shields is seen in Fig. 184. This is a 
 firmly woven textile of cotton cord, having on one side a half-finished embroi- 
 dery of a flower. It is a prayer for luck in embroidery. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I 5° 
 
 4. A fourth ‘bed’ (Fig. 185) belongs to Mother West-Water. It is a piece 
 of woollen textile with transverse parallel rows of stitches in alternately red 
 and yellow crewel. It was dedicated to the goddess by a person who wanted to 
 make a back-shield. 
 
 Fig. 184'GHb). Back-Shield of Elder Brother. 
 (14 cm. X 6 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 186 ‘Bed’ of Kauyuma'li. (9 cm. 
 
 X 9 cm.) 
 
 5. Fig. 186 shows a ‘bed’ of Kauyuma'li, taken from his god-house at Tea- 
 ka'ta. This is a square piece of brown woollen textile attached to the top of a 
 stick 31 cm. long. The upper end of the stick is cut off straight, and the other 
 end, which was placed in the ground, is pointed. The name of the stick is 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HU1CHOL INDIANS. 
 
 151 
 
 kwitevo', no matter what kind of wood is used in its manufacture. The attached 
 piece of textile, as usual, was made specially for the purpose. At the lower 
 end the threads are braided into a fringe, each strand of which is tied into a 
 knot towards the end. Three rows of diamond-shaped figures are stitched in red 
 thread across the textile. Two such sticks were brought to my notice, and 
 it seems to me that they are related to the za'pa to be described later (cf. 
 p. 183), the only difference being that this kwitevo' is much simpler and not 
 decorated. The diamond-shaped figures are Kauyuma'li neali'ka. Kauyuma'li 
 (see pp. 12, 106) is a deer god, and his ‘face’ is the snare, which these diamond- 
 shaped figures accordingly represent. The whole object is a prayer for luck in 
 killing deer. 
 
 o 
 
 Fig. 187 (iffy). ‘ Bed’ of Mother East-Water. (Diam., 29 cm.) 
 
 A quite exceptional ‘ bed,’ made of feather-work, is shown in Fig. 187. It is 
 a ‘bed’ of Mother East-Water (Tate' Naaliwa'mi ita'li), and consists of a number 
 of feathers (hawk, parrot, and bluejay) placed on the same level around a 
 common centre. The feathers are tied together by a twine of ixtle passed 
 through the quills, and they are further kept in position by being tied with 
 the same kind of twine to a hoop 7.5 cm. in diameter, made of a fine splint 
 of bamboo. The ‘bed’ is tied to. the seat of a chair (Tate’ Naaliwa'mi owe'n) 
 by a twine from the hoop. In the centre of the ‘bed’ is a wad of cotton-wool, 
 attached with beeswax, surrounded by a string of red beads fastened in the same 
 way. Six wads of cotton-wool are also attached at about equal distances 
 outside of the hoop. The wads of wool express prayers for life ; and the whole 
 ‘bed,’ prayers for rain. The chair, with its curious attachment, was brought to 
 me by the owner from his private god-house, which was dedicated to Mother 
 East-Water. The chair has only one arch, wound round with red twine, and 
 the seat consists of a network of white, black, and red yarn. 
 
152 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 It should be noted that the back-shield or ‘bed’ is sometimes considered 
 as an altar (see Fig. 176). Niwa'tali is the Huichol name for the altar of the 
 god-house, but it is also used in a wider sense in speaking of a mountain on 
 which the goddess rests, for instance, as a fog. Thus it is easily understood 
 that the na'ma, which is back-shield or ‘bed,’ may also be called ‘altar.’ In the 
 collection are two such specimens, one of which I here reproduce. 
 
 Th is is a ‘flower-bed’ of the Corn Mother, Tate' Otegana'ka rutu'li 
 italiai'ya (Fig. 188), which is also distinctly called ‘altar,’ the inference being 
 that the flower-fields of the country are just as much beds of the goddesses 
 as the altar on which flowers are placed. Certain diamond-shaped figures, 
 
 representing in many cases only the outlines but of various colors (blue, red, 
 yellow, and black), are seen on a white background. These represent flowers. 
 The figure in blue at one of the narrow ends, edged with red and black, repre- 
 sents the altar on which the flowers were placed, emphasizing the general con- 
 ception of the whole object as an altar. 
 
 There seems to be no doubt that all ‘flower-beds’ (including the soft ones) 
 should be considered also as altars of the god. 
 
 It remains to mention two peculiar ‘beds’ of Grandfather Fire and Grand- 
 mother Growth. These are made from grass, are round in shape, and belong 
 to these two deities of vegetation. It is doubtful whether these may also 
 be considered as back-shields, on account of their shape, which is that of the 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 : 53 
 
 front-shield. Possibly, however, there existed certain distinguishing shields of 
 the chiefs, which thus would appropriately become emblems of the two great 
 deities in question. 
 
 The one reproduced (Fig. 189) was found in the cave of Grandmother 
 Growth, near Santa Catarina. It consists of concentric layers of different kinds 
 of grass and herbs, tied together with twine of bark-fibre so as to form a disk 
 about 22 cm. in diameter, a hole 4.5 cm. in diameter being left in the middle. 
 To the edge, on two opposite sides, a bunch of oak-leaves is tied. Counting 
 in the oak-leaves, four kinds of plants may be distinguished. This ‘bed’ is a 
 symbol of vegetation, and embodies a prayer for rain, without which nothing 
 will grow. 
 
VI. — ‘EYES’ (SI'KULI). 
 
 An ‘ eye ’ is a cross, of bamboo splints or of straw, interwoven with variously 
 colored twine or yarn in the form of a square, which is set diagonally. The string 
 is wound around the sticks from the centre outward, the loops being so placed 
 that one side of the square is smooth, while on the reverse side the sticks are 
 plainly noticeable. Occasionally one stick may show on one side of the square, and 
 the other on the other side. Some of the large ‘ eyes ’ are made with a double 
 weaving, so as to present a smooth surface on both sides. In a few cases the 
 central part is left open (see, for instance, Fig. 93). The colors used vary 
 according to the god for whom the ‘ eyes ’ are made. Sometimes the sticks are of 
 equal length ; but generally one stick is much longer than the other, for conven- 
 ience in tying the ‘ eye ’ to the head of a child or to an arrow, for transfixing some 
 object that may be tied to an arrow, or for placing the ‘ eye ’ upright in the ground. 
 Those in which the sticks are of equal length are hung to arrows or to the roofs 
 of god-houses, and are attached by the free end of the string from which the 
 object is made. 
 
 With the Huichol, the ‘ eye ’ is the symbol of the power of seeing and under- 
 standing unknown things. Kauyuma'li, one of the gods who put the world into 
 shape, was able by its use to see into the earth, and to see everything above it. 
 The shamans of old, according to the Indians, were able to see the Mothers by 
 the same means. In the beginning of the world, the moon was called si'kuli, 
 which my Indian informant interpreted as signifying a mirror. 
 
 The prayer expressed by this symbolic object is that the eye of the god may 
 rest on the supplicant. ‘ Eyes ’ are especially used at the feast of green squashes, 
 being tied to the children’s heads in an upright position by means of a hair-ribbon. 
 They are thought to insure health to the children. A shaman’s plume is stuck 
 underneath the same hair-ribbon. At this feast, some ‘ eyes ’ are also placed up- 
 right in the ground near the squashes, and express prayers for health and luck 
 and plenty to eat. Other objects of this kind may be deposited in the god-houses, 
 usually attached to an arrow or a chair, and indicate prayers for the health of a 
 child, or for luck, principally in handiwork. 
 
 The ‘ eye ’ will also be recognized as a design in other ceremonial objects, 
 for instance, on front-shields and back-shields. It is represented by a diamond- 
 shaped figure in the designs of many girdles, ribbons, and pouches. The picture 
 of the ‘ eye’ on the disk Fig. 26 and those on the disk Fig. 39 are unusual rep- 
 resentations. 
 
 At the feast of green squashes the si'kuli represents a male squash-flower. 
 As the Indian would say, “since this flower could not become a squash, it was 
 serviceable as an ‘eye’ for the children at the feast of green squashes.” Here 
 it is particularly the eye of Mother East-Water, in whose honor the feast is held ; 
 for she is the creator of squashes and of all flowers, and takes special care of 
 
 [154] 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 55 
 
 Fig. igo. The Squash-Plant (koloku'ra). (From an Indian pencil drawing.) 
 
 a , The ground ; b , The seed and its root; c , The vine • d , The young leaves 
 (rawa'li or sawa'li) ; e , Full-grown leaves (rawa'li or sawa'li) \/ y Squashes (ru'tsi); 
 g, The squash-stems (wapu') ; h , Male flowers (rawa' or sawa'), si'kuli. 
 
 children. Squashes must not be eaten until this feast takes place. It was Mother 
 East-Water’s son, Kauyuma'li, who first made use of the ‘eye.’ I reproduce 
 here a drawing of the squash-plant (Fig. 190), made by a shaman friend of mine, 
 which will give a clear understanding of the subject. The plant, with squashes, 
 leaves, and vine, is called kolo- 
 ku'ra. The flowers which fruc- 
 tify, not shown in the drawing, 
 are called uipufli. 
 
 As is well known, the calyx 
 of the squash-flower is filled with 
 wool, therefore the Indians say 
 that the fruit grows out of the 
 wool. The latter is considered 
 by them as cotton-wool (kiipu'ri). 
 
 This becomes a very important 
 factor in their interpretation of 
 this symbolic object ; for, in the 
 
 conception of the Huichol, the male flower was first cotton-wool, then it became 
 an ‘eye,’ and now it is both ; therefore the edge of the symbolic object is con- 
 sidered as cotton-wool, while the central part is an ‘eye.’ 
 
 The idea expressed by cotton-wool, the relation of which to the ‘ eye ’ is 
 generally emphasized by tying wads of cotton-wool to the corners of the ‘ eye,’ 
 is the same as always, health and life. Therefore the ‘ eyes ’ 
 placed on the children’s heads express prayers that the eyes 
 of the goddess may rest on the children, and that she may 
 keep them in health. 
 
 The feast of green squashes is called wima'kwari (‘ to 
 beat the drum’). It is held in October. The men run deer 
 and gather the squashes. In the mean while the shaman, 
 seated in his armchair, facing as usual the door-opening of 
 the temple (east), beats his drum and sings from early morn- 
 ing until sunset. On the same day the women bring the 
 children to the temple, and place them on both sides of the 
 shaman. Tied to each child’s head are a shaman’s plume 
 and an ‘eye.’ At this feast the children are called tuwai'no. 
 They carry rattles in their hands ; but if a child is very 
 small, the mother holds the rattle for it. The rattle, which 
 is called kai'tsa, is made from a hard fruit resembling a 
 small gourd, that grows on a certain tree found in the hot 
 country, for instance in the canon of San Juan Peyotan. . The rattling noise is pro- 
 duced by small stones, which are picked from ant-hills and put inside. The 
 same kind of rattle (Fig. 19 1) is used at the so-called matachines , — a certain 
 dance which has developed from a church festival. 
 
 Fig. 191 (iff*). Rattle. 
 (Length, 18 cm.) 
 
i5 6 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 The children stand on each side of the shaman so as to form a row, which 
 extends towards the door-opening (Fig. 192). At the end of each row stands a 
 shaman called Ve'rik 3 (the rabbit sun), to guard them. The shamans also carry 
 rattles in their hands. The men return from the deer-hunt after sunset, and corn- 
 cakes and native beer are offered to the children, the ‘ eyes ’ and the rattles having 
 first been taken away from them by their parents. During this ceremony the 
 children stand together on both sides of the shaman, and the people form a semi- 
 circle in front of him (Fig. 193). The guardians of the children stand at the ends 
 
 d 
 
 he is seated ; e , The drum which he beats. 
 
 Fig. 193. Feast of Green Squashes. 
 2. After sunset. (From an Indian 
 pencil drawing.) 
 
 The shamans guarding the chil- 
 dren ; b , b , The children ; r, The singing 
 shaman ; r/, The drum ; e , jars in which 
 the squashes are cooked ; y, Heap of 
 squashes ; g, The people. 
 
 The temple and its opening are indi- 
 cated surrounding the groups. 
 
 Fig. 194. Feast of 
 Green Squashes. 
 3. Early morning, 
 before sunrise. 
 (From an Indian 
 pencil drawing.) 
 
 People are here 
 represented stand- 
 ing around the 
 squashes. 
 
 of the semicircle, next to them. To the right of the children is a heap of squashes 
 which are to be cooked, and to the left are the jars to be used for that purpose. 
 
 The children are then carried to their homes, while singing and dancing 
 continue in the temple all night. The next morning the children are brought 
 back. Before sunrise, the squashes, which have now all been cooked, are taken 
 out of the jars, and first given to the children, and then to the grown people (Fig. 
 194). At this festival the adults drink hi'kuli, but native brandy is not allowed. 
 
 During the feast, ancient girdles (p. 186) are hung up next to the squashes. 
 They are supposed to keep the children from getting tired when “ they go yon- 
 der where the water springs forth.” This expression is taken from the song used 
 at the feast. 
 
 The hair of children, from the age of two years up, is cut by the grandfather 
 once a year until it has been cut five times. A ceremonial arrow is left with the 
 hair in the god-house, as a prayer for favors, and for the growth of more hair. 
 After the hair has been cut five times, the parents leave an ‘ eye ’ and a textile of 
 ixtle (‘bed’) in the god-house of Mother East-Water at Teaka'ta, that the child 
 may not get sick. 
 
 It is noteworthy that the feast is accompanied by much noise of the drum 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 l 57 
 
 time, so the myth relates, the squash was a little 
 
 Figs. 
 
 (Length, 
 
 Fig. 196. 
 
 195 (iik g), 196 (hj £), 197 (? e 4i *)• 4 Eyes ’ of Mother East-Water. 
 8 cm., 18 cm., 11.5 cm.) 
 
 and the rattle. Once upon a 
 girl whose name was Riku'- 
 ama, the name referring to 
 her as making a rattling noise 
 with bells (riku'a) or some 
 other object. Perhaps this 
 was originally suggested by 
 the rattling noise which the 
 dry seeds make inside of the 
 squash when shaken. 
 
 Figs. 195-197 represent 
 three ‘ eyes ’ worn by chil- 
 dren at the feast, all dedicated 
 to Mother East- Water (Tate' 
 
 Naaliwa'mi si'kuli). They 
 range in size from 8 to 18 cm. 
 
 The first of these has a white 
 centre, surrounded by sections of blue, followed by a white and a blue section ; the 
 
 one shown in Fig. 196 
 has a yellow centre, sur- 
 rounded by a white and 
 then a yellow section 
 with a white border; 
 and the third specimen 
 has a dark-blue central 
 part, surrounded by red. 
 
 The ‘ eyes ’ left next 
 to the squashes are 
 larger, the long stick in 
 most cases ranging in 
 size from 25 cm. to 80 
 cm. Some of them are 
 dedicated to Mother 
 East-Water, and others 
 to Mother West-Water. 
 Those shown in Figs. 
 198 and 199 are dedi- 
 cated to Mother East- 
 Water. The centre of 
 the former is dark blue, 
 followed by sections of 
 white, red, white, and 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 158 
 
 yellow ; the centre of the latter is light blue, followed by a section of black 
 edored with red. 
 
 o 
 
 The specimen seen in Fig. 200 is dedicated to Mother West-Water. It was 
 originally hung to an arrow, but was found detached in the cave of the Mother 
 near the Cora pueblo of San Francisco. In this ‘ eye ’ both sides present a smooth 
 'surface, the colors on one side being black in the * 
 central part, and the rest white, while the other 
 side is uniformly black. 
 
 In Fig. 201 is seen one which is of an excep- 
 tional shape, being hexagonal. It was also found 
 in the same cave of Mother West- Water, having 
 first served at the feast of green squashes. Its 
 color is gray. 
 
 The ‘eyes ’ which are stuck into the ground 
 next to the squashes are placed in such a way that 
 
 Fig. 200 ( b 6 z \). 1 Eye’ of Mother West-Water. 
 
 (Diameter, 20 cm.) 
 
 one side faces the east, and the other side the west ; in the language of the In- 
 dian, they are “ looking towards the east and towards the west, even if the Indian 
 is sleeping.” This throws light on the fact that the large kind of ‘eye ’ often has 
 a smooth surface on both sides. After the feast they are carried to the god- 
 houses of the respective Mothers. 
 
 ‘ Eyes ’ used on other occasions than at the feast of green squashes are 
 mostly small, of the same size as those tied to the children’s heads. In the col- 
 lection made in 1898 there are seven which express prayers for the health of 
 children, and which were deposited for that purpose in various god-houses. The 
 gods to whom these specimens were dedicated are Grandfather Fire (two speci- 
 mens), Kauyuma'li (four), and Ka'tsi (one specimen). Iva'tsi is one of the 
 impersonations of the god of fire. FI is complete name is Ka'tsi Urai'meka, 
 alluding to the facial painting of the hi'kuli-seekers (u'ra, ‘spark’). The god- 
 house belonging to this deity is at Teaka'ta. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 159 
 
 There are three small ‘ eyes ’ which were offered for other purposes. The 
 first (Fig. 202) is dedicated to Elder Brother (Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke si'kuli). 
 It is from his god-house 
 at Teaka'ta, where it was 
 stuck in the ground. Its 
 color is red, with a blue 
 border. A rectangular 
 scrap, a piece of cotton- 
 cloth without any hem, 
 is attached to the ‘ eye.’ 
 
 The upper end of the 
 long stick is thrust 
 through one corner of 
 the cloth. On the cloth 
 there is a simple design 
 of embroidery in red 
 yarn, rudely executed. It 
 represents a snare or 
 Tama'ts Pa'like Tamo- 
 ye'ke neali'ka (cf p”. 135). 
 
 It expresses a prayer that 
 a child may be successful 
 in learning to embroider. 
 
 The next ‘eye’ (Fig. 203) is dedicated to Ivat'si (Ka'tsi si'kuli), and is from 
 Teaka'ta, where it had been stuck upright in the ground in the god-house. The 
 
 centre is red, followed by blue, and then 
 white. It has an attachment in the 
 shape of a small woollen textile, through 
 which the long stick has been thrust. 
 The textile is white, except for a short 
 space about the middle, where the woof 
 is made from a red thread. The prayer 
 expressed is that Ka'tsi may keep his 
 eye on the textile which the supplicant 
 is going to weave, and help her. 
 
 The third (Fig. 204), which is 
 dedicated to Tate' Tuliriki'ta, is not fin- 
 ished with the usual care. The cross 
 is merely wound with a yarn made from 
 cotton-wool. It was found in the cave 
 
 Fig. 205 (xlfa). 1 Eye ’ of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail. 
 
 (Diameter, 16 cm.) of this Mother, near Santa Catarina, 
 
 and is a prayer for luck in raising cotton. 
 
 Finally, in Fig. 205 is shown an ‘ eye’ which forms the seat of a ceremonial 
 
 Fig. 202. 
 
 Fig. 203. 
 
 Fig. 204. 
 
 Fig. 202 (yjls). 1 Eye ’ of Elder Brother. (Length, 15 cm.) 
 Fig. 203 (jali)* ‘ Eye’ of Ka'tsi. (Length, 16 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 204 (yffs). 1 Eye ’ of Tate' Tuliriki'ta. (Length, 19 cm.) 
 
i6o 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 stool dedicated to Great-grandfather Deer-Tail. The stool was taken from the 
 god-house of this deity at Teaka'ta, and the ‘ eye ’ is accordingly that of the god. 
 The colors of this ‘ eye ’ are, central part red, followed by sections of yellow, 
 white, red, yellow, light blue, white, yellow, white. The man who deposited the 
 stool did so, that the god might keep an eye on the maker, and lend him a hand 
 in his work of making stools (cf Fig. 69). 
 
 The symbolic object which we have described has no doubt a wide distri- 
 bution among the tribes of the western coast. The Coras have ‘eyes’ similar to 
 those of the Huichol, and they are found among the Tarahumares, where they are 
 called wisi'ma. Among the latter they are rare. The sticks of the one I secured 
 were of equal length, and the colors were yellow and black. It was hung to the 
 end of a staff, and used by the shamans for* warding off diseases or sorcery, for 
 which purpose they wave it forwards and backwards. As is well known, sym- 
 bolic objects of this kind are found in great quantities in the ancient graves of 
 Peru. It is noteworthy that on a mummy with a false head, from Ancon in 
 Peru, in the possession of this Museum, they actually serve as eyes. They are 
 diamond-shaped, and have been so placed that the acute angles correspond to the 
 corners of the eyes. 
 
VII.— VOTIVE BOWLS (RUKU'LI). 
 
 Votive bowls are, as a rule, the ordinary drinking-gourds of the Huichols, 
 more or less adorned to serve as sacrifices to the gods. The usual drinking-bowl 
 (Sp. jicara ) is simply a section of a gourd cut from the end nearest the stem. 
 The inside is painted red or green ; the coloring-matter, which is mixed with the 
 ground, oily seed wa've, being rubbed on with the hand. This coating serves not 
 only to ornament the gourd, but also to preserve it and make it water-tight. In 
 regard to the colors employed, see pp. 24, 25. The best specimens are selected 
 for ceremonial use, and the usual size is about 12 cm. in diameter and 4 cm. 
 in depth. They are very often smaller, but seldom larger. Others of earthen- 
 ware are generally smaller than the gourd vessels. An essential characteristic of 
 the votive bowl is its ornamentation with glass beads, which, by means of bees- 
 wax, are attached in the form of symbolic figures to the inside, and in rare cases 
 also to the outside. Sometimes the beeswax is put on so thick that the figures 
 stand out in relief, as in Fig. 211. The beads are either put on in strings or one 
 by one. No doubt in ancient times shell beads were used for this purpose. 
 Grains of corn, artificial flowers, wads of cotton-wool, and sometimes even 
 plumes, are attached to the inside. 
 
 The votive bowls are almost as commonly used for sacrifice as the ceremo- 
 nial arrows. The prayers thereby expressed are essentially the same, — for food, 
 health, and luck (including luck in making the real arrow or bowl) ; still the 
 votive bowls are not considered quite as valuable. They are smeared with 
 blood before being sacrificed. They are never attached to ceremonial arrows. 
 Votive bowls, or their conventional representations, must be considered as 
 drinking-gourds offered to the gods, who, so to speak, drink in the prayers of 
 the people. 
 
 The votive bowl appeared first on the head of a roe. Elder Brother Kau- 
 yuma'li, the god who taught the ancient people how to obtain favors from the 
 gods, is the one who also showed them how to adorn drinking-gourds for ceremo- 
 nial purposes. Votive bowls are frequently mentioned in the mythology in con- 
 nection with this god. He and the other gods put the world into shape with the 
 help of votive bowls and ceremonial arrows. In order to secure the necessary 
 blood to smear on the votive bowl, these shapers of the world had to kill a roe, 
 who was a woman, whereby they offended the underworld people. During the 
 fight that ensued, Kauyuma'li saw his chance to snatch from his opponents their 
 votive bowl, which contained hi'kuli. 
 
 Below are described some specimens of votive bowls, the ordinary kind 
 being first shown, then some simple forms, and finally some extraordinarily elabo- 
 rate ones. 
 
 Fig. 206 is a votive bowl of Father Sun (Tayau' ruku'li), from the temple of 
 San Jose, near San Andres. The inside is painted red. Attached to the centre 
 
 [161] 
 
162 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 of the bottom is a coil of blue beads, with a few red ones interspersed, represent- 
 ing the sun. On top of it is fastened a white and yellow paper flower, a symbol 
 of a prayer for life. To one side is a large wavy design composed of strings of 
 yellow beads, with a short string of red beads in the middle towards one side. 
 This represents the sea in the west. Further, there are on the inside four coils 
 of beads, the two on one side of the yellow design being white ; and the two on 
 the other side, one white and one red. They represent clouds. On the open 
 space between the coils is a piece of wax on which is an indistinct impression 
 of a Mexican ten-cent piece. This bowl expresses the prayer that the rising 
 and setting Sun, the life-giver as well as life-destroyer, may be surrounded by 
 clouds. The clouds are mostly white, but also roseate, as they appear through 
 the light of the sun. The ten-cent piece was attached as an additional sacrifice. 
 
