' Urbem fecisti quod prius orbis erat." Rutil. De Red. 66. ROME AND THE CAMPAGNA AN HISTORICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE, BUILDINGS, AND NEIGHBOURHOOD OF ANCIENT ROME. WITH 85 ILLUSTRATIONS BY JEWITT, AND 25 MAPS AND PLANS. BY ROBERT BURN, M.A. PRjELECTOR IN LATIN LITERATURE AND ARCHEOLOGY, FELLOW, AND LATE TUTOR OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. TEMPLE OF JUPITER CAHTOLINUS. WITH AN APPENDIX AND ADDITIONAL PLAN ILLUSTRATING RECENT EXCAVATIONS. DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. Conbon : GEORGE BELL AND SONS. 1876. \The Right of Translation and Rcf>rcductic'n is Rcscrtcd^ * THeGEmCEWfE* PREFACE. My purpose in compiling this book has been to present to the student of ancient Roman history and literature a complete analysis of the latest results of archaeological and topographical investigations in Rome and its neighbourhood. The idea of such a work first occurred to me some years ago during a winter vacation visit to Rome, and I have since made several journeys to Italy with the express object of correcting and enlarging the information acquired by study. Unfortunately for such researches, travelling in the less frequented parts of the neighbourhood of Rome has been attended with some difficulties of late years. Partly for this reason, and partly from the delayed publication of Cavaliere Rosa's long-looked -for map of the Campagna, I have been com- pelled to limit that section of my work which relates to the Campagna, and to follow a much less extensive plan in it than I had originally intended. The importance of archaeological and topographical research, especially in the investigation of the early history of Rome, continually increases with the progress of criticism, and, the more mistrustful modern science renders us with regard to the primitive traditions recited by Roman historians, the more indispensable becomes the appeal to actually existing monuments and sites. How plentiful a harvest remains to be gathered in this field has been sufficiently proved by the new excavations on the Palatine Hill, and by the discoveries at the Marmorata, at Ostia, and at the Grove of the Dea Dia. If it should ever become possible to disinter the ruins of the north-east side of the Forum Romanum, or to carry out further explorations on the Capitoline Hill, or on the sites of the ancient Servian walls and gates, the gain to Roman history and antiquarian knowledge will be great in many ways, and many most interesting questions will obtain a solution. I have endeavoured, by means of an index of passages quoted from classical writers, to make this volume useful to the student of classical literature. b 2 viii t Preface. For the construction of this index and of the general index I am indebted to the kindness of the Rev. W. J. Edlin, of Trinity College, without whose assistance that portion of the work could not have been completed. I must also express my obligations to Cavaliere Rosa, director of the French excavations at Rome, who with the greatest kindness explained his views to me on several occasions ; to Mr. Lucas Ewbank, Fellow of Clare College, for revising the chapter on the geology of Rome ; to Mr. J. H. Parker, and to other friends both at Cambridge and at Rome, for valuable assistance and information. I have endeavoured to acknowledge my obligations to former writers fully in the notes, and I have in all cases cited the ancient authorities quoted in the text. A list of the most prominent of the modern books used will be found below. In treating of the topography of Rome I have been largely indebted to Becker's admirable work in the first volume of his " Handbuch der Romischen Alterthumer ;" to Nibby's "Roma nell' Anno 1838;" to Professor Reber's " Ruinen Roms ; " and to Dr. Dyer's work on the " History of the City of Rome." In the description of the Campagna I have generally followed Nibby's "Analisi Storico-Topografico-Antiquaria della Carta de' Dintorni di Roma;" Bormann's " Altlatinische Chorographie und Stadtegeschichte ;" and the articles in the Annali and BtUlettini deW Institute di Corrispondenza Archceologica by Canina, Henzen, and others. The general map of Rome is framed upon the model of Becker's and Du Rieu's maps, giving the position of the modern as well as the ancient city. In the construction of the smaller maps and plans I have consulted Canina's and Nolli's maps; and have also derived much help from the plans in Hirt, Bunsen, and Reber. The woodcuts are taken from photographs by Mr. Anderson and Mr. Macpherson, of Rome, and have been admirably executed by the late Orlando Jewitt (who died before the completion of the work), and his successors, Messrs. Jewitt and Co. Trinity College, Cambridge, jth September, 1870. CONTENTS. List of the Principal Books on Roman Topography, Archeology, and History quoted in the Notes Page xvii INTRODUCTION. ON ROMANO-GREEK ARCHITECTURE. Horizontal or rectangular masonry — Polygonal masonry — Ancient gateways — Appearance of the Romulean city — Introduction of the arch — Cloaca? — Canal at the mouth of the Marta — Tuscan temples — Direct influence of Greek architecture : (i) Modifications traceable to ancient Italian custom and tradition ; Tusco-Doric ; (2) Modifications traceable to the want of aesthetic culture among the Romans ; Romano- Ionic order ; Romano-Corinthian order ; (3) Modifications traceable to the vulgar love of overladen ornamentation : the composite capital ; unmeaning juxtaposition of details ; costly stonework ; porti- coes, palaces, and house decorations ; triumphal arches and gateways ; columns ; tombs ; rock tombs ; colonnades; obelisks ; (4) Modifications traceable to the want of space at Rome ; the arch ; bricks ; Roman brick walls ; vaulted arches of brick. Basilica? ; libraries ; roads ; causeways and tunnels ; bridges ; cloacae ; harbours ; aqueducts ; ornamental fountains ; castra ; horrea ; pistrina ; thermae ; balnea ; amphitheatres ; naumachiae ; circi ; theatres ; domestic architecture ; interior of the house ; exterior of the house ; materials ; vestibule ; windows ; roofs— General appearance of Roman streets- Roman architects— Vitruvius— The Romans engineers rather than architects— Their buildings illus- trative of their character Page xxi Chronological Table of the Principal Buildings in Rome and the Campagna . . Page lxxx CHAPTER I. THE SITE OF ROME. Disadvantages of the site of Rome— General description of the Campagna— Course of the river through Rome— The hills of Rome— General view of Rome— The valleys of Rome— The situation of Rome not adapted for the metropolis of a large empire, whether commercially, or in respect of climate, but favourable to a limited trading community combined with a large agricultural class — Beauty of the views from Rome — The general form of the ground remains the same as in the earliest times Page 1 CHAPTER II. THE GEOLOGY AND CLIMATE OF ROME. The tertiary marine formations — The volcanic formations — Hard tufa — Granular tufa — Ancient volcanoes of -Latium — The fresh-water formations— Changes in the Tiber water — Ancient level of the Tiber — Primaeval condition of the country — Unhealthiness of the Campagna — Causes of the increase of the malaria in modern times — Numerous ancient population of the Campagna — The Romans of the Empire thought the Campagna unhealthy — Climate was once somewhat colder — Drainage in ancient times — The ancient Roman dress more healthy than the present — Woollen toga given up .... Page 14 X Contents. CHAPTER III. ROME BEFORE THE TIME OF SERVIUS TULLIUS. Legends of the foundation, arising from a desire to exaggerate the antiquity of the city, or from a Hellenizing spirit, or from religious feelings — Combination of the national and Hellenic legends — The modern theory of the origin of Rome— The Palatine settlement — Reasons for choosing the Palatine Hill — Etruscan ceremony of foundation— Pom cerium of Romulus— Ara Maxima— Ara Consi — Curiae Veteres — Sacellum Larundae — Cavaliere Rosa's views— Roma Ouadrata — Mugionian gate and Temple of Jupiter Stator— Porta Romanula— Germalus— Clivus Victorias— Porta Janualis — Porta Pandana — Successive enlargements — The Septimontium— So-called seven hills of Rome — October horse — Settlement on Quirinal and Viminal— The Collini— The Servian regions— The Argean chapels. Page 28 CHAPTER IV. THE SERVIAN WALLS. Fortifications of Rome begun by Tarquinius Priscus— Completed by Servius— Method by which the Servian walls may be traced — Portions of the Servian wall on the Aventine — Gates in the Servian wall — Porta Flumentana— Porta Carmentalis— Porta Triumphalis— Porta Ratumena— Porta Fontinalis — Ruins of the wall in the Villa Massimi, and the Convent of S. Maria della Vittoria — Porta Sanqualis — Porta Salutaris— Porta Collina, or Agonalis, or Ouirinalis— Agger of Servius— Porta Viminalis— Porta Quer- quetulana— Porta Ccelimontana— Porta Capena— Temples of Honour and Virtue, and of Mars— Porta Nasvia— Porta Rauduscula— Porta Lavernalis— Porta Minucia— Porta Trigemina— Porta Navalis— Porta Stercoraria— Porta Libitinensis— Porta Fenestella— Porta Ferentina— Por»ta Piacularis— Porta Catularia —Porta Metia— Fortifications of the western bank of the Tiber Page 42 CHAPTER V. THE WALLS OF AURELIAN AND HONORIUS. Long interval during which no new fortifications were made at Rome— Extent of Rome— Reasons for neglect of walls— The Aurelian walls built for fear of the barbarians of the North— Rebuilt by Honorius— Gates in the Aurelian walls— The course of the Aurelian walls— Porta Aurelia Nova — Porta Flaminia— Muro Torto— Porta Pinciana — Porta Salaria — Porta Nomentana— Castra Praetoriana— Porta Chiusa — Porta Tiburtina corresponds to Porta S. Lorenzo— Porta Praenestina to Porta Maggiore— Vivarium— Amphitheatrum Castrense— Porta Asinaria— Porta Metrovia— Porta Latina— Porta Appia— Porta Ostiensis— Course of Aurelian walls in the Trastevere— Porta Portuensis— Porta Aurelia Vetus— Porta Septimiana— Note on the Porta Viminalis and Via Tiburtina Page 53 CHAPTER VI. PART I. THE FORUM ROMANUM BEFORE JULIUS C/ESAR. Site of Forum Rom anum— Extent of Forum Romanum— Districts adjoining the Forum Romanum, Sacra Via, Nova Via, Argiletum, Subura — Turris Mamilia— Lautumias — Career — Scalae Gemonise— Comitium —Curia— Grascostasis— Senaculum— Vulcanal— Rostra-Tribunalia- Putealia— Templum Jani — Basi- lica Porcia— Basilica Fulvia et ^Emilia— Basilica Paulli— Basilica Opimia— Venus Cloacina— Columna Mcenia— Columna Duilia— Novas Tabernae— Veteres Tabernas— Maeniana— Templum Concordias— Templum Saturni— Schola Xantha— Dii Consentes— Porta Stercoraria— Tabularium— Vicus Jugarius— Vicus Tuscus— Basilica Sempronia— Lacus Servilius— Lacus Curtius— Templum Castoris— ^Edes Vestas — Regia— Sacr'arium— Arch of Fabius— Pila Horatia— Statues— Jani— Canalis— Solaria . . Page 74 Contents. XI CHAPTER VI. PART II. THE FORUM ROMANLM AFTER THE TIME OF JULIUS C/ESAR. Templum Felicitatis — Curia Julia — Chalcidicum — Secretarium Senatus — Rostra Nova, or Julia — Heroon of Julius Caesar — Basilica Paulli — Temple of Antoninus and Faustina — Basilica Julia — Three pedestals — Arch of Tiberius — Column of Phocas — Temple of Minerva — Temple of Vespasian — Arch of Severus — Graecostadium — Milliarium Aureum — Rostra of the later Empire — -Chapel of Faustina — Arch of Augustus — Equestrian statue of Domitian Page 107 CHAPTER VII. THE FORA OF THE EMPERORS. Increase of public business at Rome required larger public buildings — Characteristics of Imperial Fora — Site of the Forum of Julius Caesar— Temple of Venus Genetrix— Forum of Augustus and Temple of Mars Ultor — Exterior wall — Arco dei Pantani — Statues in the Forum Augusti — Forum of Nerva — Colonnacce — Temple of Minerva— Temple of Janus — History of Temple of Minerva — Forum of Vespa- sian — Templum Pacis — Contained a large collection of works of art — Library — Fire in the time' of Commodus— Forum of Trajan — Forum Proper — Triumphal arch— Basilica Ulpia— Greek and Latin libraries — Column of Trajan— Description of the bas-reliefs — Temple of Trajan — Later history of the Forum Trajanum — Remains found on the site — Inscriptions ". . . Page 127 CHAPTER VIII. PART I. THE PALATINE, GERMALUS, AND VELIA. Natural features of the hill — Name Palatium — Germalus — Lupercal — Casa Romuli — Ficus Ruminalis — Scalae Caci — Cornus Sacra — Ruins at the north-west corner — Temple of Magna Mater — Temple of Juno Sospita — Auguratorium — Domus Tiberiana — Domus Caligulse — Temple of Augustus — Gateway at north-east corner — Temple of Victory — Houses of wealthy Romans — Cicero's house — House of Catulus — House of Clodius — Splendour of Palatine houses— Porta Mugionis — Temple of Jupiter Stator — Palace of Tarquinius and Ancus — Sacellum Larum — Velia — ^Edes Penatium — Houses of Tullus and Publicola — Marble plan of the city — Neronian fire — Domus Aurea — Colossus of Nero — Temple of Peace — Basilica of Constantine— Arch of Titus — Temple of Venus and Rome — Meta Sudans — Arch of Constantine — Substructions on the south-east side of the hill— Palace of Augustus — Temple of Vesta — Temple of Apollo— Library — Roma Ouadrata in Area Apollinis — ^ides Publicae — Atrium — Lararium — Basilica — Peristylium — Triclinium — Nymphaeum — Portico — Library — Academia — Temple of Jupiter Victor — Palace of the Caesars— Terrace — Aqueduct — Stadium — Septizonium — Temple of Heliogabalus — Alexander Severus — Baths of Maxentius — Temple of Victoria — Fortuna Respiciens — Curia Saliorum — Ara Febris — Sacellum Deae Viriplacae — Domus Flaminis Dialis — Temple of Bacchus — 'A^poS/o-iov — Temple of Jupiter Propugnator— Domus Germanici— Domus Gelotiana Page 154 CHAPTER VIM. PART II. THE CAPITOLINE HILL.. Natural features — Subterranean chambers — Weils— Favisae — History of settlements —Names of the hill — Situation of the Temple of Jupiter — Bridge of Caligula— Statue of Jupiter — Number of sanctuaries on the Capitol — Curia Calabra — Rostra — Temple of J upiter Custos —Attacks upon and captures of the Capitol — Story of Herdonius — Story of Cominius and the Gauls— The Vitellians — Substructions of the Temple —Modern excavations— Argument from received ideas — History and architecture of Temple of Jupiter Xll Contents. — Foundations — Capitoline era— Cellae of temple — Arrangement of columns — Restorations by Sylla, Vespasian, and Domitian— Later history— Legend of bells— Corsi palace and castle— S. Salvatore in Maximis — Jupiter Feretrius — Jupiter Tonans — Mars Ultor — Temples of Fides, Mens, Venus Erycina, Capitolina, Victrix, and Ops— Chapels of Jupiter— Temple of Honour and Virtue— Fortuna Primigenia — Benefkium— Statues, &c— Temple of Juno Moneta— Chapel of Concord— Verbenas- Nonalia— Auguraculum— Terminus of Sacra Via— Asylum— Temple of Vejupiter — Tarpeian rock— Clivus Capi- tolinus— Clivus Argentarius — Tomb of Bibulus— Arcus Manus Carneas — Via Publica — ^Equimaelium — Elephantus Herbarius — Porticus Crinorum — Centum Gradus— Trophies of Marius . . . Page 182 CHAPTER IX. PART I. THE AVENTINE AND CLELIAN HILLS. Aventine : Natural features— Extent— Seat of the Montani— Seat of the Plebs— Altars of Evander, Jupiter Inventor, Jupiter Elicius, and Consus — Cave of Cacus — Remuria, Lauretum, Armilustrium — Temple of Diana — Temple of Juno Regina — Clivus Publicius — Temple of Minerva — Temples of Libertas, Bona Dea Subsaxana, Vortumnus, and Luna — Thermae Suranae, Decianas, and Variance — Magazines— Porticus ./Emilia, Tuccia, and Junia— Horrea Galbes et Aniciana — Emporium — Monte Testaccio — Pyramid of Cestius — Thermae Antoninianae. Cselian : Natural features— Name Caelius— Tomb of Scipios — Columbaria— Arch of Drusus— Valley of Egeria — Aqua Mercurii— Fossa Quiritium — Sessorium— Amphitheatrum Castrense — Neronian Aqueduct — Lateran Palace— Campus Martialis — S. Stefano Rotondo — Macellum Magnum — Temple of Claudius— jEdes Vectilianas — Arch of Dolabella and Clivus Scauri — Dea Carna — Minerva Capta — Isium Metel- linum — Castra Peregrina — Caput African — Mica Aurea— Jupiter Redux — Navicella — Houses of Centu- malus, Mamurra, Verus, and Tetricus Page 202 CHAPTER IX. PART IT. THE ESQUILINE HILL AND COLISEUM. Campus Esquilinus : Place of burial and execution— Sessorium— Amphitheatrum Castrense— Gardens of Maecenas— Horti Lamiani et Pallantiani— Houses of Virgil, Propertius, Pliny, and Pedo— Palace of Gordian— Trophies of Marius— Nymphaeum of Alexander Severus— Arch of Gallienus— Columbaria — Minerva Medica or Galuzze— Hercules Syllanus— Forum Esquilinum— Macellum Livianum. Oppius : Carinae— Domus Pompeiana, Domus Q. Ciceronis— Tigillum Sororium— Sacellum Streniae— Temple of Tellus— Vicus Cyprius et Sceleratus— Clivus Urbius, Africus, et Pullius— Fortuna Seia— Vicus San- daliarius— Domus Aurea Neronis— Sette Sale— Thermae Titi et Trajani. Coliseum: Site, architect, date —History— Antoninus Pius — Commodus — Macrinus — Heliogabalus— Alex. Severus — Lampridius— Basilius— Fiangipani— Henry VII.— Bull-fight in 1332— Hospital in 1415— Stones used for palaces— Passionspielen— Saltpetre stores— Benedict XIV— Description and plan of Coliseum. Cispius: Vicus Patricius— House of Caesonius— ^Edes Mentis— Temple of Diana— Juno Lucina— Lucus Paetelius, Mefitis, Fagutalis, Larum, Libitinae— Ouerquetulanum Sacellum— Ara Malae Fortunae— Ara Febris— Castra Misenatium— Curia Nova Page 225 CHAPTER X. THE VIMINAL, QUIRINAL, AND PINCIAN HILLS. General features and geology— Colles— Sabine settlements— History of addition to city— Collini— Septi- montium. Viminalis : Derivation of name— Patrician residents— Size of hill and height— Modern streets— House of C. Aquilius— Lavacrum Agrippinae— Thermae Olympiadis— Thermae Novati. Ouirinalis : Peculiar shape— One of the oldest parts of Rome— Name Agonus or Agonalis— Niebuhr's Qui- rium— Numa's house— Fortifications of Tarquinii and Servius— Gates— Houses of Martial and Atticus Contents. xiii — Literary quarter of Rome — Temple of Quirinus — Sacellum Quirini— Clivus Mamurri — Temple of Semo Sancus, or Dius Fidius — Temple of Flora— Ficeliae — Ad Pyrum— Capitolium Vetus, or Temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva — Temples of Salus, Serapis, and Fortuna Publica and Primigenia — Sacellum Pudicitiae — Vicus Longus — Templum Febris — Campus Sceleratus — Temple of Venus Erycina — Horti Sallustiani — Malum Punicum — Heroum of Flavian Gens — Templum Solis — Thermae Constan- tini — Thermae Diocletiani — Senaculum Mulierum. Pincius : Extent, shape, and name — Horti Luculliani — Sepulchrum Domitianum— Horti Pompeiani — Muro Torto — Thermae Neronis Page 245 CHAPTER XL THE JANICULUM AND THE VATICAN HILL. Janiculum : When added to city — Name — Walls — Natural features, height — Geology — History — Inhabitants — Lucus Furinae — Bridges across the Tiber : Sublician, bridge of Probus, Pons yEmilius — Insula Tiberina — Temples of ^Esculapius, Faunus, Jupiter, Semo Sancus, or Dius Fidius — Statue of Julius Caesar — Pontes : Fabricius, Cestius or Gratiani, Aurelius, Janicularis, Antoninianus, Neronianus or Vaticanus, .^Elius, Triumphalis — Arse Fontis — Temple of Fors Fortuna — Prata Mucia — Codeta — Horti Caesaris — Nemus Caesarum. Vatican : Name — History — Natural features — Civitas Leonina — Prata Quinctia — Horti Agrippinae — Horti Domitiae or Neronis — Obelisk — Circus Caii et Neronis — Sepulchrum Romuli — Temple of Apollo or Mithras — Circus of Hadrian — Mausoleum of Hadrian Page 261 CHAPTER XII. THE VELABRUM, VICUS TUSCUS, FORUM BOARIUM, AND CIRCUS MAXIMUS. General history, natural features, and boundaries of the districts — Vicus Tuscus — Vicus Jugarius — /Equi- maelium — Altars of Juno Juga, Ceres, and Ops Augusta — Lacus Servilius — Via Nova — Altar of Aius Loquens — Chapel of Volupia — Tomb of Acca Larentia — S. Teodoro — Temples of Augustus and Romulus — Limits of Vicus Tuscus and Velabrum — Limits of Velabrum and Forum Boarium — Forum Boarium — Cloaca Maxima — Cloacae of the Forum, of the Aventine, of the Campus Martius — Arcus Argentariorum — Janus Ouadrifrons— Doliola — Temples of Fortune, Mater Matuta, Pudicitia Patricia, Hercules (Vesta) — Circus Maximus, or Murcian Valley — S. Maria in Cosmedin — Temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera — Courtyard of Carceres — Ara Consi — Ara Maxima and Temple of Hercules Victor — Temples of Sun, Moon, Mercury, Magna Mater, Jupiter, Venus, Flora, Summanus, and Juventus. Page 276 CHAPTER XIII. PART I. THE CIRCUS FLAMINIUS. Site of modern city — Causes of change of site to the Campus Martius — History of Campus Martius — Palus Caprea — Stagna Terenti — Ager Tarquinius — Buildings of Campus Martius — Divisions of Campus Martius : Circus Flaminius, Campus Martius, Via Lata— Limits of the three divisions — Circus Flaminius — Theatre of Marcellus — Temple of Pietas, Spes, Juno Sospita— Forum Olitorium — Temple of Janus — S. Nicola in Carcere— Porticoes of Octavia and Octavius— Temples of Juno and Jupiter Stator — Porticus Metelli — Bibliotheca, Curia, and Schola Octaviae — ^Edes Herculis Musarum — Porticus Philippi — Theatre of Balbus — Crypta Balbi — Circus Flaminius — Campus Flaminius — Prata Flaminia — Temples of Delphic Apollo, Bellona, Hercules Custos, Bonus Eventus, Fortuna Equestris, Mars, Diana, Juno Regina, Neptunus, Dioscuri, Vulcanus — Porticus Minucia et Frumentaria— Theatre, Porticus, and Curia of Pompeius — Domus Hecatostylon — Temple of Venus Victrix Page 299 c Contents. CHAPTER XIII. PAR T II THE CAMPUS MARTIUS AND THE VIA LATA. Campus Martius Proper: The Septa — Arch of Claudius — Villa Pblica — Temples of Isis and Serapis— Temple of Minerva Chalcidica — Thermae Agrippae — The Pantheon— Campus Agrippae— Porticus Poke — Porticus Europae — Porticus Vipsania — Diribitorium — Posidonium, or Porticus Neptuni — Basilica Neptuni — Ruin in the Piazza di Pietra— Temples of Marciana and Hadrian — Porticus Meleagri— Basilica Matidiae — Basilica Marcianae — Gnomon obelisk — Pillar of Antoninus Pius— Temple and pillar of M. Aurelius — Arch of M. Aurelius — Stadium Alexandrinum (Piazza Navona) — Odeum — Thermae Neronianae — Thermae Alexandrinae — Arch of Tiberius — Stabula Factionum — Temples of Lares Permarini and Juturna — Via Tecta — Porticus Flaminia — Altars of Fortuna Redux and Pax --Amphitheatre of Statilius — Praedia ^Emiliana — Mausoleum of Augustus — Ustrina Caesarum. Via Lata: name of Via Lata — Altar of Mars — Arches of Aqua Virgo— Tomb of Bibulus— Temple of Sol. Page 322 CHAPTER XIV. THE ROMAN CAMPAGNA. Boundaries of Latium antiquissimum. — Part I. Physical geography : Geological formations — Tufaceous beds— Tertiary marine strata— Apennine limestone— Hills of the Campagna — Volcanic craters — Peperino— Basaltic lava— Monti di Decima— Silva Ostiensis — Hills on left bank of Anio : Mons Sacer ; Montes Crustumerini et Corniculani — Lakes and brooks : Rio di Turno, Rio Torto (Numicius), Fountain and brook of Anna Perenna — Lagunes and marshes: Stagno di Ostia, Salinae— Lago di Nemi — Lago DAlbano or di Castello ; its Emissarium — Rio di Malafede — Aqua Ferentina — Aqua Crabra — Petronia— Almo — Allia — Anio — Aquae Albulae— Tutia— Rivus Ulmanus— Lake Regillus. Part II. Period of cities: — (1) Laurens Tractus and Campus Solonius : Laurentum ; Lauro-Lavinium ; Troja Nova ; Lavinium ; Aphrodisium ; Ficana ; Politorium ; Tellenae ; Apiolae ; Bovilke ; Ardea ; Castrum Inui ; Ostia; Portus Trajani — (2) Alban and Tusculan hills: Lanuvium ; Aricia ; Nemi, Dianium ; Alba Longa, Mons Albanus ; Fabia ; Castrimonium, Aqua Ferentina ; Tusculum (Citadel, City, Theatre, Gate and walls, Piscina, Amphitheatre) ; Corbio — (3) Praeneste and left bank of Anio : Labicum ; Gabii ; Praeneste (Citadel, Temple of Fortune) ; Vitellia ; Tolerium ; Pedum ; Bola ; Scaptia ; Ortona ; Querquetula ; Collatia ; Caenina ; Antemnae — (4) Cities on the right bank of the Anio : Fidenae ; Crustumerium ; Nomentum ; Ficulea ; Corniculum ; Cameria ; Ameriola ; Medullia — (5) Tibur and its neighbourhood : Tibur ; Empulum ; Sassula ; Sisolenses ; yEfula. Part III. Period of latifundia, villas, roads, and aqueducts — Cities on the Etruscan and Sabine frontiers and Alban cities first destroyed — The Latin League : — (A,) Latifundia; Gradual monopoly of landed property — (B.) Villas : (1) Tusculan Villas — Cicero's Tusculanum; Villa of Gabinius, of Lucullus, of Cato Junior ; (2) Alban Villas — Villa of Clodius, of Pompey ; Albanum Caesarum ; (3) Laurentine villas — Pliny's Laurentinum ; Villa of Commodus at Torre Paterno ; Villa of Hortensius ; (4) Suburban villas near Rome— Suburbanum Commodi ; Suburbanum Hadriani ; Suburbanum Gordianorum; Suburbanum Liviae ; Suburbanum Phaontis ; (5) Tiburtine villas — Tiburtinum Hadriani (Grand entrance, Palaestra, Pcecile, Barracks, Library, Imperial palace, Stadium, Thermae, Canopus, Academia, Inferi, Lyceum, Prytaneum) ; Tibertinum Zenobiae ; Tibertinum Cassii ; Tibertinum Sallustii ; Sabinum Horatii — (C.) Roads: Appian road — Deus Rediculus ; Grotto of Egeria ; Temple of Bacchus or Honos ; Circus of Maxentius and Temple of Romulus ; Tomb of Caecilia Metella ; Roma Vecchia ; Villa of Seneca ; Tomb of Atticus ; Ustrina ; Tomb of Gens Aurelia ; Temples of Hercules and Sylvanus ; Villa of Persius ; Tomb of Gallienus ; Bovilke : Latin road — Tombs; Torre Fiscale ; Temple of Fortuna Muliebris : Via Praenestina and Via Labicana — Torre Pignattara — Via Valeria — Ponte Lucano ; Tomb of Plautii : Via Nomentana: Via Salara : Via Flaminia and Via Cassia : Via Aurelia, Via Triumphalis : Via Ostiensis and Via Laurentina : Via Tusculana, Via Collatina, Via Ardeatina, and Via Amerina — (D.) Aqueducts. Part IV. : Period of depopulation and devastation — Destruction of Hadrian's Tiburtinum — Barbarian invasions. Note on the name Campagna, or Campania Page 347 General Index Page 447 Index of the Quotations from Ancient Authors . . . Page 476 Corrigenda et Addenda Page 484 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE Statue of the Emperor Augustus found in the ruins of the Villa of Livia at Prima Porta . Frontispiece. Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus Title-page. Temple of Saturn xxxi Arch of Titus xl Tuscan, Tusco-Doric, Romano-Ionic, Romano-Corinthian, and Composite ) ' .' ' ' l XXVI, XXV111, XXX11, XXXIV, XXXV orders of architecture ) Ground-plan of pseudoperipteral temple xxx Ground-plan of Roman basilica xlix Via Appia liv Arco dei Pantani lxxviii Valley of the Tiber where the Flaminian road crosses it at the forty-second milestone from Rome . . 2 Ruined Arch of the Marcian Aqueduct, with the Sabine hills near Tibur in the distance 11 Alban Hills from S. Pietro in Montorio 19 The ruined Arches of the Claudian Aqueduct, with Frascati (Tusculum) and the Alban Mount ... 24 The Palatine Hill (western side), with the Villa Mills on the summit, as seen from the Capitoline . . 30 Southern end of Palatine and Arch of Constantine 35 Servian Wall on the Aventine 50 Porta Salaria 60 Porta Chiusa 61 Porta S. Lorenzo 63 Porta Maggiore, Tomb of Eurysaces, and the Specus of the Aqua Claudia and of the Anio Novus . . 65 Ancient Porta Asinaria and modern Porta S. Giovanni 66 Porta S. Sebastiano 67 Porta Latina 68 Site of the Forum Romanum, from the slope of the Capitoline Hill . 76 Temple of Saturn and Temple of Vespasian 93 Column of Phocas and Temple of Saturn 99 Temple of Castor 101 The Forum Romanum, looking towards the Capitoline Hill 109 Temple of Antoninus and Faustina 113 Site of Basilica Julia 115 Fragments of the Capitoline Plan 116 Temple of Vespasian 118 Arch of Septimius Severus (north side) 121 Temple of Mars Ultor and Arco dei Pantani 132 Portion of the Peribolus of Nerva's Forum : Colonnacce 136 Forum of Nerva, as it appeared in the sixteenth century 138 Shops in Trajan's Forum 142 Trajan's Column, with the bases of the Columns of the Basilica Ulpia, and the Church of Nome di Maria 145 Base of Trajan's Column 147 Basilica of Constantine 166 Arch of Titus (Triumphal Car and Procession) 168 Ruins of the Temple of Venus and Roma, and Meta Sudans 170 Arch of Constantine, south side 172 Palace of the Caesars, with the Baths of Caracalla in the background 1 79 Capitoline Hill from the Marmorata, looking northwards up the stream • 184 The Tiber and the Marmorata, with the Capitoline Hill in the distance, and the Aventine on the right . 208 Pyramid of Cestius and Porta S. Paolo 210 Baths of Caracalla 212 Arch of Drusus 2x7 xv i List of Illustrations. PAGE Arch of Dolabella 222 The Coliseum, from the Palatine Hill 237 The Quirinal Hill as seen from the Palatine 247 Frontespizio di Nerone 254 Fragments in the Colonna Gardens 256 Muro Torto 260 Ponte Rotto 264 Insula Tiberina 265 Cone from the top of Hadrian's Mausoleum 273 The Cloaca Maxima 280 Mouth of the Cloaca Maxima and Temple of Hercules (Vesta) 283 Arcus Argentariorum 285 Janus Quadrifrons 287 So-called Temple of Fortuna Virilis 289 Round Temple of Hercules, usually called the Temple of Vesta 291 S. Maria in Cosmedin 293 Theatre of Marcellus 302 Plan of Temples in the Portico of Octavia 307 Porticus Octaviae 308 Pantheon ' 328 Bas-relief on pedestal of Antonine Column : Groups of Cavalry and Infantry 334 M. Aurelius on horseback 338 Alban Lake from the Capuchin Convent of Palazzolo, looking towards Marino and Tusculum . . . 355 Cascatelli at Tivoli 306 The Temples of Vesta and of the Sibyl, Tivoli 398 Vico Varo and Lucretilis 429 Circus of Maxentius, with the Arches of the Claudian and Marcian Aqueducts 434 Tomb of Caecilia Metella 435 Plautian Tomb and Ponte Lucano 438 Ponte Nomentano, by which the Via Nomentana crosses the Anio 439 MAPS, PLANS, etc. Rome and the Campagna To face 2 The Seven Hills #< . Geological Map of Rome r ^ Roma Antiquissima . 33 The Servian Walls * 2 Servian Agger and Porta Viminalis 49 The present Walls and the Walls of Aurelian 53 The Forum Romanum, before the time of Julius Caesar 74 The Forum Romanum, after the time of Julius Caesar 107 The Fora of the Caesars I2 6 The Palatine and Velia 154 The Capitolium and the Arx 182 Excavations on the Capitoline Hill 188 The Baths of Caracalla 213 Mons Oppius 232 Thermae Diocletianae 257 The Circus Flaminius 299 Theatre of Marcellus 306 Fragments of Pianta Capitolina 3! 7 Agri Roman i Tabula 347 Plan of Temple of Fortune at Praeneste 385 Environs of Tivoli go| The Alban Lake ^ IO Pliny's Villa at Laurentum 412 Iconographia Romae Veteris 484 LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL BOOKS ON ROMAN TOPOGRAPHY AND ARCHEOLOGY QUOTED IN THE NOTES. I. — ROME. 1. Preller, Die Regionen der Stadt Rom (Jena, 1846). Curiosum Urbis. See Becker's Hand- buch, Th. i. S. 772. 2. Uer Regionar der Stadt Rom in der Handschrift des Kl. Einsiedlen. G. Haenel in Archiv fur Philologie und Pasdagogik, 1837, Bd. v. Hft. 1, S. 115. See also Mabillon, Vet. Analect. (Paris, 1723), p. 358. 3. Mirabilia Romae e codicibus Vaticanis emendata edidit Gustavus Parthey (Berolini, 1869). 4. Fragmenta Vestigii veteris Romas ex lapidibus Farnesianis. Bellori (Roma, 1673) in Grasvii Thesauro, torn. iv. 5. Monumentum Ancyranum sive Caesaris Augusti index rerum a se gestarum ex reliquiis Grasca; interpretation is restituit Joannes Franzius commentario perpetuo instruxit A. W. Zumptius (Berolini, 1845). 6. Poggius Florentinus, De fortunae varietate urbis Romae et de ruina ejusdem descriptio. Poggii Opera (Basileas, 1538), p. 131. 7. Blondus Flavius, Roma instaurata (Basileas, 1559). The first edition was dedicated to Eugenius IV., 1431 — 1439. 8. Andreas Fulvius, De Urbis Antiquitatibus (Rom. 1527). I have referred to the Venice edition of 1588. 9. Bartolomasus Marlianus, Urbis Romas Topographia (Rome, 1544). 10. Lucius Faunus, De Antiquitatibus Urbis Romae (Venetiis, 1549). 11. Gamucci, Le Antichita della Citta di Roma (Venezia, 1569). 12. G. Fabricii Roma (1550), Graevius, Thes. vol. iii. 13. Onuph. Panvinii Antiquae Urbis Imago (Francofurti, 1627). 14. J. J. Boissardi, Topographia Romas (Francofurti, 1627). 15. Ficoroni, Le Vestigia di Roma Antica (Roma, 1744). 16. Donatus, Roma vetus ac recens (1665). 17. Nardini, Roma Antica, ed. Nibby (Roma, 18 18). 18. Venuti, Descrizione Topografica delle Antichita di Roma (Roma, 1803). 19. Guattani, Roma descritta ed illustrata (Roma, 1805). 20. Nibby, Del Foro Romano, della Via Sacra, dell' Anfiteatro Flavio e de' luoghi adjacenti (Roma, 1 8 19). 21. Nibby, Le Mura di Roma disegnate da Sir William Gell, illustrate con testo e note da Antonio Nibby (Roma, 1820). 22. Nibby, Roma nell' Anno 1838 : Parte Antica. 23. Fea, Miscellanea filologica, critica, ed antiquaria (Roma, 1790). xviii List of the Principal Books quoted in the Notes. 24. Fea, Frammenti dei Fasti (Roma, 1820). 25. Flaminio Vacca, Memorie di varie Antichita (1594), in Nardini's 2nd edition (Rome, 1704). 26. Falconieri, Piramide di Caio Cestio ; also in Nardini. 27. Sachse, Beschreibung der Stadt Rom (1824). 28. Bunsen, Le Forum explique. 29. Plattner, Bunsen, Gerhard, and Rostell, Beschreibung der Stadt Rom (Stuttgart und Tubingen,i83o). 30. Canina, Indicazione Topografica di Roma Antica (Roma, 1850). 31. Montfaucon, Diarium Italicum (Parisiis, 1702). 32. Du Perac, Vestigj di Roma (Roma, 1674). 33. Labacco, Libro appartenente al Architettura nel qual si figurano alcune notabili Antiquita di Roma (1559). 34. Overbeke, Reliquiae Antiquae Urbis Romae (Amstelodami, 1708). 35. Piranesi, Antichita Roman e (Roma, 1784). 36. Nolli, Pianta di Roma (1748). 37. Desgodetz, Les Edifices antiques de Rome (Par. 1682). 38. Bellori, Veteres Arcus Augustorum (Rome, 1690). 39. Bianconi, Descrizione dei Cerchi particolarmente di quello di Caracalla (Roma, 1789). 40. Bartoli, Picturae Antiquae Cryptarum Romanarum (Roma, 1738). 41. Brocchi, Suolo di Roma (Roma, 1820). 42. Friedlander, Sittengeschichte Roms (Leipzig, 1869). 43. Becker, W. A., De Romae Vet. Muris atque Portis (Lipsiae, 1842). 44. Die Romische Topographie in Rom (Leipzig, 1844). 45. ,, Zur Romischen Topographie (Leipzig, 1845). 46. „ Handbuch der Rom. Alterth. Theil i. (Leipzig, 1843). 47. L. Urlichs, Romische Topographie in Leipzig, i. (Stuttgart, 1845). 48. „ „ „ „ „ ii- (Bonn, 1845). 49. Ampere, Histoire Romaine a Rome (Paris, 1862 — 1864). 50. Dyer, T. H., The City of Rome (London, 1865). 51. „ Art. " Rome " in Smith's Diet, of Geography. 52. Martinelli, Roma Sacra (Roma, 1653). 53. Lipsius, De magnitudine Romana (Antverpiae, 1599). 54. Tournon, Etudes Statistiques sur Rome (Paris, 183 1). 55. Von Reumont, Geschichte der Stadt Rom (Berlin, 1867 — 1869). 56. Klausen, ^Eneas und die Penaten (Hamburg und Gotha, 1839). 57. De urbe Roma prisca et nova varii auctores (Romae : Mozocchi, 1523). 58. Reber, Ruinen Roms und der Campagna (Leipzig, 1863). 59. Canina, Pianta di Roma Antica. 60. Guattani, Monumenti Antichi (Roma, 1784 — 1788). 61. Merkel, P. Ovid. Nasonis Fastorum, libri sex, ed. R. Merkelio (Berolini, 1841). 62. Fontana, C, LAnfiteatro Flavio (Haia, 1725). 63. Gsell Fels, Romische Ausgrabungen (Hildburghausen, 1870). 64. De Romanis, Terme di Tito (Roma, 1822). 65. Vignoli, Dissertatio de Columna Imp. Antonini Pii (Romae, 1705). 66. Rossini, Roma Antica (Roma, 1828). 67. „ Sette Colli di Roma (Roma, 1828). 68. Martinus Polonus, ap. Corp. Hist. Med. ^Evi. Eccard (Lipsiae, 1723). List of the Principal Books quoted in the Notes. xix II. — CAMPAGNA. 1. Nicolai, Bonificamenti delle terre Pomp tine (Roma, 1800). 2. Cluverius, Italia Antiqua (1624). 3. Abeken, Mittelitalien vor den Zeiten Romischer Herrschaft (1843). 4. Dureau de la Malle, Economie Politique des Romains. 5. Bormann, Altlatinische Chorographie (Halle, 1852). 6. Nibby, Analisi Storico-Topografico-Antiquaria della Carta de' Dintorni di Roma (Roma, 1837). 7. ,, Viaggio Antiquario (Roma, 1819). 8. Westphal, Die Romische Kampagne (Berlin, 1829). 9. Dennis, Etruria (London, 1848). 0. Dionigi, Viaggio in Lazio (Roma, 1809). 1. Miiller, C, Roms Campagna (Leipzig, 1824}. 2. Bonstetten, Voyage dans le Latium (Geneve, 1803). 3. Fea, Viaggio a Ostia (Roma, 1802). 4. Canina, Carta di Campagna (1856). 5. Carta Topografica di Roma e Comarca (Roma, 1865). 6. Von Moltke, Carta di Roma (1846). 7. Thon e Nibby, Tempio di Fortuna Prgenestina (Roma, 1825). 8. Ligorio, Pianta della Villa Tiburtina di Adriano Cesare (Roma, 175 1). 9. Kircher, Latium (Amstelodami, 1671). 0. Gregorovius, Geschichte des Rom. Kaisers Hadrian (Konigsberg, 1857). 1. Blume, Lachmann, und Rudorff, Die Schriften der Romischen Feldmesser (Berlin, 1848). 2. Volpi, Vetus Latium (Romas, 1726). 3. Rossini, Contorni di Roma (Roma, 1828). Ill— ARCHEOLOGY AND HISTORY. 1. Miiller, K. O., Archseologie der Kunst (Breslau, 1848). 2. Winckelmann, Sur l'Architecture Ancienne (Paris, 1801). 3. Reber, Geschichte der Baukunst in Alterthum. (Leipzig, 1866). 4. Hope, Essay on Architecture (London, 1840). 5. Lanza, Palazzo di Diocletiano (Trieste, 1855). 6. Gell, Topography of Rome and its Vicinity (London, 1846). 7. Anastasius Bibliothecarius, De Vitis Romanorum Pontificum, ed. Blanchini. 8. Nissen, Das Templum (Berlin, 1869), 9. Liibke, Geschichte der Architectur (Leipzig, 1865). 0. Canina, Architettura Antica, Sezione iii. (Roma, 1840). 1. Marini, Atti dei Fratelli Arvali (Roma, 1785). 2. Hirt, Geschichte der Baukunst bei den Alten (Berlin, 1822). 3. Lewis, Credibility of Early Roman History (London, 1855). 4. Palladio, Architettura (Venetiis, 1570 and 1642). 5. Roncalli, Vetustiora Lat. Scrip. Chronica (Patavii, 1787). 6. Dureau de la Malle, Recherches sur l'Entendue et la Population de Rome. Acad, des Inscr. torn. xii. 7. Mabillon, Museum Italicum (Paris, 1724). XX List of the Principal Books quoted in the Notes. 1 8. Servius, Commentarii in Virgilium Servian!, ed. Lion (Gottingse, 1826). 19. Fergusson, Principles of Art (London, 1849). 20. „ History of Architecture (London, 1862). 2 1 . Bellori, Columna Antoniniana (Romse). 22. Bartoli, Colonna Trajana (Roma). 23. Fabretti, Colonna Trajana (Roma). 24. Cameron, C, The Baths of the Romans (London, 1775). 25. Schwegler, Romische Geschichte (Tubingen, 1853 — 1858). 26. Eckhel, Doctrina Nummorum Veterum (Vienna, 1792 — 1828). 27. Becker, W. A., Gallus. 3 Ausg. berich. von Dr. Rein (Leipzig, 1863). 28. Dyer, T. H., History of Kings of Rome (London, 1868). 29. Visconti, Opere Varie, ed. Labus (Milan, 1827). 30. Gori, Columbarium Lib. et Serv. Aug. (Florentias, 1727). 31. Fabretti, De Aquaeductibus (Romse, 1680). 32. Fasti Prsenestini, Amiterni, &c, in Corpus Inscr. Lat., vol. i. (Berolini, 1863) 33. Dodwell, Pelasgic Remains (London, 1834). 34. Wilkins, Syracuse, Girgenti, and Paestum (Cambridge, 1807). 35. Wood, Baalbec and Palmyra (London, 1757). 36. Zoega, De Obeliscis (Romag, 1797). 37. Nibby, Dissertazione delle Vie degli Antichi, in Nardini, torn. iv. (Roma, 1820 38. Hobler, Roman Coins (Westminster, i860). 39. Allason, Pola (London, 1819). 40. Donaldson, Architectura Numismatica (London, 1859). 41. Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs (Paris, 1630). 42. Spanheim, De usu Numismatum (Amstelod. 1706). 43. Niebuhr, B. G., Roman History, translated by Hare and Thirlwall (London, 1855). 44. Arnold, T., History of Rome (London, 1848). 45. Mommsen, Th., History of Rome, translated by Dickson (London, 1862). 46. Merivale, C, History of the Romans under the Empire (London, 1852). 47. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. i., ed, Th. Mommsen (Berolini, 1863). INTRODUCTION. ON ROMANO-GREEK ARCHITECTURE. HORIZONTAL OR RECTANGULAR MASON RY— POLYGONAL MASONRY— ANCIENT GATEWAYS— APPEARANCE OF THE ROMULEAN CITY— INTRODUCTION OF THE ARCH — CLOAC/E — CANAL AT THE MOUTH OF THE MARTA — TUSCAN TEMPLES— DIRECT INFLUENCE OF GREEK ARCHITECTURE : (i) MODIFICATIONS TRACEABLE TO ANCIENT ITALIAN CUSTOM AND TRADITION ; TUSCO-DORIC ; (2) MODIFICATIONS TRACEABLE TO THE WANT OF AESTHETIC CULTURE AMONG THE ROMANS; ROMANO-IONIC ORDER; ROMANO-CORINTHIAN ORDER; (3) MODIFICATIONS TRACEABLE TO THE VULGAR LOVE OF OVERLADEN ORNAMENTATION ; THE COMPOSITE CAPITAL ; UNMEANING JUXTA- POSITION OF DETAILS; COSTLY STONEWORK; PORTICOES, PALACES, AND HOUSE DECORATIONS; TRIUMPHAL ARCHES AND GATEWAYS; COLUMNS; TOMBS; ROCK TOMBS; COLONNADES; OBELISKS; (4) MODIFICATIONS TRACEABLE TO THE WANT OF SPACE AT ROME ; THE ARCH ; BRICKS ; ROMAN BRICK WALLS ; VAULTED ARCHES OF BRICK ; BASILICyE ; LIBRARIES ; ROADS ; CAUSEWAYS AND TUNNELS ; BRIDGES ; CLOACAE ; HARBOURS ; AQUEDUCTS - ORNAMENTAL FOUNTAINS; CASTRA ; HORREA ; PISTRINA; THERMAE; BALNEA; AMPHITHEATRES; NAUMACHDE ; CIRCI ; THEATRES ; DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE ; INTERIOR OF THE HOUSE ; EXTERIOR OF THE HOUSE ; MATERIALS ; VESTIBULE ; WINDOWS ; ROOFS— GENERAL APPEARANCE OF ROMAN STREETS ; ROMAN ARCHITECTS VITRUVIUS— THE ROMANS ENGINEERS RATHER THAN ARCHITECTS — THEIR BUILDINGS ILLUS- TRATIVE OF THEIR CHARACTER. " Magnificas secies operosaque visere templa Divitiis hominum aut sacris memoranda vetustis Traducti maria et terras per proxima fatis Currimus, atque avidi veteris mendacia famee Eruimus, cunctasque libet percurrere gentes." sEtna, 568-572. IN the Aventine hill, under the Monastery of S. Saba, there is a vast sub- terranean quarry, from which carts may often be seen at the present day carryine blocks of a reddish-brown stone to the various quarters J t> x Horizontal or of Rome, wherever new buildings happen to be in the course of rectangular erection. The stone obtained from this quarry is the harder m n kind of tufa, -of which a great part of the hills of Rome consist. 1 It naturally became the building stone used by the first founders of Rome, and is found in all the most ancient fragments of masonry which still remain. In many places, as on the cliffs of the Alban lake, and the sides of many of the hillocks in the Campagna, this stone may be seen presenting, when partially decayed, a very considerable likeness to a wall of horizontal layers 1 See chap. ii. p. 15. d xxii Introduction. of stone. When quarried, it naturally breaks into rectangular blocks, and suggests of itself that mode of building which we find actually to exist in the earliest efforts of Roman builders. The most interesting of such primaeval relics is a fragment of wall which skirts the west end of the Palatine hill, and is assigned by M. Braun to the earliest enclosure of that hill, the so-called Roma Quadrata of Dionysius. 1 The blocks in this wall are arranged in layers placed alternately parallel to and across the line of the wall (headers and stretchers), so as to bind the mass together firmly. No mortar is used, and the joints are fitted so accurately as to show a more considerable knowledge of the art of masonry than we should expect at so early a period. It seems on this account questionable whether the usually received opinion as to the antiquity of this wall can be correct, and the fragments of the wall of Servius Tullius (b.c. 578 — 535) found on the sides of the Aventine and the Quirinal hills are perhaps more deserving of attention as undoubtedly ancient works. 2 In these fragments of the Servian wall the art of building appears in a more imperfect state than in that on the Palatine. The vertical joints are not so carefully arranged, and are often allowed to stand immediately one over the other, so as to impair the solidity of the masonry. The stones are placed close against the side of the hill, and in some places the lowest layers of them are imbedded in the natural rock. The hills of Rome and of the Campagna being mostly low, and not offering in their natural state a sufficient defence, were frequently cased in this way with walls, which either abutted immediately upon the natural rock, as on the Quirinal, or were placed at a slight interval, which was filled up with rubble, as at Algidum near Prameste. 3 Other specimens of these rectangular horizontal tufa walls which belonged to cities destroyed during the Regal period, and therefore of indubitable antiquity, are to be seen in the neighbourhood of Rome. Such are the walls of Apiolae, destroyed by Tarquinius Priscus, situated on the right hand of the Via Appia at the tenth milestone from Rome, and of Politorium, now La Giostra, near Castel di Leva on the Via Ardeatina. 4 In the walls of Tusculum and of Ardea, and many other places in the Campagna, the same mode of construction may be seen. 5 As has been already mentioned, this style of building is the natural product of the peculiar parallel cleavage of the tufaceous rocks. Accordingly, 1 Ann. delV Inst. 1852, p. 324 ; Mon. vol. v. tav. 3 Cell, Top. Rom. p. 42. 39 ; chap. iii. pp. 34, 41 ; Dionys. ii. 65. 4 Livy, i. 35 ; Gell, Top. Rom, pp. 87, 281 ; sec 2 Chap. iv. pp. 44, 47 ; Ann. deW Inst. 1855, plates chap. xiv. xxi.— xxv. 5 Gell, Top. Rom. pp. 432, 98. Introduction. xxm wherever the prevailing stone of the district is other than tufa, this horizontal work is not found, and we see instead of it in the more ancient walls the polygonal, or, as it was called in Greece, the Cyclopean ^ZZy. or Pelasgic style. It has sometimes been assumed that polygonal structure indicates a higher degree of antiquity than horizontal. This, however, is not the case ; for the style of building depends principally upon the nature of the material, and some of the polygonal walls in Latium, as those of the Temple of Fortune, built by Sulla at Prseneste, belong to the time of the later Republic. 1 These later polygonal walls are easily distin- guishable from the earlier by the greater accuracy of the joints, and the work- manlike style of the masonry. In the most ancient walls, as in some parts of those of Medullia, Alatrium, Artena Volscorum, and Signia, the joints are filled up with small stones, while in the later polygonal masonry the stones are closely fitted and selected with great care so as to present a flat surface." Of the most ancient kinds of gates, anterior to the discovery of the arch, no remains have been found at Rome ; but in the Campagna there are several curious and interesting varieties of ante-historic gateways. tl"vay S Sometimes, as at Olevano and Alatri, they are composed of a large horizontal slab placed upon two vertical side posts ; sometimes these side supports are slanted inwards, as in the gateway now to be seen at Signia ; :3 and sometimes a kind of pointed arch is formed by making each block of stone project a little beyond the one upon which it rests, till the uppermost stones meet. The most perfect specimen of this third kind of gate is found at Arpino, and closely resembles the well-known gate of Mycenae. A single instance of such a mode of construction is found at Rome in the vault of the old well-house of the Capitol called the Tullianum, the lower part consisting of overlapping horizontal blocks which formerly met in a conical roof, but are now truncated and capped with a mass of stones cramped together with iron. 4 The Tullianum must therefore be considered to be the earliest specimen of building, other than simple wall constructions, now extant in Rome, and probably anterior to the Cloaca Maxima, in which we find the principle of the arch already fully developed. If we may draw an 1 See note in Dennis, Etruria, vol. ii. p. 29. Dennis p. 124 ; Dionigi, Viaggio in Lazio. Fragments of this acknowledges the influence of local materials on the kind of work are to be seen in the Via di Casciano, style of masonry, but does not think that it amounts and at the so-called villa of Cassius near Tivoli, and to a constructive necessity. See a paper by Mr. also at Arpino and Ferentino. See Nibby, Analisi, Bunbury in the Classical Museum, vol. ii. p. 145. torn. i. 397, iii. 226. 2 Gell, pp. 314, in; Monumenti deW Inst. 1829, 3 See Annali dell' Inst. 1829, p. 78: Monumenti Plates i. ii. iii. ; Dodwell, Pelasgic Remains, p. 92. deW Inst. tav. i. ii. iii. The walls of Tiryns are of this loose polygonal 4 See chap. vi. p. 81. There is a precisely similar masonry. See Schliemann's Ithaka und Troja, well-house at Burinna in Cos. See Reber, Gesch. p. 108; (Leipsic, 1869). Dodwell, Pelasgic Remains, der Baukunst, S. 222. d 2 XXIV Introduction. inference from the most ancient gateways of Etruria and the rest of Latium, 1 the gates of Roma Quadrata on the Palatine were not bare openings in the line of wall, but consisted of a square chamber with two doors, the one opening inwards and the other outwards. It seems probable that the Temple of Janus was a modification of such a gateway chamber ; for as a part of the pomcerium these gateways would naturally be held sacred, and as the starting-point of all expeditions beyond the city walls would be placed under the protection of Janus, the god who presided over the beginning of undertakings. 2 The inner door had the advantage of offering a second point of resistance to any besieging force which might have stormed the outer ; and a further means of defence was usually provided for the gate by the construction of a projecting bastion on the right hand side, from which the unshielded side of the attacking troops might be assailed with missiles. The gates of Norba and of Alba Fucensis show defences of this nature. 3 Of the general aspect of the city of Rome during the first years of its existence we can, of course, form only a conjectural notion. It pro- Appearance j j 1 oftkeRomu- bably consisted of an irregula r collection of thatched cottages, lean aty. s j m j] ar to snown ' m later times as the Casa Romuli on the Palatine, among which were interspersed a few diminutive chapels, such as that of Jupiter Feretrius, which, even after its enlargement by Ancus, was not more than fifteen feet in length, 4 the modest house of Numa, the curia of Hostilius, the auguraculum, and the Temple of Jupiter Stator. 5 Tufa walls with wooden supports were employed even in the more important buildings. We are assured, by the almost unanimous testimony of Roman historians, introduction of that the Tarqumii first introduced that great invention in building the arch. which the Roman engineers and architects carried, in later times, to the highest possible perfection, and which became the great glory of Roman masonry, the round arch. 6 In Assyria and in Egypt the arch had long been used in subterranean buildings. The palaces at Nimrucl contain several instances of arched structures, and round arches are used in the older Egyptian tombs." But it is a strange fact in the history of architecture, that while we find the western branches of the great Pelasgian family settled in Central Italy possessed of a full knowledge of the principle of the arch, the eastern or Hellenic branch 1 As at Volaterrae, Foesulae, and Cora : Abeken, Mittelitalien, p. 159. 2 See chap. vi. p. 87. 8 Abeken, Mittelitalien, p. 160; Vitruv. i. 5, 2. 4 Dionys. ii. 34 ; Livy, i. 10, 33, iv. 20 ; chap. viii. p. 192. 5 Ov. Fast. vi. 263 ; Livy, i. 30 ; chap. viii. pp. 83, •03, 195- 6 Livy, i. 38, 56 ; Dionys. iii. 67, iv. 44 ; Plin. N. H. xxxvi. 15, 24. 7 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii. chap. 10, places the invention of the arch in Egypt 2020 B.C., and gives numerous instances of its very early use. See also Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, 1853, vol. 1. p. 163 ; Nineveh and its Remains, vol. ii. p. 260. Introduction. xxv appear to have been still ignorant of it, or unwilling to employ it, during the period when their architecture was carried to the highest pitch of perfection in other respects. Whether the early inhabitants of Central Italy obtained their knowledge of this most important principle in building by tradition from Eastern ancestors, or whether they discovered it independently for themselves, cannot be determined. Greece, at all events, cannot claim the credit of having led the way to the frequent employment of the arch in building. In whatever way the principle was introduced into Italian architecture, it must have made great progress in early times ; and the fact that the tufa stone, commonly used for buildings not exposed to the outer air, could be so easily split or cut into suitable wedge-shaped masses, contributed not a little to the rapid development of this architectural contrivance. Another cause which has also been justly assigned for the great per- fection to which the art of subterranean tunnelling and vaulting arrived in Etruria and at Rome in very early times, was the necessity for regu- lating the floods to which the valleys of the Arno and Tiber are peculiarly subject, and of draining the pestilential swamps or maremmas of the coasts of Latium and Tuscany, Works like the Cloaca Maxima and the great canal on the bank of the Marta, first described by Dennis, were indispensable as soon as it became desirable to occupy the lower grounds of these districts. Such considerations may partly excuse our surprise at finding so gigantic a work as the Cloaca undertaken at so early a period of the history of Rome j 1 and we cannot but observe that the description giyen by Dennis of the canal at the mouth of the Marta seems to be a strong confirmation of the much-disputed authority of Livy and Dionysius, when they ascribe the construction of the Cloaca to the Etruscan Tarquinii. The very name Tarquinii belongs to the town at the mouth of the river Marta ; and not only is the .. J Canal at the canal arched over in the same style with enormous red tufa mouth of the blocks, but the side of the river at its mouth is protected by an embankment, which seems the very counterpart of the " pulchrum litus " at the mouth of the Cloaca Maxima. The width of the Marta canal is not inferior to that of the Cloaca, the span of its arch being fourteen feet, while the stones employed are far larger. 2 But though in the time of the Tarquins the principle of the arch was so thoroughly understood, yet it was not very widely used at Rome till a much later time. The specus of the Aqua Appia (B.C. 312), lately discovered near the Porta Maggiore, is not arched over, but has a gable-shaped covering, formed by two flat stones inclined at an acute angle to each other. Nor is the mouth of the 1 See further in chap. xii. p. 283. 4 Dennis, Etruria, vol. i. p. 393. xxvi Introduction. emissary at the Alban lake, which was built at the end of the Veientine War (B.C. 396), formed by an arch, but by a large horizontal block, which shows, by the slanting manner in which the ends are cut, a rude appli- cation of the principle of the arch. 1 These two instances prove clearly that even in subterranean works, where the arch was most useful and most easily constructed, it was not always employed in the period of the early Republic. Still less was the invention of the arch applied at this time to the construction of public buildings. The great public building of the later Regal period, the Temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, was built on the normal plan of Tuscan temples, with columns and horizontal architraves. Its appearance was flat and low, 2 the breadth being nearly equal to the length, the intervals between the columns very wide, the architrave of wooden beams, and the wooden gable-ends built with a low pitch. 