 Fig. 206 (($£). Votive Bowl of Father Sun. (Diam., 12.5 
 cm. ; depth, 4 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 207 (/is). Votive Bowl of Deer Gods in the North and 
 South. (Diam., 13 cm. ; height, 5.5 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 207 shows a votive bowl of the deer gods in the north and south 
 (Tama'ts O'to Ta'wi and Tama'ts Wawatsa'li ruku'li). It is from one of the 
 god-houses of the temple of Bastita. The inside is painted green. In the centre 
 is a starlike figure in yellow, surrounded on the edges by blue. This represents 
 a section of an ear of corn with seven rows of grains (see p. 30). Towards one 
 side is seen a similar figure in dark blue, yellow, rose, and light blue, which has 
 the same significance. The larger of the two deer figures represents the deer god 
 of the north. I he upper part of its body and its head consist of rows of black 
 and yellow beads, while the antlers, chest, belly, feet, and tail are of white beads. 
 On the other deer the arrangement of beads is less distinct, the beads on the 
 upper part of the body being black and blue, while those on the head and ears, 
 the under side of the body, the tail, and part of the legs, are white. A row of 
 black beads has been intermixed on the upper part of the body, and two rows of 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 6 3 
 
 Fig. 209. 
 
 Figs. 208 ( s Yb)i 2°9 (xlfs)- Votive Bowls of Mother East-Water. (Diam., 9 cm. and 
 8 cm. ; depth, 5 cm. and 3.5 cm.) 
 
 light blue ones are found on the legs. The remaining figure, in dark blue, rep- 
 resents a snare ; the attaching string is in yellow. The end of the string, which 
 on the real snare, as will be remembered, is tied to a tree near by, was no doubt 
 here attached to the votive bowl itself, but has become disengaged. The votive 
 bowl is a prayer to the two deer gods, who are asked that they may allow them- 
 selves to be caught in the snare. The result will be rain and corn. 
 
 Fig. 208 is a votive bowl of Mother East-Water (Tate' Naaliwa'mi ruku'li), 
 from one of the god-houses 
 of the temple of Bastita. 
 
 On the inside, which is 
 painted red, are seen numer- 
 ous spots, each composed of 
 beads of one color. They 
 are white or blue, and sym- 
 bolize grains of corn. The 
 prayer expressed is that the 
 supplicant, through the rain 
 which Mother East-Water 
 will send, may have plenty 
 of corn. 
 
 Fig. 209 is a votive bowl of the same Mother, from her cave near the pueblo 
 of Santa Catarina. Round a centre of blue and white beads, expressive of corn, 
 are seen four zigzag lines, three straight lines, and one line partly curved. The 
 zigzag lines, two of which are blue, one yellow, and one blue and white, repre- 
 sent rain-serpents in the east in the various colors in which they appear to the 
 Indians. The rest of the figures, two of which are blue, one red, and one blue 
 and white, represent falling rain. The prayer expressed is that the Mother may 
 appear in rain-storms, which give the Huichols corn. 
 
 In the collection are several other votive bowls belonging to this goddess, 
 more or less like the ones described. In two of them are seen a baton like the 
 one in Fig. 215, expressive of lightning (mimie'lika), which is the staff of this 
 goddess. These express prayers that the lightning may not strike the cows and 
 the people. 
 
 Fig. 2 10 is a votive bowl of Mother South-Water (Tate' Rapawiye'ma ruku'li), 
 from one of the god-houses of the temple of Bastita. In the centre is fastened a 
 circular network of blue and white beads, — the same kind of beadwork as is used 
 for ear-ornaments or for pendants of necklaces. It represents the sun in a cloud. 
 At three different places are attached three small coils made from strings of 
 beads, — two blue and one white. The two blue ones are connected, both having 
 been made from the same string. The open end of the white coil extends to one 
 of the blue ones. The white coil signifies clouds in the west ; the blue coil to 
 which it is connected, clouds in the east ; and the other blue coil, clouds in the 
 south. The votive bowl is a prayer that clouds may gather from the east, west, 
 
164 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Fig. 21 1 (u®5%). Votive Bowl of 
 Mother West-Water, seen from above. 
 (Diam.,6.5 cm. ; depth, 4 cm.) 
 
 and south, so as to enable the sun to appear in a cloud in the middle of the day. 
 The whole bowl is dedicated to Mother South-Water, who wields the greatest 
 
 power over these clouds. The connecting strings 
 signify the union of the clouds in the east and 
 west with those in the south. 
 
 V otive bowls of clay 
 are in imitation of those 
 made from gourds. But 
 I here present one (Fig. 
 
 21 1) which has a some- 
 what different shape, 
 having a low base. It 
 is from the cave of Moth- 
 er West - Water, near 
 
 Fig. 210 Votive Bowl of Mother South- C r\ v- o i~\i 1 i* 
 
 Water. (Diam., 9.5 cm. ; depth, 4.5 cm.) me LOrd pueDlOOI Odll 
 
 Francisco. The centre 
 
 is taken up by a coil made of strings of white beads, signifying clouds (the name 
 of the Mother associates her with the morning mist and clouds). Round it are 
 grouped five figures, all made of blue, white, and pink beads : (a) a serpent, in the 
 form of which the Mother appears ; (b) a deer ; (c) a baton of the Mother, her staff 
 of dignity; (d) another deer; (e) a human figure, probably the Setting Sun. 
 
 In the centre are represented clouds (or rain) that are to come from the west. 
 These are the object of the prayer. The goddess is mistress of the deer of the 
 west, which help to make rain ; her staff, lightning in the west, is one associated 
 with rain ; and the serpent, which is another of her impersonations, is a rain- 
 serpent. The Setting Sun is the god of her region, who helps to bring about the 
 desired result. 
 
 In Figs. 2 1 2-2 1 4 are seen more primitive forms of votive bowls, the first 
 being of the ordinary kind but very shallow, and the other two being merely 
 pieces cut out from any convenient part of a gourd. 
 
 Fig. 212 is dedicated to Ka'tsi, a god of 
 squashes (? cf. p. 1 58). It is painted red inside. 
 On the centre of the bottom is a coil made 
 of blue beads inter- 
 spersed with whit e. 
 
 The bowl is a prayer 
 for luck in raising 
 squashes. 
 
 In Fig. 2 13 is seen 
 another votive bowl of 
 the same god. The 
 inside is colored with 
 indigo, and further 
 
 Fig. 212 (yffs)- Votive Bowl of Ka'tsi. (Diam., 11 
 cm. ; depth, 1 cm.) 
 
 1 Fig. 213 (xllg). Votive Bowl of 
 Ka'tsi. (Diam. 7 cm. ; depth. 1 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 165 
 
 adorned with a human figure made of beeswax and blue beads. It expresses a 
 prayer for the continued health of a child. 
 
 Fig. 214 shows a votive bowl of Elder Brother Kauyuma'li. It is colored 
 with indigo. Five daubs of beeswax set with dark blue beads symbolize hail- 
 stones. The bowl expresses a prayer that hail- 
 storms may not occur. 
 
 Finally, I present three bowls that are more 
 elaborately adorned than usual (Figs. 215-21 7). 
 
 Fig. 215 is a votive bowl of Father Sun 
 (Tayau' ruku'li), from San Andres. It is painted 
 red inside, and adorned with the following de- 
 signs, made almost entirely of strings of variously 
 colored beads. 
 
 In the centre is the Sun, Tau or Tayau' (a), 
 mainly in blue, the rays being edged with white. 
 It is surrounded by the earth (p), with its hills, 
 valleys, and plains (the straight lines), in black, 
 red, green, yellow, and white. Three zigzag 
 lines (c) — one in blue and green, another in yellow and green, and the third 
 in black — represent rivers. A stick (d) adorned with strings of green, 
 yellow, and black 
 beads put on in 
 wavy lines repre- 
 sents the staff of 
 dignity of the Sun. 
 
 It is called iwa'ut- 
 si, and is fastened, 
 one end to the Sun, 
 and the other end 
 to the male tiger 
 (g), one of the 
 fierce animals said 
 to belong to him. 
 
 Round the central 
 decoration of the 
 votive bowl are 
 (e) the Sun (Ta- 
 ve'rik a ) in the east, 
 being a male figure 
 in blue and black, 
 with white eyes ; 
 
 (/) Mother West- 
 Water, in the west, 
 
 Fig. 214 (iffy)- Votive Bowl of Elder Brother 
 KauyumaTi. (Diam., 10.5 cm. ; depth, 1 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 215 (sYtf)- Votive Bowl of Father Sun. (Diam., 24 cm. ; depth, 6 cm.) 
 
1 66 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 being a female figure in black and white, with white eyes ; (g) a male 
 tiger, in the south, in black, yellow, red, and green, the dark colors being 
 applied to the body, — a ‘ man ’ who lives where the sun rises ; ( h ) a female tiger, 
 in the north, of the same colors, but differently arranged, the light colors being 
 used on the body. Underneath this tiger is (z) a figure which my shaman 
 informant called Tata con la corona ( ‘ father with the crown ’). As said before, 
 Tata is the vulgar expression for ‘ father.’ The maker had, like many Spanish- 
 speaking Huichols, a vague knowledge of Christianity, which he wanted to show 
 off ; on this occasion, however, making the mistake of calling the Virgin Mary 
 Tata instead of Nana (‘ mother ’). The remaining figures are (/) Mother South- 
 Water, in red and black; ( k ) Sa'mayoi, a deity in the north, in red; (/) a 
 bird (called Malu'i) that lives on the coast, and guards the people, in red ; ( m ) 
 the chair of the Sun, in red ; ( o ) the male red-tailed hawk, in black and yellow ; 
 (/>) the female bird of the same hawk, in yellow and red; ( q ) a male deer, in 
 black, with green antlers ; (z") a roe, in green and black ; (V) two clouds, one in 
 green, one in black. Between the figures e and j is a triangle in black and 
 green, representing the chair in the Palacio Nacional, in the City of Mexico. A 
 double zigzag design in blue and white beads, which runs along the outside edge 
 of the bowl, indicates the sea surrounding the world. 
 
 The bowl expresses in a general way the Iduichol conception of the world 
 and some of its deities. The Sun, to whom the bowl is dedicated, is the father of 
 all, who illuminates the world, and manifests his power in heat. Some of the 
 gods (all supposed to dwell on the outskirts of the country of the Huichols) 
 are here reproduced with their attendant animals, ceremonial chairs, and the 
 clouds which they have the power to bring. Further interpretation may be 
 inferred from previous expositions. 
 
 Fig. 216 shows a votive bowl of Father Sun (Tayau' ruku'li), from San 
 Andres. Both this and the next specimen were made for me by an intelligent 
 Spanish-speaking Huichol of San Andres, whom I furnished with the necessary 
 beads. From an artistic point of view, they are somewhat remarkable, the beads 
 having been formed into figures without any previous drawings being made. The 
 bowls are almost entirely adorned with single beads, — by far the most laborious 
 way, as each bead has to be threaded on a thong of maguey, and then placed 
 in its proper place on the wax which covers the parts to be ornamented. It 
 is safe to say that no other Huichol is able to do the work so well ; nor are 
 votive bowls so luxuriously adorned, because it would cost too much, from an 
 Indian point of view. It will be noted that the emblematic designs are com- 
 paratively few in both specimens, the symbolic language expressed in votive 
 bowls in general being no doubt quite limited. 
 
 The inside (Fig. 216, a) is painted red, but is almost entirely covered with 
 bead decorations. The outside is also completely covered with beads, except the 
 bottom. The central part of the inside is a cross, symbolic of the four quarters 
 of the world, surrounded by concentric circles of blue and black beads, and a 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 167 
 
 zigzag of white beads symbolic of the mountains and valleys of the world. The 
 
 rest of the 
 
 figures 
 
 on the inside are : (<2) 
 
 the ‘face’ of Father Sun (Tayau' 
 neali'ka), in red, surrounded by 
 variously colored beads ; (b) the 
 ‘face’ of Mother East-Water, the 
 colors being mainly white and blue, 
 surrounded on each side by batons 
 symbolic of lightning (green and 
 yellow); (c) the ‘ face ’ of Mother 
 
 Fig. 216, a (5x5). Votive Bowl of Father Sun, (Diam., 14 cm.; depth, 5 cm.) Fig. 216, b (5x5). Portion of Bottom of Votive Bowl of Father Sun. 
 
 West-Water, in blue, surrounded by variously colored beads, mostly arranged 
 in the form of emanating rays ; id) a hen, in white, surrounded by an ornamental 
 design ; (e) the ‘ face ’ of 
 
 Mother South- Water, the 
 colors being mainly white 
 and blue ; if) the emblem 
 of the Christian cross, in 
 green and red. 
 
 The outside decora- 
 tions are largely ornament- 
 al, but across the bottom is 
 a band (Fig. 216, b) con- 
 sisting of alternate trans- 
 verse rows of green and 
 white beads. This, as the 
 maker said, was meant to 
 express a message from his 
 young son, of whom he was 
 very fond, dedicating the 
 bowl to Porfirio Diaz, the 
 president of Mexico. 
 
 Fig. 217 (z\t)‘ Votive Bowl of Mother East-Water. (Diam., 20.5 cm. ; depth, 8 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 217 is even more completely decorated inside and outside and also on 
 
1 68 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 the edge, and is quite heavy from the weight of the beads. It belongs to Mother 
 East-Water (Tate' Naaliwa'mi ruku'li). In the inside are seen four deer — two 
 male, and two female — and a deer-head, also crosses ; and on the outside, a deer 
 and crosses. Most of the beadwork, however, is ornamental. As in the preced- 
 ing specimen, the bottom is decorated with a band consisting of alternate transverse 
 rows of blue and white beads, meant to express the name of the maker’s son, 
 Fermin Gonsalez Minjares. 
 
VIII. — THE ARK OF THE DELUGE LEGEND. 
 
 . The Huichols have a story of a deluge, during which one man was saved in 
 a boat or ark, specimens of which are occasionally manufactured and sacrificed as 
 a means of causing rain. The myth of the Deluge is as follows : — 
 
 “ A Huichol was at work felling trees in the preparation of his field 
 for planting ; but each day he found that the trees he had cut down on the 
 previous day had grown up again. He worried over this, and grew tired of 
 working; but still he came on the fifth day to try once more, bent upon finding 
 out how it happened. Soon there rose from the ground, in the middle of the 
 clearing, an old woman with a staff in her hand. She pointed with her staff 
 towards Tate Rapawiye'ma ( the south], then towards Tama'ts O'to Ta'wi and 
 Tate' Hau'tse Kupu'ri [the north], then towards Tate' Kyewimo'ka and Sakaimo'- 
 ka [the west], towards Uwio'tali [female], the east, and towards Tate' Ve'lika 
 Uima'li [above], and finally towards Tate'vali [below]; and all the trees which 
 the young man had cut down immediately stood up. Then he understood how 
 it was that his clearing was always covered with trees. 
 
 “ Annoyed, he exclaimed, ‘ Is it you who are undoing my work all the time ? ’ 
 
 “ ‘ Yes,’ she said, ‘because I want to talk to you.’ 
 
 “ The woman, who was Tako'tsi Nakawe', told him that he was working in 
 vain. ‘A. great flood is coming,’ she said. ‘It is not more than five days off. 
 There will come a wind, very bitter, and sharp as chile, which will make you 
 cough. Make a box from the fig-tree ( salate ) as long as yourself, and fit it with 
 a good cover. Take with you five grains of corn of each color, five beans of each 
 color ; take also the fire, and five squash-stems to feed it with ; and take with you 
 a black bitch.’ 
 
 “ The young man did as Nakawe' had told him. On the fifth day he had the 
 box ready, and placed in it the things he was told of. Then he entered, taking 
 with him the bitch ; and the old woman put the cover on. She calked every crack 
 with glue from the root of the plant kwe'tsaka, asking him to indicate where there 
 was an opening. Then she seated herself on top of the box, with a macaw perched 
 on her shoulder. The box rode on the water one year towards the south, next 
 towards the north, the third year towards the west, the fourth towards the east, and 
 in the fifth year it rose upward, and all the world was filled with water. The next 
 year the water began to subside, and the box stopped on a mountain near Toapu'li 
 [Santa Catarina], where it may still be seen. The man took off the cover, and 
 saw that all the country was still full of water; but the macaws and the parrots 
 made valleys with their beaks, and the water commenced to run, and the birds 
 separated it into five seas. Then it began to dry up, and trees and grass sprang 
 forth, aided by the earth Mother (Tate' Yuliana'ka). 
 
 “ Nakawe' became wind, but the man went on with his work of clearing the 
 field. He lived with his bitch in a cave ; and in the daytime, while he was in the 
 
 [ i 6 9 ] 
 
I/O 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 field, she remained at home. Every afternoon, on coming back, he found corn- 
 cakes ready for him. He was curious to know who made them. After five 
 days had passed, he seated himself among the bushes near the cave to watch. 
 He saw the bitch take off her skin and hang it up. Then he noticed that she was 
 a woman, who knelt down to grind corn on the metate. He stealthily advanced 
 towards her, approaching from behind, and quickly caught the skin and' threw it 
 into the fire. ‘ Now you have burned my tunic ! ’ she cried, and began to whine 
 like a dog. He bathed her with water mixed with the ground corn she had pre- 
 pared, and she felt refreshed, and from that time on she remained a woman. He 
 had a large family, and his sons and daughters married, and the world became 
 peopled, and they lived in caves. 
 
 “ When he set to work to plant corn, he thrust a pointed stick into the 
 ground, making a hole, in which he left a few grains ; but nothing sprang forth 
 except stones, because he planted corn as the ‘ neighbors ’ [the Mexicans] do. 
 Then he asked the Mother Above for a stick with which to make the holes, and 
 now the corn grew well ; and he also planted beans and squashes. He planted 
 the first year in the south, and the second in the north, the third in the west, the 
 fourth in the east, and in the fifth year he planted corn here in Toapu'li.” 
 
 
 Fig. 218 (sjV 
 
 ). The Huichol Ark. (Length, without covers, 23.5 cm. ; diam. of covers, 14 cm.) 
 
 a, Side View ; b , c, Front View of Covers. 
 
 Fig. 218 shows a side view of the ark and separate front views of the two 
 covers at the ends. It will be noticed at a glance that it does not exactly answer 
 to the description given in the myth ; but traditions always vary somewhat, and 
 in one version of the Deluge legend preserved by the Coras the ark is described 
 as a hollow log covered up at each end. The specimen here shown is from Santa 
 Catarina, and was made by one of the principal men. It is a copy of one I saw 
 being made by the officers of the temple. On that occasion (in December), and 
 as a means of securing rain for the coming year, ceremonial objects, such as arrows, 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 171 
 
 votive bowls adorned largely with grains of corn, etc., were made in the temple to 
 be used as sacrifices. Among the objects was such an ark. Fresh green hi'kuli- 
 plants were also to be sacrificed, the specimens selected consisting of three or four 
 grown together, and grains of corn were squeezed in between the plants of one 
 growth. All these objects were to be sent to distant sacred places, east and west, 
 north and south ; and the destination of the ark was to Mother South-Water (Tate' 
 Rapawiye'ma), which, as said before, is a large lagoon south of the country of the 
 Huichols, and known under the name of Laguna de Magdalena. With the 
 exception of Laguna de Chapala , which the Huichols probably never saw, 
 there is no sheet of water so large in that part of Mexico. 
 
 The specimen here figured is a small log of wood from a fig-tree, called in 
 Spanish salale , that has been hollowed out with an iron implement. Its name is 
 ra'pa, the same as that of the fig-tree (compare with this the name of the Mother 
 to whom it is dedicated, Rapawiye'ma). The bark has been entirely removed, 
 and the surface somewhat smoothed. Both ends are closed by disk-shaped covers 
 made from the same kind of wood. They are 3 cm. thick, tapering towards their 
 inner edges, and made to fit into the ends of the hollow log. A piece of wood 
 carved in a shape somewhat resembling a pair of ox-horns, and colored blue, is 
 glued into a transverse groove on the 
 top. It is intended to represent ox- 
 horns, but in former days no doubt the 
 Huichols would have used deer-horns. 
 
 Its purpose was to entangle the craft 
 in the bushes when the water sub- 
 sided, and thus stop it. The outside 
 of the ark is colored blue, and deco- 
 rated with various yellow figures. 
 
 The part which is supposed to be 
 above water has the following designs, 
 which are symbolic of water and its 
 effects (Fig. 219) : a , b, f, The sea ( a 
 showing the waves, which are consid- 
 ered as small serpents), c, e, Butter- 
 flies. d, A small snake called Hai'ku. 
 
 The starlike designs scattered here 
 and there are certain white flowers 
 called toto'. 
 
 The cover nearest the ‘horns’ (Fig. 218, c ) is decorated in the centre with 
 a yellow spot, and above it with two Mexican centavos. The latter are fastened 
 with beeswax as an offering. The other cover (b) is decorated with four yellow 
 lines intersecting at their centres. 
 
 The following objects were inside of the ark : — 
 
 1. A wooden image (Fig. 220) representing the ancestor of the Huichols who 
 
 ^3 d 
 
 f 
 
 Fig. 219. Development of Design on Ark. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I 72 
 
 was saved from the Deluge. It is rudely carved and out of proportion, the head 
 being about a third as large as the body. It is painted black, but the face is 
 ornamented with some red color. The ancestor’s name is Wata'kami, which 
 means ‘ he who made coamil (wa'tsi, watsi'a).’ He is a principal or mayor. His 
 name was also Ulu' No'no (‘ the small arrow ’). 
 
 2. A rudely carved wooden figure of the bitch (^uk u'ka), Fig. 221. It is 
 painted black except on the lower part of the tail, which is turned upwards, and 
 the upper part of the ears. 
 
 Fig. 220 (sVb)- Image of the Ancestor of the Huichols. (Height, 12 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 221 (■£&). Figure of the Bitch. (Length, 8 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 222 (b 6 3 6 3 ). One of the Five Squash-Stems. (Height, 8 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 223 (s 6 3 5 o). Pouch containing Corn of Different Colors. (9 x 12 cm.) The two upper designs represent the flower toto' ; the 
 lower two, the alligator. 
 
 Fig. 224 (333). Pouch containing Beans of Different Colors. (7 x 10 cm.) The starlike designs in the centre represent the flower toto' ; 
 the zigzag and dots on the border, the squash-vine and squashes. 
 
 Fig. 225 ( 6 6 3 6 t)- Pouch containing Wa've-Seeds. (8.5 x n cm.) The design shows the creeper ha'pani. 
 
 3. Five squash-stems (wapu'), with which the ancestor of the tribe kept his 
 fire going (Fig. 222). 
 
 4. Five grains of each of the seven colors of corn, and the pouch in which 
 they were preserved (Fig. 223). 
 
 5. Five beans of each of the five different colors, five squash-seeds, and the 
 pouch in which they were preserved (Fig. 224). 
 
 6. Wa've-seeds and the pouch in which they were preserved ( Fig. 225). 
 
 When, on returning from the Huichols, I passed the pueblo lying close to 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 173 
 
 Laguna de Magdalena, and of the same name, the priest there showed me 
 some objects which had been found in the lagoon, and had puzzled him very 
 much. All were weather and water worn ; but I at once recognized them 
 as ceremonial arrows and the ark of the Huichols, the latter of which they 
 had brought from their far-away country, and deposited on the waters as one of 
 the extreme means of getting rain. To the Indian mind what has once been 
 associated with an effect has the power of reproducing that effect, and therefore 
 the ark, once connected with water, is thought to have the power of causing the 
 waters to rise and descend again ; in other words, to produce rain. 
 
IX.— THE SHAMAN’S PLUMES, AND OBJECTS CONNECTED 
 
 WITH FEAST-MAKING. 
 
 Shaman’s Plumes. — Certain plumes, which I call the ‘ shaman’s plumes,’ 
 are invariably connected with the ceremonies performed by both the singing 
 shaman, and the prophesying and healing shaman. The former is assisted in 
 his incantations by Great-grandfather Deer-Tail, and the latter by Grandfather 
 Fire, the greatest of all shamans. The shaman’s plume, which is called by the 
 same name (moye'li) as the plumes attached to ceremonial objects, consists of 
 two feathers and a small stick or handle, from the end of which the feathers are 
 hung by means of colored crewel, which also covers the quills of the feathers. 
 Round the same end of the handle (its top) a tuft of small feathers is bound by a 
 bright-colored crewel, the windings of which cover about two-thirds of the handle. 
 Sometimes, by way of ornamentation, cotton cord is wound over the crewel in 
 open windings. The two hanging feathers are mostly taken from the tail or 
 wings of the red-tailed hawk ; and the small feathers, from underneath the wings 
 or from the breast, or (rarely) from the leg, of the eagle or hawk. It is curious 
 to note that out of twenty-one specimens of shaman’s plumes secured in San 
 Andres, the hanging feathers on all but one are from the tail, as a rule the 
 
 extreme outer feathers. The crewel used on the twenty-one specimens men- 
 tioned is red, except on two handles, on one of which blue is used, and on the 
 other yellow. 
 
 [174] 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 175 
 
 Fig. 228 (1773). Shaman’s Plume of the Sun. (Length, 36 cm.) 
 
 The shaman is hardly ever seen without one or more of these plumes in his 
 hand ; and when he sings in the temple, several plumes lie in front of him. 
 When he wishes to bring the su- 
 pernatural forces of the plume 
 into action, he holds the handle 
 in his right hand, generally giv- 
 ing it a slight trembling motion. 
 
 Sometimes he may hold two or 
 three plumes. The power of the 
 hanging feathers emanates from 
 their tips : therefore in curing 
 the sick, or in influencing some 
 object for magical purposes, he 
 touches with the tips of the feath- 
 ers only. When calling down 
 the Sun, he points his plume to- 
 ward him with outstretched arm ; 
 and when curing the sick, he 
 passes it over the parts affected. 
 
 With the plumes and incanta- 
 tions he calls forth rain, removes 
 
 the spells of sorcerers, and performs all other feats of magic of which he is sup- 
 posed to be capable. At the religious dances and feasts, shaman’s plumes are 
 worn on the heads of the principal performers, the handles being placed in an 
 upright position under the hair-ribbons. 
 
 Figs. 226-228 show shaman’s plumes dedicated to the Sun (Tayau' moye'li). 
 The last one, on which there are three bands of crewel, — two red, and a cen- 
 tral one dark blue, — has a peculiar attachment, a rattlesnake’s rattle fastened 
 to the back of one of the feathers by a cotton thread. This attachment adds to 
 the value of the plume, because the rattlesnake is sacred to the Sun, who carries 
 its rattles. 
 
 Often the handles are more elaborate, a narrow matting of pieces of split 
 bamboo and white cotton cord and crewel being woven in with them. The 
 original handle runs through the middle of the matting, and protrudes beyond it 
 at both ends (see Figs. 229, 230, which present two shaman’s plumes of Elder 
 Brother, from his god-house near Guayavas). 
 
 These handles must be considered as back-shields : and in the god-houses 
 such a handle may even be found deposited without any plumes attached, as a 
 prayer for luck, as in Figs. 231, 232, which are called Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke 
 na'ma. 
 
 Having recognized that these plume-handles are back-shields, we shall 
 find further light thrown on their meaning by considering Figs. 233-236, where 
 sections of various arrows, with attachments of some peculiar and highly 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 7 6 
 
 suggestive back-shields, are shown. The illustrations represent an arrow of 
 Mother West-Water (Fig. 233) ; two of Elder Brother (Figs. 234, 235) ; and one 
 
 astod aQUn 
 
 Wjtjt aouCE 
 
 Fig. 231 <£&a). 
 Plume-Handle of 
 Elder Brother. 
 (Length, 18 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 232 (-fifrc). 
 Plume-Handle of 
 Elder Brother. 
 (Length, 18 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 233. 
 
 
 Fig. 234- 
 
 Fig. 235. 
 
 Fig. 236. 
 
 of a deer god called Tawiru'li (Fig. 
 236). To these arrows are attached 
 small narrow mats made of pieces of 
 split bamboo or coarse grass inter- 
 woven with white cotton cord and 
 (with one exception) black or dark- 
 blue crewel. The largest of these 
 mats has one design woven in red. 
 This mat is 14 cm. long, while the rest 
 average 6 cm. in length. Although 
 are called back-shields (na'ma), they have another name, viz., wi'ta 
 Wi'ta means ‘cotton thread’; the whole word, ‘cotton-thread plume ; 
 
 Figs. 233 (xil*), 234 (ffiitj, 235 (iloa), 236 (Taft). Types of Plume- 
 Handles. (Length, 6 to 14 cm. 
 
 all these 
 moye'li. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 77 
 
 and the name of the god to whom it is dedicated is added in each case. They are 
 merely symbols of plumes, and even the species of hawk which they are supposed 
 to represent may be expressed in the design of the weaving. 
 
 Thus Fig. 235 shows a plume of the hawk Piwa'mi (see p. 21), and 
 Fig. 236 one of the red-tailed hawk. We see accordingly that 
 these elaborate handles on the shaman’s plumes simply intensify 
 the character of the implement as a plume. It is like attaching two 
 plumes to another plume. The markings on the plumes may vary 
 considerably. They often represent ‘ eyes ’ (Fig. 234), and they 
 may even be so conventionalized as to express a human figure. 
 
 In Fig. 237 is seen the handle of a shaman’s plume, to one 
 of the protruding ends of which four small red parrot-feathers are 
 tied. It is called Tate'vali na'ma. The color of the diamond- 
 shaped figures is yellow with white borders on a red background. 
 
 It was lying on the ground inside of the little temple of Grand- 
 father Fire at Teaka'ta. It embodies a prayer for luck in killing 
 parrots and other birds, either in the country of the Huichols 
 or on the coast. 
 
 Head-Plumes. — At ceremonies and feasts another kind of 
 plume, called Ta wia'kami, consisting of the tail of an eagle or a 
 
 hawk, is sometimes tied to the 
 heads of men with a hair-ribbon, 
 or fastened to their hats. On Hfndil 3 ofi!landfathei 
 
 . T r f , Fire. (Length, 33 cm.) 
 
 one occasion I saw lour ol these 
 on a hat, placed in a slanting position, the one on 
 each side pointing forward. The one shown in 
 Fig. 238 is from San Andres. I did not see 
 such plumes in Santa Catarina. 
 
 Another kind of plume, also attached to the 
 head, is seen in Fig. 239. It is from Santa Cata- 
 rina, and is dedicated to Elder Brother (Tama'ts 
 Pa'like Tamoye'ke moye'li). It consists of a 
 number of the tail-feathers of the bluejay, each 
 feather about 45 cm. long, which are tied by the' 
 quills round a short stick. The bunch of feathers 
 is also called wa [bluejay] moye'li. Small green 
 parrot-feathers surround its base, over the lower 
 ends of which are wound white cotton cord and 
 red crewel. One or two specimens of such plumes 
 are tied in an upright position to the heads of the 
 dancers at the feast of hi'kuli, the stick of the plume being placed under the 
 hair-ribbon. They are used in the same way at the dance called matachines , 
 
i ;8 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 'A- 
 
 3 ? 
 
 which was introduced by the church. Sometimes white down, which is symbolic 
 of clouds, is fastened to the tips of the feathers with a kind of gum. In the plumes 
 
 dedicated to Grandfather Fire the feathers at the base 
 are from the little yellow bird hai'no, that belongs to 
 him. 
 
 These plumes are much used by the Cora Indians, 
 who, as I have observed, stick them into the ground at 
 their rain-making feasts, together with ceremonial ar- 
 rows and other objects. The Huichols generally import 
 these beautiful blue plumes from the Coras. 
 
 When not in use, they are kept in a kind of ‘ case ’ 
 (Fig. 240), which consists of a piece of the hollow dried 
 stem of the Cereus Pithaya. The ends are closed by a 
 ball of leaves from the big-leaved oak-tree, or sometimes 
 by a kind of cork cut for the same purpose. Generally 
 a handle of twine made from bark-fibre is attached to 
 the middle of the ‘ case’ for convenience in carrying. 
 
 
 j: Hi 
 
 Sacrificial Sticks.- — -Whenever native beer or 
 native brandy is drunk, or when water is used for relig- 
 ious purposes, either externally or internally, a quantity 
 of the liquor or of the water is first sacrificed to the six 
 regions of the world. There is no feast at which this 
 is not done in one form or another. For the purpose 
 a special stick is used, called nawa' muina'ni. The speci- 
 men collected is cut from a bush called ra'ta, and is 
 33 cm. long ; but the sacrificial stick may vary in length 
 according to the size of the gourd in which the liquid is 
 kept. The bark has been removed and the surface 
 smoothed. Both ends are cut off even, and the stick has 
 the natural white color of the wood. It always accom- 
 panies the gourd, which, filled with native beer or brandy 
 or water, is placed near the altar or in the temple, ready 
 for use. Before anybody drinks, the shaman sacrifices 
 with this stick, dipping it into the fluid each time. 
 
 When the quantity of water is small and contained 
 in a votive bowl, the sacrifice maybe made with a bunch 
 of flowers dipped into it instead of with a stick. The 
 hi'kuli-seekers each carry such a stick on the road, and 
 every time they drink water they first sacrifice with it to 
 the six regions of the world. As might be expected, 
 hi'kuli in its liquid form is also sacrificed to the regions of the world, but by means 
 of a ceremonial deer-tail. The Huichols always wind up these ceremonies by 
 
 1 II 
 
 Fig. 239. 
 
 Figs. 239 
 
 Fig. 240. 
 
 24° 
 
 Head- 
 
 Plume of Elder Brother, and Case in 
 which it is kept. (Length, 64 cm., 71 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 179 
 
 another offering to the west as a sacrifice to the dead, who live in this region > 
 which is called Tatu'xapa. 
 
 Tamales. — - At all feasts of the Huichols a kind of corncake is used called 
 tamal. A tamal is a small quantity of boiled ground corn enclosed in a wrapping 
 of corn-husk (Fig. 241), the contends being boiled in the wrapping. The package, 
 which is oblong in shape, and from 5 cm. to 8 cm. long, is secured by a strip of 
 corn-husk tied round the middle or sometimes also round 
 both ends. This aboriginal dish, which is in common use 
 through the whole of Mexico, is the food most relished 
 by the Indian and the working-classes. It is never kept long, 
 hardly ever more than a day or two ; and to the traveller 
 it is the cleanest food which the Indian has, as the husks 
 protect it from dirty fingers. The Indians put no salt in it ; Le^fMskm." 1 ' Tamal ' 
 but at his greatest feasts the Huichol often mixes beans with 
 
 the ground corn, and this he considers his choicest dish, though to me it was 
 nauseating. When made wholly of green corn, the tamales are nice even to the 
 palate of a civilized man, on account of their sweet, nutty flavor. 
 
 At the feasts, after these cakes have been duly offered to the gods, they are 
 eaten by the people. Sometimes specimens of a smaller kind than usual are 
 specially prepared for the gods for whom they are intended. 
 
 According to tradition, that great artisan Elder Brother originated the idea 
 of making tamales. Great-grandfather Deer-Tail, who has no wife, was in a great 
 plight, having nobody to rub the corn on the metate and to make corncakes 
 (Mex. Sp. tortilla). He therefore asked for food, and Elder Brother told some 
 women to make him tamales , but he ordered them to make them small and thin : 
 therefore it is the custom to-day to make small tamales and sacrifice them to Grand- 
 father Fire and Great-grandfather Deer-Tail, the ceremony consisting in throwing 
 them into the fire. 
 
 Feast Cakes. — Cakes of another kind, and of considerable interest, are 
 made at the rain-making feasts as well as at the reception of the hi'kuli-seekers 
 on their return from the country of the hi'kuli. They are all made from the 
 same material and in the same way as the corncakes (Mex. Sp. tortilla) : hence 
 their name, ‘ small corncakes ’ (pa'pa [‘ corncake ’] tuli'l [‘ small ’]). They are 
 toasted longer, however, so that they become hard. They are tied to a twine of 
 bark-fibre, and are called ko'ka (‘ bead,’ ‘ necklace’), being considered as so many 
 beads of a necklace. Such cake-strings, therefore, are looked upon as the necklaces 
 of the gods to whom they are dedicated. In Santa Catarina the cakes are very 
 neatly tied on at regular intervals, as seen in Fig. 242. They are then slung 
 round arrows of the respective gods (see Plate IV, Figs. 1-5 ; cf. also p. 90). 
 The arrows thus decorated are placed in the ground under the niche of Grand- 
 father Fire at the back of the shaman when he is singing in the temple, and 
 
i8o 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 cake-strings are also hung in festoons between them. In San Andres less care is 
 taken in the arrangement of the cakes (Fig. 243). The custom there is to string 
 
 When the feast is over, the cakes are eaten by the officers of the temple, and, if 
 a great number have been made, some are also distributed to the people. I found 
 the following forms of cakes (Fig. 244) : — 
 
 Fig. 244. Forms of Cakes.' 1 
 
 (a) An imitation, probably, of the top of the hi'kuli-plant (cf Figs. 276 d, f, 
 277 b ). It is called ma'ka. 
 
 (. b ) The piece of steel used in striking fire from flint (tau'tsu). 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 8 1 
 
 (c) A snail-shell (kulu'pu, Sp. caracol). 
 
 (d) A flower (okoto'tsi) that grows in the Sierra. 
 
 (e) An ornamental design found on girdles, as well as in the facial paintings 
 of the hi'kuli-seekers. This scroll, when joined to another, as shown in Figs. 
 2 77 b and 2 78 d, is a conventionalized expression of the linking of two hands, 
 seen in side view. It is termed by the Indians pilia'no or freno, that is, ‘ bridle,’ 
 because the Mexican bridles have such a figure on either side of the bit. 
 
 (/) A front-shield (neali'ka). 
 
 (g) A serpent. 
 
 (/z) A serpent with indications of scales, a ‘ plumed serpent.’ 
 
 (z) An ‘ eye ’ (si'kuli). 
 
 GO A dog. 
 
 (A) A cock. 
 
 (/) A hen. 
 
 In my collection are cake-strings dedicated 
 to six gods. Their colors agree with those of the 
 corn belonging to each god. From them the fol- 
 lowing conclusions are drawn in regard to the 
 form and color of the cakes sacrificed to each 
 (see Plate IV, Figs. 1-5) : — 
 
 1. For Grandfather Fire, color yellow, forms 
 a and b. 
 
 2. For Father Sun (Tayau'), color red, forms 
 c, e, g, h, i. 
 
 3. For Elder Brother, color blue, forms d, j, 
 k, 1. 
 
 4. For the Corn Mother, color white, forms 
 
 b, d, e. 
 
 5. For Mother East-Water, color light red 
 (in San Andres white), forms b, e, g. 
 
 6. For Mother West-Water, color white, 
 forms c, e, f. 
 
 Drum. — A necessary requisite for two of 
 the feasts of the year is the drum (te'po), on 
 which the shaman beats with his hands an accom- 
 paniment to his song. These two feasts are that 
 of squashes and green corn, and that of tamales 
 
 de maiz cmido. The myth says that in early days the drum used to make a noise 
 of itself in the forest ; that it was a walnut-tree, and the chief men of the temple 
 did not know what to make of it till Grandfather Fire taught them how to use 
 it in the temple. 
 
 The specimen here shown (Fig. 245) was obtained from the pueblo of 
 
 Fig. 245 (1017)* 
 ■ about 26 cm.) 
 
 Drum. (Height, 64 cm.;-diam. 
 
182 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Guadalupe Ocotan. It is a log of the big-leaved oak-tree, which has been hol- 
 lowed out with an iron implement, one end (the upper) being evenly cut off. Over 
 this end a sheepskin is stretched, although deerskin (nawi') is generally used. The 
 hair, of course, is first carefully scraped off, and the skin applied wet. It extends 
 down the sides about 5 cm. all round. Here it is fastened by a row of pegs made 
 of otate (ha'ku) inserted about 2 cm. below the edge, but scarcely visible above 
 the surface, as well as by a narrow strip of sheepskin (or generally of deerskin) 
 wound twice around. The lower end of the log is cut into the form of three 
 clumsy legs about 13 cm. in length. About halfway between the bottom and 
 top of the drum are two square holes (ma'ra ra'va) diametrically opposite each 
 other. The inside is charred and smoky, because during the time the drum 
 is in use, a burning torch of pine wood is repeatedly held inside of it to 
 stretch the skin. The smoke escapes through the holes above mentioned. 
 The drum is not so regularly shaped as might be expected, still it stands 
 steady on its legs, and serves its purpose well. 
 
 Wands. — At the feast of tamales de maiz crudo the shaman, when dedicat- 
 ing the heap of tamales to all the gods, makes use of a wand, which he holds in 
 
 his right hand while uttering 
 his incantations. This staff, 
 which is made from Brazil- 
 wood, is called i'tsu. In the 
 same hand with which he car- 
 ries it he holds a shaman’s 
 plume alongside of it, in the 
 usual position. A similar wand 
 is placed with the ancient idols 
 of Grandfather Fire in their 
 subterranean cavities. It is 
 associated with the god as a 
 symbol of his dignity. 
 
 The idea of wands as in- 
 signia of command is no doubt 
 very widespread among the 
 Indians of the Southwest, and 
 therefore when the Spaniards 
 conquered the various tribes, 
 they had little difficulty in in- 
 troducing their canes of com- 
 mand (Sp. la vdral), which are 
 used to-day by the governors 
 and other authorities, and are 
 all made from the same material as the ancient ones, — the heavy red Brazil-wood. 
 
 Fig. 246. 
 
 Figs. 246 ( 3 6 6 6 s a), 247 ( 
 
 
 Fig. 247. 
 
 Sandals of Ancient Pattern. (Length, 29 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 183 
 
 Sandals. — On the same occasion the shaman wears on his feet sandals of 
 the ancient pattern, which are worn only at ceremonials, ox-hide sandals having 
 \ > entirely taken their place. At the feast of hi'kuli, too, the same cere- 
 monial sandals are used by the shamans. We give here illustrations 
 y .vji of two patterns (Figs. 246, 247) more or less carefully executed, 
 both being for the left foot. The specimens were taken from the 
 if/j? temple of Guayavas, near the pueblo of San Andres. They are made 
 \ *| mf from twine of palm-leaves, plaited so as to form a matting somewhat 
 
 wfis* resembling in shape the sole of the foot. They are furnished with 
 
 I'lfl Wj lacings of the same material, and both have the single-toe string. 
 
 Fig. 248 (tVj). 
 Sceptre. (Length, 81 
 cm.) 
 
 Sceptres. — -At the same feast a kind of straw sceptre (ipii'tsa) 
 is carried by the male dancers (Fig. 248). It is made of pieces of 
 coarse grass 45 cm. to 50 cm. long, tied together round a ball of oak- 
 leaves. Below the ball of leaves they 
 are brought together so as to form a 
 handle. The flower-spikes have been 
 left on five of the straws, giving the 
 object a peculiar appearance. The 
 straws are tied round the ball with 
 twines of bark-fibre in the manner 
 shown in the illustration. The straws 
 are from a grass the seeds of which 
 are the favorite food of the turkey ; 
 and the leaves composing the ball are 
 from the big-leaved oak. After the 
 feast the sceptres are burned. 
 
 Za'pa. — At this feast also, cer- 
 tain sticks called za'pa are carried in 
 the hand. They consist of a single 
 piece of w r ood, pointed at one end. 
 Idle upper end is cut off even, and 
 decorated with spirals or bands of 
 paint. According to the Indians, 
 they are dedicated to different gods. 
 These ceremonial objects, which are 
 not used on the western side of the 
 river, are very rarely seen in the god- 
 houses. In my collection there are 
 three of them. One (Fig. 249), proba- 
 bly from the god-house of Elder 
 Brother in Teaka'ta, is decorated with 
 
 Figs. 249 (xirif), 250 (if 72). 
 34.5 cm., 37 cm.) 
 
 Za'pa. (Length, 
 
 a spiral in blue and light 
 
184 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 brown, and is called za'pa yoa'wi [blue]. A hawk-feather is attached to its top. 
 Another one, which is of similar appearance only slightly smaller, is from the. god- 
 house of the Corn Mother in Teaka'ta, and is adorned with a yellow spiral. 
 It is called za'pa rule'me [red]. There are indications that a feather was once 
 attached to this in the same way as to the other za'pa. 
 
 At the feast, the young men who serve the food with much yelling, carry 
 such an object in their hands. After the feast is over, these za'pa are deposited 
 in some god-house, together with ceremonial arrows. As to their meaning, it 
 seems that they are connected chiefly with rain-making. The last-mentioned 
 za'pa, to speak like the Indians, “is of water, and remains with water;” that 
 is, with the Corn Mother. It is certain that the purpose of depositing them in 
 the god-houses after the feast is to produce rain. 
 
 In Fig. 250 is seen a za'pa, found in the god-house of Ka'tsi in Teaka'ta, 
 which serves the additional purpose of a prayer for luck in handiwork. A votive 
 woollen scrap, woven for the purpose, is tied to the top, and expresses a prayer 
 for luck in making a blanket. On the wood are bands of blue paint (cf. Fig. 186). 
 
 Bannerets. — 
 Connected with the 
 feast of tamales de 
 maiz crudo is a cere- 
 monial race, per- 
 formed by young 
 men and women in 
 separate groups. The 
 goal is a shaman’s 
 plume some distance 
 off in a tree ; and 
 every one of the run- 
 ners, on coming back, 
 pierces with a stiff 
 piece of straw a cer- 
 emonial animal made 
 of wa've, and gives it 
 to one of the princi- 
 pal men to eat. The 
 little animals are tur- 
 keys, deer, etc. The 
 race is managed by 
 two men, — one in charge of the men, and the other in charge of the women. 
 The former carries in his hand a kind of banneret called matsa'weli or matsa'we 
 (Fig. 251), and the latter carries a similar one called kwis (Fig. 252). The 
 specimens figured were obtained at the feast given in the temple of San Jose. 
 
 Fig. 251 (iVb). Banneret of Men. (23 cm. X 7.5 cm.) 
 Fig. 252 (aVg)* Banneret of Women. (16.5 cm. X 5 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 185 
 
 The banneret of the men (Fig. 251) is made of two pieces of bamboo 
 bent over at several equidistant places. Around the middle of these jointed 
 sections a strip of palm-leaf is loosely wound, which keeps them together. A 
 simple matting is thus formed, which is attached by the same strip of palm-leaf 
 to the top of a long bamboo stick. 
 
 The other banneret (Fig. 252) is made somewhat more carefully. It con- 
 sists of five pieces of split bamboo placed together lengthwise, and tied at both 
 ends by thin strips of palm-leaf so as to form a kind of matting. Like the pre- 
 ceding, the matting is tied to the top of a long bamboo stick in the manner 
 shown in the illustration. 
 
 The men who carry the banners keep waving them from side to side, and 
 follow behind the runners in order that none may lag behind or fall, but that all 
 may reach the goal. In Santa Catarina the women do not take part in the race. 
 