3 Of the so-called Tuscan style, as described by Vitruvius, we have no ancient speci- Tuscan 1 r. x r . , mens left It temples. was, in fact, the Italian contemporary of the Greek Doric, and its peculiarities consisted rather in the proportion which the several parts of the building bore to each other, than in any con- structive difference. The columns were nearly of the same height in both the orders, but in the Tus- can they rested upon a Fig. i. base which was generally omitted in Doric architecture. The shafts were coarsely and superficially fluted, and the capital rather less ornamental in the Tuscan than in the Doric order, ^ F 1 III 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11:11 ! 1 I 1 1 1 1 I'll i 1 Hirt, Gesch. der Baukunst, ii. S. 108. 2 Vitruv. iii. 2. 3 See chap. viii. p. 189. 4 Winckelmann, however (-OEuvres, torn. ii. p. 575), mentions a Tuscan column as existing at the emis- sary of the Fucine lake. He also cites an Etruscan vase figured in Dempst. Etrur. torn. i. tab. 7, which represents Tuscan columns. Introduction. xxvn having one annulet only instead of three under the capital (see Fig. i). One principal characteristic of the Tuscan style was the position of the columns at wide intervals from each other (araeostyle), an arrangement which was hardly possible, unless wooden beams were employed for the architrave, the difficulty of obtaining stones of the requisite length being insurmountable. We know from Vitruvius that the Temple of Ceres, near the Circus, first built seventeen years after the expulsion of the kings, was a Tuscan temple, with wide intervals between the columns, and three cellae similar to the Capitoline Temple j 1 and it is just possible that the columns in the walls of S. Maria in Cosmedin, which are placed at unusual distances from each other, may have belonged to the Imperial restoration of this temple in the old fashion. Other characteristics of the Tuscan style were the wooden architraves, and the rough projecting ends of the cross beams, which corresponded to the Doric triglyphs. The ornaments of the pedi- ment and gable were adapted to this rude structure. They usually consisted of pottery roughly gilt or painted. 2 The old Tuscan style must not be considered as the peculiar production of the district between the Tiber and the Arno. It was in reality Direct influence descended from the same root as the Greek Doric, and stood in of Greek the same relation to that style as the Italian section of the Pelasgic a "- hltect ^ e - stock to the Hellenic section. But after the year b.c. 496, four- teen years after the expulsion of the kings, a more direct in- fluence began to be exerted on Roman art by the Greeks of Lower Italy and Sicily. 3 Pliny, speaking of the decorations of the Temple of Ceres above mentioned, quotes Varro as his authority for stating that " before the time when that temple was built all the temples in Rome were wholly Tuscan." 4 The older Doric architecture, so characteristic of the Greek temples of Lower Italy and Sicily, as at Paestum, Syracuse, Agri- 1 Vitruv. iii. 3, 5 ; chap. xii. p. 292. The Temple of Juno at Elis had originally wooden columns and architrave, and resembled the Tuscan temples. Pausan. v. 16 ; Hirt, Gesch. vol. iii. S. 5. 2 Plin. xxxv. 46 ; Vitruv. iii. 2. 3 " II y a un style romain, mais on ne peut pas dire qu'il a existe un art romain. Ouand ils ont eu une architecture a. eux, les Romains n'en ont point cree les elements qu'ils empruntaient a Parchitecture grecque, ils les ont seulement modifies, alters trop souvent, combines quelques fois d'une maniere nou- velle pour satisfaire des besoins qui leur dtaient propres. Ils n'ont cree" que deux genres d'archi- tecture : l'amphithe'atre, qui suppose les gladiateurs, et l'arc de triomphe, qui suppose le triomphe. Or, le triomphe, comme le gladiateur, est exclusivement romain. Mais ils ont imprime' aux divers genres de monuments adopte'es par eux le caractere de leur genie et le sceau de leur grandeur.'' — Ampere, His- toire romaine a Rome, vol. iv. p. 9. The above passage fairly expresses the amount of merit due to the Romans as architects. It should not, however, be forgotten that they were the first nation who employed the arch, both simple and vaulted, extensively in building, and thereby opened an entirely new field of architecture. Their mistake was that they clung so long to the Greek style of decoration, which after the development of the arch had lost its original constructive meaning. 4 " Ante hanc aedem Tuscanica omnia in aedibus fuisse auctor est Varro." — Plin. xxxv. 12, 45. For the date of the temple, see Tac. Ann. ii. 49 ; Dionys. vi. 19. xxviii Introduction. gentum, and Selinus, 1 was not, however, introduced in a pure form into Rome, but modified by an admixture of the already prevalent Tuscan. The so-called Temple of Hercules at Cora, which, though built in later times, was probably a restoration of a very early temple, is a good specimen of the mixed style which thus arose. It has the Tuscan wide intervals between its columns, and the simple Tuscan capitals and bases, combined with the Doric triglyphs and mutules. The metopes are left plain, and the cornice has lost its characteristic eavelike slope. * 1 IT Fig. 2. Fig. 3. In the columns of this Tusco- Doric style, as may be seen in the Doric , , „ • , columns and capitals of the Theatre of Marcellus and of the ( 1 ) 10 ancient r Coliseum, the Attic base, consisting of a plinth, lower torus, scotia, and upper torus, was usually employed ; the shaft was much more slender than in the Grecian Doric, and was only partially fluted, if at all, and a cima recta was substituted for the echinus of the Italian custom and tradition ; Tmco-Doric. 1 See Wilkins' Syracuse, Girgenti, and Passtum. restoration of Rome on the ancient plan. See Fea " Nibby, Viaggio, vol. ii. p. 208. This temple was on Winckelmann, torn. ii. p. 582, note, and ii. part 2, carefully copied by Raphael when he was entrusted by p. 238. Winckelmann assigns the present temple at Leo the Tenth with the strange design of the entire Cora to the time of Tiberius. Introduction. xxix capital. The position of the triglyphs and the proportions of the cornice were also considerably changed (see Figs. 2 and 3), and the whole effect is less massive and bold than that of the Tuscan temples. 1 The increasing influence of Doric forms of architecture also altered the ground-plan of the Roman temples considerably. The old square Etruscan temple, in which the width was nearly as great as the length, gave way to the more oblong form of the Greek temple, in which the length was nearly double of the breadth. It was necessary, if the wooden architraves were to be replaced by stone, that the intervals between the columns of the front should be diminished. But though the proportion of the sides was thus changed, the ancient Tuscan arrangement of the interior remained as before. Even down to the time of the Empire many of the Roman temples were still divided in the Tuscan fashion into two principal parts ; the open portico in front, with the single, or double, or triple cella behind it. In the Roman Forum there were several temples exhibiting this arrangement, to which the name of prostylos was given by Vitruvius. The three ruins which now occupy so prominent a position at the northern end of the Forum, the Temples of Saturn, of Concord, and of Vespasian, were all of this kind. The. Temple of Concord is especially remarkable for the union of a broad Tuscan cella with a narrow Greek portico ; 2 and the Tuscan double- chambered plan may be also observed in the Temples of Jupiter and Juno, in the Porticus Octaviae, as given in the Capitoline plan of Rome. 3 The Roman prostylos is in fact, as Professor Reber well remarks, nothing else than a compromise between the old Tuscan temple and the newer Greek models. 4 In the restorations of older temples by Augustus, the old square shape of the ground-plan was frequently retained on account of the difficulty of removing surrounding buildings ; and even where, as in the Temple of Venus and Rome, designed by Hadrian, the Greek peripteral temple was reproduced, the influence of old traditional forms may be traced in the. breadth of the cella in proportion to its length, and in its conventional division into two instead of three compartments. 5 An alteration peculiarly Roman was also made in the cella of the Greek temple. The Roman eye was offended by the naked walls of the Greek cella, and, with that want of perception of the true principles of art which 1 Of the three Doric temples at Paestum the large 2 See chap. vi. p. 91. hypasthral temple is the oldest. " It has low columns 3 See chap. xiii. p. 308. with a great diminution of the shaft, bold projecting < Reber, Gesch. der Baukunst, p. 400. capitals, a massive entablature, and triglyphs placed in 5 See chap. viii. p. 169. the angles of the zophorus." — Wilkins' Paestum. p. 59. XXX Introduction. marked the Roman architects, they proceeded to clothe them with pilasters and other decorations, which were totally without meaning in relation to the structure. Thus was formed the pseudo-peripteral temple, a weak imitation of the Greek peripteral (see Fig. 4). The round form of temple was more affected by the Romans than by the Greeks, who used a circular shape only in their smaller monumental works, as in the choragic monument of Lysicrates and the Temple of the Winds at Athens. The difficulty of finding a suitable roof, the necessarily contracted space of the cella, and the inartistic curve of the architrave, probably deterred the Greek architects from employing this form of building. The well-known round temple in the Forum Boarium at Rome, usually called the Temple of Vesta, and the somewhat similar temple at Tivoli, are the most familiar specimens. It has not been ascertained in what manner the roof of these temples was constructed ; whether, as in the monument of Lysicrates, it was a tentlike conical roof, or a dome, and whether it rested on the cella walls or on the architrave of the circular colonnade. The domed roof of the Pantheon cannot be admitted as decisive of this question, because it is nearly certain that the Pantheon was originally intended to be a part of Agrippa's baths, and was only by an after- thought converted into a temple, and provided with the incongruous Corinthian portico which forms its entrance. 1 The difficulty of the roof was avoided in cases where, as in the octagonal portico of the Church of S. Cosma e Damiano, formerly the Temple of the Penates, a colonnade was dispensed with. 2 The Ionic order became known and employed by the Romans early in the third century B.C. We find a strange mixture of the Ionic volute and dentil with the Doric triglyph and gutta in the tomb of Scipio Barbatus, now preserved in the Vatican Museum. This is the first monument upon which the Ionic volute appears at Rome, and it shows at how early a period the Romans had begun a practice, which was afterwards carried by them to such excess — the use of Greek architectural forms merely for decorative purposes, Fig. 4. (2) To the want of (esthetic culture among the Romans. Roman modifi- cations of the Ionic order. 1 See chap. xiii. p. 330. -J See chap. viii. p. 163. Intro eduction, xxxi without structural meaning. A hundred years after the death of Scipio Barbatus, when the Macedonian wars of the second century B.C. had familiar- ized the Romans with Greek art, the I onic order became well known in Rome, and the Ionic capital and column were used in many temples where the TEMPLE OF SATURN. old Tuscan ground-plan was still retained. The Temples of Fortuna Virilis 1 and of Saturn, 2 and the exterior decorations of the Coliseum, 3 illustrate the Roman treatment of the Ionic capital. In the first of these buildings we 1 See chap. xii. p. 289. See chap. vi. p. 92. 3 See chap. ix. p. 237. e 2 ■ XXX11 Introduction. have a small pseudo-peripteral temple with Ionic half-columns, the shafts of which are cut in tufa and the capitals in travertine. As, however, travertine is too rough a material for the finer mouldings of the Ionic capital, recourse has been had to stucco to complete the decorative work. Marble was probably still a rare luxury when this temple was built, and therefore the architect had some excuse for this inartistic device. The other peculiarity which we observe here is in the volutes of the corner capitals, which are turned outwards. It was the weak point of the Ionic order Fig. 5. Fig. 6. that the corner capitals could not be made to correspond with both the front and side capitals without this change. 1 The Greeks had already in most of their Ionic peripteral temples endeavoured to remedy this defect by making the corner volute project in the line of the diagonal instead of the line of the side of the building. This device is imitated in the Temple of Fortuna 1 Interesting specimens of the capitals and columns seven Ionic capitals and four Corinthian in the of Roman temples are now to be seen in some of Church of S. Maria in Trastevere. Others may be the older churches and basilicas of Rome. The seen in the churches of S. Maria in Cosmedin, basilica of S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura is full of Ionic S. Stefano Rotondo, and S. Maria in Ara Caeli. capitals of great variety and beauty. There are Introduction. xxxiii Virilis, and carried still further in the Temple of Saturn, where the volutes of all the capitals are placed diagonally instead of laterally (see Figs. 5 and 6). The Ionic capital was deprived by this modification of its beautiful simplicity, and the peculiarity of its volutes was destroyed ; but on the other hand — what was of great use where poverty to imagine and incapacity to adapt prevailed among architects, as at Rome — a model form was gained applicable to any situation, and presenting the same appearance on all sides. To the practical and utilitarian Roman such considerations seem to have outweighed any regard for the principle, to which the Greeks always adhered, of preserving in all cases the structural meaning of their forms. In the work of Vitruvius, the court architect of Augustus, this desire to reduce every detail of archi- tecture to fixed rules, in order to supply the want of originality in design and taste in proportion, appears on every page. But even Vitruvius protests against the unmeaning employment of the Greek decorative forms. 1 The Romans, however, not only thus disfigured the Ionic capital of the Greeks, but failed in another point essential to architectural excellence, in the conscientious execution of details. The second range of capitals in the Coliseum exemplifies this neglect very clearly. The spirals of the volutes are there extremely shallow, the curls are not completed, and the enrichment of the ovolo is omitted. 2 In the Theatre of Marcellus this deterioration of artistic feeling is not yet exhibited, and the Ionic order there appears in its original Greek simplicity and beauty. With the introduction of marble as a building material 3 came the general use of the Corinthian order in most Roman temples of consider- x Koinano- able size. In Greece the Corinthian capital was treated with Corinthian great freedom and variety, and its details not very strictly defined, nor was it attempted on a large scale except under Roman in- fluences. 4 In Rome itself the typical Corinthian form became more fixed, in consequence of the above-mentioned anxiety of the Roman artists to work by pattern and rule in everything; and it soon outstripped the Doric and Ionic on account of its more general applicability and its alluring richness of ornamental detail. It is supposed that the first introduction of this order into 1 " In Grascis operibus, nemo sub mutulo denticulos constituit, non enim possunt subtus cantherios asseres esse . . . ea probaverunt antiqui quorum explica- tiones in disputationibus rationem possunt habere veritatis." — Vitruv. iv. 2. 2 " II faut savoir que les parties de cet Edifice [the Coliseum] ne sont pas trop exactement exe"cutees et que les moulures changent de hauteur d'une place a l'autre."— Desgodetz, p. no. A similar neglect of the details of the capitals may be seen in the Cor- inthian and composite orders of the grand Amphi- theatre of El-Djemm (Thysdrus) in Tunis. See Ann. e Monum. delP Inst. 1852, p. 246. 3 Probably about the time of Metellus Mace- donicus, B.C. 143. Veil. Paterc. i. 11, 5. 4 The only extant Greek Corinthian building is the choragic monument of Lysicrates at Athens. The most ancient Corinthian capital was found at Eleusis. Hirt, ii. p. 116. xxxiv Introduction. Rome was brought about by the barbarian act of Sulla, in transporting the columns of the Temple of Zeus at Athens to adorn his restoration of the Capitoline Temple of Jupiter. 1 Of the remaining specimens of this order in Rome the portico of the Pantheon is probably the oldest. In that building the capitals appear somewhat shorter and broader than in the later examples in the porticoes of the temples of Castor (see Fig. 7) and Vespasian in the Forum, and in the peristyle of Nerva's Forum. 2 Like the Ionic order, the Corinthian also suffered miserably at Rome, in some cases from the want of conscientious execution of its details. This is particularly remarkable in the foliations of the capitals of the Coliseum, in which the edges of the leaves are left smooth and plain, and the grooves and curves are made blunt and shallow. The above-mentioned buildings contain the best-proportioned specimens of the Corinthian order. While the capital remains nearly the same in all the Roman examples, with the exception of a few trifling differences in the indentation of the leaves and the small central volutes, the base and cornice are varied in several instances ; the Attic base being intro- duced in the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina and in the Thermae of Diocletian, and the cornice being without dentils in the former Fig. 7. building, and in the Portico of Octavia. 3 An- other remarkable modification of this order at Rome is to be seen in the ruins of the Forum of Nerva and in the Arch of Constantine. The columns are there placed in front instead of under the entablature, and connected with it by projections of ornamental work similar to the entablature. 4 More im- portant variations from the normal structure are to be seen in the little temple at Tivoli, called the Temple of the Sibyl, marking a transit from the pure Corinthian to the composite order. The capitals in this building have 1 Chap. viii. p. 75 ; Tac. Hist. iii. 72. 2 See pp. 101, 132, 136. 3 See p p II3 . 309 1 The temples of Baalbec, probably built by Hadrian, and those of Palmyra by Aurelian, are the most colossal ruins of the Roman Corinthian order. See Wood's Baalbec and Palmyra : London, 1753. The Church of S. Paolo at Naples, formerly the Temple of Castor, shows the projections in the entablature which we have remarked in the Forum of Nerva. Introduction. xxxv MwmMmmwwmwMm their angular volutes so much enlarged that they might be easily mistaken for those of the composite order, and the second ring of acanthus leaves is diminished and almost hidden beneath the first ; but the Corinthian character is preserved by the presence of the smaller central volutes. The leaves are remarkable for the very peculiar thistle-like mode in which their curves and indentations are cut, and the lotus flower over the centre is of a much larger size than in the ordinary Corinthian capital. The date of this temple is uncertain. Nibby refers it to the period of Roman architecture between Sulla and Augustus, before the Greek rules of proportion were so completely recognized as at a later time. 1 The composite capital, for it can hardly be called an order, as there is nothing in the entablature or the base to distinguish it from the Corinthian, was formed pro- bably under the patronage of the first Emperors. The earliest in- stance we have of it now extant in Rome is in the Arch of Titus (see Fig. 8) ; and there are only three other ruins where it is found. These are the Arch of Septimius Severus, the Arch of the Gold- smiths, and the Baths of Diocletian, where it is mixed up with Corinthian capitals. The peculiar combination of which it consists, the superposition of the Ionic volutes upon two rings of Corinthian acanthus leaves, is not generally considered a very happy artistic design. Hope says of it that " instead of being a new creation of genius it gave evi dence of poverty to invent and ignorance to combine ; " and Fergusson is hardly less complimentary to the Roman architects. 2 But though we must deny to this Roman adaptation of Greek forms the credit of originality, or even of symmetry of design, yet its rich appearance was peculiarly suited to the lavish ornamentation with which the Roman emperors delighted to trick out their palaces and halls, and it well represents (3) Tothcvulgar love of overladen ornamentation. The composite capital. Fig. 8. 1 Nibby, Viaggio, vol. i. p. 159. See below, chap. 2 Hope, Essays on Architecture, vol. i. p. 68 ; Fer- v. gusson, Principles of Art, p. 482. XXXVI Introduction. to us the character of the Roman Imperial architecture, with its indiscriminate combination of mouldings and profusion of gaudy detail. We can trace the beginning of this faulty juxtaposition of incom- patible forms even in the age of the revival of Greek architecture under Augustus and the earlier emperors, when, as we learn from Vitruvius, the strictest regard was in general paid to the Greek rules of pro- Unmeaning portion. Vitruvius himself complains of the Romans for not juxtaposition of • • i r 1 i • 1 1 details. observing the golden principle of Greek architecture, that each exterior ornament must express some real part of the building; 1 and we find his strictures exemplified in several of the remaining temples in the Roman Forum. In the entablature of the temples of Castor, of Concord (a fragment- of which may be seen in the corridor of the tabularium), and of Vespasian, belonging respectively to the reigns of Augustus, Tiberius, and Titus, and in the Thermae of Diocletian (S. Maria degli Angeli), the mistake is committed of introducing into the cornice various ornaments which originally represented the same part of the wooden roof, and ought not therefore to be combined in the same building. It will be observed also that in the cornices of the temples of Vespasian and of Castor some of the ornamental work loses its significance by the -incongruous mixture of designs. 2 Between the leaves of the so-called Ionic egg-moulding we have the original sprays or stalks of the leaves changed into meaningless arrow-heads. The curve of the cymatium, and other parts of the upper cornice, are overladen with rich foliated work, which, however elegant in itself, is quite misplaced in such a position. This tendency to incongruous ornamentation shows itself also in the variety displayed in the fluted shafts of the Imperial times. Some of these have a beading inserted between the flutings, while others have half their length only fluted, or the upper half fluted in a different style from the lower. Spiral and even horizontal fluting was some- Costiy times introduced, and occasionally a combination of the two. stotieivork. ' J Connected with these strange displays of the Roman want of aesthetic perception of the beautiful in art was the effect necessarily pro- duced by the use of foreign stone brought from all parts of the world. Huge granite columns from Egypt and ponderous blocks of African marble were constantly on their way up the Tiber to the Roman quays, where we still find them lying in profusion, as if too common to be worth removal into 1 Vitruv. iv. 2. Cicero, De Oratore, iii. 46, states the true principle which his countrymen afterwards lost sight of : " Capitolii fastigium illud et ceterarum aedium non venustas sed necessitas ipsa fabricata est." 2 See chap. vi. p. 101. Introduction. xx xvi 1 the great city, glutted as she then was witlh the spoils of half the world. 1 These stones were often too hard to be cut into the requisite shapes, as in the case of granite or porphyry, or too richly veined and tinted to need other embellishment than their own bright hoes and lovely shades of colour. They were therefore cut in any way which was calculated to show off their gorgeous brilliancy, without regard to the rules of symmetry of proportion or beauty of form. Pliny records a remark of Cicero when his attention was drawn to a wall built of exquisitely variegated Chian marble as a great work of art : " I should have thought much more of it in that respect," said he, " if you had made stone from Tibur (travertine) look as well as this does." 2 Not only innumerable marbles, but a great variety of other stones enumerated by Pliny were used in the decoration of the Roman Imperial buildings. The French excavations on the Palatine hill have lately discovered to us the richness of design displayed in ornamenting the palace of the Flavian emperors. At least a hundred specimens of polished marble may be seen in the museum there, of the most varied and beautiful colours, all of which were collected in the ruins. 3 Thus, from the lack of purity of taste and a want of adherence to the natural and simple rules of art, the Roman buildings, clothed in their Greek dresses, too often showed like the jackdaw in the fable tricked out with the peacock's feathers. The sneers of the great architect Apollodorus at the incongruity of the internal arrangement of Hadrian's masterpiece, the Temple of Venus and Rome, with its exterior pretensions, cost him his life ; but they were doubtless well deserved. 4 The core of that temple was essentially Roman, consisting of huge vaulted roofs and hemispherical apses of brick, around which the Greek columnar structure was wrapped, as if to cover its nakedness. The Greek clothing of the interior of the Pantheon is another notable instance of such a hybrid composition. In all this the great deficiency of the Roman architects was, that they seemed blind to the majestic capacity for beauty of that great invention, the arch, which they themselves, from their peculiar circumstances, carried to such perfection, and applied to such a variety of practical objects. Their greatest buildings, such as the Coliseum, would have been much more dignified and noble 1 On the different shapes — good, bad, and indiffer- s Plin. N. H. xxxvi. 6, 5, ed. Sillig. ent— introduced by way of variety into Roman archi- 3 See Cambridge Jotirnal of Philology, vol. ii. p. 88. tecture in Imperial times, see Winckelmann, Essai Sen. Ep. lxxxvi. 7 : " Eo deliciarum venimus ut nisi surl'Arch , (Euvres, torn. ii. p. 630. Statius, Silv. iv. 2: gemmas calcare nolimus." Apul. Met. lib. v. init. : ".Emulus illic Mons Libys Iliacusque nitent, et multa "Pavimenta ipsa lapide pretioso caesim diminuto in Syene, et Chios, et glauca certantia Doride saxa, varia pictura; genera discriminantur." Lunaque portandis tantum suffecta columnis." 4 Dion Cassius, lxix. 4. See chap. viii. p. 170. xxxviii Introduction. had their designers omitted the unmeaning half-columns and capitals which are stuck on their sides, and left the noble rows of arches in their unadorned grandeur to tell their own tale. 1 No small part of the majesty of the Coliseum, as a ruin, is due to the fact that the bare arches of the interior are now, by the destruction of so large a portion of the exterior shell, exposed in their natural strength and simplicity. The Romans never seem to have taken that step in advance, afterwards made by the inventors of Gothic architecture, the development of the decorative capabilities of the arch. Accordingly, in the decorative parts of their porticoes, palaces, and patrician residences, the Greek colonnade and horizontal entablature were pcdwsTand chiefly used, and no skilful union of the useful with the orna- house mental was found. The great porticoes of the Campus Martius decorations. probably had flat entablatures and roofs, and were entirely Hellenic ; so also were the exteriors of the palaces and houses on the Palatine and Esquiline. 2 That the Golden House of Nero was chiefly in the Greek style may be inferred from the enormous space it occupied. Hellenic architecture had no upper floors or stories, and therefore necessarily occupied a large area. This was natural in the Greek cities, where the population was not crowded, and space was easily obtained for extensions on the ground- floor. But if the requirements of an extravagant despot like Nero* were to be satisfied after Greek models, and he was, according to his own fancy, to " be lodged as a man should be," 3 an enormous area was necessary to provide for him. The descriptions we have of the Golden House show how this was carried out. Three colonnades of a mile in length 4 formed the limits of the great Imperial folly ; and it covered a great part of the Esquiline, the northern slope of the Caelian, the whole of the Coliseum valley, and the Velia as far as the Arch of Titus. Many parts of Hadrian's great villa near Tibur were not only built, but named after specific Greek buildings. He had a Paecile there, a Palaestra, a Lyceum, and a Prytaneum. 5 At a much later date the vast palace of Diocletian at Spalatro exhibits still the same reluctance to resign the Greek decorative features, although their structural meaning is lost. The same ornamental network of columns and half-columns and pilasters is spread over the walls here, as in the older 1 The Septizonium was perhaps the worst instance of this kind of meaningless decoration. The Amphi- theatre of Verona, on the contrary, has no columns, and shows a more simple taste. 2 See chaps, viii. and xiii. for illustrations. On the Campus were the Porticus Poke, Porticus Eu- ropae, Porticus Vipsania, Porticus Neptuni, Porticus Meleagri, Porticus Flaminia, &c. &c. Arches sup- ported on columns were not commonly used. * Mart. De Spect. 2 ; Suet. Ner. 31, " quasi homi- nem tandem habitare ccepisse." * Suet. loc. cit. s See Ligorio's description, Rome, 175 1 ; and Hist. Aug. Hadr. 26. Introduction. xxxix palaces of Rome. 1 Rows of triangular pediments, sometimes truncated, sometimes rounded, with other scattered and mangled limbs of the Greek facade, are here to be seen planted without meaning against the interior walls to break their extended flat surfaces. One great step, however, towards the artistic union of the column and arch, which the want of genius for combina- tion long prevented the Romans from making, is found in the palace of Diocletian. The spaces between the columns are bridged over by means of arches instead of flat entablatures; and thus colonnades are changed into arcades, and a union effected afterwards prolific of beautiful forms in modern architecture. A step towards this had already been taken in the triumphal arches of the Romans ; and yet their servile adherence to Greek forms of decoration, and the poverty of their invention, were not less glaringly displayed in that class of buildino-s. The triumphal arch could be claimed as a creation kjl L Triumphal of the national warlike character; 2 it was intended primarily to arche s,gateways, perpetuate the fame of a victorious general, to picture his exploits, < *^ r "* and to raise his effigy above the rest of mankind. But though these arches are upon the whole some of the most successful efforts of purely Roman architecture, because the real and solid constructive parts occupy the most prominent place, yet Greek decorations are dragged in even here. The Romans placed an unmeaning front of pedestal, column, and capital, with abacus, frieze, and entablature, upon the surface of their massive piers of masonry, "thus tying, as the tyrant Mezentius did, the dead to the living." 8 The three great triumphal archways of Titus, Septimius Severus, and Constantine at Rome, and also the Arch of Drusus, are decorated with this foreign dress- In the Arch of Constantine alone the columns which stand in front are, in some measure, justified by the statues they support. Of the minor archways at Rome, that of Gallienus has Corinthian pilasters in the roughest style of art; the' Janus Ouadrifrons, in the Forum Boarium, probably once had rows of Corinthian columns between its niches, 4 and the small gateway near it has decorative pilasters with composite capitals. On the other hand, the Arch of i The Thermae of Diocletian at Rome (S. Maria oribus ora." Hope, Essays on Architecture, vol. i degli An-eli) were the great repertorium whence p. 67. The first triumphal arch recorded is that the architect of the Renaissance borrowed the pat- of Stertinius, B.C. 196: Livy, xxxm. 27. Scipio terns for their niches with columns on each side, Africanus and Fabius Maximus afterwards erected their broken cornices and pediments, and their rows arches : Livy, xxxvh. 3 ; see chap. yi. p. 104. ™ whole of columns without entablatures. Winckelmann, number of ornamental arches at Rome : was ^ thirty- Essai sur 1'Arch. torn. ii. p. 633. ^ : Preller > Re f." P" ^ R f Cr ' ^ ^ t . Plin. xxxiv. 12, § 27. S. 424, gives a list of seventeen extant arches in » Virg. JEn. viii. 485 : " Mortua quin etiam jungebat Italy, France, Spain, and Alrica. corpora° vivis, componens manibusque manus atque 4 See chap. xn. p. 287. f 2 xl Introduction. Dolabella, on the Cselian, which has a single line as cornice, and the Porta S. Lorenzo are examples of the impressive effect of a plain arch without Greek ornament. The Porta Maggiore may, perhaps, be classed with these ; but though it exhibits the sterling merits of Roman architecture in its massive ARCH OF TITUS. rustic arches of travertine, it also shows the defects not less plainly. 1 The unmeaning pediments and tasteless columns, with which the exterior is adorned, remind us of Pope's receipt for the front of a villa : " Clap four slices of pilaster on't ; that laid with bits of rustic makes a front." 1 See woodcut on page 65. Introduction. xli The high stylobate or pedestal, placed under a column, first makes its appearance in the gateways and triumphal arches of the Imperial age. The Porta Maggiore and the Arch of Constantine afford specimens of columns so mounted, as it were, on stilts. The Temple at Assisi, and two Roman buildings at Palmyra, are cited by Winickelmann as the only cases in which separate stylobates are found in larger edifices. 1 These columns on pedestals were frequently imitated in the Renaissance period. The idea of placing a statue upon the top of a column was, apparently, unknown to the Greeks ; or, at least, was never carried out by them on the immense scale of the two great Roman columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. 2 Such a mode of employing the column would have seemed strange to Greek architectural ideas, in which a column was always used for the purpose of supporting a flat entablature. The column thus employed is, in fact, nothing more than a huge pedestal, which must necessarily be out of all proportion to the statue it carries on its summit, and the spiral band of sculptures with which the shaft is ornamented have their effect destroyed by the impossibility of seeing them in a horizontal line. It must not, however, be forgotten that the column of Trajan was erected partly to show the vast labour expended in levelling the sides of the Quirinal and Capitoline for the construction of his Forum, and that it was enclosed within a narrow court, and did not rise much above the buildings • * i • 3 • Columns. which immediately surrounded it. It is not known whether in the case of the column of Marcus Aurelius any buildings were thus placed close round it. The adjoining colonnades seem, as far as can be concluded from their remains, to have stood at some little distance. Colossal columns were as genuine a creation of Imperial Rome as triumphal arches. In both, the sculpture has become subordinate to the pedestal on which it is supported. In the Republican era some of the statues in the Comitium stood upon columns ; but these were on a much smaller scale, and proportioned to the height of the statues themselves. 4 Some columnar monuments, as the columna rostrata of Duilius, were made to carry symbolic ornaments or trophies instead of statues. A column of Numidian marble was erected in honour of Julius Caesar in the Forum ;° and after his death honorary columns became very frequent in the Imperial age, not only at Rome, but in the provinces, as at Alexandria, Constantinople, Ancyra, and Cussy 1 See Piranesi, Magn. de Rom. tab. 38, fig. 1. 3 Seethe remarks in chap, vii.p. 146. The pillar of 5 Plin. xxxiv. 6, 12 : " Columnarum ratio erat attolli Antoninus Pius was a monolith of red syenite. See super ceteros mortales ; quod et arcus significant chap. xiii. p. 333. novicio invento." 4 Plin k loc. cit. 6 See chap. vi. p. 112. xlii Introduction. la Colonne, twelve miles from Beaune in Burgundy. They had the advantage, in an age of declining art, of concealing the defects of the statues erected at such a height above the eye ; and when the Roman world afterwards became full of empty adulation, it was a cheap method of flattery to a patron to steal stones for a pedestal and a handsome column from the ruined temples, and erect them, with a fulsome inscription in his honour. Such is the column of Phocas in the Forum Romanum, a cento of fragments filched from some older buildings. 1 Not more originality of design or elegance of taste is displayed in the decorations of the Roman tombs than in those of the triumphal arches and columns. The sarcophagus of Scipio Barbatus has been already noticed as an incongruous adaptation of Greek forms of ornamental work. Innumerable varieties of such adaptations might doubtless have been seen on all the principal roads leading out of Rome ; but all these have now been stripped of their Hellenic marble facings and reduced to mere cores of brickwork. We may form some idea of the forms they generally assumed from the tombs at the Gate of Pompeii, which are mostly built in square or cubical stages, and present pediments, pilasters, and columns in different combinations. The tomb of Mamia at Pompeii, as restored by Mazois, is the miniature frontispiece of a Greek temple, with columns, entablature, and pediment com- plete. 2 Of this kind is also the tomb of Bibulus in the Via di Marforio at Rome, which has Doric pilasters and an Ionic entablature. Many tombs had a small peripteral or pseudo-peripteral cella mounted upon a cubical block. Such is the monument at S. Remy near Tarascon in France, which has a square base ornamented with bas-reliefs, and bearing a circular monopteral temple. Egyptian forms were however sometimes employed, as in the pyramidal tomb of Cestius at the Porta S. Paolo, or Etruscan, as in the conical structure, commonly called the tomb of the Horatii and Curiatii near Albano. The bread- contractor's tomb, representing a pile of bread-baskets, which still stands at the outside of the Porta Maggiore, is an original but not a very pleasing design. 3 Foreign architectural forms, especially those of the Greek temple, were also reproduced in the rock-hewn tombs of the Romans. Few of these Rock tombs. , iir-r> -ii are to be iound in the neignbourhood of Rome, as might be anti- cipated from the nature of the rocks. There are, however, some on the Flaminian road, and one very remarkable instance is to be seen in the garden of the monastery of Palazzola, on the edge of the Alban lake. 4 The rock-hewn tombs of Petra, once a much-frequented Roman station, present 1 Chap. vi. p. 1 17. * See Dyer's Pompeii, p. 530. in Monumenti dell' Inst. 1830, Plate xiii. The ;! See chap. viii. 197; Nibby, Viaggio, torn. ii. p. 143 ; cones probably represent the metae of the circus. Monumenti deW Inst. 1837, Plate xxxix. Compare Hence the popular name of the Meta Sudans. with this strange device the tomb of Porsena figured 4 Nibby, Viaggio, torn. ii. p. 125. Introduction. xliii most extravagant instances of the Roman misapplication of columnar archi- tecture. The facades of these tombs, exquisitely cut in rose-coloured sand- stone, consist of a crowded medley of meaningless columns, half-columns, pilasters with curved or truncated entablatures, and pediments similar to those found in the Pantheon and in the still existing ruins of the eastern hemicycle of Trajan's Forum. 1 Far more characteristic of the Roman national taste in architecture are the huge cylindrical masses of stonework based upon square platforms, cylindrical of which the mausolea of Augustus and Hadrian in Rome, and tombs - the tombs of Csecilia Metella on the Appian way and of Plautius on the bridge over the Anio at Tibur, are the most conspicuous examples. The ponderous walls of these massive and indestructible marvels of masonry were essentially Roman ; but there the originality of their construction ends. We find, again, a strange combination of Orientalism with Hellenism in their outer decorative dress. The Mausoleum of Augustus was covered with terraces and trees in imitation of the Temple of Belus at Babylon, and the Mausoleum of Hadrian was dressed up with the usual show array of pilasters, columns, and statues. 2 Among the architectural decorations of Rome must also be reckoned the great colonnades of the Campus Martius 3 and the arcades of the fora and streets. The colonnades were built in the Greek fashion, C ° Arcades' with horizontal architraves of marble, and in some of them great magnificence was doubtless displayed. The arcades which w r ere built by Nero along the principal streets were, on the contrary, constructed on piers, sup- porting arches and vaults of brickwork or concrete. They were specimens of the genuine Roman architecture in its unadorned simplicity and practical utility, for they served the double purpose of shelter from the sun and rain, and also of giving assistance in case of fire to the upper stories of the houses. Not only imitation, but actual appropriation of the decorative works of Greece and other countries helped to adorn the streets and fora, the public buildings and arcades of Rome. The walls of their halls and temples were hung with the pictures of Zeuxis, Timanthus, Apelles, Aristides, and the other great masters of Grecian painting, 4 and filled with statues in bronze, ivory, and marble brought from Athens and Corinth. 5 Of all the foreign 1 See pp. 142, 328. 1 For the Mausoleum of Augustus, see chap. xiii. pp. 343, 344 ; the Mausoleum of Hadrian, chap. xi. p. 272. The planting of trees upon a sepulchral tumulus is mentioned in Homer, II. vi. 419. J See chap. xiii. pp. 309, 316, 319, 331. 4 Plin. N. H. xxxv. § 60—150; Rochette, Pein- tures Antiques. 5 Preller, Reg. p. 23 1, gives from the Breviarium the following enumeration : 22 colossal equestrian statues, like that of Marcus Aurelius on the Capitol ; 80 gilt statues of gods, like that of the Capitoline Jupiter : xliv Introduction. architectural ornaments collected in Rome, perhaps the most conspicuous were Obelisks the E gyP tian obelisks of syenite, which the emperors brought from the East and erected in the spinas of the Circi. The Curiosum and Notitia mention only six of these, but the remains of eleven have been found at Rome. 1 In Egypt obelisks were always used in pairs, and erected at the entrance of the great temple portals, close to other gigantic monuments of nearly the same size and height. The two obelisks set in front of the great temple at Karnak overtopped the portico but little, and were in such a position suitably and naturally placed. 2 But the Romans, viewing them only as trophies of their vast Imperial dominion, cared but little to render them effective by placing them in appropriate situations. The Mausoleum of Augustus was indeed decorated in the true Egyptian style, with a pair of these monoliths at the portal, but in general they were not placed near anything of equal height, and presented nearly as forlorn and naked an appearance as those in the modern squares of Rome. 3 In proportion, however, as the architectural taste of the Romans deteriorated, H) The want their engineering skill seemed to grow. In the employment of of height, size, the arch in great works of engineering skill, and in the develoo- and space at _ . r Rome compelled ment of its useful capabilities, the Romans have been the great ZiZ^ald teacherS ° f the WOrld ' Neither the Assyrians nor the Egyptians, to employ bncks to whom the principle of the arch, both round and pointed was as material. ^^ ^ i i • well known, employed it except on a very moderate scale, and that chiefly in subterranean works. 4 Nor was the arch often used in any of the sacred buildings at Rome except in the interior. A superstitious dread of offending the deities by altering the form of their temples was quite sufficient 74 ivory statues, like that of Minerva in the Forum of Augustus (Paus. viii. 46 ; Suet. Tit. 2) ■ 3,785 bronze statues. In the time of the Republic most of the statues stood in the Forum and Area Capito- lina, but there were also collections in the Temple of Honour and Virtue of Marcellus, in the colonnade of Metellus, and in the Atrium Libertatis of Asi- nius Pollio. Augustus and Agrippa ornamented all the corners of the streets, the public fountains, the porticoes, parks, thermae, and theatres with works of art. At a later time the Forum Ulpium was filled with statues of celebrated personages ; and Alexander Severus is particularly mentioned as having taken great pains in the erection of such monuments. (Hist. Aug. Alex. Ser. 24, 25, 27.) Many of the great works of art were carried away to Constantinople; but Cassiodorus (Var. vii. 15, viii. *3> x - 3°) speaks of a large number— especially ot bronze statues— as still remaining in Theodoric's time. The final robbery was committed in the seventh century, when Constans II. carried the greater part of the Roman works of art to Con- stantinople. (Anast. Vit. S. Vital. Mirabilia Rom. p. 23, ed. Parthey, 1869,) 1 Zoega, De Obeliscis, cap. iv. Besides those at Rome, obelisks brought by the Romans have been found at Constantinople, Catana, Arelate, Velletri, and Benevento, and at Wansted in England. 2 See Reber, Gesch. der Baukunst, p. 167 ; Fer- gusson, Arch. vol. i. p. 108. 3 The mediaeval name for obelisks was agulia; (aculeus). Besides those mentioned in the Curiosum, there was one in the gardens of Sallust, another in the Circus of Maxentius, another in the Circus of Helio- gabalus, and another in the Iseum and Serapeum in the Campus. 4 See above, p. xxiv., note 7. 1 Introduction. xlv to prevent any improvement in that department of architecture so long as Paganism lasted ; and even if this difficulty could have been got over, the Romans had no notion of making an arch, ornamental as well as useful. But the increasing numbers of the Roman people, their gregarious habits, the necessity under the emperors for providing amusement and excitement on a large scale, and the pre-eminently practical genius of the race, soon pro- duced their natural effects upon the national buildings. The Hellenic forms of public buildings, which sufficed for petty towns like Athens, or Corinth, or Ephesus, were totally inadequate to the conditions required in the metro- polis of the world. The population of Athens was probably less than 200,000/ while that of Rome was at least i,ooo,ooo. 2 To afford room for the vast assemblies of people who would naturally meet in the public halls of so large a city, the columnar structures of the Greeks were insufficient. Height, it was true, might have been obtained in their buildings by employing shafts of colossal dimensions ; but then the diffi- culty of supporting the roof naturally arose. If the columns were placed so close together, as to allow the old short horizontal architraves of stone to be laid from the top of one capital to the next, a forest of great columns crowded too-ether such as the temple at Karnak contains, would have been the result ; and this would have ill suited the gregarious habits of the Romans. The ancient plan of timber architraves and roofs was equally objectionable, for Rome had suffered so often and so much by fires that a natural dread would be felt of combustible materials. And the Romans, even from the earliest times, as the massive structure of the Cloaca shows, despised all merely temporary and destructible work, and strove to combine the greatest possible utility and solidity in their buildings. From the determination to supply these needs arose the two great charac- teristic features of Roman architecture — the use of brickwork, and of the vaulted arch. To carry a sufficient quantity of travertine for the whole mass of a large building from the distant quarries near Tibur was an expensive and laborious task ; and the tufa stone of the Roman hills was not only unpleasing in appearance, but soft, easily disintegrated by the weather, and unavailable for exterior walls. The Romans, therefore, had recourse to brickwork, a mode of building long before practised by the Etruscans, their earliest teachers in art, 8 and facilitated at Rome by the abundant beds of excellent clay to be found 1 Bdckh's Economy, chap. vii. p. 58. brick (Vitruv. ii. 8 ; Plin. xxxv. 173), and some parts 2 See Merivale, vol. iv. chap. xl. ; Dureau de la of those at Veii (Dennis, Etruria, vol. i. pp. 15, 16). Malle in the Memoires de PAcademie des Inscr. 1825. The Greek brick buildings are noticed by Tlin. 3 The walls of Arretium and Mevania were of xxxv. 172. g xlvi Introduction. on the western bank of the Tiber, and by the unrivalled mortar which could be made from the granular tufa (pozzolana) of their hills when mixed with lime. Roman brickwork and cement has become one of the marvels of the world. Even the damp and rotting climate of the Western Islands, where all stones decay, has not. injured those well-known blocks of long, thin, flat bricks and stony concrete. The earliest instance of the use of concrete (fartura) at Rome is in the ruins of the Emporium, B.C. 195. 1 We find there a mass of concrete of hickwaiis. rou g n stones mixed with mortar, and faced with reticulated work. The same mode of construction appears again in the Muro Torto, 2 at the corner of the Pincian hill, commonly said to be of the time of Sulla. An immense core of artificial concrete is there still remaining, as hard as a natural conglomerate rock. The improvements in the public walks have, unfortunately, of late years diminished this interesting mass of masonry considerably. The exterior surface is made of small pieces of tufa, with flat diamond-shaped faces, and wedge-shaped bases. These pointed bases were pressed into the concrete while it was still wet, so that the diagonals of their faces are horizontal and vertical, while the joints run in slanting lines. The name of opus reticulatum is commonly given to this kind of work. Sometimes the pieces of which the facing was made were irregularly placed, so as to present the appearance of polygonal masonry ; and this seems to have been preferred, in many cases, from the greater solidity of the joints when irregular. The appearance was not much considered, as such walls were frequently covered with stucco. Many concrete walls were faced with regular courses of bricks instead of these bits of stone ; and in some we find the facing of opus reticulatum combined with courses of bricks, giving a sort of panel-work appearance to the wall ; and in other and later buildings, as the Circus of Maxentius, the brickwork is alternated with rough facings of brick-shaped tufa stones. The regular brick- work walls of the time of the early emperors are the most skilfully constructed. 3 The bricks used in them are flat like tiles, and the joints most carefully fitted with a thin layer of mortar. A more negligent style is found in the buildings of the Middle Empire ; the bricks became thicker, and the mortar less evenly and compactly laid. 4 It followed, naturally enough, when the great development of 1 Beschreibung Roms, Synchronistische Tabellen. Nimes, p. 59) says: "I muri fatti a pie ire quadrate 2 Chap. x. p. 260. dichiarono il tempo degli Etruschi, Vincerto reticolato 3 Beschreibung Roms, vol. i. p. 189. The brick- il principio della Romana republica, il certo reticolato work of the first century was the best. After the il fior della stessa, ed il reticolato altsmante con la- Antonine era it deteriorated. The kinds of bricks terizio il declinare della medesima : il laterizio i arc described by Vitruv. ii. 3, and ii. 8, 16. tempi d'Augusto et degli imperatori sequenti sino all' 4 Ciampini on the different kinds of construction anno 200 dell' era volgare ; ed il laterizio alternant e used at different epochs (Pelet. L'Amphittieatre de a strati di tofo i tempi di Gallieno e tutto il declinar Introduction. xlvii Roman building took place under the emperors, that conveniently situated beds of clay and brick-kilns became very desirable property, and that the excellences of various kinds of bricks were compared, and the bricks of certain kilns preferred. Partly from this reason, and partly in order to preserve a record of the date of a building, the larger bricks were stamped with the name of the proprietor of the kiln, and sometimes with the names of the consuls of the year. Large numbers of these stamps (bolli) have been collected and illustrated by the Roman antiquaries. 1 The names found upon them include those of persons of high and even imperial rank, who owned kilns in the neighbourhood of Rome. The core and main body of the great Imperial buildings always consisted of concrete, with brick, or tufa, or marble facings ; and the famous boast of Augustus, that he found Rome built of brick and left it built of marble, referred solely to the outer casing of the public buildings with panel-work of marble, the remains of the fastenings of which may still be seen on some ruins in Rome. 2 But even after the art of wall building had been carried to the greatest perfection, there remained the difficulties of roofing in the enormous spaces required for the crowds who spent their lives in the public baths, theatres, and amphitheatres of Rome. Greek architecture, when carried out i i 1 r i i • A Vaulted arches on a large scale, required enormous blocks for the architraves, and o/brick for the far-projecting cornice, such as we now see in the fragments of the baths of Constantine in the Colonna Gardens at Rome, 3 and in the temples of Baalbec and Palmyra. The expense of labour and time required in cutting, carrying, raising, and laying such huge blocks was so great, and the result so inadequate, that the practical mechanical genius of the Romans soon discovered a new method of roof-construction to meet the exigencies of the case. The old semicircular stone arches were found to be too heavy when constructed of the requisite span, and required enormously thick walls to support them. Recourse was therefore had to the lighter material of bricks, and the employment of these in vaulted arches removed the difficulty, and caused an entirely novel and fundamental change in the principles of the construction of roofs. 4 At the same time the arch was also introduced into dell' Impero ; selce, croste di marmo, e mattoni i tempi di Theodorico ; il tumultuario aggregato a cemento quei di Belisario ; i quadrilateri bislunghi di tofo e mattoni i giorni di Carlo Magno sino al i,ooo, del qual epoca degenerd la construzione dei muri in opera tumultuaria e cemento e continua sino ai tempi presenti." 