 Sea-Shells. — At the same feast, but only on the eastern side of the river, 
 sea-shells are employed as a kind of musical instrument. When the heap of 
 tamales is dedicated to the gods by the shamans, some of the 
 people are appointed to blow into such shells five times in the 
 daytime and five times at night. This is done as a signal to all 
 the gods. After the feast the shells are carried to Mesa del Nayarit, 
 where they remain through the wet season, to be afterwards 
 brought back again for the next feast of the same kind. They 
 are kept in Mesa del Nayarit in a god-house. According to tra- 
 dition, the Chichimecas brought them first from that part of the 
 coast where San Bias is to-day. 
 
 I was not able to procure any shell that had actually been used at the feast. 
 The one reproduced in Fig. 253 is, according to my informants, smaller than 
 those. I found it in the god-house of the Sun (Tayau') in Teaka'ta. Its scien- 
 tific name is Murex ( Phyllonatus ) radix Gmelin, and it is from the South 
 Pacific Ocean, west coast of America. In Huichol it is called ku'ra. When I 
 wanted to buy it, my request was at first absolutely refused by the man who had 
 deposited it, who happened to be one of my party. Although left some years 
 ago, it still remained to him a valuable prayer for life. Money and persuasion at 
 last tempted him to part with it. Through the acquirement of this specimen, 
 which is the only one I have seen in the god-houses, I learned of the interesting 
 custom of blowing into shells just related. The natural markings on this shell 
 symbolize to the Huichols grains of corn and water. 
 
 Clown’s Paraphernalia. — Peculiar to certain rain-making feasts are a 
 stick and a dried armadillo, which form the paraphernalia of the clown. 
 This person, called in Huichol Sikwai'ki, appears at such feasts in the greater 
 part of the country. However, he is not met with in Santa Catarina. While 
 the clowns are very funny, they are also great ‘botherations,’ the Indians there 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 1 86 
 
 say. I am told that in San Sebastian the appearance of the clown is very gen- 
 eral, and he also appears at the Christian feasts. Among the Coras the clown is 
 called Raya'kate (Sp. Viejo de rianza). 
 
 The stick seen in Fig. 254, which was secured at the feast in the temple of 
 Guayavas near San Andres, has a kind of rattle tied to its head. The rattle is a 
 piece of the small intestines of an ox, about 15 cm. long, the ends of which are 
 tied up to form an inflated bag, in which a few pebbles are placed. 
 
 The dried armadillo (ru'ya) pictured in Fig. 255 was 
 secured in the temple of Ocota. It is a specimen of the 
 ordinary kind ( Tattisia novemcincta Linn.), from which the 
 bones and intestines have been removed ; the front part 
 has been partially sewed up again. The animal hangs 
 down at one side of the clown, being suspended in a hori- 
 zon 
 
 The loop is a strong twine made of strips of palm-leaf. 
 
 Fig. 255 ( 7 1 5 ). Dried Armadillo. (Length, 70 cm.) 
 
 The clown carries the stick in his hand, grasping it about halfway down, and 
 he is frequently seen shaking it. At night he prevents people from sleeping by 
 shaking it near their ears and gently hooking on to their clothes with its crooked 
 end. The paraphernalia of the clown belong to the underworld, the stick being 
 that of Grandmother Growth (see p. 51), and the underground animal being 
 her husband, Nagru'. 
 
 Girdles. — As has been alluded to before (p. 156), at a feast of green 
 squashes, girdles of ancient pattern are hung in a row next to the ceremonial 
 arrows and squashes, on the altar erected outside of the temple. Their native 
 name is ravela'ruri, while that of the ordinary girdle is xuaya'me. I secured six 
 of these from the temple of Guayavas, near San Andres. The material is mainly 
 
 tal position by a loop which passes over his shoulder. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 187 
 
 twine of a light brown ixtle interwoven in longitudinal stripes with yarn, which 
 in three of the specimens is black, and in the other three red, blue, yellow, or 
 even violet or green. They vary in length from 70 cm. to 1 m. or more, and in 
 width from 1.5 cm. to 3.3 cm. These specimens, which I found stored in the 
 temple, are the only ones I have come across. They are not used in the neigh- 
 borhood of Santa Catarina. At the temple of Pochotita, for instance, a large 
 4 eye’ serves the same purpose ; namely, to embody prayers for life and rain. 
 
 Flower- Wreaths. — At this and at certain other feasts the women may be 
 seen wearing on their heads wreaths of two different kinds, — • one made from red 
 flowers, and another from yellow flowers. 
 
 I have specimens of both kinds, obtained 
 in Pochotita at the reception of the 
 hi'kuli-seekers on their return from the 
 hi'kuli country. 
 
 In Fig. 256 is seen one composed 
 of red everlasting flowers. They are 
 called teola'li, and were dedicated to the 
 Sun (Tave'rik a ). The yellow flowers 
 are called po'ali, and are dedicated to the 
 Corn Mother ; they may also be seen 
 at certain adopted Christian feasts, for 
 instance Christmas, in which case they 
 are tied to long strings, that adorn the 
 god-houses in festoons. 
 
 Wreaths of either kind of flowers 
 are rarely seen at rain -making feasts. 
 
 After the feast at which they have been used, is over, they are kept in the private 
 god-houses of the family until the next rainy season, when the seeds are taken 
 from them and sown by scattering them over the fields. 1 
 
 It remains to discuss the objects connected with the hi'kuli feast, with which 
 more symbolic objects are associated than with any other feast. 
 
 H uichol Calendar. — Before the hi'kuli-seekers start on their journey to 
 gather the plants, two strings of bark-fibre are made, — one for the captain of the 
 company to take with him, and another for the man who remains in the temple. 
 Each string is tied into the same number of knots, — as many as there are to be 
 days on the journey. Such a knotted string is called tapo'li | Sp. nudos, ‘ knots ’ ] 
 ye'li [ Sp. dios, ‘gocl’]. The one figured (Fig. 257) is from Santa Catarina. 
 By means of these strings, which are a form of primitive calendar, the people at 
 
 1 Artificial flowers have the same name as flowers of the field (rutu'li). The Indians, in the season, constantly 
 adorn their hats with real flowers, especially red orchids and a very fragrant white flower called in Spanish Corpus. 
 They also deposit flowers in the temples, at the sacred pools, and at other sacred localities. The flowers of the pochote- 
 tree, for instance, are offered to Grandfather Fire and Father Sun. 
 
 Fig. 256 (pip). Wreath of Red Everlastings. (Diam., 29 cm.) 
 
1 88 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 home are able to follow the movements of the travellers, and by their prayers 
 aid them to make a safe journey. The hi'kuli-seekers, on their side, are, so to 
 speak, kept in touch with the people at home. 
 
 Fig. 257 (gW). Huichol Calendar. (Length of string, 
 about 2 m.) 
 
 Fig. 258 ( 7 4 5 2 ). Stuffed Gray Squirrel. (Height, 34 cm.) 
 
 Stuffed Animals. — On their journey to and from the country where the 
 plant grows, the hi'kuli-seekers are supposed to be accompanied and guided by 
 the gray squirrel ( Sciurus nayaritensis Allen), which is called t e aku'. This animal 
 is one of the hero-gods of their mythology, who defended the Sun against the 
 many animal gods who were inimical to him on the day of his birth. Together 
 with the gigantic woodpecker, it helped the Sun to set on that day. In accord- 
 ance with its diurnal habits, it is believed to be the Sun’s companion, and is 
 supposed to know more than other animals, hiding nuts and finding them again. 
 It is considered as the ‘cotton’ of Grandfather Fire (Tate'vali Kupuriei'ya). 
 Stuffed specimens of this animal may be met with in the god-houses and in the 
 temple, as well as at the hi'kuli feasts. 
 
 The specimen shown in Fig. 258 was kept in the temple of Ratontita at 
 the feast of hi'kuli, where it was being used. It has been so prepared that it sits 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 189 
 
 in an upright position, the hind-feet being turned in, suggesting the posture of a 
 squatting Indian with legs crossed. The fore-paws are held kangaroo-fashion. 
 It was skinned by being opened only from the mouth down to the breast, and all 
 the bones were taken out except those of the paws. It is fairly well stuffed with 
 straw, and the incision has been well sewed up again. A piece of red textile has 
 been put into the month as well as in the eyes. The body is partly enveloped in 
 a piece of yellow newspaper, which is bound round with crewel, as well as with a 
 bark-fibre that runs round the middle of the body and at the same time keeps the 
 tail in an upright position along the back. Three feathers are bound by the 
 same fibre to the left side of the body. One is from a macaw, and the other two 
 are from a certain crane that lives on the west coast of Mexico. Round its neck, 
 two wing-covers of a large green shining beetle are tied by means of a twine of 
 ixtle. Two small reddish-colored clay birds are also attached to it, — one round 
 the neck, and one over the stomach ; these were bought from Mexican stores, and 
 are the usual toys of children. A large metal crucifix, which the owner retained, 
 hung over the belly of the animal, and formed one of its conspicuous ornaments. 
 
 Another specimen which I found stuffed in a crouching position was sitting 
 on a drum in the god-house of the temple of Ocota. Between its fore-paws had 
 been tied a paper match-box of the ordinary kind sold in Mexico. It was spread 
 open, and was supposed to be the squirrel’s book, which had been presented to it 
 by the Sun. 
 
 Another hero-god that is also found stuffed at the feast of hi'kuli is the 
 small striped skunk Spilogale , the species being unknown. The animal is called 
 in Huichol upi'ts. It lives under ground, is of nocturnal habits, and difficult to 
 procure. On the one specimen which I secured in Ratontita, and which is the 
 only one I have seen in use, a paper flower is attached to the mouth, another one 
 to the left fore-paw by a thin copper wire, and a third one covers the anus. At 
 the hi'kuli feast at Ratontita, which I attended, a specimen of this animal and 
 one of a gray squirrel were placed in a corner of the dancing-place, both being 
 tied to sticks planted in the ground, to keep them in an upright position. A fire 
 was made in front of them, and kept burning during the feast. Two jars were 
 standing near by, — one containing native beer; the other, water brought from 
 the hi'kuli country, with which the people had first been blessed, and in which 
 the shaman’s sacrificial stick remained throughout the feast. 
 
 I have found stuffed animals used only in the southeastern part of the 
 country, where I also saw a kind of rat stuffed for ceremonial purposes. On the 
 western side of the river, as well as in Guadalupe Ocotan, they are not used. 
 
 Cocoon Necklace. — With the gray squirrel is connected a string of cocoons 
 of the moth Attacus orizaba Westwood (found from Mexico to the Isthmus of 
 Panama). The specimen shown in Fig, 259 contains seven cocoons, silver gray 
 in color, and from 5 cm. to 9 cm. long. They were brought by the Huichols 
 from the hi'kuli country, and are tied by their upper ends to a string of ixtle. 
 
190 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 The string with its cocoons is called ku'tsi, and is put round the neck of a stuffed 
 gray squirrel. These cocoons, which are those of a night animal, — their beds, in 
 
 which they sleep before coming to life again, 
 — are supposed to be the dreams of the gray 
 squirrel, by which he is guided. 
 
 Tobacco-Gourds. — The tobacco-gourd 
 (ya'kwai) is a most necessary part of the hi'- 
 kuli-seeker’s outfit. He is seen carrying a 
 dozen or more of them. The specimens pic- 
 tured (Figs. 260-263) were obtained in San 
 Andres and Santa Catarina. They are made 
 from gourds raised for the purpose, and those 
 with many excrescences (Fig. 263) are consid- 
 ered the most valuable ones. A round open- 
 ing is made in the top of the gourd, and it 
 is furnished with a stopper cut from another 
 gourd or from wood, or sometimes a corn-cob 
 is substituted for it. The stopper is attached 
 by a twine of ixtle to the twine by which the 
 gourd is carried about. This latter twine is strung through two holes on oppo- 
 site sides of the gourd, knots on the ends preventing it from slipping through. 
 
 Tobacco, also called ya'kwai, is carried in one or more of the numerous 
 tobacco-gourds which a hi'kuli-seeker always wears. The shaman is never seen 
 without carrying one or two, even if empty. During the long time of prepara- 
 tion for the hi'kuli feast, as well as at the feast, the hi'kuli-seekers adorn them 
 with designs in yellow coloring-matter, which was brought from the country of the 
 plant. All tobacco-gourds are dedicated to Grandfather Fire, and the signifi- 
 cance of the designs should be considered in that light. 
 
 In the Huichol conception, tobacco-gourds, as well as all ceremonial orna- 
 ments, were alive in ancient times ; and, to use the expression of my informant, 
 they are alive yet, although they are only semblances of the originals. Tobacco- 
 gourds were and are serpents, and the sacred package (Fig. 266) inside the 
 gourd is the heart of the serpent. The serpent was the messenger of the fire ; 
 but after the world was put into shape, it remained as a tobacco-gourd, and 
 every time the stopper is removed, the Indian hears in the squeaking noise the 
 hissing of the reptile. 
 
 In Fig. 260 are seen figures of two deer and one dog. The dots repre- 
 sent, as usual, corn. 
 
 big. 261 shows two starlike flowers called toto'. The irregular zigzags 
 probably denote clouds, and the spots corn. 
 
 In Fig. 262 is seen a ‘bed’ of the god of fire (Tate'vali italiai'ya), with 
 four plumes of his eagle attached to it. The dots signify corn. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I 9 I 
 
 In Fig. 264 is seen a tobacco-gourd enclosed entirely in a scrotum of a deer. 
 The stopper to this is a corn-cob. 
 
 In this connection we shall consider a tobacco-gourd used entirely for 
 ceremonial purposes (Fig. 265). This beautiful little gourd, which is furnished 
 
192 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 with a short string, is from Santa Catarina. It is ornamented at four diametrically 
 opposite points with coils made of strings of green, yellow, and white beads, each 
 coil representing a ‘ face’ of Elder Brother (Tama'ts Pa'like 
 Tamoye'ke neali'ka). It was placed on the altar of the god- 
 house of the hunter, together with ceremonial arrows and 
 votive bowls, and expresses a prayer for the death of the 
 deer. 
 
 Sacred Tobacco. — The hi'kuli-seeker carries inside of 
 one of his tobacco-gourds filled with tobacco a diminutive 
 package of sacred tobacco (Fig. 266). 
 
 This small quantity of tobacco, which is 
 given by the captain to every one while 
 on the road, is enclosed in a wrapping of 
 corn-husk, and looks like a small tamal. 
 
 Like tobacco and the tobacco-gourd, it is called ya'kwai. 
 Any one who carries this sacred package is under strict cere- 
 monial regulations. The hi'kuli-seekers walk in a certain 
 order, which must never be broken, nor must any private 
 person pass in front of one who carries ya'kwai. These and 
 further restrictions, which include the separation of husband 
 and wife, and forbid bathing and the eating of salt, all come 
 to an end when the ya'kwai is burned at the feast of 
 hi'kuli. 
 
 Fig. 266 (/ga **)• 
 of Sacred Tobacco. 
 
 Package 
 
 Fig. 265 (iff?). Ceremonial 
 Tobacco-Gourd. (Height, 4.5 cm.) 
 
 Hats. - — - The hi'kuli-seekers are always seen with plumes stuck on their home- 
 made straw hats, often in great profusion. In the collection is one hat the brim 
 of which is entirely covered with tail-feathers of the turkey, the quills having 
 
 Fig. 267 ( B e B V). Hi'kuli-Seeker’s Hat. (Diam., frorrr brim to brim, 45.5 cm.) 
 
 been attached to a string tied round the crown. In Fig. 267 is seen one adorned 
 with tails of the gray squirrel. Round the crown are tied a hair-ribbon and an 
 anklet of beads. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 193 
 
 The symbolic designs of the cross, each consisting of two pieces of red flannel 
 sewed to the hat, are decorations common to all hats. 
 
 Fig. 268 ( t & 5 * «-/)• 
 Feather Ornaments. 
 (Length of feather, 11 
 cm.) 
 
 Feather Ornament. — At the feast of hi'kuli a feather ornament called 
 irau'li is largely used (Fig. 268). It consists of a small wing-feather of a parrot, 
 attached to a cord of ixtle tied round its quill. The ixtle is sufficiently stiff 
 to make a kind of prolongation of the quill. Such feathers are tied to a hat 
 generally in great profu- 
 sion, together with the usual 
 feathers of the hawk, eagle, 
 etc. Sometimes, as we have 
 seen, they are tied to cere- 
 monial arrows and to chairs, 
 and they express prayers for 
 life. They may also be seen 
 tied to the hat at other 
 feasts, for instance those for 
 making rain, and used in 
 much the same way as flow- 
 ers. 
 
 Serpent Sticks. — On 
 the occasion of the feast, the 
 dancers, both men and wo- 
 men, carry certain decorated 
 bamboo sticks called iwa- 
 i'tsa (in San Andres, i'tsu). The sticks 
 are held in an upright position, resting 
 against the shoulder. In Figs. 269-272 
 are seen four of these sticks, selected as^fit 
 representatives from a collection of thir- 
 teen which were found in the god-house 
 close to the temple of Guayavas, as well 
 as in the temple of Ocota. The decora- Fig. 269. 
 
 Fig. 270. 
 
 tions consist of shallow carvings made with 
 
 Figs. 269, 270, 271, 272 (331) 
 length, t.i m. ; thickness, 1.5-2. 5 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 271. 
 Serpent Sticks. 
 
 Fig. 272. 
 (Average total 
 
 a knife, and smeared with burnt grass of a 
 
 certain kind mentioned on p. 35. In two specimens from Ocota they are painted 
 with indigo. 
 
 These sticks all represent the serpent Ha'tsi, which is supposed to have once 
 been Great-grandfather Deer-Tail (p. 35). Although the markings, which repre- 
 sent those of the serpent, vary considerably, they may, on close examination, well 
 be reduced to one common form, the clearest representation of which is seen 
 in Fig. 271. Each of these markings, on the live snake as well as on its symbol, 
 
i 9 4 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 represents a butterfly (kupi'ts), the symbol of summer and rain. The zigzag lines 
 represent the tail of the serpent. To judge from these zigzag lines, which 
 universally indicate the rattle of the rattlesnake (see, for instance, similar carvings 
 on tobacco-gourds and flutes), the serpent must be a kind of rattlesnake. In a 
 
 conventional way the zigzags have often been put at both ends, and in one 
 instance in the middle, of the sticks. 
 
 Thus in the dance of hi'kuli we have a veritable representation of a ‘ serpent 
 dance,’ the performers carrying in their hands conventionalized representations 
 of rattlesnakes. 
 
 Deer-Tails. — The male dancers at the hi'kuli dance carry in one hand 
 a deer-tail (ma'ra kwa'ri). The bones of the tail have been removed by pulling 
 the skin off without cutting it, and a stick has been inserted instead, to keep the 
 tail stiff, and at the same time 
 serve as a handle. While dan- 
 cing, the men thrust the deer-tails 
 out in different directions, sug- 
 gesting the presence of the deer 
 themselves. They are frequently 
 found in the god-houses and sa- 
 cred caves. The specimen here 
 pictured (Fig. 273) is from the 
 god-house of Elder Brother, near 
 the temple of Guayavas. 
 
 Fig. 273 UVs). Deer- 
 Tail of Elder Brother. 
 (Length, 35 cm.) 
 
 Combs. — The dancers carry 
 attached to their girdles combs, 
 called matsi'kyu, or, more com- 
 pletely, Tato'tsi Ma'ra Kwa'ri 
 matsikyu'ya, because they are 
 dedicated to Great-grandfather 
 Deer-Tail. The specimen seen 
 in Fig. 274 was procured at the 
 
 Fig. 275. 
 
 Figs. 274 275 (x-^ls). 
 
 it cm.) 
 
 Combs. (Length, 25 and 
 
 feast of hi'kuli at Ratontita. The 
 material from which these combs are made is 
 the fibre of a small species of century-plant, called 
 in Spanish lechuguilla. I have no doubt that it 
 also grows in the Huichol country, as it is a 
 plant commonly seen through the moderately warm countries of Mexico. The 
 mode of manufacture of this object, which looks much like a small whisk broom, 
 is evident from the illustration. The handle is made by tying the ‘whisks’ 
 around with a twine of ixtle. In its windings the twine is made to pass under 
 small bunches of the fibres in such a way as to form designs of the butterfly, the 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 x 95 
 
 same as seen on the serpent sticks (Fig. 271). An end of the twine is left free 
 for attachment. The twine, and the tips of the comb, are colored with Brazil- 
 wood dye. The combs vary in length from 1 1 cm. to 25 cm. 
 
 Fig. 275 shows another comb, in which the ornamentation produced by the 
 windings represents the same design, butterflies. 
 
 After the feast is over, the people — no doubt to their mind ‘ new people’ — 
 comb their hair with these combs, which are used for one year, that is to say, until 
 the next hi'kuli feast. 
 
X. — FACIAL PAINTINGS. 
 
 The hi'kuli-seekers, during the months of preparation for the feast, as well as 
 at the feast, paint their faces with various designs in yellow. Both the root from 
 which the coloring-matter is obtained (p. 25) and the piece of stone on which it 
 is rubbed are brought from the country of the hi'kuli. The paint is applied 
 with a straw ; and each man adorns himself by the aid of a mirror, or two may 
 help each other in turns, both squatting during the operation. I have seen faces 
 being painted both at the feast given on the return of the hi'kuli-seekers to their 
 country and at the great feast itself. On the former occasion the painting was 
 done at sunset, and on the latter in the middle of the day, when the dance, 
 which had begun a little before midnight, was about half finished. When 
 arriving at the temple on their return, not only do all members of the party have 
 their faces painted, but the legs of the mules that carry the loads of hi'kuli are 
 ornamented with similar designs. Also tobacco-gourds, a necessary part of their 
 outfit, are, as we have seen, constantly kept adorned with designs of the same 
 character. During the time of preparation for the feast the painting is done in 
 accordance with the inclination of the individual or the dictates of the leading 
 man, but without any regularity. Sometimes fresh designs are put on every day, 
 and again they may be omitted for a week or more. The hi'kuli-seekers’ wives 
 also have their faces painted, the women being as expert in the art as the men. 
 
 As we have seen, the hi'kuli cult is intimately connected with the worship of 
 the god of fire, who, on account of the imposed taboos (p. 18) keeps the seekers 
 as ‘ prisoners ’ until the feast has been observed. Although the paintings are all 
 made in yellow, the color of fire, they represent the faces of several gods, or 
 more probably of all the gods. 
 
 Facial paintings are called u'ra (‘ spark ’). A more complete name is u'ram 
 [spark] ta'rai [yellow root, namely, that of the hi'kuli country]. The same names 
 are applied to the decorations on the tobacco-gourds and to those on the mules. 
 
 During my last stay among the Huichols, in order to discover if possible the 
 meaning of these designs, I had two different shamans make some for me. I 
 drew faces of natural size on a paper, and gave a number of them to each of 
 my friends to adorn in their own way, — as many as they could be induced to 
 make. The result is given in Figs. 276-278. As will be seen, there is a differ- 
 ence in the technique of the two series, the best executed designs (Figs. 276, a, 
 c-f ; 277, b-e ; 278, a, c, f ) having been made by the younger shaman assisted 
 by his wife ; but the others are equally interesting. 
 
 It is seldom that facial paintings are as elaborate as most of those presented, 
 much depending on the artistic ability of the man. Even a few scattered daubs 
 on the face may sometimes serve the purpose ; but on festive occasions every- 
 body does his best to turn out a fine painting. The most common patterns used 
 are those representing hi'kuli, flowers, clouds, and corn. These will easily be 
 
 [196] 
 
Fig. 276. Facial Paintings 
 
 a b , Of Grandfather Fire; c , Of Great-grandfather Deer^Tail ; ff, Of Father Sun; Of the Setting Sun; f y Of Elder Brother. 
 