1 See Becker and Marquardt's Hdbh. Bd. v. i, p. 167. The nglinae Domitianae, Augustanas, Caninianae, Terentianee, Fulvianae, are among the most con- spicuous. 2 As in those on the Palatine hill, and at the Baths of Caracalla, and in the great basilicas. 3 See p. 256. 4 "It was the Romans with their tiles who first really- understood the true employment of the arch."— Fer- gusson, Arch. i. p. 188. g 2 xlviii Introduction. wall building. The lightening of the roof made it possible to lessen the ponderous thickness of the supporting walls, and to relieve their monotonous flat surfaces with arched perforations. Even lighter materials than brick were occasionally employed. We find pumice stones introduced in the vaulted arches of the Coliseum, Pantheon, and Therms of Caracalla; 1 and in the Circus of Maxentius and other ruins empty jars of pottery are to be seen built into the concrete vaulting to diminish the weight and to save materials. The vaulted arch, constructed with tiles as voussoirs, and concrete of great thickness, ornamented with coffers of rich stucco work, or with mosaic patterns, became, in the Imperial times, the usual mode of construction in all build- ings, from the ordinary rooms in houses to the vast halls of the public edifices. The ruins on the Palatine hill, the great Basilica of Constantine, and the Thermae of Caracalla and Diocletian still show, in their huge vaults and masses of brickwork, the mechanical skill of the Roman architects. Three remaining arches of the Basilica of Constantine are sixty-eight feet in span, and eighty feet in height from the ground ; and the vaulted concrete roof of the nave^was eighty feet in span, and one hundred and fifteen feet in height. 2 They delighted in forming the most varied and novel combinations by crossing their vaults in different directions, by forming domes and semi-domes, and by introducing the arch into every part of their buildings. The dome of the Pantheon shows at how early a period under Augustus they had carried the mechanical art of cupola building to the perfection of solidity and durability. With all their wonderful skill in brickwork, and in the construction of walls, arches, and vaulted roofs, there remained a stiffness and inflexibility in the forms they employed, which showed an inability to diverge from their received models. As in the mouldings of their decorative work they had confined themselves to arcs of the circle only, excluding the other curves employed by the Greeks, so in their arches they made use of the semicircle only, thus sacrificing variety to solidity. And while skill in engineering works and mechanical contrivance made rapid advances among them, the genius to imagine and power to adapt new ornamental additions in harmony with the new structural forms seemed to be entirely wanting. Unable quite to shake off their Greek fetters, they still ok Hirt ^ eS( ? h - de 1 r ? auk iL P-402 ; Winckelmann, Rotondo at Rome are built in the same way Fea Obs. sur 1 Arch. vol. 11. pp. 554-556. The vaulted Notes on Winckelmann, loc. cit. ZlZ ! v T WCre by Simply Piling a 2 The roof of the diribitorium was the largest in great thickness of concrete upon the centres and Rome, but constructed of wood. It was pulled down eaving lt to consohdate The concrete is 4 feet because it was not considered sJe Some of the h,ck m some of the vaulted roofs of the thermae beams were 100 feet in length. Plin. N H. xvi 201 a Rome. The cupola of the Church of S. Vitale, Flat roofs of timber cannot usually be made more' at Ravenna, 1S constructed of hollow pipes of pot- than 25 feet wide with safety. Fergusson Arch vo tery, and parts of the arches surrounding S. Stefano i. p ! 5 8. ergusson, Aich. vol. Introduction. xlix sometimes covered up their arches with horizontal entablatures and pediments, and a mask of marble devices, in no way connected with the real parts of the building they concealed. A prodigious display of constructive energy followed the adoption of the new features in their architecture. Not only Italy itself, but the provinces of the remotest west and east, were covered with huge engineering undertakings, in the shape of aqueducts, bridges, viaducts, amphitheatres, basilicas, and thermae. Under Trajan and Hadrian the rage for building reached its height. The Ulpian Forum, for which a space was cleared between the Quirinal and Capitoline nearly equal to the area of the other three imperial fora in Rome, was long one of the wonders of the world; 1 and the Villa of Hadrian, near Tibur, occupied the space of an ordinary Italian town, eight miles in circuit, and contained within itself a circus, three theatres, huge thermae, an imita- tion of the Vale of Tempe,of Tartarus, and of the Elysian fields. 2 All these, to judge by the remains, were rather remarkable for their colossal size and for the imperial grandeur and force they expressed, than for their beauty of proportion or design. The Romans were in fact rather engineers than architects, and throughout their build- ings they made elegance of appear- ance entirely subservient to practical utility. Among the buildings appropriated to the public service at Rome, none were more important than the Basilicae. Although their name is Greek, 3 yet they were BasilkcB - . ,, T , Buildings for essentially a Roman crea- ^ blic utility . tion, and were used for practical purposes peculiarly Roman, — the administration of law, and the transaction of merchants' business. Historically, considerable interest attaches Fig. 9. 1 Amm. Marc. xvi. 10. 2 See chap. xiv. Pausan. i. 3, 1 ; i. 14, 6 : Aristoph. Eccl. 684. In s The name probably originated in the (SaaiXeios Stat. Sylv. i. 30, the Basilica of Paullus is called 4 Cic. Pro Muraena, 70 : " Si interdum ad forum de- < pyaalas eari ttjs Awpi'ov, biaipoiai be avrrjv e's palpus rpe'is ducimur, si uno basilicas spatio honestamur, diligenter ol /cloves. Introduction. li arcades were supported by solid piers of masonry with pilasters, and resembled the arcades underneath the seats of the Coliseum. Nor was there any apse in the Julian Basilica, a part which is usually considered characteristic of this class of building. Vitruvius gives a description of a basilica built by himself at Fanum (Fano) in Umbria. In this building, one of the longer sides formed the front facing the forum, as in the Basilica Julia, but it differed in having a semicircular tribunal on the other longer side, with a Tennple of Augustus attached to it. From Vitruvius' description it appears that the Roman architects allowed themselves great freedom as to the arrangements of" their buildings, and did not by any means rigidly adhere to one type. The basilica at Pompeii is an oblong, with one of the shorter sides turned towards the forum, and has in front a chalcidium or portico. There is no apse, but a raised square platform served as the tribunal. In the great Ulpian Basilica there were four naves divided by rows of columns, and two tribunals, or semicircular apses, in the shorter sides of the oblong. 1 Other differences of form are to be found in the ancient Italian basilicae, 2 which show that the shape of such buildings depended upon the space to be occupied and upon the taste of the architect, and was not regu- lated by any strict rules of construction. None of them were, it is pro- bable, very ornamental buildings ; and certainly that one of which we have the most relics left, the great Basilica of Gonstantine, was rather a stupendous exhibition of mechanical skill than a building with any pretence to beauty of form. The interior was, it is true, ornamented with colossal columns and marble sculpture, and the monotony of the huge vaulted roof relieved by coffers and rosettes, but the exterior was very ungainly and heavy in appear- ance. We find in it three naves, the central one higher than the rest, and so arranged that, whether the building was entered from the side next the Sacra Via or from that next to the Temple of Venus and Rome, it presented a triple division of the interior, with an ap:se at the end of each central division opposite to the entrance. 3 It is perhaps due to the protection of the massive arches of the roof (which at the present day support a large kitchen garden) that this basilica has so long survived its contemporaries, most of which had. timbered roofs, and were therefore liable to destruction by fire. Several buildings were erected by the Emperors for the purpose of pre- serving large collections of manuscripts. The Library of Asinius Pollio was 1 See chap. vii. p. 144, and plan of the Fora of the is a single nave only. Hirt, Gesch. der Baukunst, Emperors. ii. p. 222. See below, chap. xiv. 2 In the basilicas at Praeneste and Aquinum there 3 See chap. viii. p. 166. lii Introduction. the first public library at Rome, but we know nothing of its size or archi- tectural arrangements. 1 The famous Palatine Library of Augustus seems to have been connected with the Temple of the Palatine Apollo by a colonnade, and was itself a large hall capable of containing a colossal statue of Apollo. 2 Whether the poetical descriptions of Propertius and Ovid apply to the library building itself, or to the Temple of Apollo, or to the colonnades attached to them, is not certain. 3 We know more about the plan of the Library of Trajan, which formed a part of the group of buildings surrounding his forum. One side of it is represented on the Capitoline map as a rectangular building, standing to the north of the eastern tribune. The interior has a row of columns running round it, and it is flanked by the columns of the basilica on one side, and by those of the Temple of Hadrian on the other. There was a corresponding building on the other side of the small square court in which the pillar stood ; and in one of these was the Greek, and in the other the Latin library. This mode of division into two departments, connected by an atrium ornamented with the busts and statues of famous literary men, seems to have been the usual form of Roman public libraries. 4 The library at the Porticus Octavise was probably a double building. 5 The facilities for public traffic between the different parts of Rome were long neglected, and the streets having been rebuilt, after the Gallic conflagration, without a regular plan, must have been crooked and inconvenient. But as soon as the nation found itself in posses- sion of funds available for works of public utility, the streets, roads, and bridges were taken in hand, and methods of construction adopted, the solidity and massive strength of which was as unrivalled as that of the Roman masonry. 6 An examination of the existing Roman roads has shown that they were constructed exactly according to the rules laid down by Vitruvius for the pavement of floors ; 7 and this is further confirmed by a passage of Statius, describing the reconstruction of a part of the Appian road by Domitian. 8 i See Preller, Reg. p. 219. Twenty-eight libraries are catalogued by the Regionaries and Mirabilia. Plin. N. H. vii. 115. s Ibid, xxxiv. 43. 3 Propert. ii. 31, 3 ; Ov. Trist. iii. 1, 6r. See chap, viii. p. 175. A recitation room was at a later period attached to the Palatine Library. See Plin. Ep. i. 13. Perhaps the lecture room lately excavated may have been the place to which Pliny here alludes. Cam- bridge P kilo log. yournal, vol. ii. p. 87. 4 See chap. vii. p. 146, and the plan of the Forum Trajani. Preller, Reg. p. 220. 5 See chap. xiii. p. 310. 6 Strabo, v. p. 235. Tolls were taken on paved roads for repairs. Bull. d'Inst. 1845, p. 132; 1847, p. 174. 7 Vitruv. vii. 1 ; Nibby, Dissert, delle Vie degli Antichi. 8 Stat. Sylv. iv. 3, 40—53. Introduction. liii " If the pavement is to be laid," says Vitruvius, " on the ground-floor, it must first be ascertained whether the earth is thoroughly solid; and if it is, it should be levelled, and the first and second beds (statumen and rudus) laid down : 1 if, however, the whole or a part of the earth be unsound, it must be very carefully hardened by ramming with beetles. Then let the lowest bed be laid (statuminetur) with stones not larger than will fill the hand. When this is done, the second bed may be laid (ruderetur) with rubble (rudus). If the rubble be new, it must be mixed with a fourth part of lime ; if it has been used before, with two parts of lime to five. The rubble must then be rammed down very hard with wooden beetles, by gangs of ten men, till the thickness is not more than nine inches. Above the rubble bed must be laid the kernel of the pavement (nucleus), composed of potsherds mixed with a third part of lime. The thickness of this should not be less than six fingers' breadth. The paving stones must be bedded in the kernel, and accurately adjusted with a level." 2 The stone used in the streets of Rome for paving was either the hard black basaltic lava obtained in many places near Rome, particularly in the quarries near the tomb of Csecilia Metella, and at Bovillse on the Appian road, and also on the Via Labicana, or the travertine from Tibur, or peperino from Gabii. The first, which has a conchoidal cleavage, was laid in polygonal blocks, fitted accurately together, as we see in the fragments of the old roads still visible on the Appian, Latin, and Tiburtine roads. The two others were laid in rectangular blocks, such as may be seen in the pavement of Trajan's Forum, and a part of the Forum Romanum, near the column of Phocas. The former method was called "silice sternere," the latter "saxo quadrato sternere," and the roads so paved were called " stratse." 3 It must not be supposed that all Roman streets or roads were laid down in this elaborate manner. There were two other kinds of roads mentioned by Ulpian, the gravelled road (glareata), and the earthen road simply levelled and left without further covering (terrena). 4 In early times, as in the censorship of Fulvius (b.c. 174), only the streets within the city were paved with lava, and the roads outside the walls laid with gravel ; but afterwards, 1 Statumen is used in the sense of " foundation." Rudus is defined by Isodorus to be "lapides contusi et calce admixti," broken pebbles mixed with lime. Isodor. Orig. vi. 3, 1209. Nucleus, the kernel, as being enclosed and protected by the other beds. 2 The width of the principal Roman road, the Via Appia, is fifteen feet. The Via Tusculana is only eleven feet wide, and the cross roads in the Campagna are not more than nine feet wide. There is a roadway (viottolo) paved with basalt, branching out from the Via Appia under the tomb of Ccecilia Metella, towards the Circus of Maxentius, which is only four feet wide. Nibby, Diss, delle Vie degli Antichi, p. 38, in Nardini, Roma Antica, torn. iv. 3 Livy, xli. 27, " Silice sternere ; " ib. x. 23. " Saxo quadrato sternere." 4 Digest, lib. xliii. De via publ. refic. i. § 3 ; Plu- tarch, C. Gracch. chap. vii. // liv Introduction. so far as can be ascertained, all the consular roads were paved with stone. 1 In places where the road passed over rock, the statumen and rudus were dispensed with, and the nucleus and pavement only laid, as on the Appian road near Albano. Besides the central causeway, a Roman road had, in general, a raised footway on each side, 2 about four inches high, edged either with slabs of basaltic lava or squared stones. Nibby mentions a piece of road which still shows footways of this kind, leading from the Labican into the Latin road, about two miles from Tusculum. The centre of the VIA Al'I'IA. footway was composed of gravel, and some of the kerbstones were longer than others, and were driven into the mass of gravel so as to bind the margin of the pathway firmly into it. 3 When a road was carried along the side of a hill, or across a valley, although the Roman architects did not build such viaducts as are now constructed for railways, yet they took great pains to modify the slopes of the hills as much as possible, by massive substructions of masonry, or by 1 Nibby, Diss, delle Vie degli Antichi, p. 39 ; Livy, 3 Hence these longer kerbstones are called gomphi xli. 27 ; compare Tibull. i. 7, 59. by Statius, loc. cit. : " Et crebris iter alligare 2 Crepido, margo (Livy, loc. cit.) ; umbo (Stat. gomphis." Sylv. iv. 3, 47). Introduction. Iv cutting away the rocks, or even tunnelling through them. In the valley of Ariccia, between Albano and Genzano, the massive substructions of the old Appian road still remain ; on the Via Prsenestina the Ponte di Nono carries the road over seven massive arches formed by blocks of peperino and tufa, fitted together without mortar, and of the most solid construction possible and on the way from Rocca di Papa to the old Via Latina, near the so-called Camp of Hannibal, Nibby found a cutting made in the side of Mount Algidus, fifty feet in depth, for the passage of a cross road from the Via Latina to the Via Triumphalis or Albana. 2 The tunnel on the road from Puteoli to Naples, 2,244 f eet m length and twenty-one in width, mentioned by Strabo 3 as the work of Cocceius in the time of Tiberius, is well known to travellers ; and the cutting and tunnel of the Furlo pass, on the Flaminian road, through the Monte d'Asdrubale near Fanum, in the valley of the Metaurus, still bears an ancient inscription, stating that it was the work of the Emperor Vespasian. Claudian has Tunnels. described this pass, in his poem on the sixth consulate of Honorius, as one of the sights to be noticed by Honorius on his road from Ravenna to Rome. 4 Of a similar kind, but for a different purpose, were the great cutting and tunnelling works undertaken for the regulation of the water of the smaller Italian lakes. The Veline lake, near Reate, on the banks of which Cicero's friend Axius. lived, 5 was drained by M. Curius Dentatus in b.c. 290, by means of a deep cutting, through which the now celebrated cascade of Terni falls. The tunnel of the Alban lake, made in B.C. 395, is also still in activity, and draws off the superfluous water. 6 This tunnel is cut through the grey peperino of the side of the lake, which lies in a crater-like hollow under the Alban hill, and is 7,500 feet in length, 5 feet wide, and 7 or 8 feet in height. At several places the vertical shafts by which the chips of rock were removed, and also the sloping approaches for the entrance of the workmen, can be traced. At the end where the water flows from the lake there is careful provision made, by the position of the walls, for resisting too sudden a flow of water, and also by a piscina limaria for the deposit of mud and refuse. At the other end, where the water issues from the tunnel, is a large reservoir, whence the water was distributed in different directions for irrigation. 7 The principle of the arch was evidently known to those who made this tunnel, and it is probable that it was bored under the direction of Greek engineers 1 Westphal. Campagna, p. 98. See chap. xiv. it was not then paved with Vesuvian lava, as it 2 Nibby, op. cit. p. 42. now is. 4 Claud. VI. Cons. Honor. 500. 3 Strabo, bk. v. p. 245. Seneca, Ep. lvii, calls it 5 Cic. Ad. Att. iv. 15 : " Rosea rura Velini." JErx. Crypta Neapolitana, and complains of having been vii. 712. well-nigh stifled by the dust in it, which shows that 6 Livy, v. 1 5. 7 See chap. xiv. h 2 Ivi Introduction. sent in consequence of the Delphic oracular response which ordered the work to be undertaken. At all events, the Greeks, from the formation of their own hills and lakes, were well acquainted with this kind of tunnel-work. But perhaps the most difficult undertaking of the kind that Roman energy ever carried out was the tunnel of the Fucine lake, made by Claudius in order to reclaim the neighbouring district from the water. 1 This is a far longer tunnel than the Alban, being nearly three English miles in length, nineteen feet high, and nine feet in width. It was cut through the hard limestone rock of Monte Salviano, which rises 1,000 feet above the level of the lake, and gave the water of the lake an outlet into the Liris. 2 To the same class as these tunnels belonged also the great cloacae of Rome, which not only served as outlets to carry off the superfluous rain-water and sewage of the city, but also to drain off the enormous quantity of water daily poured into Rome by the aqueducts, which must have increased the volume of the Tiber to an appreciable degree. 3 Many of these great archways, no doubt, lie buried under the rubbish of modern Rome. The only two large cloacae now known and still utilized are the Cloaca Maxima and the cloaca which leads from the Pantheon to the Tiber. 4 Great engineering works in connection with the harbours of Italy and the mouths of the great rivers of the Mediterranean were also undertaken by the Romans. They laboured under the serious disadvantage of having no large harbours on the west coast of Italy. The first great effort to remedy this was made in the time of Augustus by Agrippa, who made a canal from the Gulf of Baiae to the two lakes of Lucrinus and Avernus. 5 This was considered one of the great marvels of the age at the time, but it does not seem to have long continued to be the station of the Roman fleet, which was removed to Misenum. 6 A great reservoir, called Piscina Mirabile, and extensive subterranean warehouses (cento camarelle), were built there for the service of the fleet. Great harbours were constructed at a later time, by Claudius at Ostia, and by Trajan at Centum Cellse. The extent and cost of Claudius's operations may be inferred from the fact that he sank the great ship upon which Caligula 1 /En. vii. 759: "Te nemus Angitiae vitrea te quarter in diameter. The three aqueducts now re- Fucinus unda te liquidi flevere lacus." maining, the Aqua Vergine (Virgo), the Aqua Paola 2 Suet. Claud. 20, 21, 32 ; Tac. Ann. xii. 56, 57; (Aurelia), and the Felice (Claudia) pour 20,485,100 Plin. xxxvi. 15, § 124; Hirt, Gesch. der Bauk. ii. p. 322. cubic feet of water into Rome daily. In the time of Fabretti's treatise " De Emissario Fucini" is most Procopius there were fourteen aqueducts, complete : Rome, 1683. Kramer, Fuciner ins. See. 4 See chap. xii. pp. 279—286. Berlin, 1839. 5 Virg. Georg. ii. 161 ; Hor. Art. Poet. 63 ; Suet. 3 Statius, Silv. i. 5, 24 : " Thybrimque novis attol- Oct. 16. litis undis." In Frontinus' time the nine aqueducts 6 Suet. Oct. 49 ; Tac. Ann. xiv. 62 ; Plin. Ep. v:. supplied 15,000 quinariae or pipes, an inch and a 16, 20. Introduction. Ivii brought a huge obelisk from Alexandria, to assist in forming a foundation for his breakwater. 1 Trajan's breakwater at Centum Cellar, forty-seven miles from Rome, was formed of a mass of huge stones sunk in the sea, and had a lighthouse at each end. 2 It was of course natural that bridges should be among the first buildings to which the Roman engineers would apply the principle of the arch. The bridges over the Tiber at Rome are described in a subsequent ** Bridges. chapter, and therefore need not further be alluded to here than to remark that, after the piers of the ./Emilian bridge — the oldest stone bridge at Rome — were built, the completion of the arches, perhaps from the old prejudice against permanent bridges, was not carried out till thirty-seven years afterwards. 3 This seems to show that the construction of bridges of stone was then a matter about which soime hesitation was felt. 4 The medal figured by Nardini, which gives an outline of the vfHian bridge at Rome, shows the mode in which the Romans endeavoured to decorate their bridges. 5 A row of pedestals, rising from the parapets of the bridge, support statues, and the parapets are built with an open balustrade instead of a solid wall. In general, however, the Roman bridges were left without ornament ; and I am not aware that attempts were often made to dress them with Greek decorative forms. The bridge of Rimini, built by Tiberius, and entirely composed of marble, has decorated pediments and columns upon the piers, showing that, at the time of its construction, Greek decorations were still considered necessary adjuncts of any considerable building. Trajan was the great Roman bridge builder, and in his forum the worst faults of the Roman adaptations of Greek art were illustrated ; 6 yet no such affectation extended to the great engineering works of that emperor. His bridge over the Tagus, at Norba Caesariana (Alcantara), is perfectly plain and unadorned, yet produces, by a peculiar arrangement of the arches, which are sprung from different levels, a singular impression of graceful proportion united with compact and durable strength. 7 The bridge of Apollodorus over the Danube, represented in the sculptures of Trajan's column, and described by Dion Cassius, was a great effort of engineering genius ; but as the piers only were of stone, and the upper part of woodwork, scarcely any remains of it are now visible. 8 1 Suet. Claud. 20 ; Dion Cass. lx. 1 1 ; Plin. N. H. not constructed till a century later, 62 B.C. : chap. xi. xxxvi. 70. See chap. xiv. 2 Plin. Ep. vi. 31. p. 265. 3 The finest ancient Roman bridges are at Rimini 6 Nardini, Roma Antica, vol. iii. tav. ii. No. 57. (see Eustace, Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 279 ; Orelli, 6 See chap. vii. p. 143. Inscr. 604) and at Alcantara in Spain (Gruter, 7 Figured in Fergusson's Architecture, vol. i. Inscr. p. 162). p. 346. 4 Livy, xl. 51, B.C. 179. The Fabrician bridge was 8 See chap. vii. p. 150. Iviii Introduction. The want of a supply of water at a high level first led the Roman architects iqueduch t0 ra ^ SG t ^ ie ^ r a( l ue< ^ ucts on tne mighty ranges of arches which now form the most striking feature of the Roman Campagna. The most ancient aqueduct, the Appia, constructed in B.C. 312, was entirely sub- terranean ; and even the Aqua Virgo, the sixth in chronological order of the fourteen which flowed into Rome in the time of Procopius, 1 is chiefly subter- ranean. But the Claudian aqueduct, begun by Caligula and finished by Claudius, and the Anio Novus were intended to be at a height sufficient to supply the top of the highest hills at Rome, and were therefore carried upon lofty arches during a great part of their course. 2 For ten miles out of the whole forty-six traversed by the Aqua Claudia it is supported on arches; and the Anio Novus flowed for fourteen miles on the summit of an arched aque- duct, some of the arches of which were 109 feet in height. 3 The arches of the M arcian aqueduct, first constructed in B.C. 145, are not nearly so high as those of the Claudian, but are even more solid and durable. At the Porta Furba, an arch constructed by Sixtus V. for the Aqua Felice, about three miles from the Porta S. Giovanni on the Via Tusculana, the ruins of these aqueducts are best seen. The Aqua Marcia and the Aqua Claudia there run nearly in parallel lines on the left-hand side of the road to Frascati, which they cross at the Porta Furba. The former is carried on massive arches at a level twenty-five feet lower than the former. 4 Various kinds of stone are used in these arcades, but chiefly travertine and peperino. In the branch of the Aqua Claudia built by Nero to supply the Palatine and Cselian hills, which diverges from the main aqueduct at the Porta Maggiore, the arches are of the best Roman brickwork ; 5 and the aqueduct of Alexander Severus, 6 a great number of the arches of which are to be seen on the left of the Via Labicana, near Torre di Cento Celle, was also built of brick. As the Romans used pipes for the distribution of the water in the city itself, no other explanation of the reason why all these lofty arches were built for a purpose which could have been equally served by subterranean pipes is satisfactory, except that of Fabretti, who remarks, in noticing the strange course of the Aqua Alexandrina, that a reason may be 1 Procop. Bell. Goth. i. chap. 19. See Bunsen's Beschreibung, Bd. i. p. 195. 2 Plin. xxxvi. 15, 121 : "Ad earn excelsitatem ut omnes urbis montes lavarentur." See Statius, Silv. i. 5, 24 : " M arcia praecelsis quarum vaga molibus unda crescit, et innumero pendens transmittiLur arcu." 3 Frontinus, DeAqused. 14, 15, 18 : " Altissimus est Anio Novus, proxima Claudia, tertium locum tenet Julia, quartum Tepula, dehinc Marcia." Pipes to bring water from the sources of the Marcia near Subiaco are now being laid by a new Roman water company (1868). 4 " yEternum Marcius humor opus ; " Propert. iv. 22, 24. The arches of the Aqua Claudia are repre- sented in the woodcut in chap. ii. p. 24. 5 See chap. ix. part i. p. 222, Neronian arches at Arch of Dolabella on the Caelian. Winckelmann, CEuvres, vol. ii. p. 546. 6 Hist. Aug. Vit. Alex. Sev. 25. This aqueduct supplied the thermae in the Campus Martius. See chap. xiii. p. 341. Introduction. lix found for this apparent waste of labour in the magnificemt appearance of such structures as these aqueducts, the arches of which are frequently not less than seventy feet in height. 1 They are often taken across a valley in pre- ference to an obviously shorter and more level course, apparently for the sole purpose of carrying an archway across. The same fondness for display led the emperors, at the places where the line of their aqueducts crossed the public roads leading out of Rome, to erect a secondary kind of triumphal arch, upon which an inscription might be placed, recording 1 the name and titles of the builder and of the successive restorers of the aqueduct. 2 At the Porta Maggiore and the Poirta S. Lorenzo speci- mens of these commemorative archways are to be seen," and above them the specus, or the -channel in which the water flowed. These channels are about three or four feet wide and seven or eight feet high, so as to allow a man easily to walk along them for the purpose of clearing aw;ay the sediment which rapidly accumulated. The whole breadth of the arcade was generally from ten to twelve feet. At intervals along the specus were ventholes large enough to admit a man's body, and at the sources of the aqueduct and also at certain distances along its course were basins (piscinae limariae) in which the earthy deposit was allowed to settle. There were, besides these piscinae, con- siderable reservoirs (castella) here and there, to keep stores of water either for irrigation or for any sudden emergency. The reservoir called the Sette Sale at Rome, on the Esquiline, 4 is still well preserved ; and a still more remarkable building of the kind is to be seen at Misenum, where a supply of water was kept for the Roman fleet stationed there. The aqueducts supplied many ornamental cisterns and fountains in Rome. The cisterns and wells were frequently surrounded with a circular ornamental marble edging decorated with bas-reliefs, specimens of which may fountains. be seen in the Roman museums, or they were protected by a round monopteral building with a cupola. 5 The only fountain which now remains in situ at Rome is the Meta Sudans ;" and not a trace is left of its marble casing, which was probably very splendid. But the museums of Rome contain numerous stone basins of porphyry, 1 See Rutilius Numatianus, Itin. i. 97 : " Quid loquar aeria pendentes fornice rivos, Qua vix imbri- feras tolleret iris aquas?" Fabretti, De Aquasd., Rome, 1788, p. 11. It appears from Vitruv. lib. viii. chap. 7, that Roman aqueducts were sometimes made with leaden or earthen pipes. Pliny, xxxi. § 57, recog- nizes the principle that water will find its level in a pipe. s The Pont du Gard near Nismes is the best extant specimen of the grandeur and simplicity of Roman buildings when unadorned by Greek columns and pilasters. See Clerisseau, Antiquites de la France, p. 127. 3 See woodcuts in chap. v. pp. 63, 65. 4 Chap. ix. p. 232. 5 See Preller, Regiomen, p. 108, who gives a number of interesting details axbout the lacus and nymphsea of Rome. 6 Chap. viii. pp. 171, 237. lx Introduction. granite, basalt, alabaster, marble, and breccia, which show the amount of cost and labour expended on such ornamental works. A beautiful little house fountain is preserved in the Capitoline Museum, formed in the shape of a tripod, in the centre of which a hollow column throws up a jet of water, which, falling into the basin, is carried away through the legs of the tripod. 1 Other large public fountains were made in the shape of cascades, like the modern Fontana Trevi. The ruins of one of these are preserved on the Esquiline. * The front of this consisted of two raised ledges, upon which the water flowed from the reservoir behind by six or seven openings, and fell into a basin. The upper part was ornamented with a large niche for sculpture in the centre, and two arched openings at the sides, in which the so-called trophies of Marius, now placed on the ascent to the Capitol, stood. 2 The castella of the aqueducts were also frequently rendered ornamental by marble decorations and statues. Pliny tells us that Agrippa alone, when ^Edile, constructed at Rome no less than " seven hundred cisterns, fifty jets of water, and one hundred and thirty castella, which he decorated with three hundred marble and bronze statues and four hundred marble columns." 3 Besides the Castra Praetoriana, 4 which were built by Tiberius, some other per- manent camps in Rome deserve a passing notice among the principal Castra. . public buildings. These were the Castra Peregrina on the Caelian, the Castra Ravennatium in the Trastevere, the Castra Misenatium, and the Castra Priora and Nova of the Equites Singularii. Architecturally, they were probably less ornamental even than the Castra Praetoriana, but must have been spacious and conspicuous buildings, and contributed to the general impression produced by the aspect of Rome. The Peregrini were foreign troops, possibly introduced as a counterpoise to the Praetorian Guards by Septimius Severus, who boasted that he had quadrupled the number of troops in Rome; 5 and the Misenates and Ravennates were detachments of the marines from Misenum and Ravenna, who were employed in the amphitheatre to manage the velaria. 6 The Equites Singularii seem to have been a picked body of cavalry attached to the Emperor's body-guard, who were used as couriers to carry despatches. 7 Augustus, among the other great services he rendered to the city, built large public warehouses, mills, wash-houses, and bake-houses, which were i See Jordan in Ann. dell' Inst. 1867, p. 398. M. Jordan conjectures that the stars engraved on the Pianta Capitolina represent putealia and fountains. There is one in the guard-house of the Vigiles, lately excavated, of this star shape. See Bellori's Pianta Cap. ix. 5, in Grsev. Thes. Several beautiful house fountains are preserved at Pompeii. See Dyer's Pompeii, pp. 87-90, 385. 2 See chap. ix. p. 227. s Plin. xxxvi. § 121. 4 See chap. v. p. 61. 5 Preller, Regionen, p. 99 ; Herodian, iii. 13. 6 Hist. Aug. Commodus, 15. 7 Tac. Hist. iv. 70 ; Preller, p. 99 ; Notitia Dign., ed. Booking, p. 788 ; Ann. dell' Inst. 1850. Introduction. Ixi improved and enlarged by subsequent emperors, until they became sufficiently important to be included in the catalogues of public buildings given by the writers of the Notitia and Curiosum. Among the warehouses were the papyrus warehouse, near the booksellers' quarter in the Vicus Sandal iarius, at the back of the Templum Pacis ; the pepper and spice warehouse in the same neighbourhood ; the warehouses of Agrippa and Germanicus, near the shops of the Vicus Tuscus ; and those named after Galba and Anicius near the Emporium. The Capitoline map gives a plan of one of these buildings, the Horrea Lolliana, which exhibits it as a large central hall, with open arcades in rows on each side. They were built of stone in order to be fireproof, and Nero was obliged, on account of their solidity and strength of construction, to employ military engines in pulling some of them down when he wished to extend his Golden House over their site. 1 Pliny states that public bake- Ptstrina. houses were unknown in Rome before the year of the city 586, but in the Imperial times the contractors for bread became important persons, as may be seen from the monument of Eurysaces at the Porta Maggiore, and from the mention of a Collegium Pistorum at Rome in the reign of Trajan. 2 The pistrina publica are enumerated in the catalogues of the Regionarii, together with the horrea and balnea, and were therefore probably buildings of considerable size and prominence. With all their earnestness and practical sagacity in public business and in works of national utility, the Romans, or perhaps it should rather be said the motley crowd who in Imperial times inhabited Buildings for J . public the city of Rome, were a people passionately fond of recreation and recreation. excitement. The buildings raised for these purposes were the most magnificent and durable in the empire. While the temples of the gods and the fora of the emperors have nearly disappeared, the thermae and amphi- theatres still defy the inroads of time, and, if spared by the hands of man, seem likely to justify the epithet of Eternal applied so frequently to Rome. The Roman thermae were a combination on a huge scale of the common balneae with the Greek gymnasia. 3 Their usual form was that of 0 J Thermae. a large quadrangular space, the sides of which were formed by various porticoes, exedrae, and even theatres for gymnastic and literary exercises, and in the centre of which stood a block of buildings containing the bath rooms and spacious halls for undergoing the complicated process of the Roman warm 1 See Preller, Regionen, p. 102. 3 The older thermae are sometimes called gym- 2 Aur. Vict. Caes. xiii. 5 ; Preller, Reg. p. in. See nasia. Dion Cass. liii. 27 ; Tac. Ann. xiv. 47 ; Suet, below, chap. v. p. 65. Nero, 12. Ixii Introduction. bath. 1 The area covered by the whole group of buildings was, in many cases, very large. The court of the Baths of Caracalla enclosed a space of 1,150 feet on each side, with curvilinear projections on two sides. The central mass of building was a rectangle, 730 feet by 380, covering an area equal to that occupied by the English Houses of Parliament together with Westminster Hall; and the largest hall, which St. George's Hall at Liverpool resembles very much, was 170 feet in length, 82 feet in width, and 120 feet in height. 2 It was roofed by intersecting vaults of brickwork in three com- partments supported by eight huge columns, similar to those now standing in the Thermae of Diocletian 3 (Sta. Maria degli Angeli). The other great Imperial thermae of Rome, those of Nero, Titus, Domitian, Diocletian, and Constantine, were probably upon the same plan as the Thermae Caracallae. All were built of brick, and the interior was decorated with stucco, mosaics, or slabs of marble, and other ornamental stones. These architectural embellish- ments have in all cases disappeared, with the exception of the grand granite columns of the great hall of Diocletian's Thermae, and it is therefore impossible to say what was the original appearance they presented. Some idea of the effect produced by their stuccoed roofs may be gained from the coffers in the rcof of the Basilica of Constantine, or the Temple of Venus and Rome, or the interior of the Pantheon. 4 It is not likely that the taste displayed in the ornamental work would be faultless, since most probably the vulgar love of the Romans for costly splendour showed itself in an exaggerated form in these halls of luxurious recreation ; but the whole impression derived from groups of building of such colossal dimensions must have been one of vast Imperial power and grandeur. The exterior of the thermae was probably very plain, and even unsightly, and illustrates the Roman tendency to develop the interior of their buildings at the expense of the ' exterior, a tendency also to be noted in their basilicae. Greek gymnasia, on the contrary, opened outwards, and were ornamented on the exterior with colonnades and gateways. These great thermae were, in fact, in every way characteristic of Rome. The baths at Pompeii and other provincial towns were merely establishments like the Oriental baths of Constantinople and Damascus at the present day ; but the extent of the Roman thermae implies that thousands of the inhabitants of Rome spent a large portion of their time in the indolent recreations thus provided for them. Agrippa and Alexander Severus were the principal founders of the public 1 Amm. Marc. xvi. 10 : " Lavacra in modum pro- vinciarum exstructa." 2 Chap. ix. p. 212. 3 Chap. x. p. 257. 4 Chap. viii. p. 166 ; xiii. p. 327 Introduction. lxiii balneae, as distinct from thermae. 1 The balneal were used simply as baths, and had none of the luxurious accessories attached to them which Balnea. were found in the courts of the great thermae, such as gymnasia, exedrae, and theatres. At Pompeii a tolerably perfect balneum is preserved, the principal room in which is a laconicum, or circular building with a domed roof, and the ground-plan of a similar establishment is to be found in the Capitoline map under the name Balneum Caesaris. There was hardly a town in the empire which had not an amphitheatre large enough to contain vast multitudes of spectators. 2 The savage excitement of gladiatorial combats seems to have been almost a necessary to the Roman legionaries in their short intervals of inaction, and was the first 0 Amphitheatres. recreation for which they provided in the places where they were stationed. At Rome a more effeminate mode of life was allowable, and even literary recreation might be tolerated in the halls of the thermae ; but when abroad, and in the subject provinces, the Roman was expected to wear the military dress, and to strike terror by a military ferocity of character. It is very difficult to determine whence the Romans took the elliptical shape of their amphitheatres. Gladiatorial combats were held from early times in the Forum, 3 and wild beasts hunted in the Circus ; but until Curio built his celebrated double theatre of wood, which could be made into an amphitheatre by turning the two semicircular portions face to face, 4 we have no record of any special building in the peculiar form afterwards adopted. It may have been, therefore, that Curio's mechanical contrivance first suggested the elliptical shape. There is an elliptical amphitheatre at Sutrium, in Etruria, excavated in the rock, which is by some antiquaries thought to be anterior to the time of Curio, and which might, in that case, have furnished the pattern of the Roman buildings. 5 Canina and Nibby, however, both pronounce it to be of Roman construction, and not earlier than the reign of Augustus. 6 It still remains, therefore, uncertain whence the Romans derived the elliptical form of their amphitheatres. 7 As specimens of architecture, the amphitheatres are more remarkable for the mechanical skill and admirable adaptation to their purpose displayed in them, than for any beauty of shape or decoration. The hugest of all, the 1 Plin. xxxvi. 15, § 122 ; Hist. Aug. Alex. Sev. 38. 5 Dennis, Etruria, vol. i. p. 95. 2 Sixty-two amphitheatres are enumerated by 8 Nibby, Analisi, vol. iii. p. 142 ; Giorn. Arcad. Clerisseau, Antiquites de la France, p. 92, as still xxiii. p. 311. existing in ruins. Sec also Friedlander, Sittengcsch. 7 Some of the later Greek stadia, as that of Aphro- Roms, ii. pp. 284, 404, where an exhaustive account disias in Caria, had two rounded ends, and may have is given of all the known Roman amphitheatres. suggested the form of the Roman amphitheatre. 3 B.C. 264, Livy. Epit. 16 ; Val. Max. ii. 4, \ 7. Reber, Gesch. der Baukunst, p. 253. 4 B.C. 50, Plin. N. H. xxxvi. 15, 24, 117— 119. Ixiv Introduction. Coliseum, was ill proportioned and unpleasing in its lines when entire. The solid wall of its uppermost story gave it a heavy appearance ; the width of the whole mass is too great in proportion to its height ; and the columns and entablatures with which its exterior is decorated are structurally false, as they afford no real support to the building. But vast size and massive dimensions force admiration even from the most critical, and produce an overwhelming impression of grandeur and immoveable strength. Two architectural merits have been pointed out in the Coliseum — the impression of height and size conveyed by the tiers of arches rising one above another, and the graceful curves produced by the continuous lines of the entablatures as they cross the building. 1 But what the Roman emperor under whose auspices this great building was raised would doubtless have valued more than any ele- gances of design which could have been pointed out to him is, the perfect adaptation of the structure to its purposes. After the great catastrophe at Fidenae, where 20,000 persons were injured or killed by the breaking down of a wooden amphitheatre, solidity and safety were the principal requisites. 2 Free ingress and egress for crowds of spectators, as well as for any great personages who might attend, was also indispensable. A glance at the plan of the Coliseum will show how admirably each of these objects was attained. The extraordinary solidity of the building removed all possibility of the failure of any part to bear whatever weight might be laid upon it, and the entrances, galleries, and vomitoria were, by the oval form of the building rendered so numerous that each seat in the whole cavea was accessible at once, and without difficulty. A system of carefully-arranged barriers in the passages would effectually prevent confusion and excessive crowding. 3 In endeavouring to adorn the great amphitheatre of the metropolis more richly than that of the provinces, its architect defeated his own object. Some of the provincial amphitheatres, as that of Capua, though in other respects like the Coliseum, show a simpler, and therefore more natural exterior. When the Doric order is retained in all the tiers, it harmonizes far better with the rude strength of such an edifice than the Corinthian and Ionic orders of the Coliseum. 4 At Verona and Pola a still further improvement is made by the rustication of the exterior. 5 At Nismes, on the other hand, the faults of the Coliseum are 1 Fergusson, Hist, of Arch. vol. i. p. 304. ways, so as to preserve the same width throughout. 2 Tac. Ann. iv. 62 ; Suet. Tib. 40. The plan of the Amphitheatre of Thysdrus in the 3 See chap. ix. p. 237. It has been pointed out to Monumenti deW Inst. 1852, vol. v. tav. 43, is cor- me by a friend that some of the plans of Roman rectly drawn in this respect. amphitheatres represent the passages leading from 4 See Fergusson, Hist, of Arch. vol. i. p. 304. the exterior to the vomitoria with convergent sides, 5 See Allason's Pola, and Maffei's Verona, whereas in reality they were built with skew arch- Introduction. Ixv aggravated by breaking the entablatures and introducing pediments over each front ; and in the small Amphitheatrum Castrense at Rome, where the Corinthian order is executed in brick, a lamentable illustration of Roman want of taste is exhibited. 1 The naumachise at Rome were very similar to the excavated amphitheatres, of which many are still remaining, 2 but the central space was Naumachia:. necessarily much larger, in order to make room for the combatant ships. The great Naumachia of Augustus was i T 8oo feet long and 1,200 feet broad, 3 showing that the shape was oval, like that of an amphitheatre. But we know nothing of the extent or height of the spectators' seats. They were constructed of stone, for Suetonius tells us that the Naumachia of Domitian was pulled down at a subsequent time to furnish stone for the repairs of the Circus Maximus. 4 The races and wild beast shows in the circi were among the most ancient and most favourite Roman amusements, and the buildings dedi- Circi. cated to these sports were numerous, and nearly equal in magni- ficence to the amphitheatres. The Circus Maximus, which was first provided with permanent seats for the spectators as early as the time of Tarquinius Priscus, 5 was successively restored and ornamented by the Republican Government in 327 and 174 B.C. , and by Julius Caesar, Augustus, Claudius, Domitian, and Trajan. 6 The result was a building which, in dimensions and magnificence, rivalled the Coliseum, but has, unfortunately, proved far less durable, scarcely a vestige of it now being left. From the scattered notices which can be picked up here and there, and from the representations given upon the medals of Trajan, struck in honour of the circensian games of his reign, we gather the following information as to the architectural arrange- ments of the Circus Maximus in the time of the Empire, when it was entirely constructed of stone. 7 The exterior consisted of a triple range of arcades, one above the other, supported on piers, with the usual ornamental half- columns added. These tiers of arcades were of the same pattern as those of the Coliseum, only on a much smaller scale. The inner sides of the two lower arcades supported the seats, which were arranged as in an amphitheatre ; and the upper arcade formed a covered gallery, somewhat similar in appear- 1 See Le Grand's Antiquities of Nismes ; Pelet, L' Amphitheatre de Nimes ; and below, chap. ix. p. 219. 2 As at Sutri and Dorchester. See Stukeley, Iter Curiosum, p. 166. 3 See Monum. Ancyr. ed. Zumpt. At the sea-fights exhibited by Julius Caesar there were 4,000 seamen and 1,000 marines engaged. Appian, B.C. ii. 102. 4 Suet. Dom. 5. 5 Livy, i. 56 ; Dionys. iii. 68. 6 Livy, viii. 20, xli. 27 ; Suet. Jul. 39, Aug. 45, Claud. 21 ; Dom. 5 ; Dion Cass, lxviii. 7 ; Plin. xxxvi. IS- 7 See Panvinius, De Lud. Circ. pp. 49, 50 ; Bian- coni, Descrizione dei Circi. Ixvi Introduction. ance to the gallery which runs Bound the uppermost part of the Coliseum. Shops and offices of various kinds occupied the vaults of the lowest arcade. At each end was a grand gateway, and at each corner of the rectangular end (or oppidum), and at the extremities of the hemicycle of the rounded end, were towers, called mceniana, where persons of distinction had places assigned to them. The Emperor's pavilion, a projecting portico, was on the left of the carceres, and so placed that he could give the signal for starting from it. 1 The magnificence of the whole building after the resto- rations of Trajan was much celebrated. Pliny especially notices the beauty of the long lateral arcades, which he says rivalled those of the great temples. We can well understand that the effect of the whole was probably superior to that of any of the Roman amphitheatres or theatres. 2 The arcades gave a light and elegant appearance to the exterior, and the monotony of their long lines was broken by the gates and towers which rose above them. The interior was also agreeably diversified by the podium with its gilt railings, the tiers of stone seats, and the upper gallery, rising one above the other. 3 The other circi of Rome were not equal in grandeur to the Circus Maximus. The Maxentian Circus, near the tomb of Csecilia Metella, on the Appian road, the plan of which can still be easily traced, had no exterior colonnades, but a blank brick wall, pierced only here and there with doorways. There were only ten rows of seats, and the gallery above them was narrow and low. The Theatre of Marcellus is the only Roman theatre of which the ruins are still left in Rome itself. Scarcely a vestige of the great theatres of Thccitv Pompey and of Balbus can be found ; but Vitruvius has left so com- plete a description of the plan on which the Augustan theatres were built, that we know pretty accurately what their architectural excellences and defects must have been. In speaking of amphitheatres, I have already anticipated much which applies equally to theatres. The exterior of the Theatre of Marcellus is similar to that of the Coliseum, but the details are worked out in a much purer style ; and though the same objection must be felt to the principle of exterior decoration with half-columns and entablatures, yet in the Theatre of Marcellus there was probably no solid wall, as in the Coliseum, forming 1 Besides the Circus Maximus there were in Rome the Circus Flaminius and the Neronianus. See below, pp. 270, 295, 313. 2 Plin. Panegr. 51. A somewhat similar appear- ance to the exterior of the Circus is presented by the cryptoporticus of Diocletian's palace at. Spalatro. See Adams' Spalatro. 3 The Hippodrome at Constantinople, built by Constantine, shows the same architectural peculi arities. The lower story was built on piers with arches between them, and the upper decorated with columns. See Panvinius, De Ludis Circ. Introduction. lxvii the uppermost story, and the general appearance must therefore have been less heavy. The ground-plan of the Roman theatres differed from that of the Greek chiefly in the greater extent of the scena. This alteration was caused by the abolition of the chorus as intermediate between the spectators and actors, and the division of the place assigned to them, the orchestra, between the spectators and the stage proper. Thus the stage was brought much nearer to the spectators. The Greek cavea was a segment of a circle greater than a semicircle. The Romans, with their peculiar fondness for the semicircle above alluded to, reduced their cavea to that form — an alteration also required by the necessity of making more room for scenic displays, as the drama became less and less simple in its accessories, and depended more upon gorgeous effect than real dramatic art. Of the provincial Roman theatres, the best preserved is that of Aspendus, in Asia Minor, which shows not only the cavea, but the scena nearly entire. The theatre of Orange, in France, presents a complete scena, the outer wall of which is one of the grandest masses of Roman masonry extant, and free from the sham ornamental network of columns and entablatures so often found in such buildings. 1 In domestic as well as in civil architecture, the Romans borrowed the most ornamental and luxurious parts of their houses, their peristylia, their triclinia, ceci, exedrae, diaetae, sphaeristeria, pinacothecae, and Domestic bibliothecae, from the Greeks. All these Greek names belong to arc 1 ecPure > interior of the the unessential and extraneous apartments attached, for the sake house. of recreation or pleasure, to the normal Roman house. In the primitive times of Rome, the houses of the citizens consisted of one principal central room, the atrium, round which the other parts of the house were grouped. In the atrium all domestic transactions took place ; the family hearth and the images of the Penates were there, meals were taken there, the mistress and her slaves worked there, the kitchen was there, the waxen masks of ancestors, the marriage-bed, and the money-chest of the paterfamilias stood there, visitors were received there, and it was in all respects the common room of the house. The name atrium is probably Etruscan, 2 and the primitive atria were such as Vitruvius describes under the name "cavaedium Tuscanicum," a large room, with a roof supported on four beams, two placed across from wall to wall, and two others at right angles to them, so as to leave a square opening in the centre, towards which the roof sloped down on all four sides from the walls. 