 [197] 
 
198 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 recognized in the illustrations, which, in their general characteristics, give a good 
 idea of the actual paintings. 
 
 1. Face-Painting of Grandfather Fire (Tate'vali Nealikai'ya Urai'ya), 
 Fig. 276, a . — The three circular figures on the forehead are pictures of hi'kuli, 
 which plant, growing on a level with the ground, presents a somewhat similar 
 appearance when viewed from above (cf. Fig. 2). As we have seen, hi'kuli 
 may be considered as the votive bowl of different gods : therefore such a design 
 as this also represents a votive bowl, and it is worthy of note that such repre- 
 sentations of hi'kuli bear an unmistakable resemblance to the netted shield 
 (see Figs. 276, d, f ; 277, a). The descending parallel lines on the cheeks are 
 tail-feathers of the royal eagle (Ve'lika kwa'ri), and those below are raindrops 
 (wita'li). The serpentine lines on the nose and chin are representations of the 
 fire-serpent Slpuli ki'a. The small crosses are sparks. The two men are repre- 
 sentations of the god of fire himself, and all the rest of the paintings are phases 
 of the fire. 
 
 2. Face-Painting of Grandfather Fire (Fig. 276, 5 ). — On each cheek is 
 a back-shield or ‘bed ’ (Tate'vali na'ma italie'ya). The one on the right cheek 
 has the following meaning : The curved lines are eagle-plumes of the god of fire 
 (Tate'vali Ve'lika moye'li) ; the longitudinal parallel lines are the ‘ bed ’ of 
 Grandfather Fire (Tate'vali italie'ya) ; and the short horizontal lines emanating 
 from the innermost longitudinal line are ears of corn. The back-shield on the 
 left cheek is more complete, being carried out in greater detail, so as to resemble 
 the real back-shield, and it has the same meaning. Above the forehead, as well 
 as on each side of the face, are five representations of a serpent called Kowivyo'. 
 It is blue and yellow, and in the Indian conception is seen above the rainstorms 
 when the latter are approaching. The two crosses are sparks, and the dots corn. 
 
 3. Face-Painting of Great-grandfather Deer-Tail (Tato'tsi Ma'ra 
 Kwa'ri Nealikai'ya Urai'ya), Fig. 276, c. — The barbed lines 1 on top, sides, and 
 chin are clouds (hai). On the cheeks and nose is a picture of corn-fields, the 
 barbed longitudinal lines on the sides showing the boundaries of the fields. 
 Between the boundaries are ears of corn, indicated by spots. 
 
 4. Face-Painting of Father Sun (Tayau' Nealikai'ya Urai'ya), Fig. 276, 
 d. — Over the forehead are two red-tailed hawks, a female on the right side 
 of the face, a male on the left side. Next to each is a serpent, and between 
 the serpents a row of clouds. On each side of the face are three figures repre- 
 senting hi'kuli, underneath which are raindrops (wita'li). On each cheek is a 
 front-shield or face, representing the Sun himself (Tayau' neali'ka). On the chin 
 is a row of burning candles (kati'la, Sp. vela), above which on either side are 
 clouds. The custom of burning candles has of course been introduced through 
 the influence of the Catholic Church. 
 
 5. Face-Painting of the Setting Sun (Sakaimo'ka Nealikai'ya Urai'ya), 
 Fig. 276, e. — The square on the nose is the earth (kwi'atsa). From it springs 
 
 By a ‘ barbed line’ I mean a line set with square teeth either on one side or on both sides. 
 
Fig. 277. Facial Paintings 
 
 a, Of Elder Brother Wa'kuli ; 3, c, Of the Corn Mother; d , Of Mother East-Water; e, Of Mother West-Water; Of Mother Ha Uli'ma. 
 
 [ 1 99I 
 
200 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 forth over the forehead the squash-vine with its squashes (the dots) and flowers 
 (the barbed edge). On each cheek is a heap of ears of corn in the harvest time. 
 On the chin are barbed lines representing clouds (hai). 
 
 6. Face-Painting of Elder Brother (Tama'ts Pa'like Tamoye'ke Nea- 
 likai'ya Urai'ya), Fig. 276, f. — On each cheek is a hi'kuli. On the chin is a row 
 of burning candies such as are placed when the Indians go out hunting deer. The 
 three remaining figures on the face are arrows. On the forehead is a male deer in a 
 snare which has been tied to a tree. Down on the right are two dogs in pursuit 
 of it. In front of the captured deer is an open snare placed between two sticks and 
 tied to a tree, ready for use. A roe chased by a dog is running into it. The 
 vertical lines on the right represent rain (wita'li). 
 
 7. Face-Painting of Elder Brother Wa'kuli (Tama'ts Wa'kuli Nea- 
 likai'ya Urai'ya), Fig. 277, a. — This god is probably an impersonation of Elder 
 Brother. On the cheeks are pictures of hi'kuli. Below the mouth, and extend- 
 ing up on both sides of it, is a design representing the vine ha'pani. The dots 
 signify corn. The designs all round the edge of the face and over the forehead, 
 as well as over the nose, are ornamental, and called sika'li. 
 
 8. Face-Painting of ti-ie Corn Mother (Tate' Otegana'ka Nealikai'ya 
 Urai'ya), Fig. 277, b. — Down along the cheeks and over the mouth, as well as on 
 the nose and chin and round the edge of the face, are barbed lines which repre- 
 sent clouds (hai). On the cheeks are representations of hi'kuli or votive bowls. 
 On the nose is a scroll design which I have termed ‘freno’ (cf Fig. 244, e). It 
 is one of the most important ornamental designs, and frequently used. It is 
 derived from the clasping of hands, and here is a very interesting case where 
 the original meaning of the design is evident. The votive bowls on the cheeks 
 belong to different goddesses, the one on the right cheek being that of Ka'riwali 
 (Ka'riwali urai'ya nealikai'ya), and the one on the left that of the Corn Mother 
 (Tate' Otegana'ka urai'ya nealikai'ya). The two goddesses are sisters, or 
 perhaps impersonations of the same goddess, and their identity is symbolized 
 by the ‘ freno ’ design over the nose. The three S-shaped, barbed figures on 
 the chin are certain small animals said to be caterpillars (called in Spanish gusano 
 and in Huichol kwi'ster), which live on the trees in the wet season, boring under 
 the bark. The descending lines on either side of the chin are raindrops. 
 
 9. Face-Painting of the Corn Mother (Fig. 277, c).- — On each cheek, 
 next to the nose, is the hi'kuli of fire, while farther back on either cheek is the 
 hi'kuli of corn. The former are votive bowls of Grandfather Fire, and the latter 
 those of the Corn Mother. On the nose are clouds (hai). On the chin is a 
 squash-vine with three squashes. Across the forehead are three rows of clouds 
 (hai), and on the middle of it two coiled serpents (Hai'ku) with heads facing each 
 other. The result of the clouds is seen in the descending rain, and the grains of 
 corn below it. 
 
 10. Face-Painting of Mother East-Water (Tate' Naaliwa'mi Nealikai'ya 
 Urai'ya), Fig 277, d. — The face is covered with serpents, or, which is the same 
 
Fig. 278. Facial Paintings 
 
 a i Of Young Mother Eagle c, Of Rutu'li Iwia'kami ; d, Of Young Mother Wa'ra; <?, Of Mother North-Water; /, Of the Singing Shaman 
 
 201 
 
202 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 thing, the picture of a rainstorm (nonalite'r). A few grains of corn are scattered 
 among the serpents. The barbed lines are clouds (hai). However, the inner 
 row of barbs depending from the outer barbed line represents rain (wita'li). 
 
 11. Face-Painting of Mother West-Water (Tate' Kyewimo'ka Neali- 
 kai'ya Urai'ya), Fig. 277, e. — The partly barbed curved lines on the cheek are 
 tail-feathers of the hawk Piwa'mi attached to the ‘ bed ’ of the Mother, indicated 
 as usual by the longitudinal parallel lines. On the nose is a serpent (Hai'ku) 
 with three grains of corn near it, and surrounded above and below by clouds (hai). 
 On the chin is a similar serpent. All the barbed lines are clouds, and the dots 
 corn. The serpentine line and the straight line in the outline of the face are 
 indicative of trees sprouting. 
 
 12. Face-Painting of Mother Ha UlTma (Tate' Ha Uli'ma Nealikai'ya 
 Urai'ya), Fig. 2 77,/". — ‘ Ha’ means ‘water.’ Which one of the rain Mothers 
 this is, is difficult to say, but it is one in the west. On each cheek is a front- 
 shield. On either side of the nose is a back-shield or ‘bed ’ with plumes attached. 
 Above the eyebrows is the maize-plant (iku' e'tsi). The figure between the 
 eyebrows is a god-house. The star-like figures scattered everywhere represent 
 the flower toto' (more correctly, toto' sikuta'mi, p. 65). 
 
 13. Face-Painting of Young Mother Eagle (Tate' Ve'lika Uima'li Nea- 
 likai'ya Urai'ya), Fig. 278, a. — On the nose as well as on the forehead and on the 
 sides of the face, is the vine ha'pani. On each cheek is a flower of the same 
 plant (ha'pani rutu'li), which is white, red, and yellow. On the chin are figures 
 representing clouds, green corn, and sugarcane. 
 
 14. Face-Painting of Young Mother Eagle (Fig. 278, b). — On each 
 cheek is a representation of the eagle in front view. On the border of the right 
 cheek, as well as on the chin, are six deer (five male, and one female) and a dog. 
 Along the forehead are six bluejays, or, as the Indians expressed it, ‘jay plumes’ 
 (wa moye'li). 
 
 15. Face-Painting of Rutu'li Iwia'kami (Rutu'li Iwia'kami Nealikai'ya 
 Urai'ya), Fig. 278, c. — Rutu'li Iwia'kami (‘ flower skirt’) is the sister of Young 
 Mother Eagle, and is considered identical with her. The barbed lines on each 
 side of the face are bamboo reeds (ha'ka), from which arrows are made, and 
 the same meaning is attached to the rest of the barbed lines. The barbed 
 S-shaped figures are the roots of the bamboo-plant (ha'ka nana'li). Round the 
 mouth is the representation of the root of a vine which grows in the wet season, 
 and which is found among the roots of the ha'ka. On either cheek is a picture of 
 a flower, Rutu'li Iwia'kami, the name of the goddess as well. Four venomous ser- 
 pents of a species called Mosia'ka are represented. This serpent is about two 
 feet long, and found in the hot country (Tierra Caliente). 
 
 16. Face-Painting of Young Mother Wa'ra (Tate' Wa'ra Uima'li Nea- 
 likai'ya Urai'ya), Fig. 278, d. — The name alludes to the Virgin Mary as patron 
 saint of Mexico, called ‘ Guadalupe,’ and is another impersonation of Young 
 Mother Eagle above. On each cheek is a back-shield or ‘ bed ’ with plumes 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 203 
 
 of the royal eagle attached. The descending lines inside the back-shield are 
 candles. The short lines emanating from it are corn. The four figures over the 
 left eye represent the flower toto', and the eight figures along the edge of the 
 face from the chin upwards are called ‘angel pictures’ (ai'keli nealikai'ya). 
 The two children who perform at certain sacrificial feasts are called ‘ angels ’ or 
 ‘ai'keli’ (see p. 120, Fig. 126, <?). The design across the forehead, and extending 
 down on the right side of the face, represents the freno design first mentioned 
 under Fig. 244, e. 
 
 17. Face-Painting of Mother North-Water (Tate' Hau'tse Kupu'ri Nea- 
 likai'ya Urai'ya), Fig. 278, e. — On each cheek, as well as on one side of the chin, 
 is a front-shield. On the left side of the chin is a parrot with a large tail (totowi' 
 kwarie'ya). Above the mouth is a squash-plant (kuluku'r). The two rows 
 above the eyes are ears of corn, and the curved lines between the eyebrows are 
 ornamental. 
 
 18. Face-Painting of the Singing Shaman (Malea'kami Nealikai'ya 
 Urai'ya), Fig 278, f. — All the lines indicate tracks (ha'ye), which run round a 
 corn-field, the latter represented by the dots (ears of corn). The tracks are 
 those of wind, rain, and water. 
 
XI.— MISCELLANEOUS SYMBOLIC OBJECTS. 
 
 Under this heading are included certain symbolic objects which it was not 
 possible to classify with those hitherto treated. 
 
 Eig. 279 shows a pipe of Grandmother Growth (Nakawe' yana'ya), — a piece 
 of bamboo one end of which is closed through a natural growth of the plant, the 
 
 piece having been cut off just 
 below one of the joints. It is 
 colored black, and has daubs of 
 
 Fig. 279 (533). Representation of Grandmother Growth’s Pipe. white, brOWn, and l'ed all OVCT it. 
 
 (Length, 15.5 cm. ; diam., 2 cm.) . , . 
 
 About the middle are two blue 
 beads, fastened by means of beeswax. This symbolic pipe, which the 
 supplicant left filled with tobacco, was sacrificed to gain luck in rais- 
 ing tobacco. To-day among the Huichols only the hi'kuli-seekers use 
 pipes on their journey. The name for these is osoya'na. The bowl 
 is of clay, and the stem is a piece of bamboo reed. 
 
 Fig. 280 is a small carved stick of bamboo, called i'tsu, of the same 
 kind, only diminutive in size, as those mentioned on p. 193. It was 
 found in the god-house of Elder Brother, near the temple of Guayavas, 
 where it was deposited by a man who wished luck in making the sticks 
 used at the dance. 
 
 Fig. 281 shows a diminutive drum of Elder Brother (Tama'ts 
 Pa'likd Tamoye'ke te'po), from the same god-house. It is a cylindrical 
 piece of wood, one end of which is cut into the form of three legs. It is 
 adorned all* over with variously colored glass beads, and w’as deposited by a 
 shaman who desired luck in making a drum. 
 
 There are in the collection six specimens of such small drums, decorated with 
 glass beads or painting of some sort. One is dedicated to Grandmother Growth, 
 
 while two belono- to Elder Brother, one to Mother West- 
 
 <r> 
 
 Water, and one to Iva'tsi. Some of them are made with 
 four legs. The prayers expressed by the drums are in most 
 cases for luck in making real drums. One of 
 them embodies, besides, a prayer for rain and 
 for green corn. Another is a prayer for the 
 recovery of a sick child. One of the Elder 
 Brother drums (Fig. 282) expresses the prayer 
 of a shaman that he may not get tired of beat- 
 ing the drum. The top of this drum is dec- 
 orated with variously colored beads, which 
 have been stuck on to four daubs of bees- 
 wax, each decorated daub signifying the heart of Elder Brother. 
 
 Fig. 283 shows one of a pair of sandals taken from the god-house of Elder 
 Brother, near the temple of Guayavas. They are the shaman’s ceremonial sandals 
 
 [204] 
 
 Fig. 280(460). 
 Di mi nutive 
 Serpent Stick. 
 (Length, 1 9 
 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 281 (^72)- Diminutive Drum 
 of Elder Brother. (Height, 4.5 cm.; 
 diam., 3.2 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 282 (reir). Di- 
 minutive Drum of 
 Elder Brother. 
 (Height, 3.5 cm. ; 
 diam., 4.2 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HU1CHOL INDIANS. 
 
 205 
 
 in diminutive size (p. 183). Such a pair is placed every five years in the god- 
 house, on behalf of a child who wants to become a singing shaman. 
 
 Often the small sandals are attached to arrows ; and as the real sandals are 
 used at two feasts of the year, the prayers expressed by the diminutive sandal 
 vary. In one case a shaman prays that he may eat tamales at the feast of 
 tamales de maiz cruclo ; and, as that feast cannot come off without killing deer, 
 
 he indirectly asks for luck in killing deer. In another case 
 he asks for luck in singing at the same feast. 
 
 In Fig. 284 is a representation 
 of the tobacco-gourd of the hi'kuli- 
 seeker. It is a small piece of wood 
 carved into an oval shape. Through 
 a hole pierced longitudinally in it, 
 a string is passed to represent the 
 string of the real tobacco-gourd. On 
 opposite sides are small daubs of bees- 
 wax, to which a few beads were evi- 
 dently once attached. .This little 
 object had been deposited by a man 
 who raises the kind of squashes from 
 which tobacco-gourds are made ; and 
 the prayer expressed is that he may 
 squashes covered with many excrescences 
 
 Fig. 283 (47V) ■ Diminutive Sha- 
 man’s Sandal. (Length, about 9 cm.) 
 
 succeed in raising 
 
 or abnormal growths on the outside. This kind, as will 
 be remembered, is considered of much more value than 
 squashes with a smooth surface. 
 
 Stems of squashes, mentioned on p. 172, are also depos- 
 ited at certain sacred places for luck in raising squashes. I 
 have seen specimens in the cave of Mother West-Water, in 
 the little temple of Grandfather Fire in Teaka'ta, and in the 
 cave of Grandmother Growth. I was told that every suppli- 
 cant leaves five stems and burns five others in the middle of 
 the field which he makes ready for the planting of squashes. 
 
 Fig. 285 shows a stick of Brazil-wood called kalatsi'ki. 
 
 It was secured in the temple of Santa Catarina, where it 
 had been made by one of the officers of the temple in order 
 to be taken later to the little temple of Grandfather Fire in 
 Teaka'ta. It is flat, slightly curved sideways, and is notched on both edges for 
 more than half of its length, the rest of the stick serving as a handle. It symbol- 
 izes the notched deer-bone against which the shoulder-blade of the deer is 
 rubbed to produce a rattling accompaniment to the hunting-song. The noise is 
 supposed to be specially efficacious in decoying the deer into the snare : hence 
 a symbolic stick like this is deposited for luck in killing deer. 
 
 Fig. 284. 
 
 Fig. 285. 
 
 Fig. 284(375). Representations in 
 Wood of FIFkuIi-Seeker’s Tobacco- 
 Gourd. (Length, 2 cm.) 
 
 Fig. 285 (i?3u)' Wood-Carving 
 representing Notched Deer-Bone 
 or Kalatsi'ki. (Length, 37 cm. ; 
 greatest width, 2 cm.) 
 
206 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 I give here an illustration (Fig. 286, a) of the real kalatsi'ki, a metatarsal 
 bone of a deer, as well as the shoulder-blade (Fig. 286, b ) with which it is rubbed, 
 also taken from a deer. The first-named bone is from the left side, and the 
 notches are made on the inner side ; towards one 
 end the notches become shallow incisions. On 
 the shoulder-blade, which is taken from the right 
 side, are transverse incisions across the two long 
 borders of the concave surface. When in use, 
 the shoulder-blade is held with the right hand 
 by the spine, and rubbed against the notched 
 bone held in the left hand. This rubbing of 
 bones accompanies the song in the house during 
 the entire night before the hunt, and singing 
 with a similar accompaniment is kept up for one 
 night after the return of the hunters. 
 
 I learned, however, that a more important 
 instrument of accompaniment to the hunting- 
 song is the musical bow, which is of the same 
 kind as that used by the Coras, and practically 
 the same as the one found among the southern 
 
 . 5 * Fig. 286, a (1535), Notched Deer-Bone or Kalatsi'ki ; 
 
 Tepehuanes and the few neighboring Aztecs. « (Arr), The shouider-Biade with which * is rubbed. 
 
 1 00 (Length, 23 cm. and 16 cm.) 
 
 As the musical bow is at present attracting con- 
 siderable notice, it may be of interest to describe here the one found among these 
 latter tribes (Fig. 287). It is considerably longer, thicker, and narrower than the 
 ordinary bow. Among the Coras it exceeds the ordinary bow in length by about 
 30 cm. 
 
 Its necessary accessory is a resonator in the form of a large gourd, on top of 
 which it is placed. The gourd selected for the purpose is round, and compressed 
 from the ends. It rests on the ground with the neck turned upwards. A large 
 circular hole is carved out of the lower end, and a smaller hole is to be found on 
 the side. The bow, having been made taut, is placed on the gourd with its back 
 
 down, the middle part 
 resting on it. The sha- 
 man, who when playing is 
 seated on a stool or a kind 
 of bench, keeps the bow 
 steady by a cross-piece 
 of fat pine wood, which 
 he presses with one foot. 
 This piece of wood, which 
 is about 70 cm. long, 3 cm. 
 
 wide, and 2 cm. thick, has a transverse slit at one end, to fit the back of the bow, 
 over which it is placed. This tends to keep the bow more’ steady than the 
 
 
 Fig. 287 TGBtp iofs)- The Musical Bow of the Southern Tepehuanes and the Aztecs. 
 (Length of bow, 1 m. 36.5 cm.; diam. of gourd, about 38 cm.) 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 207 
 
 sandalled foot could do, the use of a stick also precluding any interference with the 
 resonance of the gourd. This custom prevails among the southern Tepehuane 
 Indians and the neighboring Aztecs. The Coras, however, glue the back of the 
 bow solidly to the gourd, for the occasion, thus making one instrument of them. 
 They also place the gourd over a small excavation in the ground in order to 
 increase its resonance. 
 
 This musical bow is played by two thin round sticks of tough, heavy wood, 
 each about 40cm. long. It produces a loud sound, resembling, at some distance, 
 that of the Huichol drum, yet with a rather pleasant mixture of the ’cello, more 
 apparent when near by. 
 
 The musical bow has the same name as the shooting bow, and is called by 
 the southern Tepehuanes, and their neighbors the Aztecs, tawito'l. By the Coras 
 the name tunamo'ti is applied. The Huichols call it topi'. The gourd and the 
 playing-sticks, as well as the stick on which the foot is put, have their special 
 native names. In the Nahuatl (Mexicano) of that region the playing-sticks are 
 called otsu'l, and the stick with which the player keeps the bow from moving is 
 called kwa'wite. Among all these tribes, with the excep- 
 tion of the Huichol, it is used at religious ceremonies, 
 when it takes the place of the drum of the latter tribe. 
 
 These facts settle beyond doubt the question recently 
 raised, whether or not there is a musical bow indigenous 
 to America. To deny its existence among the Coras and 
 their northern neighbors would be equivalent to doubting 
 the originality of the Huichol drum. 
 
 Among the Huichols the musical bow is rare, but I 
 heard of its use on the eastern side of the river. It is 
 beaten with two arrows, — one of Elder Brother, and an- 
 other of the Setting Sun. Probably the choice of accom- 
 paniment depends upon the decision of the shaman. The 
 notched bones or the bow are specially used at the time 
 before clearing the fields in the winter for the coming year, 
 work on which cannot be commenced until a deer has been 
 killed. 
 
 Fig. 288 shows a bunch of six deer-hoofs called riku'a 
 (‘rattling objects’ or ‘ bells’) taken from the god-house of 
 Elder Brother. Each is attached to the end of a twine 
 of bark-fibre in the following way : A hole is made longi- 
 tudinally through the point of the hoof, the extreme point 
 being cut off for the purpose. Through this hole the twine is put, and a knot 
 is tied in it to prevent the hoof from slipping off. The six twines are tied together 
 at their ends. The bunch was deposited to obtain luck in hunting deer. 
 
 In Fig. 289 is seen a strip of deerskin, which is tied round the ankle in 
 order to secure luck in hunting. The skin, apparently taken from the stomach 
 
 Fig. 288 ( 37*1 ) . Bunch of Deer- 
 Hoofs. (Total length, about 18 cm.) 
 
208 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 of the animal, is cut into a rectangular form, with long narrow strips extending 
 from the corners of one of the short sides. To the opposite corners two red 
 woollen tassels are attached by yellow strings. Such ankle ornaments are not 
 in common use, but may be seen at the dance of the hi'kuli feast. 
 
 In the god-house of Elder Brother at Teaka'ta I found the skin of the 
 
 hawk Piwa'mi, left as a prayer for luck in killing birds. It was complete with 
 the exception of the wings, which were missing. 
 