3 The opening in the centre was possibly, in the earliest times, intended only 1 At Vicenza there is a theatre called Teatro Olim- pico built by Palladio (1580), after the rules of Vitru- vius, with the exception that it has an elliptical cavea. 2 Miiller, Handbuch der Archaeologie der Kunst, S. 181 ; Varro, L. L. v. 161. 3 Vitruv. vi. 3. lxviii Introduction. as a vent for the smoke ; but as the atrium became enlarged, it took the form of the impluvium. In the course of time, most of the domestic acts originally performed in the common hall were transferred to separate rooms, and the atrium came to be used only for the reception of guests, for the symbolical marriage-bed, for the images of ancestors, and for the lying in state of the dead. The extension of the atrium naturally caused the introduction of columns to support the roof, which had been unnecessary in the narrow, old- fashioned atria. 1 A further enlargement of the house then took place, and the atrium was left as the reception-room for clients and visitors, while another similar but larger court was built beyond it for the use of the family and intimate friends or guests. This was the cavaedium. Both these courts are generally found in the houses at Pompeii, which were probably imitations of the ordinary houses of the metropolis, and not, as is sometimes supposed, planned on Greek models. 2 We find the Pompeian atria sometimes further enlarged by quadrangular recesses at the side furthest from the entrance, to which the term " alae " used by Vitruvius probably applies. 3 The space between die atrium and cavaedium was filled up by a central square room, where it was customary to keep family records and documents ; this was called the tablinum : and on each side of it were passages (fauces) forming the com- munication between the atrium and cavaedium. 4 The cavaedium (Plin.), or cavum aedium (Vitruv. and Varro), was a repetition of the atrium on a larger scale. The most common methods of building it were those called by Vitruvius Tetrastylon and Corinthium ; the former with four pillars — one at each corner of the compluvium — and the latter with rows of pillars supporting the timber of the roof. 5 The central opening had a lacus or cistern to receive the water from the roof, or a fountain and basin, with flower-beds or shrubs and statuettes. 6 The intervals between the columns were sometimes closed against cold winds, rain, or sun, by vela or by boards which could be removed like shutters. 7 Thus the atrium and cavaedium, but especially the cavaedium, were the central points towards which the other parts of the house converged ; and into them the cubicula and culina 1 Plin. Ep. v. 6, 1 5 : " Atrium ex more veterum." Hor. Od. iii. I, 46 : " Cur invidenclis postibus et novo sublime ritu moliar atrium." One of these old atria is to be seen at Pompeii, No. 57, Strada Stabiana. 2 The Pompeian houses all have the tablinum and fauces, which were essentially Italian parts of the house. They also correspond with the ground-plans of the houses given on the Pianta Capitolina. 3 Vitruv. vi. 3, 4. 4 The position of the tablinum is almost entirely conjectural and rests upon the arrangement of the Pompeian houses. The name tablinum is only men- tioned by Vitruvius, vi. 3, 5 ; Festus, p. 356 ; Paul. Diac. p. 357 ; Plin. xxxiv. § 7, as a muniment room next the atrium. 8 Besides these there were two other kinds of cavasdia, the displuviatum with the roof sloped out- wards, and the testudinatum entirely covered with a lacunar. Vitruv. vi. 3. 6 Hor. Ep. i. 10, 22 ; Od. iii. 10, 5. 7 Isodor. xix. 26 ; Ov. Met. x. 595 ; Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 55- Introduction. Ixix opened, and received light and air through the doorways. The chamber devoted to the Penates, after their removal from the atrium, was called the lararium, and was usually on the left of the atrium, near its entrance. So far, the Roman houses were national in construction and arrangement. But as soon as it became fashionable at Rome to imitate Greek customs, and to borrow from the Greeks all the refinements and elegances of life, the great houses at Rome were enlarged by the addition of various rooms and courts. The most common of these was the peristylium, which is found in many of the Pompeian houses, and was probably attached to the houses of all wealthy persons at Rome. This was a court surrounded with colonnades on three sides, or sometimes on all four sides, and containing a flower-garden (viridarium) in the centre. It differed from the cavaedium only in having no dwelling-rooms round it, and in having rows of columns as an indispensable part. If any further enlargements of a house were desired, they could be added to the peristylium. The most common of these extra rooms were the triclinia, several of which were sometimes built to suit the different seasons of the year. Besides triclinia, other extensions of the Roman houses, such as exedrae, which were semicircular projections or bays, furnished with seats for discussion or conversation ; airy saloons called ceci, opening upon gardens ; basilicae, or halls for business ; pinacothecae, and bibliothecae, were all borrowed from the Greeks. We have, unfortunately, not much to guide us in the endeavour to form an idea of the exterior appearance of the common houses in the streets of Rome. The interior arrangements of the Roman houses, Domestic and the domestic life of the Romans, have become known, in minute architecture; detail, to us from the Pompeian excavations, and may be most vividly realized by a walk through the streets of the resuscitated city, and a study of the contents of the Museum at Naples ; but we are left to construct, from a few scanty notices, as we best may, the ele- vations and decorative peculiarities of their exteriors. The houses at Pompeii were mostly small and mean, and of the simplest plan. Scarcely any of them had upper floors, with the exception of those placed on sloping ground, where the first floor formed a kind of receding higher terrace. The fear of earthquakes, and the facility with which extensions could be made on the ground-floor, probably prevented the Pompeians from building lofty houses. But in Rome, where a large population was closely compressed round the great centres of business and pleasure, — the fora and the Imperial palaces, — it was necessary to raise the houses to a con- siderable height, to make the streets narrow, and to build projections into k Ixx Introduction. them. 1 Even after the great Neronian conflagration, when parts at least of ten out of the fourteen regions were burnt down, 2 the houses in Rome were probably far higher, and of a different construction from those of provincial towns, where no want of space was felt. Pliny expressly mentions the lofty height of the houses as one of the characteristics of Rome in his time ; and the complaints of Juvenal as to their insecurity are well known. 3 Nero fixed the extreme height to which houses might be raised. But though the houses were still very lofty, the general aspect of the streets must have been very different before and after the Neronian restoration. Cicero, comparing the old state of Rome with that of Capua, says that Rome was situated on uneven ground, and that the dwellings of the inhabitants were hoisted up and almost suspended in the air that the streets were not of the best kind, while the alleys were execrably narrow, and that the metropolis could not bear comparison with her regularly built and wide-streeted neighbour Capua. 4 In Cicero's time the evil was probably at the worst : we hear of Rutilius Rufus urging this subject on the consideration of Government ; and Augustus abated it considerably by his wise regulations forbidding houses to be built more than seventy feet in height, and instituting a regular public service for enforcing this law, and taking supervision of the streets and buildings. 5 Trajan restricted the height of houses to sixty feet. 6 The height of the houses in Rome must have had a considerable effect upon their exterior appearance, for it is plain that when the building was raised to a second or third story the rooms could no longer be lighted from the inner courts, but must have had windows looking out into the streets. Thus the tendency to make all the openings of the house turn inwards, which appears so plainly at Pompeii, must at Rome have been counteracted by the necessary conditions of their sites. But here attention must be drawn to the difference which prevailed in this respect between two great classes of private dwellings at Rome, the domus and the insula ; for while the domus was in all probability seldom more than one or two stories in height, the insula, on the other hand, must have had five or six stories ; and great in- equalities in the appearance of the streets must have been the consequence. 1 The population was most dense in the fourth, p. 235. Aristides the rhetorician, at a later date, the eighth, and tenth regions. See Preller, Regionen, Antonine era, said that if the houses now pded one p. 86 ; Vitruv. ii. 8. 2 Tac. Ann. xv. 40. upon another in Rome were to be placed on level 3 Plin. iii. 5, § 66 : " Quod si quis altitudinem tec- ground by the side of each other, they would reach torum addat, dignam profecto," &c. Juv. iii. 190, to the Ionian Sea, covering the whole of Southern 270 ; x. 17. Italy. Aristid. vol. i. p. 324, ed. Dindorf, 1829. i Cic. De Leg. Agr. ii. 35, 96. 6 Aur. Vict. Epit. 13. See also Gruter, lnscrip. 5 Suet. Oct. 30, 89 ; Dion Cass. lv. 8 ; Strabo, v. 1090, 19. Introduction. Ixxi The small number of the domus in Rome in proportion to insulse 1 shows that the former were the houses of men of wealth and importance — the palazzi of ancient Rome, built according to the rules laid down by Vitruvius for houses covering a large space of ground — while the latter, inhabited by the middle and lower classes, and generally built upon a narrow site, were carried up to the extreme height allowed by law. Each insula contained a great number of separate suites of rooms, or single rooms having separate entrances, which were let as lodgings to families or individuals. 2 These were called ccenacula. An ordinance of the Twelve Tables fixed the space which must be left clear between each insula or domus at two feet and a half; 3 but this enactment appears to have been completely neglected before the time of Nero, for we find that in his restoration of the city it was expressly laid down, as a new regulation, that each building should have separate walls and a space (ambitus) left open all round it. 4 The insulse must, as Preller remarks, have been very much like the large hotels of modern times, with one or more courts ; and they sometimes occupied the whole of a block of buildings, bounded on all sides by streets, as in the case of the Louvre Hotel at Paris. 5 A passage of Vitruvius well explains the mode of construction usual in the insulse : " The laws of the land do not allow any house wall built on public ground {i.e. towards the street) to be more than one and a half feet in thickness, and the other walls, in order to save space, are always built of the same thickness. But unburnt brick walls less than two or three bricks thick (a Roman brick being one foot in length) will not bear more than one story. The immense size and crowded population of Rome, however, make it necessary to have a vast number of habitations, and as the area is not sufficient to contain them all on the ground-floor, the nature of the case compels us to raise them in the air. And therefore lofty buildings supported on stone pillars, burnt brickwork, or ashlar, and furnished with numerous boarded floors, are made to supply the requisite number of separate apartments." 6 , _ , _ , c ^ t, ■ ■■ domus , offices the risks were great. See Gell. xv. I, 2. 1 In the Catalogues of the Regionaru- =— = 25. „ . „. - .? T T & & insula? s Paul. Diac. v. 16; Varro, L. L. v. 22. Preller, p. 86. See the description of a domus in 4 Tac. Ann. xv. 43. Petronius, 77. 5 The insulas were then called vici from their " Rooms at the back or top of a domus were also resemblance to a vicus, i.e. a group of houses sur- sometimes let. See Plaut. Trin. i. 2, 157; Livy, rounded on all sides by streets. Festus, p. 371. xxxix. 14. Crassus owed his great wealth partly to Insula also means a set of rooms in an insula, successful speculation in building a vast number of fi Vitruv. ii. 8, 17. One of the insulse, in Reg. insulse : Plutarch, Crassus, 2. See Orelli, Inscr. ix., named Felicles Insula, from the name of the 4324 ; Martial, iv. 37. Juvenal complains of the owner, became proverbial for its enormous number high rents ; Sat. iii. 166. But without insurance of stories. Tertullian compares the Gnostic ideas of k 2 Ixxii Introduction. After the great fire at Rome all the new houses were, by Nero's orders, constructed partly of peperino stone to resist fire, and had arcades built in front of all, from the top of which help might be afforded in case of fire. 1 The front ground- floor under the arcades would be probably occupied with shops. The interior of the insula; was very complicated, from the number of passages and staircases required to reach all the separate lodgings, and to arrange all the storehouses and offices of various kinds. The buildino- was under the charge of a dominus insula;, or insularius, an agent who accounted for the rents to the proprietor." 2 The passage of Vitruvius above quoted shows that the insulae were usually, in the time of Augustus, built of unburnt brick in the lower Materials and parts, and of burnt bricks or stone in the upper, with timbered ■modes of construction. noors. 1 he Roman unburnt bricks (lateres) were of two kinds, either whole bricks one foot and a half in length and a foot wide, or half bricks half a foot wide and one inch in thickness. 3 In buildino- a wall of the regulation thickness (a foot and a half), on one side a row of whole bricks was laid, and on the other a row of half bricks, and in the next layer a row of half bricks was laid upon the row of whole bricks, and a row of whole bricks upon the half bricks, so as to bind the wall together firmly by an interlacing structure. 4 Sometimes the bricks were laid in sloping rows diverging from a central line (herring-bone work, or opus spicatum, so called from its resemblance to the arrangement of the seeds in an ear of corn), and confined by stone edgings. These unburnt brick walls were always covered with stucco (tectorium or albarium) made with great care, sometimes of pounded marble chips, and were generally painted in bright colours, as may be seen in the streets of Pompeii. When concrete (fartura) was used for the core of the wall, it was sometimes cased with stones placed irregularly (opus incertum), 5 and was then always covered with stucco ; or it was cased with small square stones arranged in a regular chess-board pattern (opus reticulatum), in which case stucco was not always used. Walls of unburnt brick were also sometimes cased with opus reticulatum, and occasionally different stages in heaven to this building : " In- sulam Feliculas credas tanta tabulata ccelorum." Adv. Val. chap. vii. 1 Tac. Ann. xv. 43. These arcades were similar to those of Padua, Bologna, and other Italian towns. 2 See numerous names of insula.' in Preller, p. 92. The following notice of the lodgings in an insula to be let, found at Pompeii, is interesting : " Insula Arriana Polliana Gn. Alifii Nigidii Mai locantur ex id. Jul. primis (i.e. proximis) tabernae (under the arcades) cum pergulis suis et ccenacula equestria (such as a knight might live in) et domus. Con- ductor convenito primum Gn. Al. Nig. Mai servum." Orelli, Insc. 4324, 4331. 3 See Vitruv. ii. 3. 4 Winckelmann, Arch, des Anciens, CEuvres, vol. ii. p. 545. Roman bricks were sometimes of a much larger size. Those used in vaulting were generally wedge-shaped. 5 It is doubtful whether the term " opus incertum " includes ashlar-work. Introduction. lxxiii brick and concrete were mixed in alternate layers and cased with stucco or opus reticulatum or incertum. The larger houses and public buildings were built with solid walls of squared stones, reaching completely across the whole breadth of the wall, and laid in equally-sized courses (opus isodomum), or in unequally-sized courses (opus pseudisodomum). The principal entrance of a domus stood a little back from the line of the street in a recess (vestibulum), the two projecting sides of which were frequently occupied by shops opening into the street. 1 Exterior of the house ; These vestibules were of various depths. At Pompeii they are vestibule. generally very small, but in some of the large houses at Rome the vestibule was ornamented with trophies which would require a con- siderable space. 2 They were occasionally ornamented with pilasters or a portico of Greek construction. In the case of Nero's Golden House the vestibule must have been a splendid court surrounded with arcades and ornamented by the huge colossal statue of the emperor. 3 The threshold and lintel (limen inferius and superius) and the doorposts (antepagmenta) were of wood or stone, according to the wealth of the owner. There were frequently inscriptions or signs over the door, marking the house as in mediaeval times, 4 and sometimes a parrot taught to say "Salve" or "XaZpe" was hung up in a cage. 5 Doorbells do not seem to have been usual, though bells were sometimes employed for giving signals of other kinds ; but there were always knockers of metal to the doors, at which every one except inmates of the house were expected to knock. 6 As carriages were not used commonly in the streets before the third century, 7 few of the principal house entrances were large enough to admit them, but they were of course wide enough to admit the sedans of considerable size in which Romans often went out into the town. There were generally side and back doors of smaller size, without vestibules, leading into the side streets. The ground-floors both of the domus and insulae were, as has been stated, usually occupied by shops, and therefore rooms on the ground-floor had 1 Cell. xvi. 5 : " Vestibulum non est in ipsis aedibus, But Seneca, De Ira, iii. 35, mentions a doorbell. The sed locus ante januam domus vacuus," &c. Becker doors at Rome generally opened inwards (Dionys. derives vestibulum from ve, apart, and stabulum, a v. 39), contrary to the Greek fashion, as shown in the place to stand in apart from the house ; as prostibu- comedies taken from the Greek. Plaut. Bacch. ii. /um, vecors, vesanus. 2, 56 : " Sed foris concrepuit nostra quinam exit 2 As rostra, Cic. Phil. ii. 28: statues, ALn. ii. 504, foras?" It was the custom in Greece to knock before vii. 177 ; Juv. vii. 125. going out in order that any one passing might 3 Suet. Nero, 31. See below, p. 165. Vitruvius avoid being struck by the door opening outwards, speaks of "vestibula regalia." But in later times many doors at Rome also opened 4 As "ad malum punicum ; ad capita bubula," &c. outwards. See Pandect, lib. viii. tit. 2. Suet. Dom. 1, Oct. 5. 7 See Friedlander, Sittengesch. Roms, S. 52 ; 3 Petron. 28 ; Mart. vii. 87, xiv. 76 ; Pers. Prol. 8. Amm. Marcell. xiv. 6. 6 Plautus, Most. ii. 2, 14; Cist. iii. 18, &c, &c. lxxiv Introduction. doors opening on the inner courtyard and had no windows. In the lofty courts of the insulse, where the ground-floor rooms would naturally be very dark, they were probably used as storerooms and offices. The rooms on the upper floors opened by windows on the street, which were often provided with balconies or projections supported on brackets and called mceniana, pergulas, or podia. 1 These balconies must have improved the exterior appearance of the houses very much by breaking the flat surface of the wall. From them shows in the streets were surveyed and speeches sometimes delivered. 2 Martial gives a lively picture of the spectators on the line of the Emperor Trajan's entry into Rome: — " Quando erit ille dies quo campus, et arbor, et omnis Lucebit Latia culta fenestra nuru. Quando moras dulces, longusque a Caesare pulvis, Totaque Flaminia Roma videnda via." 3 The windows were closed with lattice-work or plates of talc, or sometimes with glass, to keep out the cold and wind, and had folding shutters. 4 The roofs of the houses in Rome were sometimes gabled (pectenata) exactly like modern houses, and it is a mistake to suppose that only temples had gables, and that the streets of Rome showed a succession of flat roofs. Some of the pictures of houses in the Pompeian house decorations show gabled roofs, and Cicero, writing to his brother, speaks of the Roofs ' roof of a house as having more than one gable. 5 The regular triangular pediment, however, was peculiar to the temples of the gods, the palaces of the Caesars, and some of the other public buildings. The eaves sometimes projected considerably over the street, and enactments were passed limiting their size. 6 Domed roofs and quadrilateral roofs were sometimes built, but naturally these were for the most part confined to small angular or circular edifices, such as the Temple of the Penates in the Forum, or the 1 SuXtov e£ox«t TroWai Se avrai icard rrjv nokiv. Hero- dian, vii. 12. 2 Livy, i. 41, Tanaquil addresses the populace from a window. Vitruv., v. 6, speaks of a view from a window in a common house. Livy, xxiv. 21 : "Pars tectis fenestrisque prospectant." See also Juv. in. 270 ; Prop. iv. 7, 1 5 ; and Claudian, De VI. Cons. Hon. ii. 54.4 : " Quantum licuit consurgere tectis una replet turbae facies, undare videres ima viris, altas effulgere matribus aedes." 3 Mart. x. 6. * The subject of glass windows in ancient houses is fully discussed in Hirt, Gesch. der Bauk. iii. 1, Bei- lage C. He thinks that the expression "specularia" denotes glass windows and = specularia vitra. "YaXos Xfwcq, in Philo, Leg. ad Caium, § 45, probably means glass ; in which case the palace of Caligula had glass windows. In the public baths at Pompeii a bronze casement with panes of glass was found. Mazois, Pal. de Scaur, viii. p. 97. See Plin. N. H. xxxvi. 45 ; Ep. ii. 17, 4 : Sen. Ep. 90 : Mart. viii. 14 : Ov. Pont, iii. 3, 5 ; Amor. i. 5, 3 : Hor. Od. i. 25, 1. 5 Festus, p. 213 ; Cic. Q. F. iii. 1, 4. Trichorus, in Stat. Silv. i. 3, 57, and Hist. Aug. Pesc. Nig. 12, pro- bably means a house of three stories in height. In the tenth century, trichorus = triclinium. See Gregorov, Gesch. der Stadt Rom. vol. iii. p. 563. 6 Digest, ix. 3. 5, § 6. The term used for eaves was suggrundae. Vitruv. x. 21 (15 Schn.). Introduction. Ixxv so-called Temple of Vesta on the river-bank. The " cavaedium testudinatum " of Vitruvius was roofed in this way. 1 Flat roofs were the most frequent in the Roman domus, the other kinds being more adapted to the insulse. Upon the top of their flat roofs gardens were constructed, and filled with flowers and fruit-trees, and seats were made for basking in the winter sun. 2 The usual outer covering of the roofs when flat was of stone, stucco, or metal. For sloping roofs, thatch or shingles, tiles, slates, or metal plates were used. Pliny states that, until the time of the war with Pyrrhus, all Rome was roofed with shingles. 3 The common form of dwelling-house in those times was probably the primitive hut (tugurium), or at best the old Tuscan form of the atrium, a small court with a square impluvium supported by four beams. The Roman tiles were of two kinds, flat tiles and smaller curved tiles. The flat tiles had raised rims at the sides, except at the upper end, which was pushed under the tile next above on the roof. The small curved tiles were then laid over the joined edges of the lower ones, and formed a complete protection for the joints. 4 To say that the dwelling-houses of Rome presented in general an irregular appearance is no doubt correct ; 5 but when their architectural pretensions are condemned as inferior to those of modern houses, it may be questioned whether such an opinion has not been too much influenced by the aspect of the Pompeian houses. It has been shown that contrasts were drawn by Roman writers between the metropolis and the provincial towns, especially with reference to the size and height of the houses ; and in the crowded parts of Rome, and along the principal thoroughfares leading to the great roads, as the Via Lata and the Alta Semita, which seem to correspond to the modern Corso and Via della Porta Pia, nearly all the dwelling- houses were probably lofty, well built, and furnished in the upper stories with handsome windows and balconies, and with porticoes or arcades pro- jecting over shops on the ground-floor. At the same time, on account of the hilly nature of the site and the interruption of the lines of the streets by the great fora and public buildings, but few long wide streets could have existed in ancient Rome. There was apparently a constant necessity for edicts providing against the excessive crowding and blocking up of the streets by vehicles. Carriages or carts, 1 Vitruv. vi. 3. The space between these raised roofs and the ceiling was sometimes used as a hiding- place. See Tac. Ann. iv. 69. a These places at the tops of the houses were some- times called solaria, an expression which was also applied to balconies. Seneca, Ep. xx. 5 (122). 3 Plin. xvi. 10, § 36. 4 Teguke and imbrices. Plautus, Mil. Glor. ii. 6. 24 : " Confregisti imbrices et tegulas Mostell. i. 2, 25. 5 Cf. Rein in Peckers Gallus, ii. p. 271. Ixxvi Introduction. with few exceptions, were not allowed to pass during the first ten hours of the day, and a clearance of the projecting mceniana and the stalls of all tradesmen and hucksters had to be made periodically. 1 Martial complains bitterly of the noises at night, from the traffic in the streets, which would not allow him to sleep, and praises Domitian for having cleared the barbers', cooks', butchers', and winesellers' stalls away, and made it at length possible to pass freely along the streets. 2 It has been remarked that, with all the Roman passion for Greek forms Roman of architecture, yet the names of the architects employed at architects. Rome which have come down to us are mainly Roman, 3 and that even before the time when the first Greek architect, Hermodorus of Salamis, is mentioned as employed at Rome, we find a Roman, Cossutius, engaged in the erection of the great Temple of Zeus Olympius at Athens in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. 4 The architect of the famous Temple of Honour and Virtue, dedicated by Marius, was a Roman, C. Mutius ; and Cicero employed a Roman architect in the erection of the chapel in memory of his daughter Tullia. Vitruvius praises three books on architecture written by the Romans Fufitius, Varro, and Publius Septimius. 5 Under Augustus, besides Vitruvius himself, who was an Italian by birth but a Greek by education, we find only Valerius of Ostia mentioned as employed in architectural works, and a freedman, L. Cocceius.* Again, in Nero's time, the great architects Severus and Celer have Roman names ; and Rabinius, the architect of Domitian, appears to have been a Roman. 7 A Greek artist, Apollodorus, first comes into prominent notice in the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, but it is probable that a Roman, Frontinus, was also largely patronized by these emperors. But in the Imperial times a perfect army of architects and builders must have been kept up in order to execute new works or keep the old buildings in repair. It is said that 700 architects were employed by Nero and Trajan for the sole purpose of attending to the supply of water for the city. s The whole number engaged in different parts of the world under these emperors must therefore have numbered many thousands. We find the governor of 1 Amm. Marcell. xxvii. 9, 10: " Moeniana sustulit omnia, fabricari Romae prioris quoque vetita legibus." 2 Martial, vii. 61, xii. 57. 3 Hirt, Gesch. der Baukunst, ii. p. 257 ; Ampere, Hist. Rom. a Rome, vol. iv. p. 77. 4 Vitiuv. iii. 2, 5; vii. prasf. § 15. Caius and Marcius Stallius were also employed at Athens. Vitruv. v. 9, 1. 5 Vitruv. loc. cit. ; Cic. Ad Att. xii. 17, xiii. 29. Three architects mentioned by Cicero, Cyrus. Chry- sippus, and Corumbus, have Greek names, but were possibly slaves. Pro ; Mil. 17 ; Ad Att. xiv. 3. 6 Plin. xxxvi. 24, § I. 7 Mart. vii. 55, x. 71. 8 Diet. Antiq. s. v. Aquaeductus. Under Aurelian the architects received regular salaries from the State: Hist. Aug. Aur. 35. Introduction. Ixxvii Nicomedia asking for an architect from Rome to construct a serviceable aqueduct for the city, as two previous attempts, possibly by local architects, had not succeeded. 1 Hadrian, it is well known, was his own architect in many cases, and prided himself upon having designed the great Temple of Venus and Rome ; but he also employed vast numbers of architects to assist in his minor works. 2 Several names of ancient architects have been found at Terracina, Pozzuoli, in Spain, and at Bonn, all of which are Roman ; and the probable reasons for the employment of Romans in preference to Greeks are not difficult to assign. 3 The Roman Emperors sought, above all things, durability and colossal size in their architectural works. While therefore Greek sculptors would doubtless be preferred for the decorative parts of the building, the designing of the whole on a large scale, and the strength of the construction, would be best entrusted to a Roman, who might well be more an engineer than an architect. In the raising of huge stones, and the construction of enormous arches, the Romans had more practical talent and skill than the Greeks ; and as these were principal matters in their huge buildings, it does not seem strange that Roman architects were more frequently employed than Greek. The profession of an architect at Rome was considered inferior to that of a military engineer, a natural result of the supremacy of the military and political elements in the Roman national character. The architect about whom we know most, Vitruvius, was really a military engineer, and had served in that capacity during a great part of his life. He would have so remained, or at least would not have published • Vttvwvtzts his scientific views on architecture, had he not seen that Augustus was something more than a mere hard, practical statesman, and possessed great refinement of taste, and a desire to introduce into Rome a love for the beautiful in art. 4 Vitruvius's chief object was to perpetuate the great principle of purity and simplicity in design and elegance in proportion laid down by the great Greek master, and to counteract the vulgar taste for coarse and overladen decoration, which he saw prevailing at Rome. While we sympathize with Vitruvius in his dislike of the Roman fondness for accu- mulation of unmeaning ornament, and with his protests against their neglect of constructive truth, we cannot help regretting that he failed to see wherein 1 Plin. Ep. x. 46, 47. 3 Ampere, Hist. p. 79. 2 Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3, 4. Aur. Vict. Epit. 14: 4 Vitruv. i. prasf. : "Ad exitum vitas .... haectibi ' ; Namque ad specimen legionum militarium, fabros, scribere ccepi . . . . te non solum de vita communi perpendiculatores, architectos, genusque cunctum ex- curam habere, sed etiam de opportunitate publi- truendorum mcenium seu decorandorum in cohortes corum aedificiorum ut Majestas imperii publicorum centuriaverat." aedificiorum egregias haberet auctoritates." / lxxviii Introduction. the real strength of Roman architecture consisted, and in what direction its true development lay, and that he encouraged instead that slavish imitation of the Greeks, which was as fatal to the growth of genuine Roman architecture as it was to the development of a really national Roman ARCO DEI PANTANI. literature. The horizontal lines of Greek architecture, and the necessarily narrow areas of their buildings, were never brought into living union with the peculiarly Roman method of construction by the arch. We can derive much pleasure, it is true, from the Romano-Greek buildings ; but we feel Introduction. lxxix that they are not a real embodiment of Roman ideas, but a composite mass of heterogeneous elements, which no skill can reduce successfully into a harmonious whole. The same mixed character belongs to their literature, in which their real natural characteristics, their deep and practical views of human nature, their political and military genius, are everywhere overlaid and dressed up with Grecian art, and forced into Grecian forms. Just as a native Roman style of architecture was never developed by the Romans themselves, but in their arched structures they left to succeeding ages the rudiments of the grandest and most perfectly expressive of all styles of architecture, so in the same way the intense interest in human life, and the moral and practical spirit which pervaded their literature, and formed its support, has, like the hidden arches of their buildings, proved the framework upon which some of the noblest creations of modern intellect have been reared. The Romans were the greatest builders that the world has ever seen ; but they never succeeded in developing any system of decorative architecture. Thev were an arch-building but not an architectural nation. They J r „ . Romans planted in the West and the East, in the remotest part of Britain engineers and the deserts of Petra and Palmyra, imperishable monuments of r f r ^f™ their engineering and masonic skill ; but in all their attempts to create ornamental structures they failed to produce anything more than gigantic or grotesque imitations of Greek art. From an sesthetical point of view, therefore, the study of their buildings is barren. They did not possess an eye for fine proportion of outline, or symmetrical and harmonious com- bination of details. A certain vulgar love of gorgeous and costly ornament, and an incapacity for appreciating the beauty of simplicity and purity, pervade all their most elaborate buildings. But as historical monuments, illustrative of the peculiar genius and character of the Romans, the study of Roman structures is most important and valuable. We see embodied in them that indomitable energy and strength of purpose which bridged the valleys and tunnelled through the hills; that conviction of the grandeur of their empire and destiny which could not be satisfied with anything short of the colossal and imperishable; that strong practical utilitarianism which constantly sought means to improve the conditions of human life, and render the earth a more convenient habitation for man, and at the same time that intense passion for fierce excitement and luxurious enjoyment, which made them lavish untold wealth in the construction of stupendous amphitheatres and thermee. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL BUILDINGS IN ROME AND THE CAMPAGNA. I.— REGAL PERIOD. X. c. 753 A. U. C. I Roma Quadrata. Temple of Jupiter Stator. 7 r 5 39 Regia and Temple of Vesta. Capitolium Vetus. Temple of Quirinus Temple of Janus. Argean Chapels. 673 81 Temple of Tellus. Tigillum Sororium. 641 XI 3 Ostia founded. Fossa Quiritium. 616 138 Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. Cloaca Maxima. Circus Maximus begun by Tarquinius Priscus. 578 176 Walls of Servius. Regions of Servius. Temple of Diana on the Aventine. Temples of Fortuna and Mater Matuta. 534 220 Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus and Cloaca Maxima finished by Tarquinius Superbus. II.— PERIOD OF THE REPUBLIC. 5^7 247 Capitoline Temple consecrated. 497 257 Temple of Saturn. 495 259 Temple of Mercurius in the Circus. 493 261 Temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera. 484 270 Temple of Castor in the Forum. 429 325 Temple of Apollo in the Campus Martius. 399 355 Temple of Mater Matuta restored. 39 1 3 6 3 Temple of Juno Regina on the Aventine. 367 387 Temple of Concord on the Clivus Capitolinus vowed. 344 410 Temple of Juno Moneta in the Arx. 338 416 Rostra. 312 442 Via Appia. Aqua Appia. 306 408 Equestrian Statue of Tremulus in the Forum. 3°5 449 Temple of Concord consecrated. 302 452 Temple of Salus. 298 45 6 Temple of Bellona. Capitoline Wolf and Twins cast. 294 460 Temples of Jupiter Stator (Regulus), of Quirinus, and of Fors Fortuna (Carvilius). See p. 288. Chronological Table of the Principal Buildings in Rome, &c. Ixxxi A. C. 2 94 A. U. C. 460 Via Appia paved as far as Bovillse. . 291 463 Temple of ^sculapius on the island of the Tiber. 272 482 Aqueduct of the Anio Vetus built. 494 Columna Rostrata of Duilius. 2 59 495 Temple of Tempestas. 534 Circus Flaminius and Via Flaminia. 2 10 536 Temple of Concord in the Arx. O T C 539 Temple of Venus Erycina in the Capitol. 2 12 542 Repair of the Walls of Rome. 205 549 Temple of Honour and Virtue. l 95 559 Triumphal Arches of Stertinius. 56i Emporium built. TOT 563 Temple of Magna Mater. I 9O 5 6 4 Arch of Scipio Africanus. l87 5 6 7 Temple of Hercules Musagetes. 184 57° Basilica Porcia. Cloacae enlarged and repaired. l8l 573 Temple of Venus at the Porta Collina. 17 0 ' 1 y 575 Basilica Fulvia. Temples of Juno Regina and Diana in the Circus Flaminius. Theatre of ^Emilius Lepidus. Macellum Magnum. Streets of Rome first paved. 169 585 Basilica Sempronia. IU/ 587 Porticus Octavii. 148 606 Temples of Jupiter and Juno built by Metellus in the Circus Flaminius. T /l /I 144 610 Marcian Aqueduct built. 142 612 Pons Palatinus. T "2 2 622 Temple of Mars in the Circus Flaminius. T 2 C 629 Tepulan Aqueduct built. 6 33 Basilica Opimia. I20 634 Arch of Fabius. 1 09 645 Milvian Bridge built. I08 646 Porticus Minucia built. 8l 673 Capitoline Temple rebuilt. 6q 685 Capitoline Temple reconsecrated. 62 692 Fabrician Bridge built. ^8 696 Theatre of Scaurus built. e r J j 699 Theatre of Pompey and Temple of Venus Victrix built. 50 704 Basilica Paulli (yEmilia). 46 708 Forum of Julius Caesar. Temple of Venus Genetrix. Basilica Julia. Naumachia in the Campus Martius. 42 712 Temple of Julius Caesar in the Forum decreed. Rostra Julia and Curia Julia. Temple of Mars Ultor vowed. 36 718 Temple of Palatine Apollo. 33 721 i Julian Aqueduct and Agrippa's great public works. lxxxii Chronological Table of the Principal Buildings A. C. A. U. C. 1 2 A 29 7 2 5 28 726 9 1 * I T>1 1^1 26 728 2 O *7 2 A 734 t n 735 16 1A 1 AO I 1 74.1 J I / 4.J I O 1 A A A. D. A. U. C u 759 10 763 12 765 l6 767 23 776 27 780 39 792 5 2 805 55 808 62 815 64 817 65 818 70 823 7i 824 81 834 82 835 94 847 n6 8ao °4y in 864 "3 866 116 869 119 872 130 883 i37 890 138 891 141 894 183 93 6 III.— IMPERIAL PERIOD. THE CAESARS. Amphitheatre of Statilius. Mausoleum of Augustus begun. Eighty-two Temples restored. (See Monumentum Ancyranum.) Pantheon of Agrippa. Septa Julia. Temple of Jupiter Tonans. Temple of Mars Ultor on the Capitol. Aqueduct of Aqua Virgo built. Temple of Quirinus on the Quirinal. Temple of Saturn rebuilt. Theatre of Balbus built. Theatre of Marcellus built. Egyptian Obelisks erected in the Circus and Campus. Temple of Castor in the Forum rebuilt by Tiberius. Arch of Dolabella. Porticus of the Basilica Julia built. Arch of Tiberius on the Clivus Capitolinus. Castra Praetoria built. Basilica ^Emilia restored. Temple of Augustus built. Palace of Caligula and bridge from the Palatine to the Capitol. Claudian Aqueduct and Aqueduct of the Anio Novus. Circus Neronianus. Thermae Neronianae. Domus Transitoria. Neronian Fire. Golden House of Nero built. IV. — THE FLAVIAN ERA. Capitoline Temple rebuilt. Forum Pacis built Coliseum and Thermse of Titus opened. Capitoline Temple again rebuilt. Arch of Titus on the Velia built. Forum Transitorium or Palladium begun by Domitian. Temple of Isis and Serapis built. V. — THE ANTONINE ERA. Meta Sudans erected. Aqueduct of Trajan built (from the Lago Bracciano). Forum and Column of Trajan built. Thermae of Trajan built. Triumphal Arch of Trajan erected in his Forum. Temple of Trajan. Basilica Neptuni built by Hadrian. Temple of Venus and Rome. ^Elian Bridge. Mausoleum of Hadrian begun. Hadrian's Tiburtine Villa built. Temple of Hadrian built. Pillar of Antoninus Pius erected. Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. Column of Marcus Aurelius in the Campus (Antonine Column). Thermae of Commodus built. in Rome and the Campagna. lxxxiii VI.— THE LATER EMPERORS. A. ». A. V. C. 195 948 Thermae of Severus. 202 955 Pantheon and Porticus Octavias restored by Severus. 2 03 956 Arch of Septimius Severus in the Forum Romanum. Arch of the Goldsmiths in the Forum Boarium. 2l6 969 Thermae- of Caracalla. 227 980 Thermae of Alexander Severus. 242 995 Villa Suburbana of the Gordians built (Tor de' Schiavi). 252 1005 Thermae of Decius built. 263 1016 Arch of Gallienus and Cornelia Salonina on the Esquiline (?) 271 1024 The Walls of Aurelian begun. 273 1026 Temple of the Sun built by Aurelian. 276 1029 The Walls of Aurelian finished. 3°3 1056 Thermae of Diocletian. Aqua Jovia, a branch of the Marcia, built. VII.— CONSTANTINIAN ERA. 3°9 1062 Circus of Romulus built by Maxentius. 312 1065 Destruction of Praetorian Camp by Constantine. Basilica of Constantine. 3i3 1066 Thermae of Constantine. 326 1079 Arch of Constantine. 357 1 1 10 Egyptian Obelisk placed in the Circus Maximus by Constantine. 379 1132 Arches of Gratian, Valentinian,, and Theodosius. VIII.— THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS. Honorius repairs the Aurelian walls and fortifications of Rome. Triumphal Arches of Arcadius, Honorius, and Theodosius. Rome taken by Alaric. Rome taken by Genseric. Rome taken by Ricimer. Theodoric preserves and repairs the monuments, walls, and aqueducts. Rome besieged by Vitiges. Rome ravaged by Totiia. Narses restores the Ponte Salaro. The Lombards commit outrages in the neighbourhood of Rome. The Column of Phocas erected in the Forum. Constans II. carries away the bronze statues and decorations from Rome. Siege of Rome by Astulf. Ostia restored by Gregory IV, (Gregoriopolis). The Saracens plunder the neighbourhood of Rome. The Leonine Suburb built by Leo IV. The Saracens defeated at Garigliano. Rome plundered by Robert Guiscard. The Mausoleum of Augustus destroyed in the war between the Pope and the Emperor. Tremendous earthquake at Rome, by which many ancient buildings are destroyed. ROME AND THE CAMPAGNA. CHAPTER I. THE SITE OF ROME. DISADVANTAGES OF THE SITE OF ROME — GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE CAMPAGNA — COURSE OF THE RIVER THROUGH ROME — THE HILLS OF ROME — GENERAL VIEW OF ROME — THE VALLEYS OF ROME— THE SITUATION OF ROME NOT ADAPTED FOR THE METROPOLIS OF A LARGE EMPIRE, WHETHER COMMERCIALLY, OR IN RESPECT OF CLIMATE — BUT FAVOURABLE TO A LIMITED TRADING COMMUNITY COMBINED WITH A LARGE AGRICULTURAL CLASS— BEAUTY OF THE VIEWS FROM ROME — THE GENERAL FORM OF THE GROUND REMAINS THE SAME AS IN THE EARLIEST TIME. Kriffai ti)*' V(iixt)v lv r6irois ov irpos aipeffiv fxaWov rj wpds dydjKfiv €7rmj8ei'oi?. Oi/re yelp zpvfxvbv to itiacpos ovre Xoipav oiKetav ex w T ^ v Tept£ offr] iroAet irpoffcpopos. — STRABO, book v. p. 229. " Beholde what wreake, what ruine, and what wast, And how that she which with her mightie powre Tamed all the world, hath tamed herselfe at last ; The pray of Time, which all things doth devoure." The Ruines of Rome, by Bellay. "O OME has no very striking advantages of situation. Her rise to be the metropolis V of the world was but little aided by local strength or opportunities, and her fall was certainly hastened by the want of those facilities for communication by sea which the situation of their city denied to the Romans. Strabo distinctly states „. . J Disadvantages his opinion that the site was chosen more by necessity than on account of of the site of its suitability. For, he adds, there is no great strength in the position, Rmne - and the surrounding country is not such as to be convenient for a large city. 1 And Strabo's opinion is said to have been endorsed by some of the ablest men Rome ever produced. Julius Caesar, according to Suetonius, entertained the design of removing Rome to Alexandria or to the coast of Asia Minor, 2 and something of the same kind 1 Strabo, book v. p. 229. One tradition about Palatine, or four miles lower down the river. Niebuhr, the foundation of Rome relates that it was debated Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 223. whether the settlement should be placed on the 2 Suet. Jul. 79 ; Lucan, ix. 998. B 2 The Site of Rome. seems to have been rumoured in the time of Augustus. 1 Religious prejudices were, however, too strong to allow the desertion of the old site, connected as it was with so many legends of the Gods, or to venture to provoke the avenging wrath of Juno a second time. 2 Several of the later Emperors seem to have felt a wish to remove the seat of empire to a more convenient site. Diocletian and Maximian lived mostly at Milan, Nicomedia, Carthage, or Antioch, and would gladly, had the popular feeling permitted, have transferred the seat of government to one of those cities. 3 At length Constantine found himseli powerful enough to establish a new capital in a more commanding, healthy, and fertile site. His opponents could no longer, as Camillus and Horace had done, appeal to the religious sanctity of the site of Rome. 4 The superiority in beauty, security, and accessibility of Constantinople over Rome might be thought sufficient to have perpetuated this change. But sentiment proved stronger than expediency, and Rome has preserved a strange vitality as a capital city notwithstanding the attempts of her own sons to dethrone her. 1 Hor. Od. iii. 3 ; Merivale, vol. ii. p. 483, note. 3 Aur. Vict. De Caesaribus, cap. xxxix. 45 ; Auson. 2 ALn. i. 36 : "Juno aeternum servans sub pectore De clar. Urb. v. 10. volnus." * Gibbon, chap. xvii. ; Livy, v. 51. The Site of Rome. 3 •The group of hills on which ancient Rome was built, and over part of which modern Rome extends, lies nearly in the centre of a broad tract (Latium) of undulating country, shut in on the north by low ranges of hills, on the east by the mighty wall ^ descrjp _ of the Sabine Apennines, on the south by the Alban hills, and on the west tion of the by the Mediterranean Sea. The distance of the city from each of these Campagna. is from fifteen to twenty miles. Into this enclosed plain there are four entrances, through which roads may be carried, corresponding pretty nearly to the four points of the compass. The valley of the Tiber, along which' the railroad to Ancona is now carried, leads to the north. Access to the east is afforded by the opening between the Sabine Apennines and the Alban hills, commanded by the isolated hill of Prseneste. To the south, the Appian Road and the modern railroad to Naples pass between the Alban hills and the sea through the damp lowlands of the Pomptine marshes ; and to the west the railroad to Civita Vecchia is carried between the hills of Cervetri (Caere) and the sea. These are the four grand lines of communication between Latium and the rest of the peninsula of Italy. The general character of the country within a radius of ten miles around Rome may be described by the term hillocky, as it consists of numerous small isolated and steep hills, intersected by ravines. Through the centre of this tract the river Tiber flows in a southerly direction until it reaches Rome, and then bends towards the south-west, falling into the sea at Ostia. The bed of the Tiber, as is the case with most rivers not traversing a perfectly plain country, forms a narrow depression in the bottom of a tolerably wide valley, from side to side of which the river winds, cutting its way through its own alluvial soil. The average width of the river is 300 feet, and its stream rapid and turbid. The water contains a fine yellow micaceous sand, which gave it the name of Fulvus or Flavus Tiberis. 1 In that portion of the Tiber valley which lies within the walls of Rome, the course of the river, on first reaching the walls, is nearly due south ; it then bends gradually towards the west for three-quarters of a mile, and, turning sharply at a Course of the right angle, runs for a mile and a quarter towards the south-east. It then river through turns gradually round to the south-west for about a mile ; after which it Rome. again bends to the south. Thus the river at Rome is divided into five reaches : the first, of nearly half a mile in length, extending from the Cattle Market to the Ripetta Ferry ; the second, three-quarters of a mile in length, from the Ferry to the Hospital of San Spirito ; the third, from the Hospital to the Suspension Bridge, a little more than a mile in length ; the fourth, three-quarters of a mile in length, from the Suspension Bridge to the ruins of the Emporium ; and the fifth, half a mile in length, from the Emporium to the angle of the Aurelian walls, near Monte Testaccio. At the south-eastern end of the third reach of the river, its water is divided nearly equally into two channels, by an island about 300 yards in length and 90 in its greatest breadth. The western side of the Tiber valley at Rome is bounded by the Vatican hill and the long ridge of the Janiculum. Between the slope of the Vatican hill and the banks of the river, there is a flat space for a distance of about three-quarters of a mile, but 1 See Hor. Od. i. 2, 13 ; Ov. Met. xiv. 448 ; Virg. JEn. vii. 31, ix. 816 ; Brocchi, Suolo di Roma, p. 94. B 2 4 The Site of Rome. the high ground then rapidly approaches the river, and at the northern end of the Janiculum comes within a hundred yards of it. The ridge of the Janiculum, combined with the third and fourth reaches of the river, inclose the space within which the Regio Transtiberina lies. The hills on the eastern side of the Tiber at Rome may be divided into two classes. The first of these is a very broken and irregular series of projecting hills and headlands, running out from a tract of table-land, which unites them at Same? the back * Tne y nave been compared by Brocchi 1 to the fingers of a man's hand, the palm of which represents the plain from which they jut out. This comparison, however, gives but a faint idea of their real shape, even if we add that the fingers must be conceived of as strangely distorted and mutilated. The most northern of these hills is the Pincian, which approaches to within 300 yards of the river. Next to this is the crooked ridge of the Quirinal, resembling a bent and gouty finger. The space between the extreme point of this hill and the river is more than a mile wide, and comprises the greater part of the modern city which stands upon the ancient Campus Martius. South of the Quirinal lies the insignificant tongue-like strip of the Viminal, round which the Quirinal bends itself. The Esquiline is a much broader and more im- portant hill, comprising, besides several minor projections, two principal spurs, anciently called the Cispius and Oppius. The Ccelian, though it is semi-detached, may yet, like the above-mentioned, be considered as a spur running out from the background of the Campagna. The Aventine, Palatine, and Capitoline belong to a different description of hills from the above. They are entirely isolated heights, rising in the valley between the river and the high ground, from which the Pincian, Quirinal, Viminal, Esquiline, and Ccelian project. Another small portion of the edge of the Campagna is inclosed within the walls of Rome, comprising the projecting tongue of Mons Celiolus, the rising ground which runs at the back of the baths of Caracalla, and the hill on which S. Saba and S. Balbina stand, sometimes called the Pseudo-Aventine. 3 Such is a brief enumeration of the hills of Rome, which, compared with a map, will give some notion of the general configuration of the ground upon which the city stands. It may most conveniently be considered as a portion of the Tiber valley inclosing three detached hills, and from which several short and shallow ravines run up into the surrounding country. The height of the hills which separate these ravines is inconsiderable, the highest point on the eastern side of the river, at the statue of the Dea Roma on the agger of Servius, being only 236 feet above the sea-level. The ground is higher on the western bank, but even there the Janiculum rises only to the height of 260 feet. The general appearance of the site of the city from these highest points within the walls is tame, and wanting in grand features. There is no striking natural -eminence like 1 Brocchi, Suolo di Roma, p. 84. The heights of the principal hills of Rome range from 140 to 280 feet. 2 See chap. ix. The Site of Rome. 5 that of the Acropolis at Athens, of the Castle Hill at Edinburgh, or St. Elmo at Naples, to arrest the eye. There is no broad, mast-crowded Thames, but the river is swift, turbid, and torrent-like, devoid of dignity and beauty. Rome did not enhance her ' . iriu c Getieral view greatness by any superior charms of position ; and from the absence ot of Rome. towers and lofty domes, the ancient city must have presented a greater uniformity of outline than the modern. It is not without some difficulty in the present day that the Capitol can be singled out from the somewhat confused mass of the city buildings, and the stranger who attempts to trace the limits of the seven famous hills finds himself not a little perplexed in his endeavours to distinguish one from the other. The highest point within the walls of Rome is the church of S. Pietro in Montorio, on the Janiculum. 1 From this point of view the site of the ancient city presents to the stranger's eye a broken and confused appearance, and the summits of the different hills are only discoverable by the more remarkable buildings placed upon them, as they rise but little above the general level of the Campagna. On the extreme right, the unromantic and unstoried Monte Testaccio, a hill in great part composed of potsherds, thrusts itself into undue prominence, as if claiming to be one of the famous seven. 2 But the first veritable hill of the seven which meets the eye, ranging over the city from the right, is the Aventine, on which the churches of S. Sabina and S. Alessio stand up prominently over the steep travertine rocks on the eastern bank of the Tiber. The river, itself sunk deep between its banks, is not visible except for a short distance on the right of Monte Testaccio, where the new railway bridge crosses it. To the left of the Aventine, the eye, when aided by the ruins of the Caesarean palace, and the Chinese pagoda-like building in the Villa Spada which marks the site of the library of Apollo, can discern the flat top of the Palatine. Behind the Palatine rises the Basilica of St. John Lateran, marking the Ccelian, and to the left, the tower of the Senator's Palace marks the Capitoline. It is very difficult to discern the Esquiline, from the want of some one prominent object. The position of the Cispian tongue is, however, sufficiently shown by the two towers of Santa Maria Maggiore, which appear a little to the left of the tower on the Capitol, and the extremity of the Oppian by the church of S. Pietro in Vincoli. The great mass of the Esquiline lies behind the Coliseum, which still rears its top, though broken, above the surrounding slopes. Upon the Viminal the new railway station is the most conspicuous object, and this insignificant hill has thus emerged from obscurity, and become a familiar and frequented neighbourhood. Further to the left, the northernmost of the seven hills, the Quirinal, may be singled out by the huge Oui'rinal Palace of the Pope, the Torre delle Milizie, and the cypresses in the Colonna Gardens. The Pincian hill, the public promenade of modern Roman society, was not included within the walls of Servius, and has not therefore taken rank as one of the mystic seven. 3 It is marked by the church of S. Trinita dei Monti and the gardens of the Villa Medici. Between it and our point of view lies the modern city, occupying the Campus Martius, 1 " Hinc septem dominos videre montes et totam 3 But see below on the Septimontium, chap, iii licet eestimare Romam." — Mart. iv. 64. where it is shown that the original Septimontium did a See Story's Roba di Roma, vol. ii. p. 29 ; and not correspond with the seven hills as now commonly woodcut in chap. ii. enumerated. 6 The Site of Rome. a mass of red roofs broken by numerous domes and overgrown palaces. To the left of the modern city, above the colossal mausoleum of Hadrian, the eye can follow the Tiber valley northwards towards the Milvian bridge, directly over which hangs the height of Monte Mario, with its cypress woods and beautifully-placed villa. Close to us on the left is the Vatican hill, crowned by the graceful dome of St. Peter's. Of the depressions, for they can scarcely be called valleys, which lie between these hills, the most famous is that formed by the slopes of the Palatine and Capitoline, The valleys of , . Rome. and the extremities of the Quirinal and Esquiline. In that valley lay the Forum, in Republican times the heart of ancient Rome, whose mighty throbs were felt throughout the world. The other valleys of Rome diverge from it. Towards the east, the Subura runs up between the Esquiline and Quirinal, a district of ancient Rome which has acquired an unenviable notoriety from the abuse heaped upon it by Juvenal, Martial, and Horace. Towards the west the valley which runs down between the Palatine and Capitoline to the river had the names of Velabrum and Forum Boarium. On the north, the opening between the Capitoline and Quirinal was traversed in earlier times by. the Flaminian road, and at a later date it was widened by cutting away the side of the Quirinal, and Trajan's gigantic forum was built there. 1 Towards the south-east ran the Sacra Via, communicating with the south-eastern gates of the city. Next in importance to the Forum-valley was that lying between the Palatine and Aventine, through which flows the brook of the Marrana. It was called the Vallis Murcia, and the Circus Maximus, the great racecourse of Rome, occupied nearly the whole length and breadth of it. The valley between the Palatine, Esquiline, and Ccelian, in which the Coliseum still stands, was also the receptacle of some of the most wonderful results of Roman power and extravagance. The gardens of Nero's Golden House extended across it from the slope of the Palatine to the Esquiline ; in it he excavated a vast lake for aquatic amusements, and at its entrance towered his colossal statue. North of the Capitoline hill, and inclosed by the Pincian, Quirinal, Capitoline, and the river, lay the flat meadows of the Campus Martius, the southern and eastern parts of which were called respectively the districts of the Prata Flaminia and the Campus Agrippse. It must not be supposed that in the Imperial age of Rome there were open fields here, and that the modern city stands on a site unoccupied by the ancient. Nearly the whole Campus Martius was covered with magnificent public buildings of various kinds, markets, theatres, cloisters, baths, and temples, stately columns, obelisks and statues, the spoils of Greece, Egypt, and the East. On the opposite side of the river, and between its bank and the Vatican hill, lie some fiat meadows, formerly called the Quinctian meadows; and in the hollow between the Vatican and the northern end of the Janiculum, on the site of St. Peter's, were some Imperial gardens and a circus of Nero. Along the foot of the Janiculum, and occupying the level space, between it and the river, lay the Regio Transtiberina. Only a part of this was inclosed by the walls of Aurelian ; namely, that part which lies between the Ponte Sisto, the Porta S. Pancrazio, and the Porta Portese. Except as an outwork defending the city on the west, it was of little importance, compared with the eastern part of the city. 1 See below, chap. vii. The Site of Rome. 7 Rome quickly outgrew her site. The Palatine, Capitoline, and Aventine hills, the cradles of the empress of the world, were admirably adapted for the protection of her infancy, and well fitted to be the emporium of Latium, but not to be the The situation oj metropolis of a large empire. The central position of Rome in Italy enabled Rome not ■ . adapted for the her, during the first five centuries of her existence, to command that peninsula metropolis of a from the Alps to Calabria ; but at the end of the fifth century came the 1 lar s e empire. necessity for determining whether the empire should be extended beyond the limits of Italy. Hence arose that pause and vacillation in the policy of Rome observable during the First Punic War. Italy was won, and many of the Roman statesmen were opposed to any further annexation of territory. They wished to rest and be thankful. Their city, they might have urged, was not intended by its natural position to extend its dominion beyond Italy. The Roman fleet was a mere appanage to the army, and her sailors were never likely to become so skilful as those of other nations more favourably situated for communication by sea. That many Roman statesmen and a great part of the nation were of this opinion, is shown by the feeble and slack prosecution of the war ; and in fact it was not the nation, but a few enthusiastic patriots, who raised a volunteer fleet, won the battle of the Agates, and decided the future of Rome. In still later times, at the height of her power under the Emperors, the unsuitability of the site on which her towers were planted contributed not a little to her ruin. Could the power of Rome have been successfully transferred in the time of Augustus to the site of Constantinople or Nicomedia, the decay and fall of the Roman Empire might have been considerably retarded. It is true that Livy and Cicero speak in high terms of the advantages of the site of Rome. When, after the burning of the city by the Gauls, the Roman commons wished to migrate to Veii, Livy puts into the mouth of Camillus an encomium on the situation of Rome. 1 " Not without good reason," he says, " did our founders, under the guidance of God, select the spot where our city stands. The hills on which it is built have a most healthy air, the river is most convenient for the impor- tation of corn from the Mediterranean districts, and the encouragement of maritime commerce ; the sea is close at hand, and offers numerous advantages ; we are not too much exposed to danger from an enemy's fleet, we are placed in the centre of Italy ; in fact the site seems peculiarly adapted for the development of a metropolis." Camillus was, no doubt, right in opposing the removal of Rome to the site of Veii ; for although Veii is perhaps more completely defensible as a strategical position, yet it is farther from the sea, and therefore less accessible. But the rest of his speech is plainly rhetorical exaggeration. Cicero, in a passage of his " Republic," which greatly resembles in its rhetorical character the speech put into the mouth of Camillus by Livy, gives Romulus great credit for having foreseen, by Divine guidance, the wonderful suitability of the site of Rome for the capital of a large empire, as being both capable of fortification, and so placed that the commodities of all countries could be brought by sea to supply its markets, while the river furnished a means of communication with the inland districts as well as with the seaboard. 2 1 Livy, v. 54. JEn. i. 3, says : " yEneas segre patiebatur in eum 2 Cic. de Rep. ii. 5. From an agricultural point devenisse agrum macerrimum litorosissimumque." of view, Fabius Maximus, quoted by Servius on 8 The Site of Rome. Now as regards the commercial advantages secured to Rome by the river Tiber, they may have been sufficient for the requirements of the Republic, but must have proved totally inadequate in the times of the Empire. The Tiber is narrow and Whether com. accessible to ships of i arge burthen, being only from fifteen to twenty feet in depth, and one hundred and eighty-five feet broad at the bridge of St. Angelo. 1 There is no tide, and the river winds so much as to make sailing a very difficult and slow process. In fact, there is just enough water to carry stores and afford considerable assistance to an attacking army, as was shown in the Gothic wars, 2 but not enough to maintain an extensive intercourse and commerce with a rich and distant empire. 3 The Tiber was also in another respect injurious to the city, for it was subject to sudden and frequent floods, from its short and tortuous course, and from the mountainous nature of the district through which it passes. 4 In the time of Tiberius a proposal was made in the Senate to divert the affluents of the Tiber, and to decrease the danger of its inundations by cutting off its supplies of water. 5 The intention of those who made this proposal was to turn the water of the Chiana, the principal affluent of the Tiber, into the Arno, a junction which is now actually effected by the Canale della Chiana, 6 to separate the Nar into smaller channels, and dissipate its waters over the surface of the country, and to block up the exit of the Veline lake above Terni. Tacitus hesitates to decide whether the entreaties of the inhabitants of the threatened districts, or the difficulty of the undertaking, or the superstitious fear of the anger of Father Tiberinus at having his supplies cut off, deterred the Senate from accepting the proposal. At all events, the damage done by the river must have been considerable to have suggested such a measure, and it does not appear that the loss of commercial advantages to the city was used as an argument against the scheme, or in any way entered the minds of the disputants. 7 The Tiber is, in fact, too large a river to be harmless, and too small to be of any extensive service to commerce. It is also from its narrowness easily blocked up. Marius, when he co-operated with Cinna in B.C. 86 in attacking the aristocratical party in Rome, occupied and blocked up the Tiber without difficulty, and thereby did considerable mischief to Rome. 1 See Dionys. iii. 44. Only ships of 3,000 amphorae or less burthen could enter. The solid contents of an amphora was exactly a Roman cubic foot. 2 Gibbon, ch. xliii. 3 Pliny, however, calls the Tiber, Nat. Hist. iii. 5, 9, " Rerum in toto orbe nascentium mercator placidis- simus." 4 See Friedlander, Sittengeschichte Roms, vol. i. P- 3*- 5 Tac. Ann. i. 79. Julius Caesar had before made the proposal mentioned by Cic. Ad Att. xiii. 33, that the river should be diverted at the Pons Mulvius just above Rome, and taken across the Campagna to Terracina by means of a canal. See Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. iv. part ii. p. 505, Eng. trans. This was done with the view of improving the site of Rome and providing a better harbour. 6 The Chiana or Clanis seems to have been con- fined by flood-gates in Pliny's time, which were, however, necessarily open in flood-time. Nat. Hist, iii. 5, 9. 7 Great famines were sometimes caused at Rome from the difficulty of importing corn. See Fried- lander's Sittengeschichte Roms, vol. i. p. 32 ; Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. i. 4, p. 47, Eng. trans. Many instances of the mischief caused by the Tiber might be collected. See Hor. Od. i. 2 ; Livy, xxiv. 9, xxxvii. 28 ; Plin. Nat. Hist. iii. 5, 9, 55 ; Tac. Hist. i. 86. The modern inundations are marked on the left-hand column of the Ripetta Port, and on the fagade of the church of St. Maria Sopra Minerva. The highest rose twenty-five feet above the level of the ancient Forum. Brocchi, Suolo di Roma, pp. 15 — 17. The Site of Rome. 9 The commercial advantages of the site of Rome may therefore be reckoned as insigni- ficant. To proceed to the other points commended by Cicero and Livy: whatever may be said in favour of the opinion that in ancient times the climate was less injurious to health than it now is, it cannot be doubted that the site of the 0r in r res * ect °J .... . climate. seven hills is unhealthy in comparison with other parts of Italy, and that to apply the epithet "saluberrimus " to it is contrary to plain fact. 1 I shall subsequently show that the opinion of the writers of the Augustan age seems to have been that the air of the hills was salubrious while the surrounding country was unhealthy. The only commendation which is really deserved, therefore, of those bestowed by Livy or Cicero on the site of Rome, appears to be the centrality of its position ; and this, no doubt, apart from the prestige of its name, constitutes at the present day its chief claim to be the capital of Italy. It has been acutely said that Italy looks westwards as Greece looked eastwards, 2 and the situation of Rome on the western side of the peninsula ill suited a city which aspired to be the capital of the East as well as the West. Had she been content with her Western provinces, the dissolution of her empire might have been put off till a later time ; and in this sense the invectives of the Roman satirists against Orientalism are full of weighty meaning. What then could have been the advantages which led the earliest settlers at Rome to choose it as a site for their city, and what subsequently gave the city so founded a character different from the rest of the Latin settlements, which were numerously scattered over the neighbouring district? It seems unlikely ^Z-ableTl to suppose that the particular knot of men who planted themselves upon limited trading the Palatine hill had anything in their character different from their neidi- co ™ mu ™% c . om - bours of the same race. The theory which would seek an explanation of the ^rge agriad- force of the Roman character in the mixture of races from which they are tural class - said to have sprung, and in the desperate courage of the outlaws who resorted to the asylum of Romulus, is not sufficiently borne out by what we know of their real early history. It does not appear that the Romans were a mongrel race, or that the story of Romulus's asylum is any more credible than the rest of the legends about him. The destiny of a city is in the first instance more dependent upon its situation than upon the character of its inhabitants. There were some peculiarities in the position of Rome which first raised her above her neighbours ; and the impetus once given was continued and increased by a variety of coincident causes, although the original source of power was soon forgotten. The city of the Romans stood upon the most defensible position within a moderate distance of the mouth of the Tiber, and thus commanded all the trade of the west coast of Italy, such as it was in the eighth century before the Christian era. The Tiber sufficed to bring them into contact with the neighbouring tribes, and to make their settlement the emporium of the district of the Campagna. Their commercial spirit is marked, as Mommsen has well observed, in very early times, by the law which allowed to a foreigner the unrestricted right of acquiring property in Rome; 3 and perhaps the legend of the 1 See Brocchi p. 22. near Ardea, for the purpose of cultivating a malarious Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. 1. p. 6. tract of ground there. See Ampere, Hist. Rom a Ibid. vol. 1. p. 91. A modern asylum is opened Rome, vol. i. p. 67. C lO The Site of Rome. asylum may be traced to the liberality which granted a settlement to all comers except slaves, and the legend of the destruction of Cacus by the Tyrian Hercules to the civilization of the primitive inhabitants of the Palatine by the spirit of commerce. Thus, Father Tiberinus, although, as has been said, he afterwards proved too feeble to sustain the weight of the vast empire created by his children, yet enabled them to take the first steps in their rise to universal dominion, and is beautifully represented by Virgil as guiding yEneas to the spot destined to bear the Eternal City. 1 There is no other site between Rome and Ostia which offers any defensible hills like the Capitoline and Palatine, and any city placed higher up the river would become liable to have its commerce interrupted by the superior advantages of Rome. Thus Rome was placed in the most suitable locality in Latium for acquiring in her infancy a certain degree of wealth by commerce and power on land. It was most fortunate for her that no great Etruscan city could be founded below her on the river for want of an eligible site. Rome was far enough inland to be safe from the invading Hellenic colonists, who doubtless paid the western coast of Latium many a visit in the early times of Rome and yet near enough to come into a limited contact with them, and learn from them improvements in the art of shipbuilding and navigation. 2 At the same time she had no large foreign trade like the Etruscans, and thus retained the virtues of an agricultural community, and imported no extraneous vices. No sudden fortunes were made in her, and her nobility lived among their dependants in the country, and preserved a sympathy with them which afterwards proved of great value. That the majority of the original inhabitants of Rome were agricultural seems to be asserted by the legend, according to which the Palilia or Parilia, the shepherds' festival, was celebrated upon the day of the actual foundation of the city. 3 The day was, it is plain, determined not by any real knowledge of the date of the foundation of Rome, but by the vernal equinox, the season when the shepherds' chief anxieties began, and the help of the gods was most desirable. There may possibly be some connexion between the names Palatium and Pales, and the latter may have been the god or goddess after whom the Palatine was named. 4 In the Imperial age of Rome the Palilia was still celebrated as the day of the foundation of Rome. "We heard," says Athenaeus, who lived at the beginning of the third century A.D., " the noise of pipes, and clash of cymbals, and beat of drums, and singing of songs throughout the city, for it was the time of the festival called the Parilia formerly, and now the Romaea, when that most excellent and accomplished of sovereigns, Hadrian, dedicated a temple to the Fortune of the City. All the Romans and visitors at Rome keep this day as a particular festival every year."* 1 Virg. JEn viii. 31, seq.: — "Ipse ego te ripis et recto flumine ducam mihi victor honorem persolves." 2 The chief indications of the early commercial re- lations of Rome with the west coast of Italy are: (1) The Graeco-Sicilian forms of the Greek alphabet, and of many Greek words as used at Rome. (2) The early treaties with commercial states, Carthage and Rhodes. (3) The galley in the city arms. (4) The early use of coined money. (5) The imposition of duties on exports and imports at Ostia. (See Momm- sen, Rom. Hist. vol. i. pp. 50, 209, 212, 223.) 3 Festus, ed. Miiller, pp. 222, 237 ; Cic. De Div. ii. 47, § 98; Plin. Nat. Hist, xviii. 66, § 247 j Ovid. Fast, iv. 721 ; Plut. Romul. 12 ; Propert. v. i. 19, v. iv. 74. Schwegler connects "Roma" with "ruma," the teat, the nourisher, as evidence of a pastoral race. Mommsen connects it with " rama," the " brushwood " city, and Dyer with papr). 4 Pales was both masc. and fern. See Merkel on Ov. Fast. p. ccviii. 5 Athenaeus, viii. p. 361 ; Suet. Cal. 16 The Site of Rome. 1 1 But whatever may be said against the general suitability of the site of Rome as the metropolis of a wide and distant empire, and whatever disparaging comparisons may be made between it and other cities with regard to its grandeur and beautv r ■ ■ i • c • ,i , Beauty of the oi situation, yet the view from its walls over the surrounding country is most views from varied and picturesque. On one side, at a distance of fifteen or twenty Ro '" e - miles, rise the peaks and ravines of the Sabine and Volscian Apennines, snow-clad during the winter, painted with delicate tints of brown and red in the summer, and glowing with a thousand hues of light and shade. 1 Tibur and Praeneste, and the white buildings of RUINED ARCH OK THE MARC1AN AQUEDUCT, WITH THE SABINE HILLS NEAR TIBUR IN THE DISTANCE. numerous other places with names dear to the scholar's ear, stand perched on their jutting spurs. On another side, and at the same distance, stands the group of the Alban hills, the ancient central sanctuary of the Latin clans, clothed with groves of olive and ilex. At their feet glisten the white villas of Tusculum and Albano, and towards them diverge the long ranks of majestic arches on which the aqueducts of Rome were carried, and the straight unswerving line of the Appian Road, fringed with the ruined tombs of consuls and senators. Far away on the north, Soracte and the broken horizon of the Ciminian hills bound the prospect ; and on the west and south-west the long level glimmering line of the 1 See Arnold's Life, vol. ii. pp. 313, 363. C 2 I 2 The Site of Rome. Mediterranean is seen from Alsium to Lavinium. Every charm which can be added to a landscape of exquisite outline by varied and delicate colours and shades of distance is to be found in the horizon of the Roman Campagna. Although an immense elevation of the general level of the ground in Rome has been caused by the extraordinary amount of rubbish accumulated during past ages, yet it The general does not appear necessary to suppose that any very great changes have form of the taken place in the general form of the hills and other parts of Rome since ground remains . the same as in the times of the Empire. Such changes as have been effected have consisted the earliest times, chiefly in an alteration of the slopes of some of the hills. The Capitol, for instance, was certainly much steeper on the side towards the Campus Martius, 1 and the Aventine was also considerably less accessible ; but the relative height of the hills is much the same, a large accumulation of rubbish having taken place, not only in the valleys, but also upon the tops of the hills. This may be seen on the Aventine, where, in a vineyard opposite the church of S. Sabina, some huge arches of ancient buildings are entirely covered up with rubbish. 2 The Palatine under the Villa Spada or Mills is said to be covered with ruins to the depth of nearly thirty feet. In the Vicolo di S. Felice, between the Quirinal and Viminal, the pavement of the ancient street was found at a depth of nearly forty feet. 3 The base of the column of Phocas, in the Forum, is about twenty- five feet beneath the present level of the Campo Vaccino, and the Forum of Trajan about fifteen feet below the adjoining street. Brocchi, the geologist, who made borings in a number of different places, says that the original surface of the soil is seldom less than fifteen feet below the present surface. Even in Nerva's reign Frontinus speaks of the height of the hills as having been increased by the frequent fires. 4 Nor is this at all sur- prising when we consider that the burning of the city by the Gauls and the fire under Nero extended over the greater part of the city, and that numerous other extensive fires took place at different times. It may almost be said with truth that the ruins of four cities lie under the present surface of the soil — the Regal and Early Republican city, the Later Republican, the Imperial, and the Mediaeval. The level of the whole having been thus raised, the heights of the hills above the valleys have not been much decreased, except in so far as rubbish would naturally accumulate in the hollows. Some artificial hills have been formed by ruins since the Imperial times, such as the Monte Testaccio (no mention of which has been discovered among the writers of the earlier centuries of the Christian era), 5 Monte Citorio, and Monte Giordano, the last of which was formed in the Middle Ages from the ruins of some vast building. These, however, with the exception of the first mentioned, Monte Testaccio, do not cause any conspicuous alteration in the general configuration of the ground. 0 That the bed of the Tiber has not been raised more than a few feet, at the most, above its level in the early ages of Rome, is proved conclusively by the position of the Cloaca Maxima ; and the same con- clusion results from a comparison of the level of the river at Rome with that of the sea. 3 Ov. Fast. i. 264 ; JEn. viii. 348. 5 See chap. ix. 2 Brocchi, p. 83. 6 The railway cutting which passes through the 3 Montfaucon, Dia. Ital. p. 195. Servian agger has made the most considerable 4 Frontinus, De Aquaed. 18: "Nam nunc colles change in the conformation of the ground at the qui sunt propter frequentiam incendiorum excreve- present day. runt rudere." The Site of Rome. 13 The Tiber has always been a rapid and turbid river ; but supposing that its level had ever been much lower than at present, there would not have been fall enough to make it a turbid stream. At present, its level at Rome above the sea-level at Ostia is said to be only sixteen feet four inches. 1 Add to this, that the spring of the arches in the ancient >Elian and Cestian bridges, built by Hadrian and Valens respectively, is still visible when the river is at its ordinary height, and the conclusion seems irresistible that the river-level has not been materially changed in historical times. 1 Bunsen, Beschreibung, vol. i. pp. 30, 31, Bunsen, the elevation of the Tiber bed since the construction following Linotti in the " Giornale Arcadico," reckons of the Cloaca at four or five feet. CHAPTER II. THE GEOLOGY AND CLIMATE OF ROME. THE TERTIARY MARINE FORMATIONS — THE VOLCANIC FORMATIONS — HARD TUFA — GRANULAR TUFA— ANCIENT VOLCANOES OF LATIUM— THE FRESH-WATER FORMATIONS— CHANGES IN THE TIBER WATER — ANCIENT LEVEL OF THE TIBER — PRIMAEVAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY— UNHEALTHINESS OF THE CAMPAGNA — CAUSES OF THE INCREASE OF THE MALARIA IN MODERN TIMES— N UMEROUS ANCIENT POPULATION OF THE CAMPAGNA —THE ROMANS OF THE EMPIRE THOUGHT THE CAMPAGNA UNHEALTHY — CLIMATE WAS ONCE SOMEWHAT COLDER— DRAINAGE IN ANCIENT TIMES— THE ANCIENT ROMAN DRESS MORE HEALTHY THAN THE PRESENT — WOOLLEN TOGA GIVEN UP. " Omnia pontus erant."— Ovid. Met i. 292. BEFORE entering upon any details of topography, it seems advisable to attempt to give some account of the geological formation of the soil of Rome. Those who have accustomed themselves to associate certain peculiarities in the outlines of a landscape with the character of the underlying strata will be assisted by such a description in realizing more vividly the appearance of the district in which Rome stands; and an enumeration of the different kinds of rock to be found in the neighbourhood will be interesting in connexion with the building materials of ancient Rome. Some points, also, in the question of the alteration of climate supposed to have taken place at Rome in modern times, will have light thrown upon them by an examination of the geological conformation of the district. 1 The geological strata found on the site of Rome and in its immediate neighbourhood divide themselves into three principal groups. The oldest of these is a marine formation, and exhibits itself upon the Vatican, the Janiculum, and Monte Mario. The second, of which all the hills on the eastern bank are composed, is of volcanic origin, and consists chiefly of beds of tufaceous matter erupted from submarine volcanoes, and more or less solidified. The third, which appears in the hollows of the Tiber valley, is a fresh-water formation, and is found on the slope of the hills on both banks of the river. The oldest of these three groups belongs to the division of the tertiary period called by Lyell the older pleioccne, as having had a fauna and flora in which the greater number of species were identical with those now living on the earth. These strata are 'J 'he tertiary Q f marine formation, and are similar to those which extend over a great marine breadth of Italy on both flanks of the Apennine Mountains, reaching as formations. J . far south as the point of Reggio in Calabria/ Their lower bed consists of 1 The geological information given in this chapter Bunsen and Plattner's " Beschreibung Roms," Band is chiefly derived from Brocchi's work, " Dello Stato i. s. 45. Fisico del Suolo di Roma," Rome, 1820 ; and from 2 Brocchi, p. 165. The Geology and Climate of Rome. 15 a bluish-grey marl, which will be found in the valley between the Janiculum and the Vatican. Its marine origin is sufficiently proved by the fossils found in it, which belong partly to the genera Lepas and Balamis, partly to those of Dentalis and Tellina, with some remains of seaweeds. This bed of clay is of a plastic nature, and is still used for making pottery, as it was in the time of Juvenal. 1 Above it lies a stratum of yellow calcareous sand, which sometimes takes the form of loose sand with boulders, sometimes of a stratified arenaceous rock, and sometimes of a rough conglomerate. This may be seen outside the Porta Angelica, on the left, under the walls of the city, and in the Belve- dere Gardens on the Vatican. The Church of S. Pietro in Montorio is said to derive its name Montorio {monte aureo) from the yellow colour of this sand. 2 On Monte Mario an abundance of fossil shells, most of which, according to Brogniart, resemble the Ostrca hippopus, together with other varieties of sea-shells, may be seen, plainly indicating the marine origin of this formation. The only places within the actual walls of Rome where these tertiary marine strata are to be found are the Vatican and the Jani- culum. At the base of the Capitoline, in the subterranean vaults of the Ospitale della Consolazione, under the volcanic rock which forms the upper part of the hill, Brocchi found a stratum of calcareous rock and clay which he affirms to be of marine origin, and to resemble the limestone of the Apennines. 3 It does not seem, however, to be determined whether this rock belongs to the same period as the sandstone and marl of the Vatican and Janiculum. Brocchi implies that it is a secondary formation, by his com- parison of it with the Apennine limestone, but it is more probably of the same date as the blue clay of the Vatican hill. The depth at which these marine formations of clay and sand lie beneath those parts of Rome where they do not appear on the surface may be conjectured from the depth at which water is found in the wells sunk through the upper strata. At the top of the Pincian and Palatine hills this depth is about 1 1 5 feet ; and on the Aventine, Quirinal, and Esquiline, it varies from 50 to 90 feet. The second group of strata found on the site of Rome is one which is not confined to the neighbourhood of Rome, but is most extensively spread over the whole of the Cam- pagna, the district of Campania, and a considerable part of Southern Italy. The great mass of the Capitoline, Palatine, Aventine, Esquiline, Caelian, Tevocanu o r ' ' 1 > formations. Viminal, Quirinal, and Pincian hills is composed of this formation. Geolo- gists give it the general name of tufa. Brocchi divides it into two kinds, the stony and the granular. It is distinguished from lava by not having flowed in a liquid state from the volcano, and is a mechanical conglomerate of scoriae, ashes, and other volcanic products, which have been carried to some distance from the crater of eruption, and then consoli- dated. 4 The harder kind of tufa {tufa litoidc) is a reddish brown or tawny stone, with orange-coloured spots. These spots are imbedded fragments of scoriaceous 1 -r • 1 1 1 i j 1 «i ■ i- 111 Hard tufa. lava. It is hard enough to be used as a building stone, and has been quarried largely under the Aventine hill near S. Saba, at Monte Verde on the southern end of the Janiculum, and at other places near Rome, as at Torre Pignatara, on the 1 Juv. Sat. vi. 344: " Et Vaticano fragiles de Martial, i. 18, xii. 48 ; compared with vi. 92, x. 45. monte patellas." The "Vaticani cadi" mentioned in 2 Ampere, Hist. Rom. chap. i. Martial, which Brocchi thinks are jars of Vatican 3 Brocchi, p. 155. pottery, are more probably jars of Vatican wine. See 4 Ibid., p. 109. i6 The Geology and Climate of Rome. Via Labicana, at the bridge over the Anio, on the Via Nomentana, and at the Tarpeian rock. This tufaceous stone presents itself in very thick banks, traversed by long vertical and oblique fissures, probably produced by the contraction of the mass on passing from a humid and soft to a dry and hard state. The arch of the Cloaca Maxima, 1 near S. Giorgio in Velabro, is built of this stone, and the inner part of the substructure of the Tabularium on the Capitol. Portions of the Servian wall were also built of it, and many stones which were taken from this wall are to be seen at the present day in the walls of Aurelian near the gate of S. Lorenzo. Others have been laid bare by the railway excavations in the Servian agger. Brick-shaped masses of it are found in the ambulacra of the theatre of Marcellus, so that the use of it must not be restricted to the earliest times of Roman architecture. In fact, several buildings of the Middle Ages, in or near Rome, consist of this stone, as may be seen at the fortress Gaetani, near the tomb of Caecilia Metella, and in the large tower at the side of the Palace of the Senator. 2 From its being used generally in quadrangular pieces, this stone was called saxum quadratum by the Romans, 3 just as the Germans call a particular kind of sandstone Quaderstein. Another name by which it was called was tophus, 4 ' and the name " Ad saxa rubra" was given to a place on the Via Flaminia, beyond the tomb of the Nasos, now named Prima Porta, from the reddish colour of this rock which appears there at the surface. 5 In the more ancient buildings of Rome, besides the above stone, one of a similar character, but finer grain and yellowish grey colour, was also employed. A good specimen of it is to be seen, according to Brocchi, in the walls of a vault at No. 66 in the Via Longaretta in the Trastevere. The place where this latter kind of stone was procured is not known. It approaches more nearly than the reddish stone to the peperino obtained from Albano and Marino, but is not exactly similar. The second kind of tufa is granular, with imperfect cohesion. It is of a brown, yellowish grey, or violaceous brown colour, spotted with white grains of flowery leucite and scales of black mica, and often contains small particles of grev or blackish Granular tufa. 1 ° * lava. The Catacombs of Rome, with the exception of that of S. Valen- tino, which is in the travertine rock, are excavated in this granular tufa ; it forms the greater part of the hills on the eastern bank of the Tiber, and it is also found near the top of Monte Mario. Extensive pits were dug in it by the ancient Romans, called arenaricz, 6 a name which still survives in the word amarc, given to such pits in the districts of Frosinone and Segni. It is used for mixing with lime to make mortar. Vitruvius speaks of four varieties,— the black, the grey, the red, and the carbuncular. 7 The 1 The ancient arch must be distinguished from the saxo quadrate- ;" Livy, x. 23 ; Vitruv. ii. 7 ; Plin. Ep. more modern masonry of the embouchure in the ad Traj. 37. " pulchrum littus " of the Tiber. 4 " Nec ingenuum violarent marmora tophum," 2 The use of tufa was certainly not confined to the Juv. Sat. iii. 20 ; Vitruv. ii. 7. earliest times of Rome. It has always been, and e Mart iv> 6 ^ ^ . L j vy) n 49 . C ; c PhiL ^ still is, used largely at Rome for interior construction. e s ee Cicero, Pro Cluent. xiii. 37 : " Asinius in are- See Brocchi, p. 112; and Winkelmann, CEuvres, vol. narias quasdam extra portam Esquilinam perductus ii. p. 546. occiditur." Varro, De Re Rustica, i. 2, ad fin., classes 3 Livy, i. 26, "Horatiae sepulcrum constructum ex "arenarias" with " lapicidinae." 7 Vitruv. ii. 4, 1. The Geology and Climate of Rome. 17 excellence of this Roman cement is well known. Had not other causes, the violence of fires and invading armies, and, above all, the hands of her own inhabitants, destroyed the buildings of Rome by force, perhaps few cities in the world would have been likely to stand so long against the attacks of time and weather. The varieties of granular tufa are very great. Sometimes it is coherent nearly to the same degree as recent lapillo, but not so dry ; at other times it is very friable, and almost passes into an earthy state. When it has suffered decomposition to this extent, it is called by Brocchi tufa tcrroso. He points out several spots where this earthy- tufa may be well observed, among which are the vaults of S. Francisco di Paola, on the Esquiline, and a bank on the left hand of the road leading from the Arco Oscuro to the Acqua Acetosa. Mixed with the tufa of Rome, pumice in considerable quantity is found, which affords an indisputable proof of its volcanic origin. The beds of pumice are generally a few inches thick, and lie interspersed among the granular tufa. It is an interesting question, and one which belongs to the history of the site of Rome, whence these volcanic materials, which form the great mass of the Roman hills, could have come. Were they produced on the spot by volcanic craters which have disappeared in the lapse of ages, or were they hurled from a Ancient distance through the air, or carried by means of water to the situation ^Latium^ they now occupy ? There appears to be no place in the immediate neighbourhood of the city itself which we can point to as the remains of an extinct crater. There is no lava to be found nearer than the tomb of Caecilia Metella, three miles from Rome, on the Appian road ; and the lava there visible forms the extremity of a current which can be distinctly traced to its source in the Alban hills. It is probable, then, that the tufa of Rome has been brought, either through the air or by the water, to its present position from some considerable distance, and there can be little doubt that water has been the vehicle by which it has been conveyed and deposited. For in a vast number of places in and near Rome, and in almost all the tufa banks on the side of the Comarca towards Tuscany, distinct stratification can be traced. Such strati- fications may be seen in the beds of tufa along the post-road from Viterbo to Rome, and at Rome itself in the Catacombs and many other places. Strata of basaltic gravel and pebbles worn by water lie intermixed with the tufa in some places, and not unfrequently beds of rounded pieces of lava or of pumice, and even of calcareous stones. And again, the beds of tufa run up into the limestone valleys of Tivoli, Subiaco, Arsoli, and other places, whither they must have been carried by water, as there are no traces of lava currents or volcanic craters near them. From these facts it appears evident that the tufa-beds of Rome were laid down by water. Was this water, then, the water of the sea, or of rivers and torrents ? The immense extent of the tufa-beds of Southern Italy, which are found nearly over the whole of Campania, and extend to Calabria and Sicily, forbids us to suppose that they could have been deposited by river water. Moreover, marine shells have been found at Albano in this formation ; and near Montalto, on the road to Corneto, Brocchi found a quantity of the shells of Venus islandica, a sea-shell. Sea-shells are also said to have been discovered in the beds of sand which alternate with tufa near Acqua D 1 8 The Geology and Climate of Rome. Traversa, beyond the Milvian bridge. In Campania, also, and Sicily, similar proofs of marine origin have been found in the corresponding tufaceous beds of those countries. Our conclusion, then, is that the sea, which once covered a great part of the peninsula of Italy, contained some submerged volcanoes, from which the pieces of pumice, cinders, and lava, forming the stratified tufa, were ejected, and that the pebbles of limestone, bones of animals, and trunks of trees, which are sometimes found in the tufa, were carried and deposited in it by the sea. Brocchi thinks that the constituent elements of substances ejected at a high tempera- ture from volcanoes are not likely to be so equably distributed as to preclude subsequent re-arrangement under the gradual influence of water, which would give free scope to the exercise of affinities, and induce new movement and combination among their elements. The further question as to the place where these supposed submarine volcanoes were situated has been pretty generally determined by geologists in favour of the extinct craters of the Ciminian hills, of which the Lago Bracciano is the largest. These are, it is true, more distant from Rome than the Alban craters, but certain reasons seem entirely to exclude the latter. The tufa litoide, so common at Rome, is not found at the Alban hills, but, instead of it, the grey peperino. 1 No traces of pumice have ever been seen near Albano or Frascati, while it is common at Rome. But both these substances are found in great quantities near the Ciminian craters. They cover the neighbouring country, extending beyond the Tiber to the districts of Sutri, Ronciglione, Civita Castellana, and Montefiascone. On approaching nearer to Rome from the north, the beds of tufa become less and less voluminous, showing distinctly that their source is becoming more distant ; and it seems as if the last remnant had been deposited at Rome itself, composing the finely-grained and solidified tufa found there. With regard to the time at which these deposits of tufa took place, nothing more definite can be stated than that they appear to be of about the same age as the marine deposits of the Janiculum and Vatican, which belong to the middle tertiary formation. Fresh-water formations cover the bottoms of all the valleys in the district of Rome and the whole of the Campus Martius, and ascend to a considerable height on the flanks of the hills. They consist chiefly of sand, clay, gravel, and the format^" stone called travertine, and of tufa-beds which have been disturbed and then re-deposited. This re-deposited tufa has been the subject of some controversy. It was at one time thought to indicate that the lower tufa was also a fresh-water deposit, since it is sometimes found overlying the fresh-water formations. But no doubt now remains that it must have been formed by a re-arrrangement in fresh water of previously deposited marine tufa-beds. The water of the Tiber, at the time when these fluviatile formations took place, stood at such a height as to leave deposits upon the Intermontium of the Capitol, and as high as the Church of S. Isodoro on the Pincian, and it must have partially removed and shifted the previously existing light and porous volcanic soil of the sea-bottom. Even the top of the Pincian was covered by this fresh water ; for fragments of calcareous matter, containing terrestrial remains, such as are deposited in fresh water alone, were' found in digging the excavations 1 The peperino so common in Roman buildings more crystallized stone than tufa, and of a finer comes from Albano and Gabii. It is a harder and grain and more sightly colour. The Geology and Climate of Romie. 19 for the fountain on the public promenade. The level of tJhe broad river which then existed seems, in fact, to have been from 130 to 140 feet above the present level of the Tiber, and its waters must have been more surcharged with alluvium derived from sources with which the present river is no longer connected. Among the fluviatile deposits, argillaceous marl-beds now play an important part. They intercept the water as it descends from the hills, and impede its descent to the river, thus furnishing supplies to the wells in Rome, but rendering the soil less dry and healthy. But the greater portion of ALBAN HILLS FROM S. PIETRO. these strata consist of a mixture of sand and clay. The rising ground between the Campo Vaccino and the Coliseum, on which the Arch of Titus stands, is formed almost entirely of this mixed stratum of clay and sand. To prove the fresh-w.'ater origin of these deposits we need only refer to the masses of travertine and the s;hells of lacustrine animals which they contain. The Helix palustris and planata of Limnaeus, species which live in sluggish but not altogether stagnant water, were found by Brocchi in the sand-beds near the Arch of Titus. These fossils are also to be found in the }yellow marl of the Aventine, which overlies the great mass of travertine on its western side, and in the clay of the Intermontium on the Capitoline. The river water has no longer the power which it once possessed of depositing the travertine which we find lying in thick beds upon the slo]pes of some of the hills of D 2 20 The Geology and Climate of Rome. Rome. 1 This travertine is formed from carbonate of lime, which the waters take up as they pass through the soil containing it. In order, however, to give the water the power of holding this carbonate of lime in solution, a certain quantity of carbonic Changes in the ac id gas must be present in it. When, by means of the rapid movement of water of the , r w.vmvm wi Tiber. tne water, or from other causes, this gas becomes disengaged, it leaves the carbonate of lime behind in the shape of a hard, stony deposit. This natural process of petrifaction is familiar to all who have seen the Falls of the Anio at Tivoli, and the way in which the artificial canals of running water in that neighbourhood are choked by limestone concretions ; and it may be seen in all vessels made use of to boil water which is impregnated with lime. The more violent the agitation of the water, the more rapid is the disengagement of the carbonic acid gas, and the consequent settlement of the lime. This process is accompanied, in most places where it can be seen, by the presence of sulphuretted hydrogen, which produces a white colour in the water by precipitating the substance called gesso by the Italians. Hence an explanation of the ancient name of Albula given to the Tiber. In the period when the Tiber had the power of depositing travertine, its waters were much more strongly impregnated, not only with carbonate of lime, but also with gesso, which gave a white tinge to the water, as it now does to the sulphureous waters near Tivoli. The same colour was characteristic of " the White Nar with its sulphureous stream," in Virgil's description of the chief stream of the Central Apennines. 2 The Tiber water still gives out a certain quantity of carbonic acid gas, but at the time when it was called the Albula the quantity must have been much greater, from whatever source we are to suppose that it was derived. The Acqua Acetosa, a well- known spring near Rome, is strongly impregnated with carbonic acid, and the Anio has deposits of travertine along its whole course ; but no considerable quantity seems at the present time to enter the Tiber. The most striking deposit of travertine within the walls of Rome is that on the western side of the Aventinc, which is plainly seen from the road running along the left bank of the river. From the Arco della Salara to the Bastione di Paolo III., for nearly half a mile this steep cliff of stone extends along the edge of the hill 'at a height of at least ninety feet above the present level of the river. It contains fresh- water shells, and there can therefore be no doubt of its fluviatile origin. Masses of travertine are to be seen in the Catacombs of S. Valentino, and on the rock near the Acqua Acetosa, called the Punta di S. Giuliano, where it takes grotesque shapes. Von Buch seeks to account for the height of the ancient level of the Tiber by sup- posing that the level of the sea was much higher, or, as it would be probably expressed by more modern geologists, that the last elevation of the sea-coast of Ancient level of T . . , the Tiber. ^atium had not then taken place. Modern science thus expresses itself, because the elevation of certain portions of the sea-coast is considered to be a matter of observation ; while no universal depression of the sea-level has ever taken place since the period of scientific observation. Phenomena similar to those of the fresh- 1 Travertine is the stone used in the exterior of 2 " Sulfurea Nar albus aqua," ^En. vii. 517. Corn- most of the great buildings at Rome, as the Coli- pare Ennius, ap. Prise, vi. 692 ; Plin. Nat. Hist iii 12 scum, the theatre of Marcellus, and the Mausoleum 109. The Liris is also called sulfureus by Sil Ital' of Hadrian. viii. 400. The Geology and Climate of Rome. 2 I water formations of Rome are found in many other parts of the upper Tiber valley and its tributaries the Anio, the Nar, and the Paglia, and also upon the coasts of the Adriatic and in the valleys of the north-eastern side of the Apennines. It has been before mentioned that, in the first century of the Christian era, it was proposed to turn the water of the Chiana into the valley of the Arno, and that this was afterwards actually effected. There is evidence to show that in the first century that portion of the Arno itself which traverses the plain of Arezzo discharged its waters by the channel of the Chiana into the Tiber. Thus, in addition to the higher level of the sea, the larger body of water which anciently found its way by the Tiber valley to the sea contributed to enlarge its operations in depositing alluvial soil. But few traces of these primaeval conditions of the country are preserved by language or tradition. The names Velabrum 1 and Velia seem to refer to the water which, in the last geological epoch to which the soil bears testimony, covered the valleys on both sides of the Palatine. The Velabrum Majus, according J%££^ ae to Varro, was a lake supplied by the Tiber, and lay between the Aventine country. and Palatine, and-the Velabrum Minus, a similar lake between the Palatine and Capitoline. 2 The story of Mettus Curtius, the Sabine officer whose horse is said to have plunged into the morass which then occupied the Forum valley, as related by Livy, Varro, Dionysius, and Plutarch, refers to the Velabrum Minus. 3 The same tradition is alluded to by Propertius, Tibullus, and Ovid, who speak of the boats which were used to cross the water, and the reeds which grew on the margin of the lake. 4 An old basso-rilievo, portraying the accident of Mettus Curtius, which was found near the north-east corner of the Palatine, and is now fixed in the wall of the Palace of the Conservators in the Capitol, represents the Velabrum as a marsh. A statue of Ver- tumnus, which stood in the valley of the Velabrum, is said to have been placed there in commemoration of the turning back of the waters by that god (ad amne verso)? and a church which stood in the Middle Ages on or near the Velabrum was called S. Silvestro in Lacu. 6 A later stage of the gradual desiccation of these spots is pointed to by the legend of the casting ashore of Romulus and Remus on the slope of the Palatine during a flood, and by the tradition related by Solinus, that the aborigines left their settlement on the Palatine on account of the frequent flooding of the river Tiber. 7 The story of Cacus, a monster living on the Aventine, who vomited flames, and was the son of Vulcan, 8 has been interpreted by M. Breislak as an allegorical repre- sentation of the volcanic origin of the Roman hills, and the cave of Cacus has been converted by him into a crater of eruption, which he supposed to have been situated in the Forum valley. But this is contrary to the indications of the strata themselves which underlie the valley of the Forum ; and Dionysius and Livy, 9 in their account of the legend, omit altogether the fire-vomiting powers of Cacus. That Cacus is repre- sented as the son of Vulcan is not to be taken as indicating anything more than the 1 Velabrum, Gr. FeXos. The same root is found in 5 Propert. v. 2, io. Velletri and Velino. 6 Martinelli, Roma Sacra, pp. 222, 401. 2 Varro, L. L. v. 43, 156. 7 Solinus, i. 14, ed. Mommsen. 3 Livy, i. 12 ; Varro, v. 148 ; Dionys. ii. 42 ; Plut. 8 Virg. Mn. viii. 193 ; Ov. Fast. i. 551. Rom. 18. 9 Dionys. lib. i. 39 ; Livy, i. 7. 4 Propert. v. 9, 5 ; Tib. ii. 5, 33 ; Ov. Fast. vi. 401. 22 The Geology and Climate of Rome. ordinary mythological descent of a monster. The founder of Prasneste, Caeculus, was also represented as the son of Vulcan, 1 yet Praeneste is situated on a spur of the calcareous rock of the Apennines, far removed from any volcanic influences. Two other memorials of the ancient high level of the Tiber may be found in the names of the Palus Caprea, in the Campus Martius, whence Romulus is said to have been carried to heaven while reviewing his army ; 2 and the Vada Terenti, where the river wears away the bank below the Ripetta Ferry. 3 The subject of the climate of Rome is naturally connected with that of the nature of the soil and configuration of the hills and valleys. It is not difficult to see why the peculiar geological formation of the Campagna proves, without careful drainage, extremely deleterious to health. We have there a district containing numerous closed valleys and depressions in the soil, th^Campagna Wlt ^ 0ut: outlet for the waters which naturally accumulate. The tufa which composes the surface seems commonly to take the shape of isolated hills, with irregular hollows between them, so as to impede the formation of natural water- courses. Under this tufa is a quantity of marl and stiff clay, which retains the water after it has filtered through the tufa, and sends it oozing out into the lower parts of the country, where it accumulates, and, mixed with putrescent vegetable matter, taints the surrounding atmosphere. A want of movement in the air, caused by the mountainous barriers by which the Campagna is inclosed, is another source of malaria. 4 It is a most curious fact that the ancient inhabitants of Rome and the Campagna do not seem to have felt the baneful influences of the aria cattiva, or malaria, to the same extent as the modern Italians. And yet certainly at the time when Causes of its t j le wa t e rs of the Tiber frequently invaded the Velabrum and stagnated increase in 111111 modern times. there, when the valley of the Circus Maximus was a marshy pool, and when the Palus Caprea and the Stagna Terenti, as has been seen, occupied a part of the Campus Martius, the site of Rome must have been much more pestilential than at the present time. The level of the soil has been much raised by the rubbish of ruins, and the Tiber seldom now overflows its banks. Add to this, that the volume of water carried by the river has decreased since the turning of the water of the Chiana into the Arno, and the felling of the numerous forests which spread over the country in ancient times. Scattered in various directions in the neighbourhood were lakes and lagunes, some of which have been since dried up and drained. The Lake of Regillus, which " ■ bubbled with crimson foam, What time the thirty cities Came forth to war with Rome," and the lakes of Gabii, of Juturna, and of Turnus, with innumerable lagunes in the neighbourhood of Lavinium, Ardea, and Laurentium, have been gradually absorbed by the sinking of the level of the Tiber, or by artificial drainage. 