 Fig. 290 shows an image of burnt clay, representing a cow, which was 
 found in the cave of Grandmother Growth at Santa Catarina. On both sides it 
 is adorned with white beads on three daubs of beeswax. It is a prayer for luck 
 in raising many large cattle. The same prayer is expressed by the cow repre- 
 sented in Fig. 291. It was found deposited on the altar in the church of San 
 Andres. It is made of beeswax, and adorned all over with blue, white, and 
 black beads. 
 
 Finally it should be mentioned that I have found diminutive jars of clay as 
 well as diminutive comales (cf. p. 78) deposited in the cave of Grandmother 
 Growth, near Santa Catarina, as prayers for luck in the manufacture of large 
 utensils of the same kind. 
 
XII. — CONCLUSION. 
 
 From the symbolism of the Huichols it may be inferred that the main 
 thought of their prayers is food, — corn, beans, and squashes. Even in the hunt- 
 ing of the deer, the primary consideration is that the success of the chase means 
 good crops of corn. This is illustrated in the picture of the corn-plant on the 
 deer-snares shown in Fig. 19. The means of providing food is rain : therefore 
 most of the symbolic objects express, first of all prayers for rain, and then 
 prayers for health, good fortune, and long life. In many cases the supplicant 
 himself is represented on symbolic objects in the shape of a human figure or a 
 heart ; but in others the god is thus depicted. 
 
 It seems probable that the act of sending a prayer to a god is symbolized by 
 attaching a representation of the prayer to an arrow. The direction which the 
 arrow is to take seems to be indicated by the painting of the rearshaft of the arrow, 
 which is symbolic of the deity. In other cases the prayer is directed to the 
 god by placing the symbolic object representing the prayer in the temple of the 
 deity or by tying it to his chair or placing it in his votive bowl. 
 
 In the preceding chapters the symbolic objects described have been classified 
 according to their form. In conclusion I will give a review of the prayers ex- 
 pressed by these objects and of the symbols utilized by this Indian tribe. 
 
 Prayers. — Speaking in a general way, arrows and back-shielcls seem to 
 convey mostly individual (or personal) prayers, while front-shields mostly serve 
 to convey tribal ones. ‘ Eyes’ cover both purposes to an almost equal extent. 
 
 In regard to prayers, as in most cases of symbolism, we can trace a connection 
 between the object and the symbol expressing it, although often the two seem at 
 first glance to bear no relation to each other. 
 
 It is easy to understand how their chief prayer, that for rain, is embodied in 
 idols, in the mask, face, or eyes of the gods, and in rocks and stones of odd shape, 
 as well as in symbolic representations of all the paraphernalia of the gods, — 
 their arrows, front-shields, back-shields, staffs, and girdles. We also find it 
 
 expressed in reproductions of animals, and of various natural phenomena con- 
 nected with rain, such as the sea, clouds, lightning, and rivers ; and, finally, even 
 in artificial objects associated with water, such as the ark of the Deluge Legend. 
 
 We also readily understand the relation of prayers for success in raising 
 corn, beans, and squashes, to arrows, front-shields, and disks, or to the back- 
 shields of the Mothers who created these plants, the object of the prayer often 
 being depicted on or attached to the symbol. Such prayers are also often found 
 applied in beadwork to chairs, stools, or votive bowls of the goddesses, or painted 
 on these objects. Sometimes real kernels of corn are fastened to the inside of a 
 votive bowl, and dried stems of squashes are deposited in the god-houses, to 
 convey the same idea. The ceremonial objects which express prayers for rain 
 
 [209] 
 
2 10 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 and bountiful crops are also used to implore the gods to grant, what to the 
 Indian is next in importance, health and long life. But there are, besides, some 
 special symbols that pray for these blessings, as, for instance, small bamboo 
 sticks, — representations of the staff of the Mother of the gods, which is a symbol 
 of longevity. Other symbols used as prayers for health and long life are parrot- 
 feathers, artificial flowers, a spiral painted on the rearshaft of an arrow, a red 
 thread tied around an arrow, but, above all, wads of cotton-wool, on account of 
 their resemblance to the clouds that bring rain, the original source of all life and 
 health. Still, cotton-wool, in itself the chief symbol of clouds, may also be used 
 to convey prayers for luck in raising cotton-plants. 
 
 Prayers in regard to cattle, mules, and other domestic animals, as well as for 
 success in making arrows, bows, chairs, stools, back-shields, bamboo serpent- 
 sticks, drums, textile work of any kind, and earthenware or other implements, are 
 expressed by sacrificing diminutive representations of the articles in question. 
 
 Luck in raising squashes from which tobacco-gourds are made, is asked for 
 by sacrificing a diminutive tobacco-gourd attached to an arrow or to a chair. 
 Generally, however, this little gourd expresses a prayer for luck in killing deer, 
 because its prototype, so necessary a part of the hi'kuli-seeker’s outfit, gives 
 success in hunting deer. It may also express a woman’s prayer that her son 
 may become a shaman. 
 
 Prayers against evil or accidents are expressed by depicting on a back-shield 
 the source from which danger threatens. Thus, a person fearing that the scorpion 
 may bite his fowls, deposits with the gods a piece of woollen cloth on which is 
 embroidered the picture of a scorpion between two hens ; for the purpose of 
 protecting his cattle against the mountain-lion, a man will sacrifice a back-shield 
 with a picture of that ferocious animal on it. Frequently special devices are re- 
 sorted to, such as cutting holes in pieces of cocoons found on the Madrona tree and 
 placing them on the bed of Grandmother Growth as a prayer that the wind may 
 not drive away the clouds, but pass on through the holes. A double vessel of 
 burnt clay serves the same purpose. Protection against hailstorms is invoked by 
 placing their symbol, executed in beadwork, on the inside of a votive bowl. 
 
 Other symbols as expressions of prayers are more difficult of interpretation. 
 Thus a diminutive drum, which represents generally a prayer for assistance in 
 making drums, may in other instances convey a prayer that the shaman may 
 have luck in beating the drum while singing at the feast of green corn ; further- 
 more, as this feast induces the gods to send rain, it may express a prayer for rain 
 and green corn. It may also express a prayer for the health of a child, because 
 at the same feast the children eat first, and in this way gain health and life. 
 
 Another symbol of diversified meaning may be found in a pair of sandals of 
 ancient pattern attached to an arrow. Such sandals are worn only by shamans at 
 the greatest feast of the Huichols, that of tamales de maiz crudo. They there- 
 fore become the symbol of a prayer that this feast may come off, also that 
 nothing untoward may happen to the shaman at the feast ; but, inasmuch as the 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 2 I I 
 
 feast cannot be celebrated unless a deer has been killed, a pair of such sandals also 
 expresses a prayer for luck in killing deer. Furthermore, as in olden times only 
 the men wore sandals, which at that time were of the ancient pattern referred to, 
 these sandals are also used to express a woman’s prayer for a husband. 
 
 We have already seen how prayers to avoid evil are represented on back- 
 shields, the idea arising, no doubt, from the ancient use of the back-shield as a 
 protector of the body, especially from the dangerous heat of the sun ; but the 
 other reputed use of this object, as a mat or bed of the deities, has a stronger 
 influence upon native reasoning. Thus the Huichol mainly associates with the 
 back-shield the idea of a resting-place for the deities, and it has become a power- 
 ful medium through which he asks favors. The prayer is generally expressed by 
 woven or embroidered fiomres on the back-shield. In this connection we see a 
 
 o 
 
 prayer for success in killing deer expressed by the picture of a deer and a snare ; 
 the prayer of a woman who desires to have a child, by a human figure em- 
 broidered on a piece of woollen textile that serves as a back-shield ; a prayer that 
 the hi'kuli may not decay, by a picture of hi'kuli on a mountain or altar woven on a 
 back-shield ; a prayer for success in making native beer, by the picture of a gourd 
 containing beer woven on a back-shield ; a prayer that many black lambs may be 
 born into the flock, by rows of wads of black wool on a loose textile. 
 
 Symbols. — The system of symbols applied to express abstract ideas or con- 
 crete objects is very elaborate. Many symbols of the Huichols are, however, 
 ambiguous in their significance. This is largely due to the fact that, owing to 
 a strong tendency to see analogies, the most heterogeneous phenomena are con- 
 sidered as identical. For instance, most of the gods and all the goddesses are 
 believed to be serpents ; so are the pools of water and the springs in which the 
 deities live, and even the staffs of the gods ; these last, however, are also con- 
 sidered as arrows. In the sky, in the wind sweeping through the grass, the mov- 
 ing sea, the sinuously flowing rivers, the darting lightning, the descending rain ; 
 in fire, smoke, clouds; in fact, in all natural phenomena, — these Indians see 
 serpents. It may be added that they see serpents even in their own flowing hair, 
 in the girdles around their waists, in the ribbons streaming from their heads and 
 their pouches, in their wristlets and anklets. Therefore they frequently deco- 
 rate their handiwork with the markings on the backs of serpents or with the 
 rattles of rattlesnakes. Maize (the plant itself as well as its fruit, the ears of 
 corn), the bow with its elastic re-action, the piercing arrow, and even the tobacco- 
 gourd, — all are considered as serpents. Even the trails of man meandering over 
 the land appear to them as serpents. The gods are symbolized by painted or 
 carved representations of the human figure, or by their various paraphernalia. 
 They are also sometimes embodied in small rock crystals. The eye and the heart 
 are frequently used to represent a deity, as is also his wristlet or his bed. Faces 
 of the gods are generally expressed by front-shields, and sometimes by broad 
 colored bands on the rearshaft of an arrow. The face of the deer god is sometimes 
 
212 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 indicated by a snare for catching deer, or by coils of variously colored beads 
 on tobacco-gourds. The power of the god is symbolized by arrows, and for this 
 reason the rays and the heat of the sun, through which he manifests his power, 
 are considered his arrows. This power is also symbolized by batons. Lightning, 
 for instance, is looked upon as the baton of Mother East-Water; and the power 
 of Grandfather Fire is symbolized by the figure of an eagle carved on his disk. 
 
 Although the gods are obviously natural phenomena personified, and besides 
 represent the four elements, they are also, to the Indian, human ; in fact, ancient 
 Huichols engaged in much the same occupations as the tribe of to-day whose 
 customs and religion they originated. 
 
 The front and back shields of ancient times, as well as the arrows associated 
 with them, become in their modern counterparts powerful ceremonial objects. All 
 such paraphernalia derive their significance and importance from their reputed 
 use by these gods. The symbolism expressed in this way is remarkably rich. 
 
 It has been pointed out that the deer is considered as identical with hi'kuli, 
 and hi'kuli identical with corn, and certain insects identical with corn. The same 
 tendency to consider heterogeneous objects as identical may be observed in the 
 fact that a great variety of objects are considered as plumes. Clouds, cotton- 
 wool, the white tail of a deer, the deer’s antlers, and even the deer itself, are con- 
 sidered as plumes, and all serpents are believed to have plumes. 
 
 It has been shown that the front-shield is the most important symbol of the 
 Huichols, and specially adapted to serve as a kind of sign-language between man 
 and god, conveying prayers and adoration, as well as religious and cosmic ideas. 
 The disks on which the idols stand were without doubt originally front-shields, 
 and should be classed with them. We observed how the original front-shield 
 (neali'ka), with its central hole through which the warrior could look, became 
 symbolic of a face and of an appearance, and how at last it even served as an ex- 
 pression for a picture. This comprehensive use of the word neali'ka as signify- 
 ing ‘front-shield,’ ‘face,’ ‘appearance,’ and ‘picture,’ suggests that the Huichols 
 have in it a veritable word for ‘ symbol.’ This view is corroborated by the fact 
 that even an ‘ eye ’ is sometimes called a neali'ka. However, it seems to me more 
 probable, considering the state of mental development in which we find the 
 Huichols, that a designation of something concrete, like front-shield, should 
 have been gradually applied to abstract conceptions readily suggested by it, 
 such as first the appearance of man, and next the appearance of objects in general, 
 i. e., pictures. The symbolic use of back-shields, especially in their character as 
 mats or beds, is also very extensive. Mountains on which the fog rests are viewed 
 as altars, i. e., mats or beds of the goddesses, themselves fog and rain. 
 
 Flowers, plants, and trees play an important part in the religious life of the 
 Huichol, the hi'kuli-plant above all. Flowers are sacrificed, and are of symbolic 
 significance. Certain (lowers are considered as votive bowls of the deities. A 
 magnificent yellow flower, which grows during the wet season, is looked upon as 
 the votive bowl of Mother East-Water, while hi'kuli is that of Grandfather Fire 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 213 
 
 and of the Corn Mother. Other ilowers are symbols of life, and are frequently 
 worn on the head or on the home-made hats, expressing, like plumes, prayers for 
 life. Life (toki'la) is considered as something above, to obtain which man must 
 reach upward. Since some gods are considered trees, may we not see in this idea 
 an allusion to the Tree of Life, the Cross of Palenque ? 
 
 A spiral painted on the rearshaft of an arrow, the blood of the deer, and the 
 color red, are also emblems of life ; and health, life, and luck are symbolized by 
 cotton-wool, by the hair from the tail of the deer, by the deer itself, and by the 
 color white. 
 
 Regarding the representation of symbolic objects, we find that terraced 
 figures, zigzag lines, and notches along the rim of stone disks, are used to ex- 
 press the earth with its hills and valleys, while the earth on which the god walks 
 is indicated by a diametrical line across the disk. 
 
 While rain is generally expressed by descending parallel lines, it may also be 
 represented by the figure of a water-bird swallowing a serpent, by a multitude of 
 variously colored serpents, by the plumes on the serpents, by pictures of small red 
 and black insects that appear during the wet season, and finally by representations 
 of the waxing and the waning moon. Clouds are indicated by coils of red and 
 white beads and by wads of wool of the various colors in which the clouds 
 appear. Snakes painted red and black or in other colors, and the facial painting 
 of the hi'kuli-seekers, convey the same idea. The wind, too, assumes the shape 
 of serpents flying through the air, and its track in the corn-field is designated by 
 a band of curved lines interspersed with dots. Rivers are represented by zigzag 
 lines ; and the sea, by a large wavy design in beads, or by blue beads covering a 
 corn-cob on top of a representation of the white rock near San Bias, or by a 
 zigzag line around a votive bowl ; while the waves of the sea are depicted 
 as a series of small serpents. The sky in the day-time is denoted by a 
 broad reddish band painted along the edge of a stone disk. The four cardinal 
 points of the world are indicated by the figure of a Greek cross ; but the upper 
 section of the rearshaft of an arrow may indicate east, and its lower section 
 west. 
 
 The sun is most commonly figured as a circular space surrounded by rays, 
 while the different stages of his journey are indicated by various colors. Thus 
 the sun of the east has a yellow centre ; the sun in the middle of the day, or 
 south, has a red centre ; the sun of the north has a blue centre ; and the sun of the 
 west, a variegated star-like centre. Stars are generally denoted by dots or spots, but 
 the morning star is represented by a Latin cross in red. As the morning star is 
 revered as an important god of the Huichols, it can easily be understood why a 
 Christian cross has been used as its symbol. Zigzag lines, or irregular curved 
 lines, or red, tongue-shaped figures, depict lightning ; and hailstones are seen in 
 rock crystals, or in daubs of beeswax set with red beads in a votive bowl. 
 
 The usual expression for corn is dots, either painted, or indicated by beads 
 fastened with beeswax to the inner side of a votive bowl ; but the Huichols 
 
214 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 interpret as corn the natural markings on shells and rocks, or coils of worsted fas- 
 tened to a disk. Ears of corn are depicted by short painted stripes or rays, and 
 also by the painting of a fish, which is called by the Mexicans bagre. Heaps of 
 corn in harvest-time are represented by interlaced horizontal and vertical lines. 
 Corn-plants are indicated in about the same manner as ears of corn, only when- 
 ever the former are meant, the short stripes are attached to a band which repre- 
 sents the earth, or to the outer edge of a snare, etc. 
 
 The symbols for beans and squashes are much alike. Generally speaking, 
 dots represent the fruit, and zigzag lines the vine. However, beans may also be 
 indicated by ray-like rows of beads on a chair; and the bean-plant, with its roots 
 and fruit, by a coil and a string of beads. 
 
 Hi'kuli may be designated by a green band painted on the middle of the 
 rearshaft of an arrow, but more frequently it is denoted by a cross-like figure ; 
 at other times by triangular figures, or by short lines emanating from a circle 
 around a cross. 
 
 Flowers appear as wads of variously colored wool on the mat of Mother 
 East-Water. They are also indicated by outlines of diamond-shaped figures on a 
 back-shield of the same goddess, or by various painted designs. Sprouting trees 
 are expressed by serpentine and straight lines ; bamboo reeds by barbed lines ; 
 and the roots of this plant by S-shapecl barbed figures. 
 
 Serpents are shown by curved or by zigzag lines ; they are also seen in the 
 corn-cob on top of a representation of the white rock near San Bias, because both 
 the corn-plant and the ear of corn are viewed as serpents. 
 
 The heart of a god (or of a person) may be expressed by diamond-shaped, 
 square, or round markings in the middle of a human figure ; but it may also be 
 shown as a string of red beads in the form of a coil on a disk, or, finally, as a 
 small representation of the real heart made from a certain seed (wa've). A cross 
 surrounded by a square in the middle of a bird, and a large dot on a scorpion, 
 also stand for the hearts of the respective animals. 
 
 Diversity of the Meaning of Symbolic Designs. — If we now take a 
 rapid survey of the various meanings which one and the same symbol may serve 
 to express, we obtain some interesting results. 
 
 A bed is most completely shown by a design of longitudinal lines crossed by 
 an equal number of horizontal lines, in imitation of the real bed or back-shield ; 
 but the cross-lines are generally left out, and we find that parallel longitudinal 
 lines are made to serve as expressions not only for their most common synonyme, 
 falling rain, but also for a bed, and further for the tail and wing feathers of the 
 royal eagle. A similar combination of lines, which, however, rest on horizontal 
 line, stands for candles ; but when the lines are very short, they signify corn-plants. 
 Short lines emanating from a circle around a cross mean hi'kuli ; in another case, 
 short radial stripes surrounding a circular space (the sun) designate plumes of 
 various kinds of hawks belonging to the sun. Longitudinal lines painted on an 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 215 
 
 arrow signify its path ; while similar lines in a facial painting, but interspersed 
 with dots, symbolize corn-fields. 
 
 Irregular lines with short side-lines are bean-plants, and when dots are scat- 
 tered about this design, they indicate that the bean-plant is in fruit. These are 
 easily distinguished from irregular lines in various colors, which mean serpents, that 
 is, showers in the west. 
 
 Curved lines in general indicate serpents ; but when there are dots between 
 curved lines, they mean ears of corn in the fields. Bands of curved lines with 
 dots between them are the tracks of wind, rain, and water in the fields. 
 
 Interlaced horizontal and vertical lines mean heaps of corn in harvest-time ; 
 however, a triple row of curved lines, connected with cross-lines, and the outer 
 line barbed, represents the vine ha'pani. 
 
 Barbed bands, which occur so frequently in facial paintings, generally denote 
 clouds ; when they are applied in a more or less horizontal position, the barbs 
 that turn upwards are clouds, and those that turn downwards are rain, and there- 
 fore of the same significance as the descending parallel lines, but this distinction 
 is not always observed. Sometimes the barbed bands represent the bamboo-plant, 
 which furnishes material for arrows. The recumbent S-shaped designs represent 
 caterpillars, and in other places bamboo-roots. 
 
 Zigzag lines stand not only for rain-serpents, but also for lightning, the sea 
 surrounding the world, hills and valleys projected on the horizon, bean-plants, and 
 squash-vines. Dots and small circular spots of various colors are corn, but also 
 beans and squashes, flowers of the squash-vine, and sometimes even ears of corn. 
 
 A cross refers to the four cardinal points, but also signifies money, sparks, etc., 
 while half of a Greek cross stands for hi'kuli (and accordingly corn), and for 
 certain small insects which appear during the wet season (and therefore also for 
 corn). A cross enclosed in a circle on the figure of a bird designates its heart. 
 
 Coils of bead strings (and in one case of worsted) depict grains of corn, also 
 beans, the heart of a child, the face of a god, and, finally, clouds. Diamond- 
 shaped figures represent the eye of the god and the power to see and understand 
 unknown things ; in one case, when embroidered on a piece of cloth, they are 
 viewed as a snare, and represent the face of the deer god ; and when crossed by a 
 line, they designate hi'kuli growing on the ground. Triangular figures mean 
 clouds, hi'kuli, or the earth. 
 
 A broad band on the rearshaft of an arrow may indicate the face of a god, 
 east or west, according to the color used, the god’s wristlet, hi'kuli, and life. A 
 band along the edge of a disk may signify the sky, the earth, etc. A square may 
 indicate the earth, the heart of a person, or hi'kuli. A circular figure surrounded 
 by long or short rays is the Sun. When the rays are short, they are called 
 plumes, and when they are long, they mean bis rays or arrows. A circular space 
 enclosed in a complicated design expresses hi'kuli as well as a votive bowl. 
 
 Rock crystal* express hailstones as well as the Corn Mother ; they are also 
 the ancestors or relatives of the Huichol. 
 
2l6 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Daubs of beeswax set with blue beads in a votive bowl are expressive of hail- 
 stones ; but when set with variously colored beads, they represent the heart of 
 Elder Brother. Beads of various colors set in a votive bowl mean grains of corn, 
 while blue beads covering the corn-cob on top of a representation of the white 
 rock near San Bias signify the sea. 
 
 Relations to other Tribes. — As the Huichols are neighbors of the 
 Nahuatl, to whom they are linguistically related, it is only reasonable to expect 
 that some similarities may also be found between the culture of this tribe and that 
 of the Aztecs. Thus the myth of the creation of the sun as told by the latter 
 people 1 recalls that related by the Huichols. Their ceremonial cakes, too, may be 
 recognized as similar to those used by the Aztecs. At Pochotita a steep stair- 
 way of three narrow steps leads up to one of the god-houses. No doubt other 
 instances of analogy between the two peoples can be found in the material here 
 presented. 
 
 It suggests even closer similarities to the culture of another tribe. At the 
 conclusion of a lecture which I delivered in 1898 before the Anthropological 
 Society of Washington, on the general subject of this memoir, Mr. Cushing 
 expressed the opinion that these symbolic objects might throw much light on 
 the origin of Maya writing. He said substantially, that the Huichol Indians, 
 judging by the account I had given of them, were to-day in the status of culture 
 that the Zuni Indians had reached in remote prehistoric times ; while, in the 
 highly developed condition of their symbolic art, they even more nearly repre- 
 sented the Mayas of, say, two or three thousand years ago. One could not, by 
 seeing the little votive shields that had been shown on the screen, fail to be 
 impressed by the resemblance of these, if arranged in rows, to the shield-shaped 
 writing in the ancient Maya temples and codices. It was easy to infer, Mr. 
 Cushing thought, that these Huichol prayer-shields, hung up at intervals in the 
 god-houses and temples, were, in the first place, highly developed forms of such 
 little dance-shields as the Zuni and other northern Indians used in their sacred 
 dramas. If hung up at more regular intervals, and accordingly in more orderly 
 array, in the temples, they would speedily come to be regarded as ‘ speaking 
 shields,’ and so woidd ultimately be graven and painted on the walls of the 
 temples themselves, precisely as are the shield-like iconograms, or so-called 
 ‘ glyphs,’ of the ancient Maya ruins. 
 