5 All these must have 1 Virg. ^En. vii. 678. de la Malle with the Campagna. Ec. Pol. des Rom. 2 Livy, i. 16; alyos eXos, Plut. Rom. 27. ii. 226. :! Festus, p. 351 ; Ov. Fast. i. 501 ; Serv. Ad ^En. 5 Columella, De R. R. lib. ix. ; "palus Laurentia," viii. 63. ^En. x. 709 ; " stagna Numici," yEn. vii. 1 50, 242. See 4 The district of Auvergne is compared by Bureau Nicolai, Bonificamenti delle terre Pomptine, lib. ii.-iv. The Geology and Climate of Rome. contributed to make the air less healthy in past times than it now is. Now what is said to be so extraordinary is that, from the early times of Rome down to the Augustan age, we find a numerous population living not only at Rome, but in the Campagna, where now human beings fear to encounter the deadly effects of the air, Ancient ° population of even for a single night. At the era when the Servian reforms were intro- t j ie campagna. duced into the military organization of Rome, which must be placed in the second century of the city, Livy, quoting Fabius Pictor, gives the number of freeholders capable of bearing arms as 80,00c). 1 This is probably a conjectural calculation, as Mommsen has pointed out, and proceeds upon the assumption that the normal strength of the infantry composing the centuries, viz. 16,800, might be multiplied by five in order to arrive at the whole number of citizens capable of bearing arms. 2 It is more reasonable to take this number, 80,000, as including the whole population of both sexes. We should then have a population of 190 souls to the square mile of territory ; and it may be shown that the population increased from this time at an enormous rate, so that in the sixth century of Rome it amounted to nearly 1,400,000. Under the first Emperors, the whole number of Roman citizens, including those in the provinces, was 4,o63,coo. 3 This number probably continued to increase for the next two centuries, till the time of Honorius, and may possibly have then amounted to 5,000,000. It may be supposed, therefore, that the population of Rome and the Campagna was from 2,000,000 to 3,000,000 in Imperial times. Now the population of Rome itself does not at the present day amount to more than 230,000, and that of the Comarca, or surrounding province, to about 100,000. These statistics must, however, be received with caution, and are perhaps likely to give an exaggerated idea of the accuracy to which it is possible to attain in these matters. A few considerations, drawn from what we know of the towns in Latium, will show more plainly the contrast between the density of population in ancient and modern times. The sites of Veii, Fidenae, and Gabii, once the rivals and equals of Rome, are now entirely deserted, except by a few shepherds and cattle-stalls. Along the coast stood Ardea, Laurentum, Lavinium, and Ostia, all of them towns apparently with a con- siderable number of inhabitants. Of these, Ostia, formerly a large town (Nibby, Viaggio, ii. p. 288), is now a miserable village, Ardea contains about sixty inhabitants, while Laurentum and Lavinium are represented by single towers. During a part of the year, the Roman nobility lived in great numbers on these very shores now found so deadly. Pliny the younger describes the appearance of their villas near Laurentum as that of a number of towns placed at intervals along the beach ; and he writes an enthusiastic letter in praise of the salubrity and convenience of his own house there. 4 Laelius and Scipio used to make the seaside at Laurentum their resort, and to amuse 1 Livy, i. 44. the late autumn, winter, and spring, as we see by his 2 Mommsen, Rom. Hist., vol. i. p. 102, Eng. trans. mention of cattle driven from the mountains. The :i Lipsius, De Magn. Rom. i. 7 ; Mon. Ancyr. ed. villa of Castel Fusano, now on the site of Pliny's Zumpt, tab. 2. villa, is only inhabited in the spring for a few weeks. 4 Plin. Ep. ii. 17. The depopulation of the Cam- In the Antonine era and the following reigns, pes- pagna began even in the time of the later Republic. tilence and famine swept off millions of inhabitants. See Appian, B. C. i. 7. "Latifundiaperdidere Italiam," Zumpt, Stand, des Bevolkerung, p. 84, quoted by- is Pliny's expression in speaking of large farms : Merivale, vol. vii. p. 610. Plin. Nat. Hist, xviii. §35. Pliny lived at his villa in 24 The Geology and Climate of Rome. themselves there with collecting shells. 1 Nor was it only on the sea-coast that the country villas were placed. Six miles from Rome, on the Flaminian road, at the spot now called Prima Porta, there stood a well-known country-house belonging to the Empress Livia, part of which has lately been excavated. 2 This was a highly decorated and commodious house, as the rooms which have been discovered, containing a splendid statue of Augustus and the busts of several members of the Imperial family, amply testify. The views from this spot over the Campagna and the Sabine hills are most lovely, but the contrast between the beauty of Nature and the haggard and fever-stricken appearance of the modern inhabitants is melancholy enough. A few squalid houses, occupied by agricultural labourers, stand by the roadside. Among their tenants, not a THE RUINED ARCHES OF THE CLAUDIAN AQUEDUCT, WITH FRASCATI (TUSCULUM) AND THE ALBAN MOUNT. single healthy face is to be seen, and even the children are gaunt, hollow-cheeked, and deadly sallow in complexion. No wealthy Roman would now consent to live on the site of Hadrian's stately villa in the Campagna, near Tivoli. Tivoli itself, which Horace wished might be the retreat of his old age, and which was celebrated as a healthy place in Martial's time, 3 has now lost its reputation for salubrity, and is known as " Tivoli di mal conforto O piove, o tira vento, o suona amorto.'' Strabo speaks of the now desolate district between Tusculum and Rome as having been once convenient to live in {eva r y(o 36 ; Tac. Ann. xvi. 13 ; Tillemont, ii. 594. 4 De Rep. ii. 6. 5 Frontinus, De Aquaed. § 88 ; Tac. Hist. ii. 93. The Pope removes from the Vatican to the Quirinal Palace in summer. See also Cato, De Re Rust. i. xiv. 5 ; Solinus, i. 14. 6 Hor. Od. ii. 14, 15 ; Sat. ii. 6, 19; Ep. i. 7; Martial, iv. 60 ; Juv. iv. 56. 7 Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 25 ; Val. Max. ii. 5, 6 ; Plin. Nat. Hist. ii. 7, 5 ; Varro, L. L. v. 49. 8 Brocclv, Suolo, p. 229. E 26 The Geology and Climate of Rome. that the climate was colder in the times of Cicero and Horace. On the 12th of February B. c. 54, the Senate was so poorly attended on account of the cold that Appius was obliged to defer the session. 1 Frozen snow, which Horace mentions as a hardship the serenading lover at Rome had to encounter in his days, and frozen streams are rare Climate phenomena now in Rome. 2 Much reliance cannot : be placed upon the once somewhat terrible accounts given of the hard winter of 396 B.C. by Livy and Dionysius, 3 colder. Qr qC ^at mentioned by St. Augustine, 4 when snow lay in the Forum for forty days, and the Tiber was frozen over ; or upon the statement of Pliny and Solinus, that the cedar could not be transplanted from its native soil of Media and Persia. 5 There remain, however, some reasons for supposing that the climate was rather colder. The heats of summer must have been somewhat tempered by the greater extent of woodland, which always promotes rain, and the greater body of water contained in the rivers would tend to cool the air. The cooler climate may have borne some part in rendering Rome more healthy than it now is. But without doubt the principal cause lay in the cultivation of the soil. Active drainage was carried on ; the Pomptine marshes were successfully, though perhaps only temporarily, dried, in B.C. 160. 6 What is now a festering marsh, or a rank, weedy tract, was once occupied by thousands of busy farms. The soil was purified by regular drainage, and the air by the upturned earth, where now the water stagnates, Drainage in t ^ e vegetation rots year after year on the ground. Some spots there ancient times. ° J J \ were of old, as now, in which the air was pestilent and infamous, but in general the hillocky ground of the Campagna and the hills of Rome were healthy, because they were inhabited thickly and cultivated regularly. The effects of agriculture were actually tried with singular success by several of the Popes. The drainage of the Pomptine marshes was resumed, and partially effected by canals, in the reigns of Boniface VIII., Martin V., Sextus V., and Pius VI. A law was enacted in 1480 by Sixtus IV. severely punishing any lay or ecclesiastical proprietor, baron, bishop, or cardinal, who forbade his tenants to sow their land, and kept it under pasture. The health of Rome itself was much bettered by the extensive buildings and improvements of Sixtus V. But the most beneficial influences were produced under the orders of Pius VI. and VII., who endeavoured to compel by law the cultivation of a large extent of land in the Campagna. By this means fever was manifestly checked, and the health of all the neighbourhood improved. 7 Let us add to this another cause upon which Brocchi lays great stress — the greater fitness of the ancient Roman dress, as compared with the modern, for resisting the 1 Cic. Ad Quint. Frat. ii. 12. In the case of Rome the decrease of country popu- 2 Hor. Od. i. 9, iii. 10, 7 ; Mart. iv. 18. lation began with the introduction of large farms. 3 Livy, v. 13 ; Dionys. xii. 8. The snow lay 7 feet (See Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. ii. p. 390.) deep. 4 Aug. De Civ. Dei, iii. 17. "The Italian Government projected agrarian colo- 5 Solin, 46, 6, p. 197, ed. Mommsen. SeeTournon, nies in 1856 to remove the intemperie of Sardinia." Etudes Statist, sur Rome, vol. i. ch. viii. He says, —Forester's Sardinia, p. 373. " II tombe rarement de la neige dans la plaine." See further instances in Bunsen's " Beschreibung," 6 Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. iii. p. 404. vol. i. pp. 105—108. The climate of Greece has also become less 7 Nicolai, Bonificamenti delle terre Pomptine, lib. healthy. (See Grote, Greek Hist. vol. ii. p. 309, ch. i.) ii.— iv. The Geology and Climate of Rome. 27 poisonous influence of the aria cattiva, and the greater simplicity and wholesomeness of the ancient diet. 1 "That fatal epoch," he says, "when the deleterious influences which infested the air of this beautiful region, and which had been hitherto . 0 The ancient resisted successfully, except under extraordinary circumstances, began to Roman dress work deadly effects upon the inhabitants, and to bring in their train an army more healthy tJictii the jfivcsoit, of diseases, dates from the time when the Romans abandoned their old austerity of life, and, disdaining the fashions of dress established by their ancestors adopted a foreign costume, and became the slaves of all the vices which opulence and luxury engender. " It was then that, for their decent tunics and toga of woollen stuff, they substituted silk, lawn, and fine linen clothes, all of which they prized for their coolness and lightness. Pliny, in speaking of the lawn dresses, plainly states the object for which they were worn. ' Even men,' he says, ' are not ashamed to wear these ^ um u £ clothes for the sake of their lightness in the summer. We have so far lost the habit of wearing arms that even our clothes are a burden to us. We have not, however, yet taken to wearing Assyrian silk, as the ladies have.' 2 The toga was discarded, and the lacerna introduced instead, which, though consisting of wool, was yet much less voluminous, and resembled a shawl fastened over the breast with one or two clasps. I have never seen a statue clothed in this dress. Its shape may, however, be seen upon the figures in some bas-reliefs on the pedestals of the columns which stand on the side of the arch of Septimus Severus towards the Capitol, where men who are fastening the chains of the captives wear it, and where it is fitted with a hood (cucullus) thrown back behind the shoulders. 3 Augustus, who used himself to wear no less than four tunics and a shirt (subucula), and a woollen under-waistcoat (thorax laneus), and wrappers round his thighs and legs (feminalia et tibialia), in addition to a thick toga, was unwilling that the Romans should give up their national dress, and ordered the /Ediles to allow no one to appear in the Forum without wearing a toga." 4 It may be somewhat fanciful to attribute so much importance as Signor Brocchi does to the abandonment of woollen clothes in the summer by the Romans, but there can be no doubt that one of the best preservatives against malaria is the wearing of the fleeces or skins of animals, and avoiding all sudden chills. The fires which are to be seen nightly, during the summer months, in the Campagna, are lighted round the cottages for the purpose of preventing the deadly chill of the night air, and dispersing the vapours ; and the goatskin clothes and leathern doublet, which give at the present day to the Roman peasant a most startling resemblance to a wild satyr, are precautions found by experience to be in some measure effective against the attacks of malaria. The first settlers in the Campagna doubtless defended themselves in this way against the fevers of the country, until the increase of population and the general prevalence of agriculture rendered it no longer necessary to resort to such protection, except in unusual seasons. 1 Brocchi, p. 237. proof of Augustus' delicate constitution. Comp. Tac. 2 Plin. Nat. Hist, book xi. 23. Ann. ii. 33, "Ne vestis serica viros fcedaret Sen. 3 See chap. vi. De Ben. vii. 9, 5, Ep. 90, 20, " Non dico nullum 4 Martial, xii. 18, 5, " sudatrix toga ;" Suet. Aug. ch. corpori auxilium sed nullum pudori est Juv. Sat. 82. This is, however, mentioned by Suetonius as a ii. 65, seq. E 2 CHAPTER III. ROME BEFORE THE TIME OF SERVIUS TULLIUS. LEGENDS OF THE FOUNDATION, ARISING FROM A DESIRE TO EXAGGERATE THE ANTIQUITY OF THE CITY, OR FROM A HELLENIZING SPIRIT, OR FROM RELIGIOUS FEELINGS — COMBINATION OF THE NATIONAL AND HELLENIC LEGENDS — THE MODERN THEORY OF THE ORIGIN OF ROME — THE PALATINE SETTLEMENT — REASONS FOR CHOOSING THE PALATINE HILL — ETRUSCAN CEREMONY OF FOUNDATION — POMCERIUM OF ROMULUS — ARA MAXIMA — ARA CONSI — CURLE VETERES — SACELLUM LARUND.E — CAVALIERE ROSA'S VIEWS— ROMA QUADRATA — MUGIONIAN GATE AND TEMPLE OF JUPITER STATOR — PORTA ROMANULA — GERMALUS— CLIVUS VICTORIA — PORTA JANUALIS — PORTA PANDANA — SUCCESSIVE ENLARGEMENTS — THE SEPTIMONTIUM — SO-CALLED SEVEN HILLS OF ROME — OCTOBER HORSE — -SETTLEMENT ON QUIRINAL AND VIMINAL — THE COLLINI — THE SERVIAN REGIONS — THE ARGEIAN CHAPELS. " Hasc est exiguis quoe finibus orta tetendit In geminos axes, parvaque a sede profectas Dispersit cum sole manus." Claud. De Cons. Stilich. iii. 138. QOME of the legends which profess to give an account of the first foundation of Rome ^ may be clearly traced to a chronicler's natural wish to carry back the antiquity of the city to as remote a period as possible. Thus, Romus is said to have founded Legends of the two cities on the site of the seven hills, one named ^nea, and afterwards foundation, t • 1 -n r arising from a J amcu ' um i an d the other named Rome, both of which were afterwards re- desireto placed by the Romulean Rome. A still older Rome than these was invented antiquity^of'the Antiochus, a Syracusan writer, in connexion with his history of the Sicels. 1 city j Of this class, also, is the account given by Festus of the Sacrani, who came from Reate to the Septimontium, and expelled the Ligurians and Siculi. 2 Servius takes a further step back, and says that the Sicani came before the Sacrani, and that they and the aborigines in turn expelled each other from Latium. 3 Other legends originated in a Hellenizing spirit. Thus arose the Cumaean account of settl ers from x^thens, Sicyon, and Thespise, which Festus relates. Eight different accounts are given by him from various authors, in explanation of the name Rome, all lending* spirit • °^ wmcn are plainly intended to point to a Greek origin. 4 The tale of Evander and his Arcadians was derived from a similar desire to connect the name Palatium with the Greek language. Hence, also, the fiction that Pallantium in Arcadia was Dionys. i. 73. * Festus, P- 266, Miiller. See also Lewis's " Cre- 2 Festus, p. 321 ; Virg. ALn. vii. 796. dibility of Early Roman History," vol. i. ch. x. § 7 ; 8 Serv. Ad ALn. xi. 317, vii. 795, viii. 328 ; Macrob. Mommsen, Hist. Rom. vol. i. p. 482. Sat. i. 5. Rome before the Ti?ne of Servius Tullius. 29 the metropolis of Rome. 1 The poet Stesichorus, who was a native of Magna Graecia, first added to the legends of the destruction of Ilium the account of yEneas's voyage to the West, and settlement in Hesperia. He did this with the laudable intention of enriching the legendary stock of his country, and giving it a more dignified genealogy than had hitherto been possible. 2 Another class of legends may be traced to the religious feeling which aspired to a divine origin. On one side of the Tiber, Saturnus, the patron of agriculture (satio, sata), founded a city, Saturnia, on the Capitoline ; and on the other bank, re iigioM feelings. Janus, the god of opening or origin (Janua, jannarius), occupied the Janiculum. 3 " Hanc Janus pater, hanc Saturnus condidit arcem : Janiculum huic, illi fuerat Saturnia nomen." — Alii. viii. 357. The legend of Romulus and Remus, as related by Livy, is an attempt, according to Mommsen, to connect the foundation of Rome with the more ancient metropolis of Latium, and at the same time to account for the selection of so unfavourable a spot for a new settle- ment. If this be the case, Livy was perfectly right in his choice of this among the host of other legends, as it is at once the most national and the best adapted to explain the remarkable situation of Rome, which he must have felt to be a problem requiring some solution. Dionysius, on the other hand, undertakes to prove that the founders of Rome were Hellenes, and came from the most illustrious tribes of that nation. 4 He therefore finds most truth in the Arcadian, Pelasgian, and Herculean myths ; gives the last place of all to the Trojans, whom he curiously enough reckons among the Hellenes ; and entirely discards the native Italian stocks, the Opicans, Marsians, Samnites, Tyrrhenians, Umbrians, and Ligurians, whom he stigmatizes in a mass as barbarians. 5 Virgil makes the legend of Evander supplementary to that of ^Eneas and the Trojans ; and also uses the religious traditions about Saturn and Faunus to embellish his poetical account of the early colonization of Latium. The credit of combining the national and Hel- Combination of _ the national and lenic accounts of the origin of Rome seems to be due to the epoch of Naevius Hellenic legends. and Fabius Pictor. By this happy compromise of conflicting stories, the national chief, Romulus, retains his position as founder, but becomes the grandson of the Hellenic colonist ^Eneas. We strain our eyes in vain to discover any real historical facts wrapped up and concealed in the mythological fictions. The motives with which they have been fabricated are too palpable, and their incongruities and variations are too numerous, to allow us to hope that any residuum of truth can be extracted from them. The only method of obtaining any trustworthy information on the subject of the nationality of the founders of Rome is the investigation of their original language, laws, and institutions, and the careful comparison of these with the language, laws, and institutions of other nations. The researches of modern scholars into the origin and relations of the Greek and Latin 1 Varro, L. L. v. 21, 53 ; Dionys. i. 31 ; JEn. viii. 51 ; Livy, i. 5 ; Serv. ad ALn. vi. 773, vii. 678 ; Dion. Cass. Frag. iii. (Bekker). 2 Bernhardy, Gr. Lit. ii. § 108. 3 Serv. ad ALn. viii. 319, 357 ; Varro, L. L. v. § 42 ; Plin. Nat. Hist. iii. 5, 9, § 68 ; Festus, p. 322. 4 Dionys. i. 5, 32, 89 ; ii. 31. 5 See Gladstone's Studies on Homer, vol. i. p. 494. Mr. Gladstone thinks that the Trojans, though a kindred people, were no more nearly related to the Hellenes than were the Italian tribes. 30 Rome before the Time of Servius Tullius. languages, and the comparison of ancient Latin laws and institutions with those of the Hellenic nation, tend to show that the Latin people to which the clan belonged tLliyof 'the Wh ° formed tlle first community of Rome was an independent branch of the origin of Rome, great Indo-European race, and that it separated itself from the Eastern parent stock at an earlier period than the Hellenes. These researches also tend to show that to speak of any single adventurer as the founder of the city of Rome is probably incorrect. The analysis of the history of other cities leads rather to the conclusion that Rome, like Athens and Sparta, was the result of an aggregation of neighbouring cantons or gentes, for the purposes of safety and defence. 1 So far as we can penetrate the mist which hangs over the earliest form of the city of Rome, the conclusion we are led to is, that a stronghold with four gates was first established on the Palatine hill. 2 This spot was probably selected in The Palatine c , . . i . settlement. preference to the surrounding eminences on account of its natural con- figuration, and its nearness to the river. In pre-historic times, as we have seen, the waters of the Tiber overflowed the valley between the Capitoline and Palatine, 1 See Thucyd. i. 10 : Kara Kwpas olKio-dcicrrjs Aa/ceS. 2 Aul. Gellius, xiii. 14 ; Dionys. i. 88 : irepiypcupa TroAfwf. Grote, History of Greece, chap. x. Ttrpdycovov \6. Rome before the Time of Servius Tullius. and also that between the Aventine and Palatine. On two sides, therefore, the north- western part of the Palatine was surrounded by water. On the north, also, the ground was of the nature of a morass, forming a continuation of the pool called Velabrum Minus, which lay between the Capitoline and Palatine. The site thus chosen was not, like the Capitoline, very difficult of access. On the contrary, though on the sides towards the Capitoline and Aventine it was protected both by the steepness of the slopes and the lakes at their foot, yet from the other sides it was easily approached. This may have seemed to the Reasons for choosing the community who agreed in the choice of the hill as their head-quarters Palatine hill. to offer the double advantages of complete protection on two sides and accessibility on the others. When suddenly obliged to collect their property and cattle, and to retreat within their walls, it would be easier to gain a place of safety which was tolerably accessible from the neighbouring country, as was the Palatine, than one which, like the Capitoline or Aventine, was surrounded by steep rocks on all sides, and cut off from the adjoining district. None of the other hills would have suited a settlement partly commercial, partly agricultural, so well as such a position. The historians and poets of Imperial Rome give us a description of the solemn ceremony observed on the occasion of marking out the limits of a new settlement, and assert that the Latins followed an Etruscan custom in such cases. 1 Varro gives the following account of the ceremony : — " In Latium," he says, " they Etruscan . , t . . ceremony oj founded towns according to the Etruscan rites, which were used in many foundation. other cases. A bull and a cow were yoked together, and the cow being placed on the inner side, a furrow was made with a plough round the proposed site. This was done on a lucky day, in order to satisfy religious scruples. The furrow whence the earth was scooped out was called the foss, and the earth thrown inwards the wall. The circle thus made formed the first enclosure of the city, and, being behind the wall, was called the post-mcerium of the city, which forms the limit within which the urban auspices may be taken." To this description of Varro the further particulars are added by other authors that the person who, as founder of the city, guided the plough, was to wear his toga in the Gabinian fashion (cinctn Gabind), that the cow was to be on the left-hand side, that the ploughshare must be of bronze, that the clods must be made by an inclination of the plough to fall inwards, and that where there was to be a gate the plough should be lifted up and carried across. 2 The furrow having been thus traced, a space was marked out on both sides of it as the pomcerium, upon which it was not lawful to build, and within the outer edge of which the urban auspices might be taken. 3 This space was indicated by stones placed at intervals along its margin. From what we know of the early religion and rites of the Roman nation, it appears probable that this Etruscan ceremony was not really used in marking out the boundary 1 Dionys. i. 88 ; Ov. Fast. iv. 819 ; Varro, L. L. v. § 142 ; Paul. Diac. p. 236. 2 Serv. Ad JEn. v. 755 ; Plut. Rom. ii. 3 Livy, i. 44. The ager effatus was the whole space, whether within or without the pomcerium, within which auspices could be taken. It was marked out on each occasion of taking the auspices by the presiding augur. Gell. xiii. 14 ; Varro, L. L. vi. § 53 ; Serv. Ad ALn. vi. 197. 32 Rome before the Time of Servius Tullius. of the fort on the Palatine. Mommsen has shown that the religion of the Latins was mainly national, and that most of their borrowed rites were derived P °RonndZ ^ *~ rom Greeks. 1 But, in the bookmaking times of the Empire, it was necessary to fill in the account of the foundation of Rome as completely as possible with detail, and therefore this ancient Etruscan consecrative ceremony was introduced into the histories and ascribed to Romulus. However this may be, the limits of the first fortification on the Palatine are described distinctly by Tacitus, and we must suppose that the tradition about them was clear _ %jr . in his time. 2 Starting from the Forum Boarium, at the western angle of the Ara Maxima. m ° hill, he states that the pomcerium ran round the Ara Maxima. This was near the cattle-market, and upon it the Romans often vowed to present a tenth of their property to Hercules, the god of the homestead, for the purpose of averting disease from their stock. 3 The exact spot cannot now be determined, for though it is mentioned by many of the classical writers, yet no one of them gives a very definite account of its situation. 4 Servius places it behind the gates of the Circus Maximus, 5 and we may infer from this, and from mediaeval notices, that it stood at some distance from the foot of the hill, at a point in the immediate neighbourhood of the modern S. Maria in Cosmedin. 6 From the Ara Maxima the boundary proceeded to the Ara Consi, which, according to Servius and Plutarch, was within the Circus Maximus. It was covered with earth, except at the time of the horse-races, over which Consus was supposed to preside. The spot near which it probably stood is in the Via dei Cerchi, nearly opposite to the ruins on the Palatine, thought by Signor Rosa to be the foundations C rice Veteres ° f the tem P le of J u P iter Victor. 7 Unfortunately, we cannot determine with any precision the site of the Curiae Veteres, the next point indicated by Tacitus. In the " Notitia Romse," a statistical account of the Roman Empire, giving a catalogue of the buildings in Rome, and supposed to belong to the time of Constan- tine, it is placed between the temple of Jupiter Stator and the Septizonium, which stood at the south-east corner of the Palatine hill. Such an indication is, however, much too vague to be of any service, and consequently the course of the pomcerium on the eastern portion of the Palatine is not known. We must therefore pass to the next point mentioned by Tacitus, the Sacellum Larundae. The LarimZ. situation of this chapel of Larunda, which is distinguished by Varro from the chapel of the Lares, cannot be determined. The account of the pomcerium by Tacitus again fails us, for he adds nothing more than that it reached the Forum Romanum, a very vague description of its further course. Either he did not know at what exact point the pomcerium passed round the eastern angle of the hill, or he thought that the nature of the ground would sufficiently indicate its course. Since it was carried along the foot of the hill on the southern side, we must conclude that it 1 Mommsen, vol. i. ch. xiii. p. 186, Eng. trans. 5 Serv. ad ^En. viii. 271. 2 Tacitus, Ann. xii. 24: " Igitur a Foro Boario,"&c. e See Note A at the end of this chapter. 3 Mommsen, vol. i. p. 174, Eng. trans.; Dionys. 7 Serv. Ad JEn. viii. 636; Plut. Rom. 14; Varro, >• 40- _ L. L. vi. § 20 ; Tertull. De Spect. 5, 8, " Ara Conso 4 Dionys. i. 40; Ov. Fast. i. 581 ; Livy, i. 7; illi in circo defossa est ad primas metas sub terra. Propert. v. ix. 67. .... Apud metas sub terra delitescit murcias." Rome before the Time of Servius Tidluis. 33 passed along the foot also on this side, and we therefore trace it from the Arch of Titus to the church of S. Maria Liberatrice, and thence to that of S. Teodoro. 1 It must be remembered that the line we have traced is that of the outer edge of the pomoerium, and not of the wall itself, which would lie within it. Upon the steeper sides of the hill no fortification was required, but upon the south-eastern side, and possibly also on the north-eastern, a wall would be necessarily built to secure the place from attack. 2 Cavaliere Rosa, the learned and ingenious director of the French excavations on the Palatine, has propounded an explanation of the above-mentioned passage of Tacitus, founded upon the supposed discovery of a depression running across the centre of the Palatine, and dividing it into two portions. 3 The original ""ifaj.: configuration of the Palatine, he thinks, was that of a double hill, divided, like the Capitoline, by an intermontium, which ran across the hill from a point near the Arch of Titus to a point near the Church of S. Anastasia, on the side which overlooks the Circus Maximus. This interval between the two summits has, according to Cav. Rosa, been filled up by buildings placed on the top of those which originally occupied it, and thus the top of the Palatine has been levelled. A deep excavation has disclosed some ancient buildings lying below the floor of the Imperial edifices, at a depth of some twenty feet. Unfortunately, it is not possible to carry on the further explorations necessary to establish the existence of this intermontium, and we must therefore be content, for the present, to acquiesce in the imperfect state of our knowledge respecting the pomcerium of Romulus. It may, however, be remarked that there are some points in the description of Tacitus which favour Cavaliere Rosa's conjecture. For if the pomoerium included the whole south- eastern end of the hill, how is it that Tacitus contents himself with mentioning one point only, the Curiae Veteres, as belonging to that portion ? The situations of the other four points indicated are known, and are all upon the north-western part. Further, all the sites connected with this earliest settlement upon the Palatine are placed upon the north- western portion of the hill, the Casa Romuli, the Tugurium Faustuli, the Lupercal, the Auguratorium, the Scalae Caci, and the Germalus ; and the only gates of which we know anything are also here. Cavaliere Rosa, indeed, goes so far as to surmise that the name Germalus belonged to this half of the hill, and the name Velia to the south-eastern half, the whole being comprehended under the general name Palatine. But this, as has been well remarked by Mr. Dyer, is contradicted by the words of Varro, 4 who plainly dis- tinguishes the Palatium from both the Germalus and Velia. While, therefore, we reject the supposition that the Germalus included the whole of the north-western end of the hill, we cannot but acknowledge that there is some evidence in favour of the restriction of the original settlement to this part. A careful examination of the ground, so far as the present (1868) excavations have laid the original surface bare, does not, however, 1 Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 287. Niebuhr's account of in the Annali dcW Insi. 1865, p. 346. I have exa- the pomcerium is quite arbitrary. He takes no mined the views of Rosa further in an article in the notice of Varro's explanations. Journal of Philology, vol. i. p. 146. 2 See Note B at the end of this chapter. 4 Varro, L. L. v. § 43. M Huic (Palatio) Germalum 3 See a paper by M. Henzen in the Bulletino et Velias conjunxerunt." The three are also men- dell' Inst. 1862, pp. 225 ; and by Signor Rosa himself tioned as distinct by Paulus Diaconus, p, 341, F 34 Rome before the Time of Servius Tullius. bear out the notion that an intermontium ever existed. Considering the immense depth at which buildings originally above ground are now buried in other parts of Rome, it seems not improbable that the ancient walls discovered by Rosa, which he thinks belonged to edifices standing in the depression between the two summits, were not really much lower than those of equal age upon the rest of the hill. The name of Roma Quadrata has been given to the Palatine settlement by Dionysius and Solinus, 1 from the shape of the hill, which is irregularly quadrangular. Other writers call a fictitious settlement, which preceded the one on the Palatine, Roma Roma Quadrata. . ... . ... Quadrata, and a third meaning given to this enigmatical expression is, that it referred to the pit which was dug, according to the Etruscan fashion, at the founding of a new city, in which some of the fruits of the soil and handfuls of earth, brought by the various settlers each from his own neighbourhood, were deposited and covered up, and an altar reared over them. 3 Becker thinks that he can detect this four-cornered building on the plan of the city preserved in fragments in the Capitoline Museum. For Solinus, he says, mentions that it was situated " in area Apollinis," and Festus places it " ante templum Apollinis." Now, on one of the fragments there are the letters "R.E.A. A. P.O.," and the plan of a four-cornered raised place, which probably, he thinks, is meant to represent the Roma Quadrata. 4 The entrances to the fort on the Palatine were, according to Pliny, three in number, or at the most four. 5 The Etruscan religion required at least three gates to be placed in the walls of a new town, and these were to be dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. 0 If, however, we reject the idea of Etruscan influence in the ceremony of the foundation of Rome, the statement of Pliny remains alone for our information on this point. The names of two of these gates only are preserved, viz. the Porta Mugionis and the Porta Romanula. The first of these gates was undoubtedly near the entrance of the present road leading up to the Convent of S. Bonaventura, and close to the Sacellum Larum, at the top of the New Street, and at the point where it was connected with the Sacred Way. 7 Mugionian Gate j] le « anc i e nt gate of the Palatine," mentioned by Livy as the gate to and Temple of 111101- Jupiter stator. which the Romans fled when repulsed by the Sabines, is probably meant to refer to this gate. 8 Close by was the Temple of Jupiter Stator (said to have been built in commemoration of this battle), 9 and the equestrian statue of Claelia. 10 The origin of the name Mugionia is not known, and the derivations given by Varro and Paulus are very improbable. 11 The Porta Mugionis stood, therefore, near the junction of the Nova Via, which passed along the foot of the south-eastern side of 1 Dionys. ii. 65 ; Solin. i. 17 ; Plut. Rom. 9. 2 Dion. Cass. Frag. 4, 15 (Bekk.). 3 Festus, p. 258. Usually called Mundus, Ov. Fast. iv. 821 ; Plut. Rom. ii. 4 Becker, Handbuch, vol. i. p. 107. If the Mundus was in the centre of the original city, as Von Reumont (Gesch. der Stadt Rom. p. 19), thinks, and its real situation has been rightly determined, then the original city must have occupied the whole Palatine, and not a part only. See below, ch. viii. on the Capitoline plan of the city. The fragment in question is figured by Canina on the margin of his map of Rome, No. xlviii. 5 Plin. N. H. iii. 5, 9, § 66. 6 Serv. Ad JEn. i. 422. 7 Solinus, i. 24, " Supra summam novam viam ; " Dionys. ii. 50, ck tt)s Upas 68ov. 8 Livy, i. 12, 41. 9 Plut. Cic. 16 ; Ov. Trist. iii. 1, 31. See below, chap. viii. 10 Dionys. v. 35 ; Serv. Ad. ALn. viii. 646 ; Plin. xxxiv. 6, 13 ; Livy, ii. 13 ; Plut. Publ. 19. 11 Varro, L. L. v. 164; Paul. Diac. p. 144. Rome before the Time of Servius Tullius. 35 the hill, with the Sacra Via, which ran down the slope towards the Forum valley. It may- have been placed here in order to form an easy communication with the suburb on the Velia. The Porta Romanula (or Romana, as it is called by Festus 1 ) was at the north-western corner of the hill, and opened out into the Nova Via and Velabrum. 2 The sloping part of the Palatine which looks towards the Capitoline is usually supposed to be the Porta Germalus ; and if we consider that the Germalus was a suburb of the Palatine Romanula. settlement, as seems to be indicated by the words of Festus quoted above, Germalus. the Porta Romanula would form the means of communication between it and Roma Quadrata. SOUTHERN END OF PALATINE AND ARCH OF CONSTANTINE. The road leading up from this gate to the Palatine was called Clivus Victoriae. 3 Recent excavations have disinterred the gate from the accumulated rubbish, and CUvus victoria. the Clivus Victoriae may now be ascended from the corner of the hill near S. Maria Liberatrice. It was by this entrance, which was retained in the wing of the palace afterwards built on the corner of the hill by Caligula, that Otho is said by Tacitus to have left the palace when he went out to be proclaimed Emperor by the troops in the Forum ; 4 and perhaps 1 Festus, p. 262. 4 " Per Tiberianam domum in Velabrum," Tac. 2 Varro, L. L. v. § 164 ; vi. \ 24. Hist. i. 27. There may, however, have been a pos- 3 Festus, p. 262. tern gate further to the west. F 2 36 Rome before the Time of Servius Tullius. also Vitellius, when he fled from the victorious Flavians. 1 The gate, as now standing, consists of a high and narrow arch of travertine supporting a considerable mass of ruins, and leading to a passage underneath the lofty arches, built by Caligula to sup- port the new buildings which he added to the palace. The bridge built by Caligula across the valley, to connect the Palatine with the Capitoline hill, was at this corner of the Palatine. A gate called the Porta Janualis is also mentioned by Varro, as belonging to this earliest enclosure of Rome ; 2 but if this is to be identified with the Porta Janualis to which Macrobius alludes, 3 it cannot have belonged to the Roma Quadrata, for Porta Januahs. Macrobius expressly states it to have been situated under the roots of the Viminal hill. It is most probable, as Becker suggests, that Varro was misled by the common expression, the Gate of War, as applied to the Temple of Janus, 4 which stood on the north side of the Forum, under the Viminal hill, and hence assumed the existence of a gate called the Porta Janualis. It may be here mentioned, that the Porta Porta Pandana. • ■ , _ , Pandana, spoken of by Varro and bolinus, 5 is not connected with the Palatine hill, but with the Capitoline. The name was derived from the idea that it always stood open, 6 and a strange story is told by Polycenus about it, to the effect that the Gauls, when they took Rome, agreed with the Romans that one of their gates should always stand open, and that the Romans then built the gate in an inaccessible spot, and left it open. 7 Dionysius identifies the a/c\ei(TTO<; irvXr) with the Porta Carmentalis. 8 But nothing clear or satisfactory can be extracted from the fragmentary and confused evidence about this gate. The history of the successive enlargements of the city, between the time of the Palatine settlement and the erection by the later kings of the great wall, which included, besides the Palatine, the Capitoline, Quirinal, Viminal, Esquiline, Ccelian, and Aventine, Successive j g j ost - m 0 k scur ity. We can only glean a few scattered fragments of informa- enlargements. J J ° ° tion, and conjecture their possible meaning. To begin with the Ccelian, the legend of Cceles Vibenna, an Etruscan, who is said to have settled there, 9 bears so strongly the marks of having been invented in order to account for the name of the hill, that we can hardly receive it as true, especially as another legend asserts that the population of Alba Longawere established on the Ccelian by Tullus Hostilius, 10 and a third, that Ancus Martius first enclosed the Ccelian. 11 According to Dionysius, the Capitoline and Aventine were both added by Romulus, who also annexed the Quirinal upon the junction of the Sabine and Roman nations. 12 But this statement is at variance with the well-known account of the four Servian regions by Varro, which will presently be mentioned, for the Capitoline and Aventine are excluded from those regions. The credit of peopling the Aventine, and building a wall round it, is also given to Ancus Martius, who settled the population of the conquered towns of Politorium, Tellenae, and Ficana upon it and in the Murcian valley. 13 Livy does not, however, explain how it came 1 Tac. Hist. iii. 85. 7 Polycen. Strat. viii. 25. See Mommsen, Hist. * Varro, v. § 165. Rom. vol. i. 115, note. 3 Macrobius, Sat. i. 9 ; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 288. 8 Dionys. x. 14. 9 Ibid. iii. 36. 4 Virg. ALn. vii. 607, i. 294 ; Plut. Num. 20. 10 Livy, i. 30 ; Dionys. iii. 1. 5 Varro, L. L. v. § 42 ; Solin. i. 13. 11 Strabo, v. 3, p. 234. 12 Dionys. ii. 37, 50. 6 Paul. Diac. p. 220. 13 Livy, i. 33 ; Dionys. iii. 43. Rome before the Time of Servius Tullius. 37 to pass that the Aventine was not enclosed until long afterwards, under the Icilian law in A.U.C. 298, 1 though this seems to cast some doubt on his previous statement. As to the remaining hills, the Esquiline and Viminal, the addition of these is set down by the historians to Servius Tullius. 2 A hint of the probable extent of Rome at a time between the Palatine settlement and the erection of the Servian walls seems to be given by the term Septimontium, which was the name of an ancient festival held at seven places on the Montes of The Rome. Hence the tribes who celebrated it called themselves Montani, as Se p timontium% distinguished from the Collini, who lived on the Colles, i.e. the Viminal and Quirinal. Plutarch and Varro state that the Septimontium was the festival of the Montani alone, and not of the whole people. 3 Its antiquity is indicated by the tradition that the Septimontium was a town built on the site of Rome before 4 the Rome founded by Romulus, and the veneration in which it was held is shown by the fact, that the festival was kept even as late as the reign of Domitian. 5 The names of the seven places are given by Paulus Diaconus, in his epitome of Festus, and convey some idea of the extent of the settlements of the Montani. 6 They are the Palatine, Velia, and Germalus, in one group, and the Fagutal, Oppius, and So-called seven Cispius, in another, together with the Subura, a part of the valley between hills of Rome. the Esquiline, Viminal, and Quirinal. These names lead us to suppose, that at some epoch after the settlement on the Palatine, but before the reign of Servius Tullius, three fortified settlements existed on the three parts of the Esquiline, the Oppius, Cispius, and Fagutal. 7 We may further conjecture, from the indications thus given, that the part of the Esquiline nearest to the Palatine was annexed first, and that the Roman settlement gradually extended itself to the Colles. Such an inference is supported by the apparent superiority over the Collini assumed by the Montani, as the most ancient and genuine stock of citizens. From what has been said, it will be seen that the hills afterwards commonly called the Seven Hills of Rome are entirely different from the seven original centres of worship with which the Septimontium was connected. And in fact, during the greater part of the Republican times, and until the real meaning of the festival of the Septimontium, together with the distinction between Montani and Collini, was lost, though Rome was called the City of the Seven Hills, yet it was not so called in the sense in which we now understand the expression. Later writers, in the time of the Empire, in order to explain the term Septimontium, applied it to the Montes included in the Imperial city, leaving out the Colles. Thus the anonymous compiler of the Notitia, a catalogue of the different sites and buildings at Rome, writing in the time of Constantine, gives a catalogue of the seven Montes. He includes the Vatican and the Janiculum among them, and omits the two Colles. Servius, who lived about a century later, speaks of the 1 Livy, iii. 31, 32. 6 Festus, p. 348; Paul. Diac. p. 341; Miiller. 2 Dionys. iv. 3 ; Livy, i. 44 ; Aur. Vict., Vir. 111. 7 ; Observe that the Ccelian is omitted. The Fagutal Strabo, v. 3, p. 234. is also mentioned by Solinus, i. 25. 3 Plut. Qusest. Rom. 69 ; Varro, L. L. vi. 64. 7 Annali dell' Inst. 1861, p. 58. M. Detlefsen 4 Varro, L. L. v. 41 ; Festus, p. 321. thinks that the Septimontium was a festival of the 5 Suet. Dom. 4 ; Tertull. De Idol. 10 ; Ad Nat. Latin pagi, as distinct from the Sabine and Etruscan ii, jcj. pagi on the Quirinal and Ccelian. 33 Rome before the Time of Servius Tullms. definition of the seven hills as a matter of controversy in his time, and mentions three opinions on the subject. 1 The number seven, which, at the time of the institution of the festival of the Septimontium, accurately agreed with the number of the districts of the city, was retained from religious motives, but became no longer applicable to the real features of the locality. 2 To the period of this development of the city must be referred the origin of the ceremony of the sacrifice of a horse in October, on the Campus Martius, after which a struggle took place between the population of the Sacra Via and those of October horse. fc& r . the Subura, for the possession of the animal's head ; the latter, if victorious, fixing it upon the Mamilian tower, which was therefore in the Subura, and the former, on the royal palace on the Palatine. 3 The historical interpretation of this custom seems to be that a friendly rivalry existed between the two divisions of the city, and it points to a time when the Palatine settlement had only extended itself to the Subura and slopes of the Esquiline, and these two regions constituted the whole city. 4 The Quirinal and Viminal, at the time of the institution of the Septimontium, appear to have had a separate existence as a rival and equal settlement, which coalesced with the Palatine Romans before the enclosure of Servius was made. Mommsen has shown that the hypothesis of Niebuhr, who assumed that the population on the Settlement on Quirinal was Q f Sabine race, is not supported sufficiently by Varro's deriva- Quiritial and ~ . Viminal. tion of the name Quirites from the Sabine town of Cures, or from the Sabine character of the divinities worshipped on the Quirinal. 5 The word Quirites, as has been already stated, is most probably derived from quirts, a lance ; and the deities whose fanes stood on the Quirinal, Semo Sancus or Fidius, Sol, Salus, Flora, and Quirinus, were indeed Sabine, but also Latin gods. 6 There are, however, many proofs of the separate existence of a settlement on the Quirinal, the citizens of which, after the union of the districts, were called Collini, in contradistinction to the Montani of the Septimontium. This name Collini survives in the Porta Collina, the Salii Collini, and the Tribus Collina. Moreover, the name of the old Capitol which stood on the Quirinal shows that it was formerly the stronghold of a separate community ; and the duplicate character of the oldest colleges of priests, the Luperci and Salii, points to the same conclusion. A still further extension of the city enclosure, intermediate between the time when 1 Cic. Ad Att. vi. 5, speaks of aa-rv iivrako^ov. So article in Schneidewin's Philologus, vol. xxiii. 1866, also Plutarch, Ouasst. Rom. 69. Plin. N. H. iii. 5, 9, page 679, in which the sacrifice of a horse is con- speaks of " septem montes." So also Statius, Silv. i. nected with the erection of the principal buildings in 1, 64 ; and Claud., De Cons. Stilich. iii. 65. But the the two districts. number 7 does not seem to have had any defined 4 Mommsen, vol. i. p. 53. topographical meaning in these passages. 5 Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. vol. i. pp. 232, 289, 290 ; 2 Servius, Ad JEn. vi. 784; Georg. ii. 535. Momm- Mommsen, vol. i. p. 78. The derivation from sen, vol. i. p. 116, says that the catalogue of seven quiris is found in Macrobius, Sat. i. 16 ; Ov. Fast, hills, as named in modern books, viz. Palatine, ii. 475 ; Festus, p. 49. Aventine, Ccelian, Esquiline, Viminal, Quirinal, Capi- e Niebuhr does not agree with this derivation of toline, is not found in any ancient author. It seems " Quirites," but suggests no other : vol. i. p. 290. most probable that the Servian city, which was for Dyer, Hist, of Kings of Rome, pp. 85, 86. There so long the only part of Rome enclosed by walls, is, however, no reason why cures and quiris should gave rise to this catalogue. not both be derived from the same root. Newman, 3 Festus, p. 178, Mull. "October equus." See an Regal Rome, p. 65. Rome before the Time of Servius Tullim. 39 the Septimontium was instituted and the building of the Servian wall, is that indicated by the twenty-four Argeian chapels mentioned by Varro. 1 The Capitoline and Aventine are excluded from the regions occupied by these chapels, ^egiZs"' but the Palatine, Esquiline, Quirinal, Viminal, and Ccelian, are embraced by them, and it seems possible that they may be referred to the time shortly preceding the Servian enclosure. If we throw aside as worthless the legends that the Capitoline was added by Romulus, and the Aventine by Ancus, we may assume that these two hills were really first enclosed within the city by the Servian walls, and that the exten- sion marked by the institution of the Argeian chapels followed the annexation of the Quirinal and Viminal. It seems vain to inquire into the origin of these Argeian or Argive chapels, or to enumerate the theories which have been put forward by ingenious antiquarians about their connexion with Argos, and with the straw images thrown from the bridge of the Tiber. 2 But the notice of them by Varro is most valuable, as evidence of a particular period of the extension of Rome, because the rites of sanctuaries of this kind are preserved with the greatest tenacity. Varro connects them with the four regions into which the city was divided at the time, and places six of them in each. The four regions were — I. The Suburan, which comprised the Ccelian Mount, the Subura, part of the Sacra Via, and the slope of the Esquiline above the Subura. The Subura, as the oldest settled portion, gives the name to this district. II. The Esquiline, including the Oppius and Cispius. III. The Viminal and Quirinal, or the Colline region. IV. The Palatine, Germalus, and Velia. 3 These regions were intimately connected with the military organization of Servius, for each of them was required to furnish a fourth part of the State army in each of its divisions. Their populations were therefore nearly on an equality, both as regards numbers and wealth. They superseded the ancient triple division of the community, but still retained the name of tribus, deprived of its etymological significance. We thus trace dimly three stages in the gradual extension of the city previous to the completion of the wall of Servius, viz. I. the original Palatine settlement, II. the Septimontium, and III. the further expansion marked out by the Argeian chapels, the first confined to the Palatine, the second extending also over the Subura and Esquiline, and the third including, in addition to these, the Quirinal, Viminal, and Ccelian. The exclusion of the Capitoline was possibly due, as Becker and others have remarked, to the consecra- tion of the hill, 4 and the Aventine and Janiculum were not yet sufficiently peopled to assume the character of separate districts {pagi). i Varro, L. L. v. § 45. Dyer's interpretation, Diet. 2 Bunsen, Beschr. i. p. 146 ; Dyer, in Smith's Diet. Ant. vol. ii. p. 733) of reliqua urbis loca olim discreta Ant. vol. ii. p. 734; Merkel, Ad Ov. Fast. p. 171 ; cannot be correct. Varro means that the rest of the Klausen, ^Eneas und die Penaten, p. 934. See also city was divided into districts in very ancient times Schneidewin's Philologus, vol. xxiii. 1866, p. 679; when the Argeian chapels were instituted. Livy, i. 21, Grimm, Mythol. 41 seq. ascribes these chapels as a matter of course to Numa. 3 Varro, L. L. v. §§ 41 — 54. Ov. Fast. iii. 791 ; Gell. x. 15 ; Paul. Diac. p. 19 ; 4 Becker, Handbuch, vol. i. p. 386 ; Annali delP Becker, Handbuch, vol. iv. p. 200. Inst. 1861, p. 61. 4Q Rome before the Time of Servius Tullius. Note A, p. 32. — On the Ara Maxima, from the "Bulletino dell' Instituto," 1854, p. 28. I. Besides the round temple, now extant, near the Tiber (called the Temple of Vesta), another round temple in the Forum Boarium is mentioned as extant by archaeologists of the fifteenth century. They called it the Temple of Hercules Victor. It was pulled down under Sixtus IV. The statue of Hercules in bronze now in the Capitol was found there. It was behind S. Maria in Cosmedin, and the Ara Maxima was near it (Albertino, Scriptores de Urbe Roma Prisca et Nova, p. xxxiii.). Another author, quoted by De Rossi, also places the round temple of Hercules in the Forum Boarium, and the Ara Maxima near it towards the Aventine. Andrea Fulvio, Marliano, Lucio Fauno, and Gamucci, repeat the same assertion. The inscriptions relating to the worship of Hercules Victor, now in the Capitol, may be proved to have come from this place, which is thus described in a MS. of the seventh year of Sixtus IV. in the Vatican, Cod. Vat. 3616 : " Apud scholam Greecam ubi erat Templum Herculis." These inscriptions are ten in number, and all commemorate their dedication by Prsetores urbani to Hercules Victor. Other inscriptions were found in the beginning of the sixteenth century, and also a cup dedicated to Hercules Victor; and Aldus Manutius, in 1592, speaks of an inscription found in the foundations of the Ara Maxima in the Forum Boarium. De Rossi found a sketch of this temple in a book of prints collected by Fulvio Orsino, and kept in the Vatican, Cod. Vat. 3439. The sketch is by Baldassare Peruzzi, in the time of Julius II., and he describes the temple as having been "al circo massimo al capo del burdeletto del Foro Boario." Peruzzi made his drawing from the ruins and fragments of the temple. A- Fulvio, and Fr. Schott in his " Itinerarium Italicum," both mention the ruins of this temple as near S. Maria in Cosmedin, or, more precisely, between that church and the Circus Maximus. The inscriptions relate to the altar, and, as they were found close to the temple, we must suppose that the altar stood close to the temple. The temple and altar were on the west side of the Circus Maximus ; for besides that, as we have seen, they were near S. Maria in Cosmedin, Diodorus places them near the river. Prudentius, Cont. Symm. i. 120, places the altar near the Aventine, and it was therefore probably at the west angle of the Circus Maximus. An older sacred precinct of Hercules is alluded to in Tacitus, Ann. xv. 41, and Solinus, i. 10, Strabo v. 3, to which the round temple above mentioned succeeded. This older rkfxevoQ was sometimes called Fanum, or Sacellum Evandreum, Gruter, Insc. xlvii. 