 It is of interest to add that Major Powell coincided in this view, and that 
 since then Mr. Cushing: has carried on researches which tend to confirm his 
 opinion even in detail. It certainly is interesting to find, for instance, in the 
 Dresden Codex, illustrations of the God of Death associated with the locust and 
 the tiger, the meaning of which will be found in my study of the Huichols. 
 These people told me that two animals (both called in this special capacity mi'tso) 
 
 1 Codex Ramirez, Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., Vol. XXI, pp. 619, 622. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 217 
 
 protect them against the God of Death : the one is the locust, whose chirping 
 is, of course, magic, like the singing of a shaman, and who rejuvenates himself by 
 shifting his skin ; the other is the tiger-cat, who, through the spots of ‘ decay’ on 
 his skin, protects man from the arrival of this dread enemy, for which reason the 
 Huichols never kill it. It may be seen in the Dresden Codex that the God of 
 Death carries the dead on his back, as the Huichol God of Death carries them 
 on the back of his head (see Fig. 48). In the same Codex the God of Death is 
 seen with a locust either on his back or on his head, while the tiger is represented 
 alongside of him. I hope that Maya scholars will be able to find other similari- 
 ties in the subject-matter of this memoir. 
 
 I am not ignorant of the fact that the myth of the creation of the sun, alluded 
 to above, is, in its general traits, common to many American tribes, and I have no 
 doubt that in the same way analogies to various other tribes may be found in this 
 treatise. The ceremonial cakes, for instance, are used also among the Zapotecs 1 
 of to-day, as well as among nearly all the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and 
 Arizona. But such phenomena should not cause surprise, as researches tend 
 more and more to convince us of the similarity of Indian thought, under similar 
 conditions. 
 
 Apuntes historicos por Dr. D. Eulogio G. Gillow, Mexico, 1889, p. 206. 
 

 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 The figures refer to pages. 
 
 I. INDEX OF PRAYERS, WITH THEIR REPRESENTATIVE SYMBOLS. 
 
 For Rain (and indirectly for Bountiful 
 Crops) : representations of the vegetation 
 produced by rain — mainly corn (and its 
 symbolic equivalents, deer and hi'kuli), 
 beans, and squashes — on stone disks, 56 ; 
 on front-shields, 108, no, in, 112, 114, 115, 
 I 17 , 119 , 120, T23, 124,125,126,127, 130,134; 
 on back-shields, 138, 141, 142, 146, r47, 148, 
 153 1 representations of serpents, as symbols 
 of water (as rain as well as water in any form, 
 pools, rivers, and the waves of the sea, have 
 to the Indian the form of serpents), 47, 54 ; 
 single and double water-gourds, the only 
 means for carrying water from the spring to 
 the house, 1 13, 126 ; idols and paraphernalia 
 of Grandmother Growth, 49, 52 ; rocks and 
 stones, single or in votive heaps, represent- 
 ing rain deities, 76 ; representation of the 
 white rock near San Bias, 80 ; ancient stair- 
 case, 62 ; representations of the waxing and 
 waning moon, 132 ; the ark of the Deluge 
 Legend, 169; the za'pa, 184; ancient gir- 
 dles, symbolic of serpents, 187 ; a diminu- 
 tive drum as one of the accessories to the 
 rain-making feast, 204 ; double vessel of 
 burnt clay, 79 ; double-headed serpent of 
 burnt clay, 81. 
 
 Indirectly for Rain, and Consequent Boun- 
 tiful Crops : most of the symbolic designs 
 on the idols, 59, 79 ; on the stone disks, 
 79; on the front-shields, 115, 119; on the 
 back-shields, 140, 146 ; on votive bowls, 
 163 ; on various objects connected with the 
 ark of the Deluge Legend, 170 ; facial 
 paintings, 198. 
 
 For Food : ‘eyes,’ 154; tamales, 99. 
 
 For Success in raising Corn : arrow of the 
 Corn Mother, 99 ; arrow of Mother West- 
 Water, 100 ; chair of wood, with coils of 
 beads, 73, 74 ; stool, 76 ; front-shields, 108, 
 134 ; front-shield of Mother East-Water, 
 125, 127 ; back-shield with picture of hi'kuli, 
 93 ; votive bowl with grains of corn, 74 ; 
 
 votive bowl of Grandmother Growth, 48 ; 
 votive bowl with beads on a patch of bees- 
 wax, 74, 163 ; diminutive drum, 204 ; double 
 clay vessel, 79. 
 
 For Success in raising Beans : ray-like rows 
 and a zigzag band of beads attached to a 
 wooden chair, 74 ; votive bowl with dec- 
 oration of coil of red beads and string of 
 beads, 74 ; stone disk of Grandmother 
 Growth, with painting of bean-plant and 
 beans, 46. 
 
 For Success in raising Squashes to serve as 
 Food : front-shield of Mother East-Water, 
 127 ; votive bowl with coil of beads in cen- 
 tre, 164; stems of squashes (dried), 205; 
 zigzag lines of beads on a wooden chair, 74. 
 
 For Success in raising Squashes from which 
 Tobacco-Gourds are made : diminutive 
 gourd attached to arrow or chair, 72 ; a 
 small piece of wood carved in the shape of 
 a tobacco-gourd, 205 ; an arrow, 93. 
 
 For Success in raising Squashes to serve as 
 Drinking-Gourds : front-shield of Mother 
 East-Water, 127; back-shield with represen- 
 tation of squash-vine, 146 ; back-shield with 
 picture of vine and gourds, 147. 
 
 For Success in raising Tobacco : pipe of 
 Grandmother Growth, 205. 
 
 For Success in raising Cotton : an ‘ eye ’ 
 made of yarn of cotton-wool, 159 ; a chair 
 to the seat of which wads of cotton-wool 
 are attached, 73. 
 
 For Success in raising Cattle : a wooden 
 chair, 75 ; a diminutive cow of burnt clay, 
 208 ; diminutive cows of burnt clay de- 
 posited on votive heaps, 79. 
 
 For Luck in keeping Mules : diminutive 
 mules of burnt clay deposited on votive 
 heaps, 79. 
 
 [219] 
 
220 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 That Many Black Lambs may be born into 
 the Herd : back-shield with three rows of 
 woollen wads interwoven, 148. 
 
 For Long Life : stone disks, 30, 40 ; ceremo- 
 nial sticks of Grandmother Growth, 5c ; 
 chairs, 73; arrows, 91, 99, 100; front- 
 shields, 122, 123 ; parrot-feathers (or feather 
 ornaments), 74, 193 ; artificial paper flowers 
 bought in Mexican stores, 74 ; red thread 
 tied around an arrow, 100 ; wads of cotton- 
 wool, 15 1 ; spiral line painted on rearshaft 
 of an arrow, 100; large ‘eye’ placed up- 
 right in the ground, 100 ; ancient girdles, 
 187 ; back-shield, 141, 145. 
 
 For the Health of Man : stone disks, 30 ; 
 chairs, 73 ; double vessel of burnt clay (for 
 stomach-ache), 79 ; arrows, 92, 99 ; ancient 
 arrow of Grandfather Kauyuma'li, 107 ; 
 ceremonial sticks of Grandmother Growth, 
 50; front-shields, 108, no, 112, 122, 123, 
 126; ‘face’ of Mother West- Water, 136; 
 back-shields, 99, 142, 145, 148 ; votive bowl, 
 161 ; large ‘eyes’ placed upright in the 
 ground, 154 ; wads of cotton-wool attached 
 to symbolic objects, 99. 
 
 For the Health of Children : diminutive 
 stone disk of Grandfather Fire, 34 ; back- 
 shields, 93, 147 ; soft back-shields, 148, 149 ; 
 image of Grandmother Growth, 46 ; diminu- 
 tive drum, 204; arrows, 89, 93, 100; small 
 bamboo sticks of Tate' Tuliriki'ta, 52 ; vo- 
 tive bowl with human figure, 165 ; ‘eyes,’ 
 74 , 97 , 154 , 155 , r 5 6 - 
 
 For the Health of Domestic Animals : disk 
 (front-shield) of the Setting Sun, 42. 
 
 For Luck in making Arrows : a short arrow 
 painted, but without ‘winged part,’ 85. 
 
 For Luck in making a Bow : a diminutive 
 bow, 95. 
 
 For Luck in making Chairs : northern bed of 
 Grandmother Growth, 48. 
 
 For Luck in making Stools : an ‘eye ’ placed 
 on a stool, 160. 
 
 For Luck in making a Back-Shield : back- 
 shield (or flower-bed) of Mother West-Water, 
 
 *50. 
 
 For Luck in making Bamboo Serpent Sticks: 
 a small specimen of the same kind, 204. 
 
 For Luck in making a Drum : a diminutive 
 drum, 204. 
 
 For Luck in Textile Work : a piece of wool- 
 len textile attached to an arrow, 99 ; a piece 
 of woollen textile pierced by an ‘ eye,’ 98, 
 154, 159 ; a za'pa (stick), 184. 
 
 For Luck in making a Girdle : back-shield 
 with markings of serpent’s back, attached 
 to an arrow of Elder Brother, 99. 
 
 For Luck in Embroidering : a piece of wool- 
 len textile with an unfinished representation 
 of a flower embroidered on it, 149 ; a piece 
 of cloth on which a design is embroidered, 
 pierced by an ‘eye,’ 159. 
 
 For Luck in making Earthenware Uten- 
 sils : diminutive jars of burnt clay, 79, 208. 
 
 For Luck in making Beer : back-shield with 
 picture of gourd containing beer, 147. 
 
 For Luck in killing Deer : stone disks, 
 3°, 34, 133 l arrows, 94, 95, 96, 97, 101 ; 
 rock crystals, 63 ; deer-heads, 68 ; antlers 
 of deer, 69 ; diminutive deer and dog of 
 burnt clay deposited in votive heaps, 79 ; 
 netted shield attached to an arrow, 94 ; 
 diminutive snares folded (as stored away for 
 keeping), 95 ; diminutive snares (as placed 
 in the fields) either attached to an arrow or 
 hung up independently, 95, 103 ; bows 
 attached to an arrow, 96 ; wristlet attached 
 to an arrow, 97 ; an arrow with front-shield 
 of the god attached to it, 97 ; wooden rep- 
 resentation of the kalatsi'ki (notched bone), 
 101, 205; front-shield, hi, 119; back- 
 
 shield with picture of deer on it, 104 ; 
 ko'ma (arrow carried horizontally on the 
 back), 104 ; stone front-shield of Father Sun, 
 133 ; back-shield with picture of deer and 
 snare, 145 ; back-shield with picture of deer, 
 snare, and kalatsi'ki, too ; back-shield with 
 picture of snares, 15 1 ; diminutive artificial 
 tobacco-gourd, 72, 192 ; diminutive sandal, 
 205 ; votive bowl with representation of 
 deer and snare, 163 ; loop made of beads 
 (neali'ka), 97 ; bunch of deer-hoofs, 207 ; 
 strip of deerskin tied around the ankle of a 
 man, 208. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 22 1 
 
 For Luck in killing Parrots and Other 
 Birds : plume-handle of Grandfather Fire, 
 177 ; skin of a hawk, 208. 
 
 Of a Shaman, that he may not get tired 
 beating the Drum : diminutive drum, 204. 
 
 Of a Shaman, for the Feast of Tamales de 
 Maiz Crudo : a pair of diminutive sandals, 
 205 ; picture of shaman with wand on a 
 front-shield, 1 17. 
 
 Of a Shaman, for Luck in singing at a 
 Feast of Tamales de Maiz Crudo : a 
 
 pair of diminutive sandals made of twisted 
 strips of palm-leaf attached to an arrow, 97, 
 205. 
 
 Of a Shaman, for the Destruction of an 
 Enemy: a small bow attached to an arrow, 
 93 ; an ‘ eye,’ 94. 
 
 For the Presence and the Help of the 
 Gods: ‘heart’ of the God of Fire, 137; 
 
 an ‘eye,’ 73, 97, 103, 154, 155 ; neali'ka of 
 Grandfather Fire, 136. 
 
 For Luck in General : handle of a shaman’s 
 
 plume, 175 ; arrows, 92 ; antlers, 69 ; ‘ eyes,’ 
 154; votive bowl, 161. 
 
 For a Safe Journey to the Hi'kuli Country : 
 a knotted string, 188. 
 
 That the Hi'kuli-Seeker may be free from 
 Sickness : a front-shield, 127. 
 
 That the Lightning may not strike the 
 People, the Supplicant, or the Cows : 
 votive bowl with symbolic baton of Mother 
 East-Water fastened to it, 163. 
 
 That the Scorpion may not sting the 
 Supplicant : rock crystals, 66. 
 
 For Protection from Accidents when run- 
 ning Deer : rock crystals, 64 ; ko'ma, 105. 
 
 That Nobody may fall during the Cere- 
 monial Race : bannerets carried by the 
 leaders, 184. 
 
 Of a Woman, that she may get a Husband : 
 two diminutive sandals of wax, attached to 
 an arrow, 99. 
 
 Of a Woman, that she may give Birth to a 
 Child : a piece of woollen textile on which 
 a human figure is embroidered, attached to 
 an arrow, 93 ; a double vessel of burnt clay, 
 79 ; a back-shield, 146. 
 
 Of a Woman, that her Son may become a 
 Singing Shaman : a diminutive sandal 
 
 attached to an arrow, 99, 205 ; diminutive 
 tobacco-gourd in wax, 99. 
 
 That the Herds, Fields, and Utensils may 
 be guarded : stones of peculiar shape, 79. 
 
 That the Lion may not attack the 
 cattle : a back-shield with a representation 
 of a lion, 146. 
 
 That the Scorpion may not sting the 
 Fowls : back-shield with representation of 
 two fowls and a scorpion, 150. 
 
 That the Wind may not drive away the 
 Clouds : holes cut in oval pieces of the 
 cocoons of the Madrona tree, which are 
 placed on the southern bed of Grandmother 
 Growth, 49. 
 
 That the Wind may not destroy the Young 
 Corn-Plants : double vessel of burnt clay, 
 79 - 
 
 That Hailstorms may not occur : votive 
 bowl with five patches of beeswax set with 
 blue beads, 165. 
 
 That Hi'kuli may not decay : back-shield 
 
 with picture of hi'kuli on an altar, 147. 
 
 II. INDEX OF SYMBOLS AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE. 
 
 Lines or stripes : 
 
 longitudinal parallel, rain or raindrops, 30, 35, 
 80, 198, 200 ; ears of corn, 53, 168 ; a ‘ bed,’ 
 198; tail-feathers of the royal eagle, 198; 
 wing and tail feathers of eagle, 33 ; red and 
 yellow, rain, 42 ; white and yellow, rain, 52, 
 
 146 ; on an arrow, the path of the arrow, 
 83 ; on an arrow, wristlet of the Setting Sun, 
 91 ; of red and blue or white and blue beads, 
 falling rain, 163. 
 
 slanting parallel, wing and tail feathers of the 
 royal eagle, 37 ; red and blue, rain, 39 ; 
 
22 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 riNES or stripes, continued : 
 
 slanting parallel, green, red, and blue, rain- 
 drops, 41 ; black and white, green corn, 55. 
 
 radial, short, alternately red and blue, ears of 
 corn, 29 ; plumes of various kinds of hawks, 
 38 ; alternately black and white, or alter- 
 nately red and blue, rain, 117, 127 ; emanat- 
 ing from a central circle (sun), sunbeams, 38, 
 133 ; emanating from a front-shield, corn, 
 29 ; emanating from a circle around a cross, 
 hi'kuli, 35 ; emanating from the outer edge 
 of a snare, corn-plants, 41 ; short green and 
 yellow, attached to a band (the earth), corn- 
 plants, 41. 
 
 horizontal, extending diametrically across a 
 disk, the earth on which a god walks, 33 ; 
 red and black, or of different colors, clouds 
 of different colors, 1 12, 142 ; emanating from 
 a line surrounding a bed, ears of corn, 198. 
 
 descending, with small cross-lines in their 
 upper part, candles, 198. 
 
 vertical, row of short, resting on a horizontal 
 line, candles, 198,200. 
 
 longitudinal, interspersed with dots, corn-field, 
 189. 
 
 circular, concentric, of variously colored beads 
 in a votive bowl, the plains of the earth, 
 165 - 
 
 irregular, with irregular short side lines, on the 
 face of Grandmother Growth, bean-plant, 
 44 ; with short side lines and dots scattered 
 about, bean-plant in fruit, 46 ; of beads pro- 
 ceeding from a coil, roots of the bean-plant 
 proceeding from a pile of beans, 74 ; in 
 various colors (serpents), showers in the 
 west, 130. 
 
 horizontal and vertical, interlaced, heaps of 
 corn in harvest-time, 200. 
 
 curved, in general, venomous and other ser- 
 pents, 142; overlapping (‘freno’), clasped 
 hands, 200 ; with dots between them, ears of 
 corn in a field, 198 ; bands of, with dots be- 
 tween them, the tracks of wind, rain, and 
 water in the corn-fields, 203 ; a triple row 
 of, connected with cross-lines, the outer line 
 barbed, the vine ha'pani, 202 ; the squash- 
 vine, 200. 
 
 curved and barbed, short, the hawk, 202 ; the 
 barbs turned upwards, clouds, 200 ; forming 
 an irregular figure, a god-house, 202. 
 
 barbed, on top of the head, on the sides of the 
 
 face, and on the nose and chin, clouds, 198, 
 2co, 202 ; bamboo reeds, 202 ; surrounding 
 the figure of a corn-field, boundary-lines, 
 198. 
 
 serpentine, on the nose and chin, the fire- 
 serpent Sipuliki'a, 198. 
 
 serpentine and straight, together, trees sprout- 
 ing, 202. 
 
 zigzag, blue, around the rim of a disk, hills and 
 valleys projected on the horizon, 27, 33 ; also 
 the serpent Sakaimo'ka, 41 ; dark blue, the 
 serpent Hakwi'aka, 55 ; red, around the rim 
 of a disk, bean-plant with flowers, 47 ; blue 
 and yellow, the serpent Kowivyo', 198; on 
 serpent sticks, the rattle of the rattlesnake, 
 194 ; on an arrow, lightning, also the power 
 and speed of the arrow, 83 ; of white beads, 
 squash-vine, 74 ; with short lines emanating 
 at irregular intervals, a squash-vine, 203 ; 
 with dots interspersed, squash-vine with 
 flowers, 200 ; of blue and white beads along 
 the outer edge of a votive bowl, the sea sur- 
 rounding the world, 166 ; irregular, clouds, 
 203 ; irregular blue and red, lightning, 39 ; 
 irregular, and rings, on a front-shield, clouds 
 at sunset, 134. 
 
 Dots and spots : 
 
 on the middle of a human figure, the heart, 59. 
 three, on the skirt of the Corn Mother, corn 
 planted in the fields, 54. 
 in facial painting, on shields, bowls, disks, etc., 
 corn, 35, 41 ; on the figure representing the 
 white rock near San Bias, corn, 80. 
 scattered over the surface of the disk of Grand- 
 mother Growth, beans, 46. 
 irregularly outlined, clouds, 19S ; small, rain- 
 drops, 198. 
 
 black, red, and yellow, on the face of Grand- 
 mother Growth, corn of different colors, 43. 
 red and blue, on the face of Grandmother 
 Growth, grains of corn, 135. 
 made of beads of various colors, in a votive 
 bowl, grains of corn, 163. 
 green, in a corn-field, the weeds found in it, 57. 
 black and blue, round, in longitudinal rows on 
 an arrow, the face of tevali, 65. 
 and stripes, in a votive bowl, grains and ears of 
 corn, 47. 
 
 red and yellow, surrounding figures represent- 
 ing hills, corn-fields, 37. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 223 
 
 Dots and spots, continued : 
 in and around a si'kuli on a disk of Grand- 
 father Fire, transverse section of an ear of 
 corn, 30. 
 
 between zigzag lines, fruit of the squash-vine, 
 200. 
 
 one red dot in an irregularly outlined figure, 
 a spring in a mountain, 37. 
 round red and oblong yellow, near serpents on 
 a disk, the front-shields of the serpents, 39. 
 large red, on the disk of Young Mother Eagle, 
 the heart of the constellation Scorpion, 57. 
 large circular, stars, 37. 
 
 formed by a coil of red beads on a disk, the 
 heart of a child, 34 ; formed by a coil of 
 white beads surrounded by a row of blue 
 beads, on a chair, grains of corn, 74 ; formed 
 by a coil of beads, and accompanied by a 
 string of beads, in a votive bowl, beans and 
 the root of a bean-plant, 74 ; formed by 
 coils of black, yellow, and red worsted on the 
 front-shield of Mother East-Water, grains of 
 corn, 134 ; formed by a coil of white beads 
 in a votive bowl, clouds, 162 ; formed by a 
 coil of white beads in a votive bowl, clouds 
 in the west, 163 ; formed by a coil of blue 
 beads in a votive bowl, clouds in the east 
 and in the south, 163. 
 
 between the arms of a cross or around a cross, 
 grains of corn, 35. 
 
 round, on the sides of wing-feathers, the 
 markings of the feathers, 33. 
 
 Cross : 
 
 Greek, the four quarters of the world, 124, 140. 
 half of a Greek, small insects appearing during 
 the wet season, and therefore rain and corn, 
 118, 126, 141. 
 
 cross-shaped figures on a front-shield, hi'kuli, 
 also corn, 1x4. 
 small, sparks, 198. 
 
 red Latin, on a front-shield of Father Sun, the 
 morning star preceding the rising sun, 111. 
 inclosed in a circle on the body of a bird, the 
 heart of the bird, 29. 
 red, on a disk, money, 37, 39. 
 on a human figure, the heart, 93. 
 
 Rings and zigzag bands of red and yellow wor- 
 sted fastened with beeswax on the front- 
 shield of Mother West-Water, clouds at 
 sunset, 134. 
 
 Circular space surrounded by rays, the sun, 
 i33- 
 
 Diamond-shaped figures : 
 
 ‘eye’ of the god (si'kuli), 32, 154. 
 power of seeing and understanding unknown 
 things, 154. 
 
 shamanistic powers, 144. 
 
 on a back-shield, snares representing the face 
 of the deer god, 151. 
 
 in the middle of a human figure on a disk, the 
 heart, 59. 
 
 crossed by a dark-blue line on a back-shield, 
 two hi'kuli growing on the ground, 102. 
 in outline on a back-shield, flowers, especially 
 the male squash-flower, 152. 
 
 Triangular figures : 
 
 attached to a circular band on a front-shield, 
 clouds, 37. 
 
 painted red on an edge of a back-shield, 
 hi'kuli, 142. 
 
 on a back-shield, the earth, 147. 
 
 Square figure : 
 
 painted across the nose, the earth, 198. 
 in the middle of a human figure, the heart of 
 the person represented, 59. 
 irregular, set on edge, hi'kuli, 126, 147. 
 
 Terraced figures in red and yellow, the 
 earth and its hills, 141. 
 
 Circular figure : 
 
 in the centre of a disk, the sun in the day- 
 time, 38. 
 
 with a yellow centre, to the left, the rising sun, 
 east, 38. 
 
 on the lower part of a disk, with a red centre, 
 the sun of the south, 38. 
 in the upper part of a disk, with a blue centre, 
 the sun of the north, 38. 
 on the right of a disk, with a star-like centre of 
 various colors, the sun of the west, 38. 
 on the forehead, hi'kuli, also a votive bowl, 41, 
 198. 
 
 Star-shaped figure : 
 
 the flower toto', 201 ; section of an ear of corn, 
 30, 45, 162. 
 
 in the centre of a disk, a spring or pool, 54. 
 
 Beehive-shaped figures on a disk, hills on 
 which corn is planted, 37. 
 
224 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HU 1 CHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Flower-like figures on a disk, leaves of the 
 ‘toy’ bush, 35. 
 
 Swastika-like yellow figures, two, on a 
 disk of the Corn Mother, the ‘eyes’ of the 
 Corn Mother, 54. 
 
 Tongue-shaped figures on a disk, lightning, 
 55 - 
 
 Wing-like figures on a disk, corn-stalks with 
 ears of corn, 55. 
 