10. There was also a Temple of Hercules built by Pompey, and alluded to in Pliny, Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 7 ; Vitruv. iii. 3. This was also probably in the Forum Boarium. Nibby and Ritschl conjecture that the round temple was built by Mummius after the destruction of Corinth. (Nibby, Roma nell' Anno 1838, pp. ii. 19.) But De Rossi attributes it more probably to Marcus Octavius Hersenius, following Macrobius, Sat. iii. 6, and Mamertinus, Panegyr. i. pp. 13, 63, ed. Arntzen ; Serv. Ad JEn. viii. 363. This Octavius also probably was the same person who founded an altar and rites to Hercules Victor at Tibur (Macrob. Sat. iii. 12)- The temple was ornamented with a picture by Pacuvius (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxv. § 19), who lived about 160 B.C. It may very possibly have been rebuilt under the Emperors. It was burnt in the Neronian fire, Tac. Ann. xv. 41. The statue found there, which is now in the Capitol, was, according to M. Braun, an imitation made in Imperial times of the statue of Lysippus, brought by Mummius from Corinth. It was not an imitation of the statue believed to have been placed by Evander there, for that statue had its head covered (Macrob. Sat. iii. 6). The inscriptions found on the site are all posterior to the second century a.d. The earliest, according to De Rossi, is dedicated by L. Fabius Cilo, Consul in 193 a.d., and therefore Praetor-urbanus some few years before. The worship of Hercules here did not probably cease till the time of the elder Theodosius> as it is spoken of by Macrobius and Prudentius (temp. Honorius and Theodosius) as still existing. Rome before the Time of Servius Tullms. 4i II. The second altar, called that of Hercules Victor, was "ad Portam Trigeminam " (Macrob. iii. 6 ; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 60). Dionysius, i. 39, expressly distinguishes the two, and states that this second one was an altar dedicated by Hercules himself, after his victory over Cacus, to Jupiter Inventor, and was near the cave of Cacus. This second altar is the one mentioned by Solinus, i. 1 1 ; Ov. Fast. i. 599. Solinus expressly joins the cave of Cacus and the Trigemina Porta together. De Rossi thinks that Antoninus Pius rebuilt the temple near this altar, and that it is figured on one of his coins (Eckhel, N. D. vii. pp. 29, 47). The first builder is not known. If the above investigation be correct, the pomoerium of Romulus must have included a large portion of the Vallis Murcia, as far as the western corner of the Circus Maximus. Note B, p. 33. Some old tufa walls, which are supposed to be relics of the walls, or rather facings, of the sides of the hill on which the Palatine settlement stood, were discovered in the Vigna Nussiner, on the north-west side of the Palatine, by excavations pursued under the orders of the Emperor of Russia. They consist of layers of squared -tufa stone, fitted closely without cement, and have been sup- ported in front by later additions of brickwork. The tufa wall, which was apparently built against the natural soil of the steep side of the hill, had given way in parts, and required the support of brick walls. It is quite hidden by the brick walls, and doubtless in this way a great part of the Servian walls, which were aids to the natural steepness of the hills in many places, are concealed. The walls on the side of the Quirinal, in the Colonna Gardens, are hidden in the same way by brickwork supports. Such supports were necessary. In Livy, xxxv. 21, we have an account of the fall of a part of the Capitoline hill into the Vicus Jugarius ; and M. Braun, in the Annali deW Institute, 1852, p. 324, mentions another similar fall which took place not many years ago at the back of the convent of the Ara Coeli. M. Braun thinks that the grooves and subterranean passages found in these old walls, and behind them, were intended to provide ventilation and drainage. He connects them with the favorissse, or flavissas (air-holes, from flare), mentioned by Paulus Diac. p. 88, and Gellius, ii. 10, as existing in the Capitoline hill. These, he thinks, were originally intended to be drains and ventilators, but were afterwards employed as lumber-rooms for the Capitoline temple. It is more probable that the grooves were once filled with wooden beams, intended to bind the walls together, as in old English houses, and that these timbers have rotted away, and left the grooves empty. See the woodcut, on p. 30. The subterranean vaults may have been intended for various purposes, such as M. Braun mentions. G CHAPTER IV. THE SERVIAN WALLS. FORTIFICATIONS OF ROME BEGUN BY TARQUINIUS PRISCUS — COMPLETED BY SERVIUS — METHOD BY WHICH THE SERVIAN WALLS MAY BE TRACED — PORTIONS OF THE SERVIAN WALL ON THE AVENTINE — GATES IN THE SERVIAN WALL — PORTA FLUMENTANA — PORTA CARMENTALIS — PORTA TRIUMPHALIS — PORTA RATUMENA — PORTA FONTINALIS — RUINS OF THE WALL IN THE VILLA MASSIMI AND THE CONVENT OF S. MARIA DELLA VITTORIA — PORTA SANQUALIS — PORTA SALUTARIS— PORTA COLLIN A, OR AGONALIS, OR QUIRINALIS — AGGER OF SERVIUS — PORTA VIMINALIS — PORTA QUERQUETULANA — PORTA CCELI MONTANA — PORTA CAPENA — TEMPLES OF HONOUR AND VIRTUE, AND OF MARS — PORTA N.EVIA — PORTA RAUDUSCULA — PORTA LAVERNALIS — PORTA MINUCIA — PORTA TRIGEMINA — PORTA NAVALIS — PORTA STERCORARIA — PORTA LIBITINENSIS — PORTA FENES- TELLA — PORTA FERENTINA — PORTA PIACULARIS— PORTA CATULARIA — PORTA METIA— FORTIFICATIONS OF THE WESTERN BANK OF THE TIBER. "O Fortunati, quorum jam moenia surgunt." — /En. i. 437. ^T/'E have seen that the four regions into which Rome was divided in the time of * » the later kings did not include the Capitoline or the Aventine hills. Before the end of the Regal period, however, there was a further enlargement of the limits of the city, in which these two hills were comprehended. Dionysius, Livy, and Aurelius Victor relate that Tarquinius Priscus undertook the building of a new stone wall for the defence of the whole of the new quarters of the city, but that he Fortificatio7is of . ... .. i<-* Rome begun by did n °t hve to finish it, and that the design was carried out by Servius Tarquinius Tullius, who also constructed the enormous agger called by his name, PflSCZIS B % still remaining at the back of the Esquiline, Viminal, and Quirinal hills. 1 Before this great work was accomplished, we must suppose that each suburb, as it grew out of the original settlement, was defended by a new piece of fortification ; but these fortifications were, as Dionysius describes them, 2 only temporary, and hastily erected for the nonce. The expressions of Livy and Aurelius would lead us 'also to the conclusion that they were not of stone, but probably were entrenchments of earth. 3 Rome had now become the capital of Latium ; she had lately united all her citizens — the Montani, the Collini, and the other freeholders living within the districts of Servius — by a complete military organization ; and her powers were directed by a form of government which has always proved best calculated for the production of great public 1 Uionys. iii. 67 ; Livy, i. 36, 38 ; Aur. Vict., De Vir. Illust. 6. 2 AvTocr^e8ia, Dionys. loc cit. 3 Preller, in Schneidewin's Philologus, vol. i. p. 84, note 39, thinks that each hill had its separate walls before the Servian fortification was built, and that the Porta Ratumena and Porta Saturni belonged to the wall of the Capitoline hill. The Servian Walls. 43 works. A new stone wall was accordingly planned on a vast scale, and the drainage of the low-lying parts of the city was effected about the same time by colossal sewers. The king having the whole control of the finances of the state could appropriate large sums of money for works of public utility, and c °™P l <*edJ>y could also doubtless command the labour of immense gangs of workmen. The Servian walls and the cloacae of Rome are to be looked upon as the parallels in the history of Rome to the pyramids of Egypt, the walls of Babylon, and of Mycenae and Tiryns. 1 They point to a time of concentrated power and unresisting obedience, when the will of one man could direct the whole resources of the community to the accomplishment of comprehensive designs. With the exception of a small portion which has been discovered in the depression between the north-western and south-eastern parts of the Aventine, another portion upon the Servian agger, and a few remnants on the Ouirinal, in the Barberini and Colonna gardens, 2 no remnants of the Servian walls are now to be seen, and we have to infer their probable extent from the nature of the ground, the rough estimate given by Dionysius of the space which they enclosed, and the positions of the gates as described by various ancient authors. It may be safely concluded that, wherever it was possible, advantage would be taken of the sides of the hills, and the walls would be made to run along their edges. 3 Thus the course of the wall on the outer side of the Capitoline, Quirinal, Esquiline, and north-eastern part of the Aventine can be ascertained with tolerable certainty, and the agger serves as a guide along the back . , . \ r\ Method by which ot the Viminal and Ouirinal. The principal difficulty lies in the portions the Servian between the Capitoline and Aventine along the river bank, in the space to the walls ma y be south of the Ccelian, and at the hill of S. Saba and S. Balbina, where there is but little indication in the nature of the ground to guide us. But the general accuracy of the course commonly assigned to the Servian walls may be proved by comparing it with the statement of Dionysius, 4 who says that the whole circumference was about equal to that of the walls of Athens. Now, if we suppose that the wall included the whole exterior edge of the Aventine and the hill of S. Saba and S. Balbina, that it crossed the Ccelian at the back of S. Stefano Rotondo in a north-easterly direction, and then, followed the course of the slope nearly parallel to the Via Merulana, meeting the agger at S. Maria Maggiore, and then running along the edges of the Quirinal and Capitoline, we have a circumference nearly seven times the length of the agger; and the length of the agger, as given by Dionysius, is six stadia : therefore the whole circumference of the supposed wall is about forty-two stadia. Thucydides estimates the length of the circuit of the Athenian walls at forty-three stadia, so that, comparing this statement with the assertion of Dionysius, we may at least suppose that we have approximated to the true course of the Servian walls in placing them as above. 5 1 Arnold, Hist, of Rome, vol. i. ch. v. p. 52 ; Grote, 5 Plin. Nat. Hist. iii. 5, 9, gives the circuit of the Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. ch. xix. city at 13,200 passus = 20,995 yards = nearly twelve 2 See the Bidletino delV Institute) Arch, for 1855, miles. This is too great a length for the Servian pp. 47, 48. walls, which were only five miles and a half in cir- 3 Cic. De Rep. ii. 6. cumference. See below, page 54, note 2 ; Thucyd. 4 Dionys. iv. 13 ; ix. 68. ii. 13. G 2 44 The Servian Walls. A small portion of the circuit of the Servian city was defended by the river only,, for we find no mention of a wall running along the bank, nor any remains of a wall,, which would still probably have existed in such a position, where it could not be, as; at other places, overlaid on both sides by the buildings of the city. The Subliciani bridge led from this point to a fort on the Janiculum. 1 When Horatius Codes, in the; legend related by Livy, 2 is endeavouring to restore order and presence of mind among' the Roman troops who had been driven out of the Janiculan fort, he uses the argumentt that, if they once gave up the bridge, there would soon be as many of the enemy om the Palatine and Capitoline as on the Janiculum. This, and the determination off Horatius to keep the bridge at any cost, shows that Livy did not suppose any walll to have then existed along the bank of the river between the Capitoline and thee Aventine. Dionysius, in relating the same story, plainly says that the city was withoutt any wall where the river protected it. 3 I cannot think that Bunsen's attempt to show/ that the wall ran across from the foot of the Capitoline to the Circus Maximus iss successful. 4 It has been sufficiently refuted by Becker in his "Handbook of Romani Antiquities," and by Canina in the " Indicazione Topographica di Roma." 5 In the time of Dionysius the wall was already so much covered with buildings off various kinds that he speaks of it as difficult to trace, 6 and therefore, naturally enough^, we find at the present day that the whole has disappeared under heaps of rubbish.' 7 The portion brought to light in 1855, under the south-eastern slope off Portions of Ser- the Aventine, was accidentally discovered in digging in the vineyard of thee vian wall on ^ . . . . r the Aventine. Collegio Romano, for the purpose of clearing the ground from massess of brickwork. This portion, some of which has since been covered withh earth again, is 104 feet in length, 32 feet high, and 16 broad. The breadth shows thee great solidity and strength of the construction. The original height was probablyy greater, as M. Braun remarks, and a parapet was placed upon the top. s Some partss of this ruin are covered with reticulated work, and on others great masses of masonryy have been placed which belonged to dwelling-houses. No antiquities have been foundd in these excavations earlier than the Imperial times. A brick stamped with an inscript- ion was discovered near one of the more modern arches, and dates from the reignn of Trajan. 9 At the time when these walls were built, the stone generally used for such purposes waas the hard tufa, described in a previous chapter. The great part of the Cloaca Maximaa and the remnants of the Servian walls are composed of this material. It is hewn into longg rectangular blocks, which are placed (in builders' phrase alternately headers and stretchers)) sometimes across and sometimes along the line of the wall in order to gain greateer strength. No cement is used, but the stones are carefully fitted together, and veryy regularly shaped. 1 Liv. i. 33. 9 Ibid. ii. 10. 3 Dionys. v. 23 : aTei^'iaros ovcra tn tosv irapa tov m'irapov p,epa>v. Comp. ix. 68. 4 Bunsen's Beschreibung, vol. i. p. 627. 5 Becker, Handbuch, vol. i. p. 139 ; Canina, Indie, p. 496. 6 Dionys. iv. 13, 8vcrevperov. ' See Ann. delP Inst. vol. xxix. p. 64. The portion of Servius's wall on the Aventine near SS. Sabina was found covered up with buildings ODn each side. See the woodcut on page 50. 8 See a paper by Braun in the Bulletino delV Inn- stitnto Arch. for. 1855. 9 "DE QUINTIANIS IMP. TRAJA. CAE. AUG. GERR. DAC" The Servian Walls. 45 It must here be observed that the rectangular shape and horizontal position of the blocks in this stonework by no means disprove its high antiquity. 1 It is true that the so-called Pelasgian walls are built in a totally different style, for the stones in them are polygonal. But this difference of shape in the stones arises from a difference in the material. All the so-called Pelasgian walls in Italy are built of travertine, which naturally breaks into polygonal masses. But tufa-stone is found in the quarry in horizontal layers, and is most easily cut into a rectangular shape. The inference sometimes drawn from horizontally-laid masonry, that it indicates a more advanced state of art than polygonal, cannot be relied upon as certain. 2 The position of the gates in the Servian walls must now be investigated. I shall begin at the end of the wall which abuts on the river near the south-western end of the Capitoline hill, and point out the probable situation of the various gates ^-^Za/T which are mentioned by writers who lived before the Aurelian walls were built. At the same time I shall trace the course of the wall so far as possible from gate to gate. Livy twice mentions a Porta Flumentana in connexion with the inundations of the Tiber, by which many houses near the gate were destroyed. 3 This gate must therefore have been near the river, as its name indicates, and tradition affirmed that the river had once flowed over the site of the gate until sacrifices per- P ° rta ^a!™' formed to Vertumnus changed its course. 4 The corn-market, which was near the vegetable-market and just outside the wall under the Capitol, was often injured by these inundations. 5 We cannot, therefore, be far wrong in placing the Porta Flumentana in the portion of the wall between the Capitoline and the river. 6 The Porta Carmentalis certainly stood in this portion of the wall, and probably close under the south-western extremity of the Capitoline hill. 7 The altar of the nymph Carmentis, mother of Evander, was near this gate : whence its Carmentalis. name. 8 The name was afterwards changed to Scelerata, from the story that the Fabii passed through it on their way to the fatal fight with the Veientes on the bank of the Cremera. 9 The Vicus Jugarius 10 appears to have led from the Porta Carmentalis to the Forum along the side of the Capitoline hill. 11 The gate called the Porta Triumphalis was also assigned by Donatus to the short 1 Reber, Ruinen Roms, p. 10. is to be observed that the MSS. of Livy have in this 2 Abeken, Mittelitalien, p. 143; Ann. delV Inst. place "fru.mentana porta" in place of "flumen- 1829, pp. 36 — 60; Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. i. p, tana," in allusion to the corn-market outside; but 245 ; Reber, Gesch. der Baukunst. p. 385, the best editors have adopted the reading " ftumen- 3 Livy, xxxv. 9, 21. tana." 4 Paul. Diac. p. 89 ; Propert. v. 2, 7. The statue of 7 Dionys. i. 32 : vtto ra> KaKovpevco KaniTcoXico -napa Vertumnus stood in the Velabrum. rals Kappevrio-i ■rrv'kais ; Solin. i. 13. 5 Plut. Otho, 4 ; Notit. Reg. ix, 8 Virg. JEn. viii. 337. 6 An objection has been raised to this view based 9 Festus, pp. 285, 335 ; Serv. Ad /En, viii. 337 ; Ov. upon the account of the trial of Manlius in Livy; vi. Fast. ii. 201 ; Livy, ii. 49. 20, and Plutarch, Camillus, 36, where the Capitol is 10 Livy, xxvii. 37. said to have been invisible from the Lucus Petelinus, 11 Mommsen {Ann. del T Inst. xvi. p, 309) thinks that which was outside the Porta Flumentana. But, as the a/cXeiWot irvXai of Dionys. x, 14 refer to one of Bunsen suggests, the trees of the grove or other in- the arches of this gate. See also Preller, in Schnei- tervening objects may have intercepted the view. It djewin's Philologus, vol, i, p. 84. 4 6 The Servian Walls. portion of the wall, about 300 paces long, between the Capitoline and the river. Bunsen, however, raised a doubt on account of the difficulty of supposing that three Porta prates could be situated so near each other, and he placed it at the western Irtumphalts. 0 1 end of the Circus Maximus. 1 But if we abandon, as seems necessary, his supposition that the wall ran parallel to the Tiber at this part, we cannot accept this as the true position of the Porta Triumphalis. Another supposition with respect to this gate is that it was not a gate in the Servian wall, but a triumphal arch leading from the Campus Martius into the district called the Circus Flaminius. 2 This rests on a passage of Josephus, in which Vespasian's triumphal procession is spoken of as passing from the Porta Trium- phalis through the Circus into the city. 3 But the whole of the argument turns on an expression in the Greek of Josephus, the meaning of which is doubtful. There seems to be no valid objection to the old view which represents the Porta Triumphalis as a gate which was kept shut, except on the occasion of a triumphal entry, and situated between the Flumentana and Carmentalis. Cicero and Tacitus both speak of entering by this gate as an honour only accorded under particular circumstances. "You quibble," says Cicero to Piso, "as to whether you came in at the Esquiline or Ccelimontane Gate. What do I care by which gate you entered, provided it was not by the Gate of Triumph ? You are the only Proconsul of Macedonia to whom on his return from his province the Triumphal Gate has not been opened." 4 At the death of Augustus it was proposed in the Senate by Asinius that his funeral procession should pass through the Gate of Triumph (probably on its way from the palace to the mausoleum of Augustus in the Campus Martius), and that the titles of the laws he had passed and the names of the nations he had conquered should be carried in the procession. 5 There is no positive evidence for the position of this gate, except the passage of Josephus above alluded to, which shows it to have been near the Porticus Octaviae ; but it is most natural that the triumphal entries should have been made through a gate in this part of the wall leading from the Campus Martius, where the processions were marshalled. The triumphs passed from this gate through the Forum Boarium into the Circus, and thence by the Vicus Tuscus into the Forum, and along the Via Sacra up to the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. 6 Along the north-western edge of the Capitoline hill the wall was probably identical with that of the Capitoline fortress, just as at Carthage the wall of the Byrsa coincided with the city wall. 7 In the short space between the Capitoline and Quirinal Ratiunoia there were two gates. One of them, the Porta Ratumena, was so called from the name of a charioteer in the races at Veii who was unable to stop his run- away horses until they reached Rome, and threw him out at this gate under the Capitoline 1 Bunsen, Beschreibung, vol. i. p. 630 ; see above, p. 44 ; Urlichs, Class. Museum, vol. iii. p. 194. 2 Becker, Handbuch, vol. i. p. 145. 3 Joseph. Bell. Jud. vii. 5, 4. Aia tQ>v dearpav may apply to the Circus Maximus. I strongly suspect that Vespasian and Titus slept in the city in the palace on the Ccelian near the Temple of Isis, and that they then went out to the Porticus Octaviae in the morning. 'Avaxcopei would then mean "returned to the city wall." 4 Cic. in Pis. xxiii. § 55. 5 Tac. Ann. i. 8 ; Suet. Oct. 100. 6 For descriptions of triumphs, see Onuph. Pan- vinius, De Triumpho Rom., Venice, 1600 ; Vopisc. Hist. Aug. p. 220 ; Claudian, De Sext. Cons. Hon. 330 seqq. 7 Orosius, iv. 22 ; Preller, in Schneidewin's Philo- logus, vol. i. p. 84, note 39. The Servian Walls. 47 hill. 1 The gate was, therefore, probably upon the ordinary road from Veii. In the modern Via di Marforio stands a tomb inscribed with the name of Bibulus, which must have been just outside this gate on the old Flaminian road. 2 The name of the second gate situated in this part of the wall was the Porta Fontinalis. Livy describes it as opening upon a portico built by the vEdiles yEmilius Lepidus and L. vEmilius Paullus, in the year B.C. 193, which extended from it to the altar of Mars in the Campus. 3 The small street which now runs from S. Forta 1 T»> • 1. Fontinalis. bilvestro to the Piazza dei Santi Apostoh probably passes over the ancient site of this gate. In connexion with it there is a gravestone in the Vatican Museum com- memorating a letter-carrier or commissionaire, whose station was the Porta Fontinalis. 4 The wall then followed the edge of the Quirinal from the Palazzo Colonna past the Palazzo Barberini to the Villa Barberini. The side of the hill is here encumbered with great masses of brickwork and rubble. Behind these can be seen, at two places, the remains of an ancient wall, corresponding in style and material to that commonly attributed to Servius on the edge of the Aventine. The first of these is near the Rotunda, Ruins °f wal1 in the Villa Massimi, and consists of large blocks of tufa, resting on the ^Mas^mf natural tufa of the hill. The other is in the garden of the Franciscan monks and near s. of S. Maria della Vittoria, not far south of the Casino Barberini. The ^toria" wall, as here seen, is also constructed of horizontal blocks of tufa, and is not placed on the upper edge of the hill, but about half-way down the slope. 5 In this part of the wall stood the Porta Sanqualis, near the Temple of Sancus, from which it derived its name, and not far from the Temple of Quirinus, the patron god of the hill. 6 The Via della Dataria has been fixed upon by Sanqualis. topographers as the probable position of this gate. The Porta Salutaris was about 500 yards beyond this, and possibly stood on the Via delle Quattro Fontane, where it ascends from the Piazza Barberini. The gate was named from the Temple of Salus, which Junius Bubulcus built here more than 200 years after the time of Servius. 7 Before the building of this temple Forta . Scilutcifis there was an Argeian chapel on the spot, dedicated to Salus. 8 But the principal gate upon the Quirinal hill was that from which the great road to Nomentum and the Sabine territory issued. It was called the Porta Collina, or Agonalis, or Quirinalis— names which show it to have been the gate considered as Porta Collina , peculiarly belonging to the Quirinal hill and the Colline Romans. 9 It was probably at the northern end of the Servian agger, which overlooks the upper part of the depression between the Pincian and Quirinal. 10 This was a point often attacked, as it was the most accessible part of the city walls. The Gauls, on their return from 1 Plin. Nat. Hist. viii. 42, 65 ; Plut. Publicola, 13. 5 Reber, Ruinen Roms, p. 509. Later excavations carried on by Mr. Parker have 6 Paul. Uiac. p. 345, " proxima aedi Sanci ;" Livy, been thought to indicate a different course of the viii. 20. wall here, excluding the site of the Forum of 7 Livy, ix. 43 ; Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxv. 4 (7). Augustus from the city. But the evidence in favour 8 Varro, L. L. v. § 52. of Mr. Parker's views is not sufficient to show that " Paul. Diac. pp. 10, 255 ; Strabo, book v. ch. iii. ; the wall did not run straight across the valley. Livy, ii. 11. 2 See below, chap. xiii. 10 bionys., ix. 68, plainly shows the position of this 3 Livy, xxxv. 10 ; xl. 45. gate. So also Strabo, v. 3, p. 234. 4 Orelli, Inscr. No. 5,095. 4 8 The Servian Walls. Campania, in B.C. 360, approached the city at this point. Hannibal intended to attack Rome on this side ; and Sylla, in his famous march on Rome, in B.C. 88, Strabo in 86, and the Democrats and Samnites in 82, marched to this place, as the weakest in the defences of Rome. 1 From the Colline Gate the Servian wall, turning suddenly to the south, ran for about 1,400 yards in nearly a straight line along the agger of Servius. This enormous rampart has been described by Dionysius. 2 He says that the ditch outside Agger of was more than I0Q f eet b roa ol at the narrowest part, and thirty feet Servius. 11 deep; and that upon the edge of the ditch stood a wall, supported by the agger, of such massive strength that it could not be shaken down by battering- rams, or breached by undermining the foundations. Dionysius gives the length of the agger as seven stadia, which, taking the stadium at 202 yards, nearly corresponds to the length given above. 3 The breadth he states at fifty feet. That this ditch and wall were the work of some of the later kings there can be no doubt; but it cannot be determined what part each took in their erection. The final completion of the whole undertaking is ascribed to Tarquinius Superbus, who deepened the ditch, raised the wall, and added new towers. 4 The additions made by him can be distinguished in the portion brought to light by the modern excavations in the railway cutting. In the grounds of the Villa Negroni, through which this rampart passes, it rises at one point into a small hill, upon which is a statue of Rome, which stands about thirty-two feet above the general level of the agger, and is the highest point within the walls of Rome on the eastern bank of the Tiber. Excavations which have been made in this part of the agger, from time to time, have brought to light an enormous wall, now buried in the earth, constructed of huge blocks of peperino. 5 This is probably the wall mentioned by Dionysius, which in his time stood outside the ramparts, on the edge of the ditch. The remains of buildings of the Imperial times have been found placed upon and outside of this wall ; and it is probable that the whole ditch is now filled with such remains, and the wall buried in them. The Central Railway Station stands close to the agger, and a cutting has lately been made through a part of it to make room for the station, by which new portions of the internal wall have been disinterred. All these excavations have proved the truth of Dionysius's description, the wall having been found on the outer side of the original agger, which is easily distinguishable from tlhe rubbish in which it is buried by being composed of clean soil, unmixed with potsherds and brickbats. It is possibly this agger to which Horace alludes when, speaking of the Gardens of Maecenas on the Esquiline, he says — " Nunc licet Esquiliis habitare salubribus, atque Aggere in aprico spatiari." 6 1 Livy, vii. 11, xxvi. 101 ; Juvenal, vi. 290, "Collina stantes in turre mariti ;" Mommsen, Hist. Rom. vol. iii. pp. 264, 318, 340. 2 Dionys. ix. 68 ; Cic. De Rep. ii. 6. 3 Strabo gives the length as six stadia. 4 Livy, i. 44; Aur. Vict., Vir. 111. 6; Plin. Nat. Hist, iii. 5, 9; Dionys. iv. 54; Brocchi, Suolo di Roma, p. 144. 5 Brocchi, Suolo di Roma, p. 144; Annah dkW Institute) Arch., vol. xxxiv. p. 126; Fea. Miscell. torn, i. p. 248, n. 98 ; Venuti, Antichita di Roma, parte i. ch. v. p. 129. 6 Hor. Sat. 1, 8, 14. See Note A at the end of tlhis chapter. The Servian Walls. 49 In the middle of the agger was the Porta Viminalis, 1 which the late excavations have fixed at a point about 270 paces south of the statue of Rome, on the Monte di Giustitia ; and at the southern end the Porta Esquilina, 2 rr * ta 7 . 1 Viminalis. from which the Via Labicana and the Via Prsenestina ran, near the Arch of Gallienus. The wall probably ran from the southern end of the agger, along the back p m of the Esquiline and Ccelian, in the direction of the modern Via Merulana and Querquetulana. Via Ferratella. In this portion must be placed the Porta Querquetulana 3 and ~ ^ the Porta Ccelimontana ; 4 but their exact situation is unknown. The situation of no gate in the Servian walls can be determined so completely as that of the Porta Capena. We know that part of the Acqua Marcia passed over it, whence it was called the Dripping Gate (Madida Capena) by Martial and Juvenal. 5 It was, therefore, in the valley below the Ccelian hill; and we should, judging P< " ta Ca ^ ena ' from the form of the ground, naturally place it where the hill on which S. Balbina stands approaches the Ccelian most nearly. A striking confirmation of this conjecture has been discovered. The first milestone on the Appian road was found, in 1584, in the first vineyard beyond the present Porta S. Sebastiano, the Vigna Naro ; and measuring back one mile from it, we come exactly to this spot. Milestones and horse-blocks were erected on all the great roads by Caius Gracchus, before the milliarium aureum was put up in the Forum- by Augustus ; and it is probable that the distances were always measured from the gates. 6 Near the Porta Capena stood the Temples of Honour and Virtue, dedicated by Mar- cellus, after the capture of Syracuse, 7 and the Temple of Mars, from which the procession of knights started, on the Ides of Quintilis, to go to the Capitol, in commemoration of the aid given by the Dioscuri at the battle of the Lake Regillus. 8 A sort of cloister is men- tioned by Ovid as extending outside this gate to the Temple of Mars, which may possibly be the Tecta Via alluded to by Martial in two of his epigrams. 9 The Manalis Lapis, or Rainstone, was kept near this Temple of Mars, and was brought into the city in seasons of drought. 10 An order was issued by the Council, in the year 215 B.C., that the Senate should meet at the Porta Capena, apparently with the view of being in more immediate communication with the army, then in the south, during the Second Punic War ; and the custom of meeting there was continued for a whole year after the battle of Cannae. 11 1 Strabo, v. 3, 7, p. 234 ; Paul. Diac. pp. 163, 376 ; Frontin. DeAquaed. 19 ; Annali delP Inst. vol. xxxiv. p. 132. 2 Strabo, v. 3, 9, p. 237 ; Dionys. ix. 68 ; Livy, ii. 11. 3 Plin. Nat. Hist. xvi. 10, 15 ; Festus, p. 261 ; Varro, L. L. v. § 49. Tac. Ann. iv. 65, identifies the Ccelian with the Ouerquetulan Mount. 4 Livy, ii. 11. 5 Frontin. De Aq. 19; Mart. iii. 47; Juv. iii. 11. The "veteres arcus " of Juvenal may perhaps refer to the old Marcian aqueduct which had been replaced by the Claudian in Nero's time. 6 Plut. C. Gracch. 7. This milestone is now in the Piazza del Campidoglio, at the top of the steps lead- ing up from the Piazza dAra Cceli on the right hand. See below, chap. vi. 7 Livy, xxv. 40, xxvii. 25 ; Plut. Marc. 28 ; Val. Max. i. 1, 8 ; Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 23 ; Momrasen. vol. ii. p. 122. 8 Livy, ix. 46 ; Val. Max. ii. 2, 9 ; Macaulay's Lays, ii. ; Propert. v. 3, 71. y Ov. Fast. vi. 191 ; Mart. iii. 5, viii. 75. 10 Paul. Diac. pp. 2, 128 ; Becker, Handbuch, vol. i. note 1086. 11 Livy, xxiii. 32 ; Festus, p. 347. II The Servian Walls. Almost immediately outside the Porta Capena were the tombs of Horatia, of Septimius Severus, of the Scipios, and Ennius, still extant, and of others mentioned by Cicero. 1 From the Porta Capena to the Aventine the course of the wall was doubtful before the discovery of the fragments of the Servian wall above alluded to ; but there can be little Porta Ncevia : doubt now that the wall passed round the height on which the churches of Porta s. Saba and S. Balbina stand. 2 Varro, apparently enumerating from the RUU pZfa la Aventine, mentions three gates in this portion of the wall — the Naevia, the Lavemalis. Rauduscula, and the Lavernalis ; but their sites are unknown. 3 If it be true that the remains of a gate were dug up in the Vigna dei Gesuiti, which lies on the slope of SERVIAN WALL ON THE AVENTINE. the Aventine opposite to S. Saba, and then demolished, they must in all probability have belonged to the Naevia. There must have been another gate on the Aventine, and therefore the Porta Minucia Po t Minucia men tioned by Festus has been placed by some topographers at the south- western angle of the hill. 4 1 Livy, i. 26 ; Spart. Geta, 7 ; Livy, xxxviii. 56 ; Hieron. ed. Rone. p. 379 ; Cic. Tusc. i. 7. 8 Traces of a part of the wall are found under the church of S. Balbina. Gells' Topography of Rome, p. 493, Appendix. See Bulletino delP Institute, 1852, p. 83. 3 Varro, L. L. v. § 163. Compare Hieron. Chron. 01. 134, t. i. p. 369, ed. Rone, from which it is seen that Varro begins the enumeration from the Aventine ; Festus, pp. 117, 274; Livy, ii. 11. 4 Paul. Diac. pp. 122, 147. The Servian Walls. 51 The last gate of which the site can be determined is the Porta Trigemina, which lay between the north-western corner of the Aventine and the river. Its situation is fixed in the following way : — Frontinus mentions that the Appian aqueduct began to have its water distributed into small pipes "near the salt-stores, which are close rr Pmta 11 lngemina. to the Porta Trigemina;" and he also calls the same place "the bottom of the Publician Hill, near the Porta Trigemina." 1 Now Solinus identifies the salt-stores with the cave of Cacus, on the Aventine, and, as the Appian water came from the Porta Capena, we cannot suppose that it was carried far round the corner of the hill before being dis- tributed, and the site of the gate is therefore to be fixed at the north-eastern angle of the hill. A part of the ancient wall has been (1856) discovered under the walls of the Convent of S. Sabina. This fragment shows that the wall ran along the upper edge of the hill, and not below, as Nardini supposed. 2 In connexion with this part of the topography of Rome, it may be mentioned that the Porta Navalis, 3 which will be found in most maps of the Servian walls at the south-eastern aneje of the Aventine, has been shown by Becker not to have been there. & Porta Navalis. His argument is as follows : — The Navalia were not near the Aventine, but opposite the Prata Quinctia, in the upper bend of the Tiber. 4 Cato the younger, on his return from Cyprus, refused to land at his first approach to the city by water, but rowed past the magistrates who had come out to welcome him at the Aventine, and landed at the Navalia, higher up. 5 Livy also mentions that the ships of Perseus were laid up at the Campus Martius, probably near the Arsenal. The Porta Navalis was, therefore, most likely not a gate in the Servian wall, but belonged to the later enclosures of Rome. A considerable number of so-called gates are either merely arches within the walls or mistaken readings in the manuscripts ; as the Porta Stercoraria, 6 the Porta Libitinensis, 7 the Porta Fenestella, 8 the Porta Ferentina, 9 the Piacularis, 10 the Catularia, 11 the Metia, 12 and the Collatina. 13 To what extent the western bank of the Tiber was fortified, in the time of the kings and the Republic, is very uncertain. Ancus Martius is said by Livy to have first fortified the Janiculum with a wall, and united it with the city by the bridge of piles 14 (Pons Sublicius). But it appears from the account in Livy of the constant Fortifications of 7U£stc}'?i bcinJz of occupations of the Janiculum by the Etruscans, in the war with the Veii, in the Tiber ^ 475 B.C., that there were then no walls connecting the bridge with the fort. 15 A passage of Appian, in which he relates how Marius was admitted within the gate of the Janiculum by Appius Claudius, seems to show that Appian at least thought the Janiculum 1 Front. De Aquaed. 5 ; Livy, iv. 16 ; xxxv. 10 ; Plaut. Capt. i. 1, 22 ; Plin. Nat. Hist, xviii. 3, 4. It has been supposed that the channels of this water have been discovered under S. Sabina. See Ann. deW Inst. xxix. p. 72. 2 Solinus, i. 8. Later excavations have proved that the Porta Trigemina was at the Salaria, and that the Pons Sublicius was close to it. Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. hi. p. 129; Ann. deW Inst. vol. xxix. p. 64. 3 Paul. Diac. p. 179: "Navalis porta a vicinia navalium dicta." 4 See Livy, iii. 26 ; Pliny, xviii. 4. 5 Plut. Cato min. 39. 6 Festus, p. 344. 7 Lamprid. Commod. 16. 8 Ov. Fast. vi. 572. 9 Plut. Rom. 24. 10 Festus, p. 213. 11 Ibid., p. 45. 12 Plaut. Cas. ii. 6, 2 ; Pseud, i. 3, 97, where Ritschl reads " mi etiam " for " Metiam." See Note B at the end of the chapter. 13 Festus, p. 37. 14 Livy, i. 33 ; Dionys. iii. 45 ; Procop. B. G. i. 19. - 5 Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 397, English translation ; Livy, ii. 51, 52. H 2 52 The Servian Walls. had walls. 1 But we are totally without evidence as to their extent, or when they were first built ; and Appian probably transferred the notions of a late time to the time of Marius ; for we find Sylla, in his march on Rome, in B.C. 88, occupying the bridge over the Tiber without, apparently, having to pass any walls. 2 Till the time of Augustus, the Janiculum was considered a part of Italy, and not a part of the city of Rome. Cicero expressly says that there was no reason why, in his time, a colony should not be planted there, just as in any other spot in Italy. 3 Augustus made it one of his fourteen regions, under the name of the Regio Trans- tiberina; but, even after his time, the jurists seem to have maintained a difference between Roma and Urbs. Urbs, the circle of the city, did not include the Janiculum ; while Roma, equivalent possibly to the Ager Romanus, did include it. 4 Note A, p. 48. — The Servian Wall on the Agger, excavated during the Railway Works. From the " Annali dell' Instituto," vol. xxxiv. p. 133. The wall is composed of cut stones of peperino {lapis albanus) from one to three metres in length, about one metre (39*37 1 inches) in breadth, and 75 of a metre in depth. Three rows of such stones constitute the whole thickness of the wall, and are placed one upon the other without mortar or cement, or any sort of arrangement as to size, each stone having been placed as it came to hand. But although they are cut without much care, and the interstices between them are sometimes large, yet there is a certain appearance of skill in the work, and the stones of the central row are sometimes let into the outer row to ensure strength. The stability of the wall is chiefly secured by an unwieldy thickness characteristic of so remote an age, and by the huge size of the stones, rather than the accuracy of the workmanship. Fabricius, in Grsev. Thes. iii. p. 471, and Onuph. Panvinius, id. p. 316, first imagined the existence of a Porta Metia from three passages of Plautus : Casina, ii. 6 ; Pseud, i. 3, 96 ; Mil. Glor. ii. 4, 6. They identified it with the Porta Esquilina, as the well-known place of execution and burial of paupers and criminals. Cleostrata, however, the person mentioned in the Casina, was not a pauper or a criminal, nor does there seem to be any reason for mentioning a particular gate of the city in the passages of the Casina and Pseudulus. No name is given in the Miles Gloriosus. Ritschl, Opusc. ii. p. 382, observes that the word is Metia in the Casina, and Metia in the Pseudulus ; that all the MSS. read " mi etiam " in the passage of the Pseudulus, and vary in the passage of the Casina between " victuam," " nictuam," " nituam," and " metuam." He therefore wishes to read "mi etiam" and "mortuam" in the Pseudulus and Casina, and in the Miles Gloriosus " esse pereundum " for "esse eundum actutum," and he concludes: " Ter igitur Plautus ' extra portam ' dixit simpliciter quemadmodum nos quoque vor's Thor, vot^tn Thor etiam cum de certa urbis porta cogitamus. Potest ille ipsam Esquilinam significasse, certum est omnino extra urbem solita esse supplicia fieri, cadavera comburi, humari, maleficorum etiam projici tantum, item communi veterum more extra urbem carnifices habitasse." 1 App. B. C. i. 68. 2 Mommsen, vol. iii. p. 265. 3 Cic. De Leg. Agr. v. 16. 4 Marcell. Dig. L. 16, 87. Note B, p. 51. — ' ■The Porta Metia. CHAPTER V. THE WALLS OF A URELLAN AND HONORLUS. LONG INTERVAL DURING WHICH NO NEW FORTIFICATIONS WERE MADE AT ROME — EXTENT OF ROME — REASONS FOR NEGLECT OF WALLS — THE AURELIAN WALLS BUILT FOR FEAR OF THE BARBARIANS OF THE NORTH — REBUILT BY HONORIUS — GATES IN THE AURELIAN WALLS — THE COURSE OF THE AURELIAN WALLS — PORTA AURELIA NOVA — PORTA FLAMINIA — MURO TORTO — PORTA PINCIANA — PORTA SALARIA— PORTA NOMENTANA — CASTRA PRvETORIANA — PORTA CHIUSA — PORTA TIBURTINA CORRESPONDS TO PORTA S. LORENZO — PORTA PRyENESTINA TO PORTA MAGGIORE — VIVARIUM — AMPHITHEATRUM CASTRENSE — PORTA ASINARIA — PORTA METROVIA — PORTA LATIN A — PORTA APP1A — PORTA OSTIENSIS — COURSE OF AURELIAN WALLS IN THE TRASTEVERE — PORTA PORTUENSIS — PORTA AURELIA VETUS — PORTA SEPTIMIANA — NOTE ON THE PORTA VIMI- NALIS AND VIA TIBURTINA. " Addebant pulchrum nova mcenia vultum, Audito perfecta recens rumore Getarum." ' Claudian, VI. Cons. Honor. 531. IT seems almost incredible that Rome should have contented herself with the Servian walls for nearly eight centuries, from 507 B.C. till the time of Aurelian, A.D. 270. Yet such is apparently the fact. We find in Livy a few notices of repairs having taken place in the walls, but no account of any fresh enclosure. 1 The extension of the pomcerium by Sylla 2 had no connexion whatever with the walls, as the pomcerium was simply a religious boundary, which since the earliest times had not been necessarily co-extensive with the walls. 3 In the attack and storming of Long interval J without new the city by the troops of Vespasian in A.D. 69 the Servian walls are evi- fortifications. dently still in existence. 4 Dionysius, who could not have been mistaken, having lived for many years at Rome in the time of Augustus, plainly states that up to his time Servius Tullius was the last person who increased the circuit of the walls, and that the fortifications were, on account of religious scruples, never extended beyond these limits. "All the ground built upon and inhabited," he goes on to say, " round the city, which is of immense extent, is without walls and undefended, and could easily, if an enemy approached, be taken. Should any one try to estimate the size of Rome, including these suburbs, he will find himself at a loss where to draw the line between what belongs to the city and what to the country. But, if it is measured by the old wall, which is rather difficult to trace, because it is so much covered with 1 Livy, vi. 32, after the Gallic conquest of Rome, 2 Gell. xiii. 14. B.C. 375 ; vii. 20, repairs were made 350 B.C. ; xxv. 3 Vopisc Aur. p. 216 C. chap. xxi. 7, again repaired B.C. 212. 4 Tac Hist. iii. 82. 54 The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. buildings, but can still be traced in many places, the circumference of Rome will be found to be not much larger than that of Athens." 1 In the time of Vespasian, Pliny the elder gives some measurements of the extent of Rome, which, however difficult they may be to interpret, can hardly be Extent of Rome. . , . , , ., r >, . « TT understood to imply the existence 01 any new wall since the Servian/ He says : " The buildings of Rome in the reign of Vespasian and Titus, in the eight hundred and twenty-seventh year from the foundation of the city, are nearly twelve miles in circumference. The city embraces seven hills, and is divided into fourteen regions and two hundred and sixty-five parishes (compita Lamm). The distances from the milestone which stands at the top of the Forum to each of the thirty-seven gates, counting ' the twelve gates ' as one, and leaving out seven of the old ones, which are disused, when added together in a straight line, amount to 29-f miles. But the distance from the same milestone to the extreme limit of the houses, passing through all the streets which lead to roads, is a little more than 66^- miles." The walls of the modern city are between twelve and thirteen miles in circumfer- ence, so that the regions of Augustus, the circumference of which is probably that given by Pliny's first measurement, occupied pretty nearly the same extent of ground as that afterwards enclosed by the Aurelian walls, which correspond to those of the modern city. It must be remembered that nearly one-half of the space enclosed by the walls is now uninhabited. 3 The second measurement given by Pliny plainly extends to the gates of the Servian wall only, which had been largely multiplied, and is intended to be contrasted with the third, and to give the size of the old city within the walls as compared with the whole extent of the buildings of Rome in Vespasian's time. It appears also from Pliny's statement that the walls of Servius had been pierced, as we should naturally expect, with a great number of gates in order to give free access to the outer city. Becker considers that Strabo's remark, 4 in describing the policy of the Romans, to the effect that they defended their walls by their men, and not their men by their walls, is some- what beside the truth, for it was not till after the Punic Wars that the walls Reasons for Q f R ome were neglected. But Strabo's words may be interpreted to mean neglect of walls. ,-, , I7 , , , , , that Rome, even before the Punic Wars, depended not on the strength of her walls, but upon the firm and compact confederation of allies who surrounded her- 1 Dionys. iv. 13. This passage of Dionysius seems to me completely to negative Mr. J. H. Parker's sup- position that there was an agger or outer line of de- fence previously existing on the line of the Aurelian walls. See Archceol. Journal, xxiv. p. 346. 2 Plin. Nat. Hist. iii. 5, 9. I understand mcenia to denote the buildings of the city as distinguished from muri, walls. So in Plin. Nat. Hist. vi. 26, 30, the muri of Babylon are distinguished from the mcenia; and so in Virg. ALn. vi. 549 : "Mcenia lata videt triplici circum- data muro." Pliny's "duodecim porta?" may have been a gateway with twelve arches, possibly belong- ing to some aqueduct. Gibbon (ch. ii.) wrongly sup- poses that the wall of Servius was meant by Pliny in speaking of the " Mcenia Romas." He thinks that the wall included pasture-land. But this is plainly impossible. See a note in Friedlander's Sitten- geschichte Roms, p. 10. J. H. Parker {Archceol. Journal, xxiv. p. 345) thinks that the walls of Aure- lian and Honorius were carried along the top of an agger, which was originally the outer agger of the Servian enclosure (?) and that this agger was used as a fortification in the time of the Republic (?). But see note \ 3 Preller, Regionen, s. 76, remarks that the line of the Aurelian walls did not exactly correspond with the boundaries of the fourteen regions of Augustus. On the side of the Porta Appia the first region extended beyond the gate, and on the opposite side at the Porta Flaminia the regions did not extend so far as the wall of Aurelian. 4 Strabo, v. 3, p. 234. The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. 55 Carthage was indebted to the strength of her walls for safety on several occasions, but Rome made her position against foreign attacks so secure by a policy of moderation and graduated concession of privileges, securing the allegiance of the less privileged by means of those who had superior rights, that she was, as it were, surrounded by an impassable barrier of subject allies. The social war was only caused by the gradual loss of position which the Latins suffered in course of time, and the feeling that they had by degrees been reduced to the level of subjects. But during the great shocks which Rome endured, her confederacy stood firm, and broke the violence of the invaders. The dashing attacks of Pyrrhus were repulsed by it ; and though Hannibal carried the southern outworks of their defences by main force, yet he looked in vain for the loosening and breaking up of the compact structure of the central allies — the Latins, Sabines, and Etruscans. Even Cannae could not shake their allegiance. 1 Each small country town closed its gates against the conqueror, and their united opposition broke the force of the blow he would have inflicted on Rome had she stood alone. It is true that in the time of the civil wars, after the death of Drusus, the walls of Rome were nominally put in a state of defence against the Southern Italian insur- rection, but still no reliance was placed upon them. After the battle of Tolenus, B.C. 90, the Romans seem to have despaired of holding the city, and actually made great concessions to the Italians. 2 And again, when the Samnites and Democrats attacked Rome in B.C. 82, the walls would have afforded but little protection had not Sylla brought speedy relief to the city. Sylla himself, in his celebrated march on Rome in B.C. 88, seems not to have anticipated any defence of the actual walls as possible. They were then probably half in ruins ; at all events, he entered without difficulty. 3 Considerable fear was entertained at Rome lest Spartacus, in B.C. 70, should make a sudden swoop upon Rome. No fear need have been entertained had Rome been fortified at the time. 4 Previous to the Punic Wars, no extension of the Servian walls was necessary. All the surplus population of Rome was draughted off into her colonies, nor is there any reason to suppose that her population was too large to be contained on an emergency within the old walls. During the gradual subjection of Latium, Campania, Etruria, Samnium, and the South, military colonies, each containing from two to four thousand men, were constantly being planted in the conquered territory. In one case, that of Venusia, the number of colonists was said to have been twenty thousand ; and, although this must be an exaggeration, it shows at least that the Roman colonization was on a large scale. 5 Besides this drain upon the population of Rome, the supplies of men required for the constant wars in which Rome was engaged must have been very considerable until the final overthrow of Carthage. The fearful losses of life are indicated by a decrease of 17,000 in the burgess roll of the city between 281 and 275 B.C.; 6 and in 211 B.C. Rome had twenty-three legions in the field engaged in constant fighting. Three 1 See Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. ii. p. 335 ; vol. iii. 4 Merivale, Hist, of Romans, vol. i. ch. i. p. 46. pp. 236, 239, 243, 246, 340. 5 Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 392 ; vol. ii. 2 Orosius, v. 18; Ov. Fast. vi. 565. 352. 3 Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. iii. p. 264. 6 Ibid., vol. i. pp. 418, 436 ; vol. ii. p. 52. 56 The Walls of A urelian and Honorius. hundred thousand Italians are said to have been killed in the Second Punic War ; and, though the Third Punic War was probably not so destructive, yet an enormous number of Roman citizens must have been lost in it. 1 Settlement at Rome was discouraged for the express purpose of extending the Empire, and, even so late as B.C. 126, all non-burgesses were dismissed from the capital. 