 S-shaped barbed figures, caterpillars, 200 ; 
 also the roots of the bamboo-plant, 202. 
 
 Irregularly outlined figures on a back- 
 shield of Grandfather Fire, the earth with 
 hills and valleys, 140 ; in blue, on a disk, 
 the cave of the god (in which the disks are 
 stored), 41 ; formed by curved barbed lines, 
 a god-house, 202. 
 
 Rays : 
 
 ray-like rows of beads in a votive bowl, 
 beans, 74. 
 
 eight, of various colors, the rainbow, 127. 
 
 Notches along the edge of a disk, hills and 
 valleys, 27. 
 
 Cavity in the centre of a disk, the god’s 
 drinking-gourd, 28. 
 
 Cotton-wool : health, clouds, 113, 114. 
 
 Wool from pochote : 
 
 of different colors, clouds of different colors, 
 45 ) 48 - 
 
 red, also the evening sky, 45. 
 
 red and blue, on a ‘bed,’ flowers, 48. 
 
 Hair from the tail of a deer, tied to an arrow, 
 health, 45. 
 
 Plumes : 
 
 health, life, and good luck, the shamanistic 
 power of the sun, 119. 
 
 red and yellow, painted on a serpent, rain, 47. 
 
 Tobacco-gourds : 
 
 luck in raising squashes from which tobacco- 
 gourds are made, 93. 
 
 luck in killing deer, 192. 
 
 woman’s prayer that her son may become a 
 shaman, 99. 
 
 Daubs of beeswax : 
 
 set with blue beads, hailstones, 165. 
 set with variously colored beads, the heart of 
 Elder Brother, 204. 
 
 Beads : 
 
 of various colors, blue, red, white, and yellow, 
 set in a votive bowl, grains of corn, 163. 
 blue, on the corncob on top of the representa- 
 tion of the white rock near San Bias, the 
 sea, 80. 
 
 of various colors, forming zigzag lines in a 
 votive bowl, rain-serpents, 163. 
 
 Serpents : 
 
 painted on disks, on front-shields, in votive 
 bowls, etc., rain, 54, 130, 164. 
 in a blue space (the sky), the wind, 41. 
 being swallowed by a water-bird, rain neces- 
 sary for the growth of the corn, 48. 
 the serpent Hakwi'aka Yu'wime, full-grown 
 corn, 55. 
 
 with red and yellow plumes, rain, 121. 
 indicated by variously colored irregular lines, 
 showers in the west, 130. 
 two-headed, with green, blue, and red lines on 
 the back, raindrops, 41. 
 forming a row of waves, the sea, 171. 
 snake painted red and black, approaching 
 storm and clouds, 54. 
 
 Colors : 
 
 mixed, on the mat of Mother East-Water, the 
 flowers created by the goddess, 148. 
 red, life, 63; the rising sun, 91 ; fire, 104. 
 white, health, 99. 
 
 yellow, fire, Grandfather Fire, the setting sun, 
 34, 63, 196. 
 
 Section of the rearshaft of an arrow : 
 
 upper, painted red, east, the blood of the deer, 
 9 1 - 
 
 lower, painted red, the west, 91. 
 upper and lower, painted dark blue, sparks of 
 Grandfather Fire, 91. 
 
 middle, painted dark blue, wristlet of Grand- 
 father Fire, 91. 
 
 middle, painted green, hi'kuli, the middle of 
 the world, 91. 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 225 
 
 III. INDEX OF OBJECTS AND IDEAS, AND THEIR REPRESENTATIVE SYMBOLS. 
 
 Power : batons, 49. 
 of a god, the arrow, 83. 
 magic, plumes, shaman’s plumes, 121. 
 to see and understand unknown things, ‘ eyes,’ 
 T 54- 
 
 of Grandfather Fire, a tiger with a baton in 
 his claws, 114; over the whole earth, the 
 royal eagle on his disk, 27. 
 of Grandmother Growth, her baton, 54. 
 
 Health and luck : cotton-wool, 45, 65 ; hair 
 from the tail of a deer, 45 ; the deer itself, 
 21 ; the color white, 44 ; plumes, 21. 
 
 Life : the color red, 63 ; blood of the deer, 91 ; 
 a spiral, 100. 
 
 Heat of the sun : a black circular section in 
 the centre of a front-shield, i n ; white, red, 
 yellow, and black curved sections on a 
 front-shield, surrounding a ‘sun,’ 114. 
 
 Faces: the front-shield, 108. 
 
 of Father Sun, a red band edged with blue, on 
 an arrow, 65. 
 
 of Grandfather Fire, a blue band edged with 
 black, on an arrow, 65. 
 
 of the deer god, a snare represented by a dia- 
 mond-shaped figure, 151 ; snare for catching 
 deer, 95. 
 
 of Elder Brother, a coil of various-colored 
 beads on a tobacco-gourd, 192, 203. 
 of Te'vali, rows of blue and black spots on his 
 arrow, 65. 
 
 Wristlet : 
 
 of Grandfather Fire, middle section of an 
 arrow, painted dark blue, 91. 
 of Father Sun, breast-feathers of the red-tailed 
 hawk, 39. 
 
 of the Setting Sun, four longitudinal stripes on 
 an arrow, 91. 
 
 Eyes : si'kuli, 30 ; diamond-shaped ornaments, 
 32. 
 
 The earth : a broad circular band near the 
 edge of a disk, 41 ; a triangular figure on a 
 back-shield, 147 ; a square painted on the 
 nose in a facial painting, 198. 
 with hills and valleys, irregular figures near the 
 
 edge of a back-shield, 141 ; terraced figures 
 in red and yellow on a back-shield, 146. 
 
 held in the talons of an eagle, an irregular 
 green space below the eagle, 143. 
 
 on which the god walks, a diametrical line 
 across a disk, 33. 
 
 Plains : straight lines of various-colored beads, 
 165- 
 
 Mountains : 
 
 on which fog rests, altars, 55. 
 
 in the hi'kuli country, irregular outline figures, 
 144. 
 
 with springs, outlined figures with a single red 
 dot, 37. 
 
 and valleys on the horizon, a zigzag line 
 painted around the rim of a disk, 27, 57. 
 
 Hills near by : notches along the edge of a 
 disk, 27. 
 
 Fire : the color yellow, 63. 
 
 Rain, raindrops : in general, descending lines, 
 vertical lines, water-gourds, double water- 
 gourds, serpents, dots. 
 
 vertical lines on face of Great-grandfather 
 Deer-Tail, 35 ; red and blue slanting 
 lines, 39 ; longitudinal lines painted on the 
 face of the hi'kuli-seekers, 30 ; a water-bird 
 swallowing a serpent, 48 ; green, blue, and 
 red lines on the back of the two-headed ser- 
 pent, 41 ; red and yellow plumes on serpents, 
 47 ; longitudinal red and yellow stripes on 
 the face of Elder Brother, 42 ; representa- 
 tions of small red and black insects ap- 
 pearing during the wet season, 118, 126; 
 alternating narrow red and blue sections, 
 127 ; various-colored irregular lines (con- 
 sidered as serpents), 130; representations of 
 the waxing and waning moon, 131 ; vertical 
 yellow and white stripes, 146 ; blue and 
 white, and blue and red beads forming lines, 
 163 ; barbs turned downward on horizontal 
 line, 202. 
 
 Rivers : zigzag band in blue and red on a front- 
 shield, 125 ; zigzag line in blue and green, 
 yellow and green, and black beads on a 
 votive bowl, 165. 
 
226 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Sea : large wavy design of beads in a votive 
 bowl, 162 ; blue beads on the corncob on 
 top of the representation of the white rock 
 near San Bias, 80. 
 
 surrounding the world, double zigzag design 
 in blue and white beads along the edge of a 
 votive bowl, 166 ; the serpent Tate' Ipou, 
 80. 
 
 waves of the, a row of serpents, 171. 
 
 Rainbow : eight rays of various colors sur- 
 rounding the centre of a front-shield, 127. 
 
 Sky : 
 
 in the day-time, a broad reddish band along the 
 edge of a stone disk, 37, 40. 
 in the evening, red wool, 45 ; white and red 
 beads, 162. 
 
 Clouds: coils of red and white beads, 162; 
 smoke from the fire, 20 ; stripes of black and 
 red crewel on a front-shield, 112 ; irregular 
 zigzag lines, T90, 202 ; wool of pochote, 45, 
 48; cotton-wool, 1 1 2, 1 14; barbed lines on 
 the forehead, sides of the face, and chin in 
 a facial painting, 198, 200 ; irregularly out- 
 lined dots in a facial painting, 198, 200 ; 
 straight and curved barbed lines turned 
 upwards, and horizontal lines with barbs 
 turned upwards, in a facial painting, 200. 
 of different colors, wool of different colors, 
 45, 1 13; various-colored stripes on a back- 
 shield, 142. 
 
 rising, four white figures forming a diamond in 
 the centre of a front-shield, 125. 
 at sunset, the evening sky, red cotton-wool, 
 134 ; rings and zigzag lines of various-col- 
 ored beads, 134 ; triangular figures attached 
 to the inner side of a circular band from 
 which rays emanate, 37 ; triangular figures 
 in the centre of a front-shield, 1 1 7 . 
 dark, rain-laden, a red and black snake, 54. 
 
 Wind: serpent in a blue space (considered as 
 the sky), 41. 
 
 sounds of, the reeds in the necklace of 
 Grandmother Growth, 52. 
 tracks of, and of rain and water, on the earth 
 and in the corn-fields, a band of curved 
 lines with dots within, 203. 
 
 The four cardinal points of the world : a 
 cross within a double circle representing 
 the earth, 33 ; a Greek cross, 124, 140. 
 
 east, the upper section of the rearshaft of an 
 arrow, painted red, 91. 
 
 west, the lower section of the rearshaft of an 
 arrow, painted red, 91. 
 
 The sun : circular spaces surrounded by rays, 
 sometimes painted red, 27, 133 ; a coil of 
 blue beads interspersed with beads of other 
 colors, 162 ; broad curved sections of white, 
 black, red, and yellow surrounding the sun, 
 114. 
 
 in the day-time, a central circular design on a 
 disk, 38. 
 
 in the east, a circular design with yellow 
 centre, 38. 
 
 in the south, a circular design with red centre, 
 38 - 
 
 in the north, a circular design with blue 
 centre, 38. 
 
 in the west, a circular design with variegated 
 star-like centre, 38. 
 
 rays of, radial lines emanating from a central 
 circle, 133 ; the arrows of the sun, 37. 
 
 Stars : large and small circular dots and spots, 
 37 - 
 
 the morning star, a red Latin cross, m. 
 
 Lightning : irregular curved red and blue lines, 
 39 ; red tongue-shaped figures on disk of 
 the Corn Mother, 35 ; zigzag line on an 
 arrow, 83 ; baton of Mother East-Water, 
 163 - 
 
 Hailstones: rock crystals, 63 ; daubs of bees- 
 wax set with blue beads in a votive bowl, 
 165. 
 
 Corn : dots, spots, 48 ; short lines (barbs), 198 ; 
 rows of short perpendicular lines, 168 ; 
 coils of white beads surrounded by a row 
 of blue beads, 74 ; spots on the figure rep- 
 resenting the white rock near San Bias, 80 ; 
 representations of the small red or black 
 insects appearing during the wet season, 
 1 1 8, 126; angular and cross-like figures, 
 114. 
 
 fields of, red and yellow dots surrounding hills, 
 37 ; the skirt of the Corn Mother, 54 ; dots 
 between straight vertical lines, 198 ; weeds 
 in, green dots in the design of corn-fields, 
 57 - 
 
 grains of, dots, 29, 30, 47 ; five dots in an 
 inscribed cross, 35 ; dots around a cross 
 
LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 22 7 
 
 (meaning money), 37 ; dots in a votive bowl, 
 47 ; red and blue spots on the face of Grand- 
 mother Growth, 135 ; spots of various-col- 
 ored beads in a votive bowl, 163 ; coils of 
 black, yellow, or red worsted on the front- 
 shield of Mother East-Water, 134 ; the natu- 
 ral markings on the kura shell, 185. 
 
 Corn : 
 
 ears of, rays painted alternately blue or red, 29 ; 
 short longitudinal stripes on a votive bowl, 
 47 ; on the skirt of the Corn Mother, 53 ; 
 wing-like figures on a disk, 55 ; a fish, 132 ; 
 short horizontal lines emanating from the 
 outer line of a bed, 202 ; spots between 
 longitudinal lines, 198. 
 
 transverse sections of an ear of, an ‘ eye ’ with 
 dots, 30 ; red, yellow, and black ‘ eyes ’ on 
 the right cheek of Grandmother Growth, 
 144; a star-like figure of yellow beads (indi- 
 cating seven rows of grains), 162. 
 plants, short green and yellow stripes attached 
 to a band (the earth), 41 ; short lines (barbs) 
 emanating from the outer edge of a snare, 
 41 ; wing-like figures on a disk, 55 ; the ser- 
 pent Hakwi'aka Yu'wime, 55. 
 green corn, black and white lines emanating 
 from the back of a serpent, 55 ; a black fish 
 with white stripes and spots, 55. 
 of various colors, black, red, and yellow spots 
 on the face of Grandmother Growth, 43 ; 
 cross-shaped figures, 125. 
 heaps of, in harvest-time, interlaced horizontal 
 and vertical lines, 200. 
 
 Beans : ray-like rows of beads on a chair, 74 ; 
 red dots on a disk, 46. 
 
 plant, irregular lines with side lines and inter- 
 spersed dots on a disk, 46 ; a black line 
 with irregular short lines on the face of 
 Grandmother Growth, 44 ; with flowers, a 
 blue zigzag line on the rim of a stone disk, 
 47 ; with roots and fruit, coils and strings 
 of beads, 74. 
 
 Squash-vine : zigzag line of white beads, 74 ; 
 a green and red band forming an angle, 
 147 ; zigzag lines with short lines emanating 
 from them at irregular intervals, 203 ; with 
 squashes and flowers, a zigzag line inter- 
 spersed with dots, bordered by a barbed 
 line, 200. 
 
 Hi'kuli : the middle section of the rearshaft of 
 
 an arrow, painted green, 91 ; cross-like fig- 
 ures, 114; figures in red and blue, 144; 
 white, tree-like figures on a red background, 
 145 ; triangular figures, some of them red, 
 126, 142 ; short lines (barbs) emanating 
 from a circle around a cross, 35 ; growing 
 on the ground, dark-blue diamond-shaped 
 figures crossed by dark-blue lines, 102. 
 
 FIapani-vine : a triple row of curved lines, the 
 outer barbed, connected with cross-bars, 
 200. 
 
 flowers of, an irregular hexagonal star sur- 
 rounded by an irregular circle, 202. 
 
 Flowers : wads of various-colored wool on the 
 mat of Mother East-Water, 140 ; outlines 
 of diamond-shaped figures in various colors 
 on a back-shield, 152. 
 toto', star-like figures, 171, 202. 
 rutu'li iwia'kami, octagonal stars inside of a 
 barbed ring, 202. 
 
 Trees sprouting : serpentine and straight lines, 
 202. 
 
 Bamboo reed (haka) : barbed lines, 202. 
 roots of, S-shaped barbed figures, 202. 
 
 Scorpion : figure of a scorpion, 55 ; constel- 
 lation, 57 ; arrow of the sun, 39. 
 
 Caterpillars : S-shaped barbed figures, 200. 
 
 Serpents : curved lines, 142 ; zigzag lines on 
 serpent sticks, 193 ; curved zigzag lines, 
 202. 
 
 Kowivyo', zigzag line in blue and yellow, 198. 
 fire-serpent, serpentine line on nose and chin 
 in facial painting, 198. 
 
 Yoa'wimeka, a corncob on top of the represen- 
 tation of the white rock near San Bias, 80. 
 
 Butterfly : markings on serpent sticks and 
 
 combs, 193, 194. 
 
 Insects, small red and black, appearing during 
 the wet season : cross-like figures, 118, 126. 
 
 Snare for catching deer : a ring over the head 
 of a serpent, 41. 
 
 Gods : carved or painted representations of 
 human figures, 198; the Corn Mother, a 
 rock crystal, 63 ; deer god of the south, 
 deer with antlers, 33. 
 
228 
 
 LUMHOLTZ, SYMBOLISM OF THE HUICHOL INDIANS. 
 
 Heart : 
 
 of a god or person represented, diamond- 
 shaped, square, or round markings in the 
 middle of a human figure, 59 ; of Elder 
 Brother, daubs of beeswax set with variously 
 colored beads, 204. 
 
 of a child, a string of red beads in a coil on a 
 diminutive stone disk, 34. 
 of the royal eagle, a cross painted on a bird, 
 and surrounded by a circle, 29. 
 of the scorpion, a large red dot, 57. 
 
 Sparks of Grandfather Fire : upper and lower 
 sections of an arrow, painted dark blue, 91. 
 
 Linking of hands: two ‘overlapping scrolls 
 (‘ freno ’), 200. 
 
 Native beer : a white space on a back-shield, 
 147 - 
 
 Facial painting of the Sun : his rays, 137. 
 
 Bed of the gods : longitudinal parallel lines with 
 cross-lines, 33, 198. 
 
 Plumes: barbed curves, 32, 198; handles of 
 shaman’s plumes, 177. 
 
 Wing and tail feathers : longitudinal parallel 
 lines, 198. 
 
 Candles : rows of short vertical lines resting 
 on a horizontal line, 198, 200 ; descending 
 lines with short cross-lines in the upper 
 part, on a back-shield, 198. 
 
 A cave : an irregular figure painted blue, 41. 
 
 Drinking-gourd of a god : a cavity in the 
 centre of his disk, 28. 
 
 God-houses : irregular figures composed of 
 curved and barbed lines, 202. 
 
 Money : red crosses, 37, 39. 
 
 Rattle of the rattlesnake : zigzag line (on ser- 
 pent sticks and tobacco-gourds), 193, 194. 
 
 Royal eagle : 
 
 wing and tail feathers of, slanting parallel 
 lines, 27. 
 
 spread wings of, four parallel lines, 33. 
 
 plumes of, curved barbed lines, 202. 
 
 Hawk-feathers : short blue radial lines sur- 
 rounding circular figures representing the 
 sun, 38. 
 
 Shaman : shamanistic powers of the sun, plumes 
 and ‘ eyes,’ 121, 154. 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 p. 10, nth line, ‘Lajas’ should read ‘ Latas. ’ 
 
 p. 22, 5th line, ‘Grandfather P'ire ’ should read ‘Father Sun.’ 
 
 p. 79, 9th line from bottom, ‘mules’ should read ‘keeping mules.’ 
 
 p. 1 16, 9th line from bottom, ‘except two ’ should read ‘except two animals.’ 
 
 p. 134, 7th line from bottom, ‘all colors of corn ’ should read ‘ corn of all colors.’ 
 
 p. 183, 6th line, ‘left foot’ should read ‘ right foot.’ 
 
PLATE I. 
 

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. III. Plate I. 
 
 Fig. i. Temple and God-Houses at Santa Catarina. 
 
 Fig. 2. God-Houses at Teaka'ta. 
 
 Symbolism of the Huiehol Indians 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 . 
 
 PLATE II. 
 
 
 

 EXPLANATION OF PLATE II. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. 2. Lower Side of Disk of Father Sun (Tayau') : a , Sun at noon ; />, Sun in the east, 
 with fringe of hawk-plumes; c. Sun in the south, with fringe of hawk-plumes; d , Sun 
 in the north, with fringe of hawk-plumes ; e, Sun in the west, with fringe of hawk- 
 plumes ; y, Male red-tailed hawk ; g, Female red-tailed hawk ; /z, Morning star ; z, Male 
 scorpion ; Female scorpion ; /£, Tail-feathers of red-tailed hawk ; /, Breast-feathers 
 of red-tailed hawk ; z/z, Money ; zz, Swallow ; <?, /, A bird, and tree on which the bird 
 will alight • »7, Cardinal-bird ; z% Lightning ; s, Rain ; z 4 , zz, v , The serpent Tate' 
 Ipou, coiled and creeping. Cat. No. ylys- 
 
 Fig. 3. Upper Side of Disk of Setting Sun (Sakaimo'ka) : 
 zz, Front-shield of Setting Sun ; b, Plumes ; c. Tail- 
 feathers of a large wader ; z/, Water-bugs ; f, Votive 
 bowls ; y, Earth with corn-plants. Cat. No. 
 
 Fig. 4. Lower Side of Disk of Setting Sun (Sakaimo'ka) : 
 zz, Parrot ; b , Caves at Mesa del Nayarit ; zr, Serpent ; d , 
 Serpent representing the sky ; e , Grains of corn ; y, Water- 
 serpent ; g. Root of squash-plant ; h , Root of bean-plant. 
 Cat. No. T lf 7 . 
 
Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. III. 
 
 Plate II. 
 
 Symbolism of the Huiehol Indians. 
 
 THE. MELIOTYPE PRINTING CO., BOSTON. 
 

 
 
 
PLATE III. 
 
EXPLANATION OF PLATE III. 
 
 Figs. i-8. Ceremonial arrows of the Huichols, Santa Catarina. 
 
 1. Arrow of Grandfather Fire. Cat. No. T -ff T . 
 
 2. Arrow of Father Sun (Tayau'). Cat. No. T |-§ T . 
 
 3. Arrow of the Setting Sun. Cat. No. yff 2 . 
 
 4. Arrow of Elder Brother. Cat. No. y-ff-g-. 
 
 5. Arrow of the Corn Mother. Cat. No. yfl-y. 
 
 6. Arrow of Mother East-Water, with spots of various colors, which indicate flowers. 
 
 Cat. No. yTinr* 
 
 7. Arrow of Mother West-Water. Cat. No. y-f|y. 
 
 8. Arrow of Haita'neka. Cat. No. yf-f-g-. 
 
 Figs. 9-13. Ceremonial arrows of the Cora, from a cave near Mesa del Nayarit, as interpreted by 
 a Huichol shaman. 
 
 9. Arrow of Grandfather Fire. Upper and lower sections represent sparks of Grand- 
 father Fire ; middle section, wristlet of Grandfather Fire. Cat. No. yff-g-. 
 
 10. Arrow of Father Sun (Tayau'). Upper and lower sections represent blood of the deer 
 
 and prayer for life; middle section, hi'kuli. Cat. No. 
 
 11. Arrow of Setting Sun. All sections represent west ; middle section, also a wristlet of 
 
 the god. Cat. No. yffy. 
 
 12. Arrow of Elder Brother. Upper section represents blood of the deer ; the two lower 
 
 sections, hi'kuli. Cat. No. yf|y. 
 
 13. Arrow of Mother West-Water. Upper section represents east ; middle section, middle 
 
 region ; lower section, west. Cat. No. AHA- 
 
Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. III. 
 
 Plate III. 
 
 Symbolism of the Huiehol Indians. 
 
 the: HELIOTYPE PRINTING CO.. BOSTON. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 

 
 PLATE IV. 
 
 
EXPLANATION OF PLATE IV. 
 
 Ceremonial Arrows with Attached Cakes, from Santa Catarina. 
 
 Fig. i. Arrow and Cakes of Grandfather Fire. Cat. No. ■ A jj 4 . 
 Fig. 2. Arrow and Cakes of the Sun (Tayau'). Cat. No. 
 
 Fig. 3. Arrow and Cakes of Elder Brother. Cat. No. 
 
 Fig. 4. Arrow and Cakes of the Corn Mother. Cat. No. PHh- 
 Fig. 5. Arrow and Cakes of Mother East-Water. Cat. No. T ff o'- 
 
Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. Ill 
 
 Plate IV. 
 
 Symbolism of the Huichol Indians. 
 
 THE HELIOTYPE PRINTING CO.. BOSTON. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
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