2 Centralization was not an}' part of the Roman policy during the Republican govern- ment. The public money at a time when the Roman state was most wealthy — viz. from 180 to 122 B.C. — was chiefly employed, not in buildings at Rome, but on distant works, such as military roads, aqueducts, and drainage. After 122 B.C. these works were stopped, partly in consequence of the saving policy of the oligarchy, and partly because the exchequer was drained by largesses to the mob. 3 It may be added that great public works are generally undertaken by a despotic government, which can concentrate the whole force of the nation upon one point, and provide the necessary supplies of men and money with certainty. The annual magistracies of the Roman Republican constitution did not afford those who held office time enough to originate or to carry out great and comprehensive schemes, except in very few instances ; and that jealous animosity with which the proposer of any great public measure was regarded at Rome proved sufficient to deter the ablest men from attempting improvements on a large scale, and drove them to throw their whole energy into the foreign wars of the state, where a better prospect of gaining both wealth and renown was open to them. At the time of Sylla's re-organization of the state, all Italy south of the Rubicon and Arno was considered as a home province, inhabited by Roman citizens, and subject to the ordinary autho- rities at Rome, and no military force was ever stationed in it. The passage of the Rubicon by Csesar was a declaration of war, because it infringed this rule, which had become a fundamental maxim of Roman state law. 4 Subsequently, when the Empire was firmly established, all fear of an invasion of Italy by a foreign enemy was at an end, and the energies of the Emperors were rather devoted to the erection of buildings for the amusement and entertainment of the people than for defence. The writers from whom we obtain the scanty information which can be gleaned with respect to the walls which Aurelian built round the city of Rome, are full of strange exaggerations and legends. 5 Their histories are the most meagre compendia of events, spiced with strange and incredible statements, intended to make them interesting to readers who wished for excitement regardless of truth. Vopiscus, in his biography of Aurelian, states that the walls of Rome were so enlarged by Aurelian as to ' T eA ^s* an nave a circumference of nearly fifty thousand paces. 6 It has been charitably suggested by Piale, in order to save Vopiscus's character for truth, that he meant fifty thousand feet instead of fifty thousand double paces of five feet. But we may as well set down the statement at once as a mere exaggeration into which Vopiscus was 1 Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. ii. pp. 172, 392, 192. Rone; Cassiod. Chron. t. ii. p. 214, ed. Rone. 3 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 333 ; vol. iii. p. 106. 6 Vopiscus, Aur. 39; Hist. Aug. p. 222. A passus, 3 Ibid., vol. iii p. 406. or double step, was reckoned from the place at which 4 Ibid., vol. iii. pp. 367, 375. . either one of the feet left the ground to the place at 5 Aur. Vict. Cses. 35, 7 ; Eutrop. ix. 15 Zosimus, which it again reached the ground in walking. It i. 37, 49 ; Orosius, vii. 23 ; Hieron. t. i. p. 481, ed. was = 5 Roman feet. The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. 57 led by his wish to exalt the hero of his tale. The impossibility of such an extent of the walls is plain, for it is inconceivable that they or the parts of the town they enclosed should so completely have disappeared, or that some further notice of so enormous a work should not have been preserved than the few casual notices we have left to us. Besides this, the Praetorian camp plainly formed a part of the Aurelian walls, for when Constantine abolished the Praetorian guards and destroyed their quarters, he would certainly have pulled down the three sides still remaining had they not formed a part of the city walls. The Aurelian walls did not therefore reach beyond the Praetorian camp on the north-eastern side of Rome. "The regions of Augustus corresponded, with a few exceptions which can be explained by the nature of the ground, to the present circuit of the walls, which we find also to be built on old foundations, and to contain considerable remains of older walls. An extent of fifty miles if given to the walls would far outstep these limits, which separated between town and country folk, and stretch to a great distance into the Campagna." 1 Another apparent exaggeration is to be found in Olympiodorus, who says that the walls of Rome, as measured by Ammon the Geometer at the time of the first attack of the Goths, A.D. 408, contained a circuit of twenty-one miles. 2 This has been satis- factorily explained by Becker as a confusion between the Roman double pace of five feet and the ordinary single pace of two feet and a half. For if we halve the distance it nearly corresponds to the actual circumference of the walls. Aurelian, says Vopiscus, 3 feared lest what had happened in the time of Gallienus, when the Alemanni appeared in the neighbourhood of Rome and threatened the city, might happen again. For the first time since the Second Punic War a foreign foe had been seen near Rome. For four hundred and fifty years the soil of BuMforfeai of J J the barbarians of Italy had remained inviolate. But all the North of Europe was now in the North. commotion ; the tribes were breaking up and forming new combinations, and a wide-spread tempest was at hand. The Emperor Aurelian, who had passed his boyhood and youth in the North of Italy, and in the Roman camps, and had filled every post, from the centurionship to that of commander-in-chief of the cavalry, well knew • that the swift and impulsive movements of the barbarian hordes might bear them in an instant from the frontier to the defenceless palaces of Rome. He also foresaw that the need of employing the restless legions in distant wars, no less than his own adventurous and military character, would constantly keep him, with the flower of the army, at a distance from Italy, and would leave Rome at the mercy of the warlike Germans. He therefore commenced the indispensable but melancholy task of providing against such a disaster. His own short reign of five years was not sufficient to complete the fortifications contemplated, and they were finished by his successor Probus. 4 The danger apprehended from the Northern nations was, however, deferred for a time by the warlike character of the next succeeding Emperors, and the walls of Rome fell again into decay. 1 Bunsen, Beschreibung, vol. i. p. 647. for "miliaria xxii." 2 Olymp. in Phot. Bibl. 80, p. 63, Bekk. In the 3 Vopiscus, Aur. 21 ; Hist. Aug. p. 216, c. ; passage of Martin. Polonus, Introd. p. 74, quoted by Gibbon, chap. x. Nibby, p. 280, the Leipsic MSS. read " miliaria xii." 4 Zosimus, i. 49. 58 The Walls of Atirelian and Honorius. When Honorius, 125 years afterwards, undertook to rebuild them in dread of an invasion by the Goths, he found them in ruins. An inscription now extant over the Porta S* Lorenzo records this restoration, and similar inscriptions remained Rebuilt by over t ne Porta Maggiore and the Porta S. Paolo, till they were removed by Honorius. 00 J J Urban VIII. 1 None of the gates of Aurelian are now left, as the style of architecture plainly shows, and the above-mentioned inscriptions do not at all prove that the gates upon which they stood were the identical gates erected by Honorius, for the inscriptions may have been transferred from older gates. A hundred years after Hono- rius's time, Totila destroyed a considerable portion of his walls, but it is generally supposed by topographers that Belisarius, who renewed them, built them on the same foundations, and that the modern wall corresponds nearly to the line of Aurelian's fortifications. 2 Pope Leo IV. first enclosed St. Peter's and the Vatican with a line of fortifications, and also restored a considerable part of the walls on the eastern bank. 3 Even including this part of the city, which is called the Borgo or Citta Leonina, the area enclosed by the Aurelian walls is only two-fifths of the area of Paris, and would, at a moderate computation, only hold about 550,000 inhabitants. 4 The gates in the Aurelian walls are enumerated by an anonymous writer, whose manuscript has been preserved in the Library of the Convent of Einsiedlen in Schwyz, and also by Procopius. 5 The former of these is supposed to have visited Rome in the ninth century, and Procopius wrote about 540 A.D. Both of them agree Gates in the the number of gates was fourteen, besides some postern gates. 6 The Aurelian walls. 0 anonymous writer gives with great precision the number of towers, battle- ments, loopholes, and postern gates between each of the principal gates, so that we can calculate approximately the distance between the gates. His list of gates is as follows: — P. S. Petri, P. Flaminia, P. Pinciana, P. Salaria, P. Numentana, P. Tiburtina, P. Praenestina, P. Asinaria, P. Metrovia, P. Latina, P. Appia, P. Ostiensis, P. Portensis, P. Aurelia. The last two are the only gates on the western bank of the Tiber. The course of the Aurelian walls differed from that of the Servian principally in taking a wider range round the whole city, including, as has been seen, the outer line of the Augustan regions. Instead of following the edges of the hills as the The course oj Servian did, it disregarded the help afforded by the nature of the ground the Aurelian . walls compared and crossed the level ground at the back of the Esquiline and on the south with the present s - l( ^ e Q f ^ e c ity, where its course was plainly determined by the artificial walls. limit imposed by the extent of the houses. On the eastern bank of the Tiber it followed as nearly as possible the line of the present walls along the slope of the Pincian at the back of the Servian agger and Esquiline, and also at the back of the Ccelian and Aventine. But upon the western bank the line of the Aurelian wall was totally different from that of the present enclosure, and embraced a much smaller space. 7 It seems also that the Romans of Aurelius's time did not consider the Tiber a sufficient 1 " Egestis immensis ruderibus," are the words of and Quarterly Review, 1856, p. 445, ff. the inscription on the Porta S. Lorenzo. 5 The enumeration of the Anon. Eins. is given in 2 Procop. Bell. Goth. iii. 22, 24. Becker, Handbuch, vol. i. p. 192. 3 Nibby, Mura di Roma, p. 254. G Procop. Bell. Goth. i. 19. 4 See Friedliinder, Sittengesch. Roms, vol. i. p. 24, 7 See the Map of the Aurelian walls. The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. 59 defence in itself, for they continued their fortifications along its bank, from the points where the wall touched the river on the eastern bank to the points where the Transtiberine wall reached the opposite bank. 1 These portions of the Aurelian walls have almost dis- appeared at the present day. The Transtiberine wall of Aurelian began from the Pons Janiculensis, now the Ponte S. Sisto, 2 and passed nearly parallel to the Via di Ponte S. Sisto and the Via delle Fornaci to the Porta S. Pancrazio, which was then called the Porta Aurelia. After passing this gate it turned at an angle less than a right angle and descended the hill again, crossing the modern wall nearly at right angles. It then bent itself to the south-east, and reached the bank of the Tiber at a spot about five hundred yards outside the present Porta Portese. In describing the course of the Aurelian wall, I shall follow the same direction as in the case of the Servian walls, proceeding from the northern point, at which it reached the river, round to the southern. In that section of the wall which lay along the eastern bank of the river from the Pons Janiculensis to the Porta Flaminia, there was a gate near the mausoleum of Hadrian, called by the anonymous writer of Einsiedlen ^^^^ the Gate of St. Peter. 3 Procopius gives it also the name of the Porta Aurelia, probably because the new Aurelian road passed out through it. The old Aurelian road passed out through the Porta S. Pancrazio, which was also sometimes called the Porta Aurelia. In the time of Belisarius, and during the Gothic wars, the mausoleum of Hadrian had already been turned into a fortress for the protection of the neighbouring gate. Two parallel walls united it with the fortifications of the city, but the gate itself is strangely enough spoken of as if it stood upon the eastern bank of the river, so that we must sup- pose that there was another gate on the western bank to afford an exit from the walls. This gate on the western bank was probably also considered a part of the Porta Aurelia, and the two gates being so close together are reckoned as one. Therefore, when Procopius speaks of the mausoleum and the Aurelian gate having been attacked, he is speaking of the outer part of the Aurelian gate alone. 4 The old Flaminian gate was a little nearer the slope of the Pincian than the present Porta del Popolo; for Procopius speaks of it as placed in a steep place, and not easily approached or attacked. 5 The present gate was built by Pius IV, in 1 561, and named from the Church of S. Maria del Popolo, close by ; but the position must have ° r a m ' been altered long before, as we find the gate so near the river as to have been injured by the inundations of the Tiber, in the times of Gregory II. and Hadrian I. (715 — 792).° Beyond this gate, on the edge of the Pincian Hill, there is a very ancient piece of wall, faced with a casing of opus reticulatum? This is supposed to have formed a part of the 1 Procop. Bell. Goth. i. 19, 22 ; ii. 9. 0 Anastas. Vit. Greg. pp. 165, 271. Blanch. 2 The expressions of Procopius, i. 19, gwcnrreiv to 7 " Opus reticulatum" is made of small diamond- Telxos rfi yefpvpa, and rj npbs ra ivepifiokw y«pvpa are shaped blocks of tufa set in the surface of a mass of very strongly in favour of the hypothesis that the concrete. These blocks were driven into the con- bridge and wall met. crete before the lime had dried and set. The Muro 3 Called also Cornelia, Blan. Anast. ii. p. 141 ; and Torto is sometimes spoken of as having been a part Coll iana (plainly a confusion), Montfaucon, Diar. of the house of Sylla, but I do not know upon what Ital. p. 283. authority. A more probable conjecture is that it was 4 Procop. i. 22, p. 106; Dindorf; Becker, Hand- a part of the tomb of the Domitii, mentioned by Suet, buch, vol. i. note 300. Dom. 2. See Guattani, Monumenti, torn. i. p. 20, 6 Procop. Bell. Goth. i. 23 : «J x<»p<» Kprjuvddei. anno 1784 ; and Venuti's Roma Antica. I 2 6o The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. substructure of some of the private buildings on the Pincian previous to the time of Aurelian, who incorporated it in his wall. Near the angle of the wall, where it turns sharply to the south, is a point at which the brickwork leans in great masses uro Torto. cons j ( j era ] 3 iy out Q f t h e perpendicular, whence it has the name of Muro Torto. Procopius speaks of this as having been in the same state long before his time, and calls it the " broken wall." 1 The reason of the neglect to repair it seems to have been a super- PORTA SALARIA. stitious idea that it was under the protection of the Apostle St. Peter, and was therefore impregnable ; but whether St. Peter's powers were ever put to the test does not appear. 2 There is no difficulty in fixing the sites and names of the three next gates — the Pinciana, the Salaria, and the Nomentana. 3 The Pinciana is now walled up, the Porta Salaria is still extant under the" name £aiara,- and the Porta Pia has now taken the place of the Nomentana, and stands a little to the north of it. 4 Porta; Pinciana, Salaria, Nomentana. 1 Procop. Bell. Goth. i. 23, nepifioXov buppayhra. 2 See Note A at the end of the chapter. 3 Urlichs, in Class. Museum, vol. iii. Urlichs has shown that Procopius calls the Pinciana a nvXr) oftenerthan anvXis. But see note 3 on page 62 ; also notes B, C, and D at the end of the chapter. 4 The Porta Belisaria of Procop. i. 18, 22, is re- jected both by Becker, Handbuch, p. 198, and Urlichs, Class. Museum, vol. iii. p. 196. The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. 61 Near this gate the square of the Castra Praetoriana projects from the walls. Aurelian had made use of the three outer walls of this camp as a part of his fortification, and therefore Constantine, when he abolished the Praetorian guard, pulled down the side towards the city only. 1 The Porta Decumana of this camp is still to pratorkina be seen, though it is now walled up, and also the Porta Principalis dextra ; but the Porta Principalis sinistra has disappeared, or perhaps never existed. The camp was enclosed by a wall at least as early as the time of Pertinax and Julian; 2 for here PORTA CHIUSA. occurred that memorable and most melancholy scene in Roman history when the Praetorians shut themselves within their camp, after the murder of the reforming Emperor Pertinax, and put up the throne to auction. 3 Julian and Sulpicianus were the bidders. The soldiers let down a ladder, and allowed Julian to get up on the wall, says Herodian ; for they would not open the gates before they heard how much would be offered. Sulpicianus was not allowed to mount the wall. They then bid one against the other ; and at last they ran up the price, little by little, to five thousand drachmas to each soldier. Julian then impatiently outbid his rival by offering at once six thousand two hundred and fifty, and 1 Zosimus, ii. 17. 3 Herodian, ii. 6; Spart. Julian i. Dion. Cass 73, 2 Possibly at a much earlier date. See Tnc. chap. ii. Hist. iii. 84. 62 The Walls of A urelian and Honorius. the Empire was knocked down to him. This was not by any means the first or only time that the fate of the Empire had been decided here. The chief power in the Roman state had lain within these walls of the Praetorian camp since the time when Tiberius consented to allow their designing colonel, Sejanus, to establish the Praetorians in perma- nent quarters ; and the readers of the historians of the Empire will recall the many vivid pictures of their rapacity and violence. To go to the Praetorian camp, and promise a largess to the guards, was the first duty of a Roman Emperor. 1 The eastern side of the camp, which is probably the only one now retaining its original form, measures 500 yards, and the southern 400 yards. The latter seems to have been partly pulled down, and possibly the northern side has also been altered; Aurelian's wall did not exactly meet the two angles of the camp towards the city ; but its course was here determined by the houses and buildings in the vicinity which it was desirable to protect. The walls of the camp were, according to Bunsen, at first only fourteen feet high ; but were raised by Aurelian, and fortified with towers. Some parts of the walls, doubtless, consist of the original brickwork of Aurelian's time, as the masonry bears the marks of great age, and is of a most regular and solid style. 2 A few of the soldiers' quarters are still left, consisting of rows of small, low, vaulted rooms, similar to those on the Palatine, and at Hadrian's villa, near Tivoli. In the angle formed by the projecting wall of the Praetorian camp and the Aurelian wall there is a gate, now walled up, and called simply by the name of the Porta Chiusa. This gate is one of the mysteries of Roman topography. It is not men- orta uusa. t j one( j Procopius, or by the anonymous writer of Einsiedlen, yet it seems too large and important to have been altogether omitted. That a gate would be required here in Aurelian's wall — at least before Constantine's reign, while the camp was still occupied— seems probable. No passage would be allowed to the public through the camp ; and besides the Porta Nomentana, another gate would be wanted for the convenience of persons resorting to the camp from the country with supplies of provisions, or on business of various kinds, or for the shopkeepers, who would naturally live within the walls near the camp. It may have been closed when the camp was abolished by Con- stantine, and that part of the city became comparatively empty ; and it would thus, in the time of Procopius, or the anonymous writer of Einsiedlen, have been long blocked up and forgotten, or perhaps concealed by other buildings. This may account for their silence. 3 The difficulty as to its purpose has been solved by Niebuhr and Bunsen in another way. They suppose that the road to Tibur passed out by this gate, and that the next gate, the Porta S. Lorenzo, was the exit for the Praenestine road, and is that called the Praenestina by Procopius. To the third gate in this part of the wall, the Porta Maggiore, they assign the road to Labicum. Their arguments are not, however, sufficiently strong Porta to counterbalance the universal tradition that the Porta Tiburtina corre- Tiburtma. .... sponded to the modern Porta S. Lorenzo ; 4 and there are some indications 1 Tac. Ann. iv. 1 ; Hist. i. 40, ii. 94 ; Suet. Tib. as in the case of the principal nvkai. Yet it is 37. 2 Bunsen, Beschreibung, vol. iii. 2, p. 359. certainly larger than an ordinary nvXis. 3 Procop. i. 19. There is no guard-house con- 4 See the Liber de Mirabilibus Romae; Montfaucon, nected with the Porta Chiusa so far as can be seen, Diar. Ital. p. 283. The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. 63 of the same in ancient writers. Ovid, speaking of the return of the flute-players from Tibur, after they had left Rome in consequence of the attempt of the censors to curtail their privileges, says that they were brought back to the Forum, in a state of intoxication, in waggons, and entered Rome through the Esquiliae, an expression which it is most natural to interpret of the Esquiline gate. 1 The waggons would probably take the shortest 4 Livy, ix. 39 ; Ov. Fast. vi. 677. 6 4 The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. route from the Tiburtine road to the Forum, and, if they approached the city by this road, at the point where the Porta Chiusa afterwards stood, they would pass through the Viminal and not through the Esquiline gate. It has generally been supposed that the Porta Viminalis, in the Servian agger, stood exactly opposite to the Porta Chiusa, and that the one corresponded to the other in the old and new walls ; and this has been assumed as a confirmation of Niebuhr's hypothesis, that the Via Tiburtina ran through the Porta Chiusa. 1 For, it is argued, Servius would not have made a gate in the middle of his agger, unless some important road had absolutely demanded an exit there, and this road must have been the Via Tiburtina. But the road which led through the Viminal gate must have been the same as that which went through the Porta Chiusa ; therefore it is inferred that the Via Tiburtina passed through the Porta Chiusa. Recent excavations have, however, rendered it doubtful whether the Porta Viminalis was situated directly opposite to the Porta Chiusa. 2 The supposed remains of a gate have been found nearer to the southern end of the agger, and in a place much more nearly corresponding to the centre of the agger, where the gate is placed by Strabo, than the opening near the baths of Diocletian, through which the modern road passes. 3 This latter opening in the agger was probably made when the Praetorian camp was first established by Tiberius, in order to afford ready access to it from the city. The idea that the Via Tiburtina passed through the Porta Viminalis and the Porta Chiusa was possibly suggested by the position of the modern city, from which it would certainly be the most direct route towards Tibur. But a glance at a good map of the Roman roads will show that this was not the case with the ancient city, and that the most direct line from the greater part of the city to the Via Tiburtina would, in ancient times, have naturally passed through the Esquiline gate and the gate of S. Lorenzo. When a person wished to go to Tibur, the gate by which he left the city depended upon the point in the city from which he started, and that gate would become the chief starting-point for the Tiburtine road which was most convenient for the greater number of persons. Now in the Imperial times the south-eastern part of the city was most thickly inhabited, and the Porta S. Lorenzo would be most convenient for travellers to Tibur from that part. And, therefore, there seems a presumption, from its situation, in favour of the Porta S. Lorenzo having been called the Porta Tiburtina after the erection of the walls of Aurelian. We have no means of determining positively what was the purpose of the Porta Chiusa. It may possibly never have been a gate of the outer city wall, but may have been used for communication with some building which formerly existed in the angle between the Castra Pretoria and the city wall. Some of the older topographers place the Vivarium here, and make the Porta Chiusa the entrance to it. It was also possible that the absence of the Porta Principalis sinistra in the camp may be in some way connected with the existence of this gate. The Porta S. Lorenzo, which we therefore believe to correspond to the ancient Porta 1 Urlichs, in Class. Museum, vol. iii. p. 197. xxxiv. p. 130, at the end of this chapter, and the plan 2 See the extract from the Annali deW Inst. vol. of the Servian agger. 3 Strabo, v. 3, p. 234. The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. 65 Tiburtina, is built close to the side of a monumental arch, recording the successive restorations of three aqueducts, the Marcian, Tepulan, and Julian. The lowest of the three specus belongs to the Marcian (B. c. 162), the middle one to the Tepulan (B.C. 127), and the highest to the Julian (B.C. 35). 1 The arch over which the aqueducts pass is necessarily much lower than the more modern gate, as it is accommodated to their level. o..-d w, r i. aulrs t. PORTA MAGGIORE, TOMB OF EURYSACES, AND THE SPECUS OF THE AQUA CLAUDIA AND OF THE ANIO NOVUS. An inscription stands upon this gate to the effect that the statues of Arcadius and Honorius were placed here in honour of their labours in the restoration of the walls, and the same inscription also stands upon the Porta Maggiore and Porta Ostiensis. The Porta Portuensis bore the same words before its destruction by Urban VIII. 2 The Porta Maggiore, which is identified by the previous argument with the Porta Praenestina, is partly formed by a monumental arch commemorating the first building and subsequent restorations of the Aqua Claudia and the Anio Novus. The gate built by 1 See Frontinus, De Aqused. 7, 19. 2 See Note F at the end of this chapter. K 66 The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. Honorius, and bearing a dedication to him, was removed by Gregory XVI., and now stands on the left side of this monumental arch. 1 The tomb of the bread contractor Eurysaces was found by its side some years ago on pulling down a mediaeval Porta tomb. 2 After the name Praenestina had been lost, this gate obtained the name of Sessoriana, from the neighbouring building, called the Sessorium, the real name and purpose of which is not known, 3 and subsequently of Porta Labicana ANCIENT PORTA ASINARIA AND MODERN PORTA S. GIOVANNI. from the road to Labicum, 4 and of Porta Major and Porta della Donna, from the neighbouring basilica of S. Maria Maggiore. 5 The Vivarium mentioned by Procopius was near this gate, 6 and not, as a mediaeval tradition affirmed, near the Castra Praetoria. This tradition probably origi- Vivarium. t • • ' 1 • t t i t> nated from the mistaken idea that the Praetorian camp itself was the Vivarium. The neighbourhood of the Amphitheatrum Castrense would also lead us to place the Vivarium here. From the Porta Maggiore the wall of Aurelian follows the line of the Claudian aqueduct for a short distance, and then turns off at a right angle, and after again turning to the west 1 See Note G at the end of this chapter. 4 Mart. Pol. Chron. i. 4, 5; De Mir. Rom. Montf. - Becker, Handbach, vol. i. p. 208. Diar. Ital. p. 283. Schol. on Hor. Ep. v. 100, Sat. i. 8, 1 1 ; Anast. 5 William of Malmesbury ; Rer. Ital. Script, torn. Vit. Silv. p. 45. Blanch. xxiv. 981. 11 Procop. Bell. Goth. i. 22, 23. The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. 6? passes the Amphitheatrum Castrense, 1 which, like the Castra Pretoria, is built into and made a portion of the wall. These two buildings were doubtless made to project from the wall for purposes of defence ; for, though the length of wail to be defended was thus increased, yet the projecting angles gave an advantage to ^^tT^" the besieged. A part of the lower tier only of this amphitheatre is left, con- sisting of a few half-columns of the Corinthian order, the whole of which, even to the PORTA S. SEBASTIANO. ornamental parts of the capitals, is of brick. The brickwork is of the best kind, and probably belongs to the first century. A few fragments of the second story remain, and some slight ruins of the substructure of the arena, which measured 340 by 260 feet. A little way further on in the Aurelian wall at the back of the Ccelian, stood the Porta Asinaria, which was replaced in the year 1574 by the present gate of S. John. The old gate is now unfortunately hidden by some buildings in front of it. 2 ortaAsmaiia - The origin of the name is not known, but Festus mentions the Via Asinaria, which probably led from it. 3 In the corner of the wall, where it runs inwards between the Coelian and the hills behind the Aventine, was the Porta Metronis or Metrovia. Its situation is Porta Mdrovia. 1 Cu riosum Reg. v. This amphitheatre was pro- bably built at the same time with the Praetorian camp. The Roman gladiatorial combats were en- couraged by the Emperors, as a kind of diversion peculiarly suited to keep up a military spirit among the troops, as well as to furnish them with strong excitement. 2 Procop. Bell. Goth. i. 14 ; iii. 20. 3 Festus, p. 282. K 2 68 The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. determined by Martinus Polonus, who places it near the spot where the Aqua Crabra enters the city. 1 Two gates follow which corresponded to the old Porta Capena of the Servian wall, as the Salaria and Nomentana corresponded to the Collina, and the Tiburtina and Praenes- I'ORTA LATIN A. tina to the Esquilina. The first of these, a gateway of Honorius, restored by Belisarius, ' , and now closed, is the Porta Latina, out of which the Via Latina passed; and J orta Latina ' and Porta the second, the Porta Appia, from which the Appian road commenced. The Apr ' a - Latin road to Tusculum and Frascati now passes through a modern gate, the Porta S. Giovanni, and the Porta Appia has lost its old name, and taken that of S. Sebastiano, from the basilica which lies on the road outside it. There are Greek Mart. Pol. Chron. i. 4, 5. It is also mentioned by the Anon. Einsiedl. and Gregory the Great, Ep. ix. 69. The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. 69 inscriptions upon the masonry of the Porta S. Sebastiano, showing it to be of the Byzantine period. The arch of beautiful old brickwork, which is to be seen about 600 yards further on before reaching the Bastione di Sangallo, is supposed by Nibby to have been the gate from which the Via Ardeatina led, 1 corresponding to the Randusculana in the Servian wall. It must have been closed at an early period, since neither Procopius nor the early topographers mention it. The last gate on this side of the Tiber which has to be mentioned is the Porta Ostiensis, whence ran the road to Ostia. This name is given to it by Ammianus Marcellinus, in relating the arrival at Rome of the great obelisk which Constantine brought from Heliopolis. 2 But as early as the sixth century, it obtained the name of 1 the Porta S. Paolo, 3 by which it is now known. The present gate was built by Honorius. Close to it stands the pyramidal monument of Cestius. 4 From the Ostian Gate the walls of Aurelian enclosed the flat space on which Monte Testaccio now stands, and ran down to the river-bank, along which they were carried for about half a mile to a point opposite to that which the fortifications reached on the opposite side. A few ruinous fragments are now all that is left of the wall which ran along the river-bank. In the Transtiberine district the walls of Aurelian were far less extensive than the present walls. They reached the river at a point 500 yards lower down than the present walls, and at a little distance from the river stood the Porta Portuensis, which Course of was pulled down by Urban VIII., the Barberini Pope, infamous for his depre- Aurelian walls dations on the Pantheon. 5 The traces of the wall can be followed from hence rJ" f ie 1 rastevere. to the Porta Aurelia, which stood on the site of the modern Porta S. Pan- crazio, from which ran the Via Aurelia Vetus. The name of Pancratian is orta I'ortuensis. as old as the time of Procopius, who wrote in the middle of the sixth cen- 1 • 11-111 Porta Aurelia tury. Prom hence the ruins can be traced to the river-bank in the Farnese Vetus. Gardens. But the lowest part of the ruins belong, as Becker has shown, 7 to p orta an older wall, which possibly formed part of the enclosure of the public baths Septimiana. erected here by Septimius Severus. Becker seems to mean, though he does not express himself clearly, that Aurelian made use of the entrance to these baths of Septimius (which probably consisted of a large archway) to form the gate of his walls, and that upon the restoration of the walls by Honorius, or by Belisarius afterwards, the direction of the wall was altered so as to run close down to the bridge. All we know is that a Porta Septimiana is mentioned by the early writers on Roman topography, 8 and implied by the words of Spartianus, 0 but that the anonymous writer of the Einsiedlen MS. and Procopius do not take any notice of it. Alexander VI. pulled down the old gate, and erected what is now called the Porta Septimiana. 1 Nibby, Mura di Roma, p. 201 ; Fcstus, p. 282. 2 Procop. Bell. Goth. .iii. 36. 4 See ch. ix. Nibby thinks that this gate was built in the tenth 5 The w ell known iambic line was made about century, but Mr. J. H. Parker refers it to the time of him : " Ouod non fecere Barbari fecere Barberini." Trajan. (Parker's Lecture before the Soc. of Arch. e Procop. i. 18, 23. 7 Handbuch, vol. i. p. 212. at Rome, p. 18.) 8 Marliano, i. 8; Lucio Fauno, ch. xxi. ; Fulvio, 2 Amm. Marc. xvii. 4. p. 45. !l Sp irt. Sept. Sev. 19. The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. Note A, p. 60. — The Muro Torto. Reber (Ruinen Roms, p. 517) thinks that the Muro Torto belonged to the substructions of the Collis Hortorum anterior to the time of Aurelius and Honorius, and that the portion of the wall adjoining it, also cased with opus reticulatum, and containing niches with vaulted conical tops, was a part of the same. The wall between this corner and the Porta Pinciana is probably the work of the sixth century, and was possibly built by Belisarius. Note B, p. 60. — The Porta Pinciana. The 7nj\ts of Procopius may, as Reber suggests, have been enlarged in the time of the Exarchate. The fable of Belisarius sitting as a blind beggar and asking alms, " Date obolum Belisario," is some- times attached to this gate. (See Gibbon, ch. xliii.) Note C, p. 60. — The Porta Salaria. The name is derived from the habit of carrying salt along this road to the Sabine uplands. (Varro, R. R., i. 14, 3.) Only the lower part, of squared stones, belongs to the age of Honorius. The upper part is of brick, and may have been erected after the storming of Rome by Alaric, in 409. (Gibbon, ch. xxxi. ) Note D, p. 60. — The Porta Nomentana. The street Alta Semita ran from this gate along the top of the Quirinal, nearly parallel to the present Strada di Porta Pia. Note E, p. 64. — The Porta Viminalis and Via Tiburtina. From the "Annali dell' Instituto," vol. xxxiv. p. 132. " La prima scoperta fece vedere il fine di un muro grossissimo, dalla statua di Roma sul monte della Giustizia lontano circa 270 passi verso S. Antonio, al quale addossavano costruzioni di lavoro basso appartenenti ai tempi posteriori dell' impero. Siffatta interruzione del muro, che non sembrava essere fortuita fece supporre al Sig. Pietro Rosa che in questo stesso punto dovesse collocassi la Porta Viminale, supposizione certamente di grande probability tanto piu che quel punto corrisponde bene alia citata notizia di Strabone (lib. v. 3, p. 234), mentre comodamente puo credersi uscita da qui la Via Tiburtina, che dalla Viminale partivasi, visto che le stesse case moderne situate tra esso punto e la porta odierna di S. Lorenzo cadono nella linea piu retta che passa fra esse idearsi. L'altro taglio al quale finora si stabiliva la Porta Viminale vicino del monte di Giustizia verso le terme di Diocleziano, essendo lo stesso monte costruito, come pare, di terra scavata dal taglio, sembra esser fatto in un tempo posteriore alia prima fortificazione della citta, e siccome la direzione della strada che passa per quel taglio, conduce nel Castro Pretorio, cosi apparterra forse al tempo della costruzione di quello la suddetta traforazione dell' aggere." The Walls of Aurelian and Honorius. 71 Note F, p. 65.— The Porta S. Lorenzo. The gate, as seen from the exterior, is an arch of travertine, surmounted by five round windows. Above these is a cornice, and the inscription commemorating the erection of the gate by Honorius and Arcadius, as follows :— " S. P. Q. R. Imp. Cass. D.D. N.N. invictissimis principibus Arcadio et Honorio victorib. ac triumphatorib. semp. Augg. ob instauratos urbi aeternae muros portas ac turres egestis immensis ruderibus ex suggestione u.c. et inlustris com. et mag. utriusque militia; Stilichonis ad perpetuitatem nominis eorum simulacra constituit curante Fl. Macrobio Longiniano u.c. praef. urb. D.N.M.Q. eorum," Inside this gate of Honorius we find two other archways, the innermost of which seems to be of much the same date as the gateway, while the central archway is plainly of a much earlier date. It is built of blocks of travertine, and displays in the construction and joints of the masonry proofs of belonging to the best period of Roman architecture. It is apparently covered with rubbish to a con- siderable height, but was never a very lofty arch, the height having been limited by the level of the aqueduct which it carries. On the keystone the head of an ox is carved, whence it was called some- times Porta Taurina (De Mirabil., Montf. Diar. Ital. p. 283); and on each side are Doric pilasters. The architrave and frieze above the gate have been flattened to receive an inscription com- memorating its restoration. Over these was formerly a pediment, traces of which are still to be seen. It has now been removed to make room for an inscription. Still higher is the attica, with the original inscription. The lowest inscription is as follows : — " Imp. Titus Cagsar Divi F. Vespasianus Aug. Pontif. Max. tribuniciae potest. IX. Imp. XV. Gens. Cos. VII. Design. VIII. rivum aquae Marciae vetustate dilapsum refecit et aquam quae in usu esse desierat reduxit." The middle inscription, in the place of the pediment, is :— " Imp. Cass. M. Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix Aug. Parth. Maxim. Brit. Max. Pont. Max. aquam Marciam variis kasibus impeditam purgato fonte excisis et perforatis montibus restituta forma adquisito etiam fonte novo Antoniniano in sacram urbem suam perducendam curavit." The highest is :— " Imp. Caesar Divi Juli Augustus Pont. Max. Cos. XII. tribunic. potest. XIX. Imp. XI III. rivos aquarum omnium refecit." This last commemorates the restoration, by Augustus, of all the aqueducts existing in his time, i.e. the Appia, the Anio Vetus, the Marcia, the Tepula, the Julia, the Alsietina, and the Virgo. The other inscriptions record successive restorations of the Aqua Marcia by Titus and Antoninus Caracalla. Three channels, one above the other, are visible over the archway. One of these, it is plain, must have been the Marcia, and, as Frontinus states that the Tepula and Julia entered the city upon the same arches as the Marcia (" Hae tres a piscinis in eosdem arcus recipiuntur. Summus in his est Julia, inferior Tepula, deinde Marcia," Frontin. De Aquaed. 19), we conclude that the highest is the Julia, the next the Tepula, and the lowest the Marcia. The Marcian water, b.c. 162, came from a spot three miles to the right of the thirty-sixth milestone on the Via Valeria (Strada di Arsoli). It was carried underground for the greater part of its course from Tivoli, till it came within seven miles of Rome, where it was raised on arches, some of which are still remaining. The Tepula (the name of which is supposed to allude to the temperature of its water quasi tepida) was brought, in the year 127 b.c, from the tenth milestone on the Latin way, and carried above the Marcian. The Julia was brought by Agrippa, b.c. 35, from the twelfth milestone on the same road. It was united with the Tepula for some distance, but separated again at the seventh milestone. Augustus improved the Marcian by adding a new spring, the Aqua Augusta, to it, and it was possibly on this occasion that the com- memorative arch we have before us was rebuilt and decorated. At the distance of a mile and a half from Rome a branch aqueduct was built by Caracalla from the main channels of these three, in order to supply his Thermae with water. Thus a great part of 72 The Walls of Aurelian aiid Honorius. their water was taken away ; and Diocletian afterwards diverted most of the rest of it to his Thermae, under the name Aqua Jovia. (Anon. Einsiedl.) Vitiges destroyed the two upper aqueducts in 537 (Procop. Bell. Goth. i. 15); but the Marcia appears again in the time of Hadrian I. (Anast. Vit. Had. I., p. 113.) The Marcian water now flows into the Anio near Arsoli, but is to be brought into Rome again by an English company (1868). The Tepula and Julia run into the Marrana near Grotta Ferrata. The course of these three aqueducts lies along the inner side of the wall, between the Porta S. Lorenzo and the Porta Maggiore, and leaves the city near the latter gate, where the triple specus may be seen. None of the arches near the city are now standing, but a large number are still to be seen in the Campagna at the Porta Furba, on the Frascati road, three miles from the Porta S. Giovanni, where they are crossed by the more lofty Claudian aqueduct. The Aqua Felice of Sixtus V. enters the city at the Porta S. Lorenzo, and traverses the arches which are to be seen on the left of the Via di Porta S. Lorenzo. Most of the water of this aqueduct is conveyed to the Fontana della Piazza dei Termini, but it also supplies numerous other fountains. The aqueduct of Alexander Severus also passes from the Porta S. Lorenzo to the building called the Trophies of Marius, which is in reality an ancient nymphaeum or fountain. (See chap, ix.) Note G, p. 66.— Porta Maggiore. The gateway of Honorius, which corresponded to that still remaining at the Porta S. Lorenzo, was removed from the Porta Maggiore by Gregory XVI., as the inscripdon on the present gate records, and placed near the goods station of the railway on the outside of the gate. The removal of the old gateway disclosed the tomb of Eurysaces, the bread contractor to the Apparetores, a very fantastic monument, constructed of stone mortars used for kneading dough, and ornamented with some curious bas-reliefs, of a good period of art, representing the operations of baking. The inscriptions upon it are as follow: — "Est hoc monimentum Marcei Vergilei Eurysacis pistoris ac redemptoris Apparetorum." " Fuit Atistia uxor mihei, femina optima veixsit quojus corporis reliquiae quod superant sunt in hoc panario." The latter of these inscriptions, however, probably belongs to some other tomb, the remains of several having been found here, which lead to the suppo- sition that this was a spot especially devoted to the burial of bakers. The present gateway is formed by two monumental arches of the Claudian aqueduct, which runs along the course of the walls from this point to the corner near the Amphitheatrum Castrense. The arches are built of rusticated travertine blocks, and each of the piers is pierced with a smaller arch, decorated with Corinthian half-columns of rustic work, and pediments in the usual Graeco- Roman style of a triumphal arch. This gateway is one of the most characteristic creations of Roman architecture. It conveys, more than any other building I know, — except, perhaps, the rusticated archways of the amphitheatre at Verona, — the impression of rough force and solidity. Over the arches are three atticas, upon which the following inscriptions are cut : — "Ti. Claudius Drusi F. Caesar Augustus Germanicus Pontif. Maxim, tribunicia potestate XII. Cos. V. Imperator XXVII. Pater Patriae aquas Claudiam ex fomibus qui vocabantur Caeruleus et Curtius a milliario xxxxv. item Anienem novam a milliario lxii. sua impensa in urbem perducendas curavit." "Imp. Caesar Vespasianus August. Pontif. Max. trib. pot. II. Imp. VI. Cos. III. Desig. III. p. p. aquas Curtiam et Caeruleam perductas a Divo Claudio et postea intermissas dilapsasque per annos novem sua impensa urbi restituit." "Imp. T. Caesar Divi F. Vespasianus Augustus Pont. Max. tribunic. potest. X. Imp. XVII. p. p. Cens. Cos. VIII. aquas Curtiam et Caeruleam perductas a Divo Claudio et postea a Divo Vespasiano The Walls of Aurelian and Honoritts. 73 patre suo urbi restitutas cum a capite aquarum a solo vetustate dilapsae essent nova forma reducendas sua impensa curavit." The Claudian aqueduct was begun by Caligula (Frontin. 13; Suet. Cal. 21; Claud. 20), and finished by Claudius, as here recorded. Its arches are the most conspicuous, both outside the city, near the Porta Furba, on the road to Frascati, and also inside the walls, where the branch Claudian aqueduct, built by Nero, diverges from the main course inside the Porta Maggiore, and runs across the Coelian to the Arch of Dolabella, and then to the Palatine hill. The Anio Novus or Nova, the highest and longest of all the Roman aqueducts, was carried on the Claudian arches, as the inscrip- tions record. The specus of both is to be seen here. The arches were used by Sixtus V. to carry the Aqua Felice across the Campagna, from a point beyond the Porta Furba, to the walls of the city. The Aqua Felice then follows the Marcian aqueduct to the Piazza dei Termini. The Claudian arches were originally built of travertine. The restorations here recorded, by Vespasian and Titus, were of brick, and may be seen at intervals in the arches outside the city. Trajan also repaired the Claudian aqueduct and lengthened the Anio Nova (Frontin. 93). It must be observed that the inscriptions place the sources of the Anio Nova at the sixty-second milestone from Rome, and the Claudian at the forty-fifth, while Frontinus mentions the forty-second milestone and the thirty-eighth as respectively the distances of their sources. The first measurements may, perhaps, be those of the whole courses ot the aqueducts, and the second those of the actual mile- stones along the Via Sublacensis. Frontinus, however (chap. 15), states, that the whole length of the Anio Nova (or Novus, as he writes) was 58 miles and 700 passus; so that this interpretation of the discrepancy is not very satisfactory. From the old Esquiline Gate of the Servian walls, as we have seen, three roads issued ■ the Tiburtina, the Pnenestina, and the Labicana. Of these, the Tiburtina passed through the Porta S. Lorenzo, and the Prgenestina and Labicana through the Porta Maggiore. The fact that two roads passed out of this gate explains the peculiar trapezoidal shape of the tomb of Eurysaces, and also the double archway. Niebuhr and Becker, however, think that a passage of Strabo makes this doubtful (Beschreib. iii. 570 ; Handbuch, i. p. 201). Strabo says of the course of the Via Labicana, 'Apxofxivq dird T17S 'HcncvXlvrjc 7rvX.7]t; a

oi>, which may, as Nibby remarks (Mura di Roma, p. 161, note 220), very well have extended beyond the present Aurelian walls. Before the time of Procopius, the right-hand archway, through which the Via Labicana passed, was probably walled up, and the Porta Praenestina alone remained, which was sometimes called Labicana by a confusion with the other arch, and because the Via Labicana became in the Middle Ages better known as the road to the Church of St. Helena than the Via Praenestina. (Becker, Handbuch, i. p. 205.) CHAPTER VI. PART I. THE FORUM ROMANUM BEFORE JULIUS CALSAR. SITE OF FORUM ROMANUM — EXTENT OF FORUM ROMANUM — DISTRICTS ADJOINING THE FORUM ROMANUM, SACRA VIA, NOVA VIA, ARGILETUM, SUBURA — TURRIS MAM1LIA — LAUTUMLE — CARCER — SCAL/E GEMONLE — COMITIUM — CURIA — GR^ECOSTASIS — SENACULUM — VULCAN AL — ROSTRA — TRIBUNALIA — PUTEALIA — TEMPLUM JANI — BASI- LICA PORCIA — BASILICA FULVIA ET EMILIA — BASILICA PAULLI — BASILICA OPIMIA — VENUS CLOACINA — COLUMNA MCENIA — COLUMNA DUILIA — NOWE TABERN^E — VETERES TABERN^ — MONTANA — TEMPLUM CONCORDIA — TEMPLUM SATURNI — SCHOLA XANTHA — DII CONSENTES — PORTA STERCORARIA— TABULARIUM — VICUS JUGARIUS — VICUS TUSCUS — BASILICA SEMPRONIA — LACUS SERVILIUS — LACUS CURTIUS — TEMPLUM CASTORIS — JEDES VES1VE — REGIA — SACRARIUM— ARCH OF FABIUS — PILA HORATIA — STATUES — JANI — CANALIS — SOLARIA. " Quacunque ingredimur in aliqua historia vestigium ponimus." Cic. De Finibus, v. 2. Hp HE valley between the Palatine, Capitoline, and Quirinal hills was from the earliest times the centre of political and social life at Rome. As soon as the growing community on the Palatine had spread to the adjoining hills, and before the consolidation and organization of the later Regal period had taken place, the common meeting-place of the citizens would naturally be in the valley which lay between the hill lt Romanum l communities. But before any permanent dwelling-places or public buildings could be erected, much labour had to be spent upon this central site. Originally, as we have seen, a marshy lagoon extended from the Tiber nearly to the rising ground between the Palatine and Esquiline upon which the Arch of Titus stands. Until some permanent improvement was made in the state of the ground, no human habitations could stand there, and the most convenient place of meeting for business was liable to constant floods from the river. An embankment of massive stonework 1 was therefore constructed on the bank of the river, and drains of colossal size were built to carry off the stagnant water. The extent of these drains is not known to us, but a part of one of them, the principal outlet for the collected waters of the district of the Forum, still remains, and serves to show how ] Part of the Tiber embankment still remains on or not, is doubtful. The name, " pulchrum littus," each side of the mouth of the Cloaca Maxima. now commonly given to the embankment, is not found Whether this is the icakr) atcrrj of Plutarch, Rom. 20, in Latin writers. See Preller, Regionen, p. 181. The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccssar. 75 considerable must have been the inconvenience to remedy which such extraordinary pains were taken. The fragment of the Cloaca Maxima now remaining is in the district of the Velabrum, and formed the lower part of the drainage. 1 A more detailed description of it will be given in the chapter relating to that part of the city, 2 and it is only necessary now to remark that the system of drainage with which it was connected was a necessary preliminary to the permanent occupation of the Forum valley. Before the end of the Second Punic War a small portion only of the space between the Palatine, the north-eastern end of the Capitoline, and the Quirinal, was occupied as a Forum or public place of meeting. It does not appear that even in the populous times of the later Republic the open space of the Forum was ever enlarged, but overcrowding was in some measure prevented by the building of open basilica; on the sites of the old shops or behind them. Thus the Basilica Porcia was built in B.C. 184, and the Fulvia et Emilia behind the new silversmiths' shops in B.C. 179, 3 and in B.C. 169 the Basilica Sempronia, on the site of some of the old shops on the south-western side towards the Velabrum. 4 The overcrowded state of the city was, however, felt as early as the First Punic War ; for it is said that Claudia, a Roman lady of high rank, whose brother P. Claudius had in B.C. 249, by his bad manage- ment as Admiral, occasioned great loss of life in the Roman fleets at Drepana, complained that there was no elbow-room in the Forum, and that her brother ought to be again placed in command of the fleet in order to relieve Rome of its superfluous population. 5 As one province after another became subject to direct Roman control, and the custom of appealing in all important suits to the central authority at Rome became more general, the courts of law and public buildings must have become more and more inadequate for the speedy transaction of business, and constant additions must have been needful. Julius Caesar and the Emperors Augustus, Nerva, and Trajan, successively enlarged the public buildings so much as to include nearly the whole breadth of the valley between the Quirinal and Palatine, as well as that between the Capitoline and Quirinal. The older Forum, or Forum Romanum, as it was called, to distinguish it from the later Fora, which were named after their respective builders, was an open space of an oblong shape, which extended in a south-easterly direction from near the depres- sion or intermontium between the two summits of the Capitoline hill to Extent of a point opposite the still extant Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. R 0 maZm. The north-western boundary was formed by the slope of the Capitoline hill, and the south-eastern by the Sacra Via, between the Arch of Fabius and the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. The longer sides of this piazza measured about two hundred yards, and the north-western end, which was somewhat larger than the south-eastern, about seventy yards. Round this confined space were grouped the most important buildings of Republican Rome, the temples of the most ancient and venerated gods, the Senate- house, the Comitium, and the Rostra ; upon it stood the statues of a legion of national heroes, and above it rose on one side the glittering Temple of Capitoline Jove and the inviolate citadel, and on the other sides the mansions of Imperial senators, or in later times the palaces of Emperors. 1 The cloacae extended to the Subura. Juv, v, 106 ; 3 Livy, xl. 51. 4 Ibid. xliv. 16. " Solitus mediae cryptam penetrans Suburae." ! Livy, Epit. xix.. ; Diod. xxiv. 1. 2 See below, chap. xii. L 2 76 The Forum Romanum before Julius Cces&r. Dionysius and Livy in their first mention of the Forum speak of it as situated between the Palatine and Capitoline, 1 and therefore Nardini, Nibby, and others of the older topographers held that the Forum extended from the Arch of Septimius to the Church of S. Maria della Consolazione, and that its longer axis lay in a north-easterly and south- westerly direction. But since the discovery of the Basilica Julia, which bounded the Forum on the south-west, this supposition with regard to the extent of the Forum has been relinquished, and it is now generally agreed that the limits are those previously SITE OF THE FORUM ROMANUM, FROM THE SLOPE OF THE CAPITOLINE HILL. Excavations on the site of the Basilica Julia, Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. TetnUe of Castor. Temple of Saturn. described. For on Nardini's supposition there would be no space left between the Forun and Velabrum for the Vicus Tuscus, which we know intervened, running along the south eastern side of the Julian Basilica nearly in the direction of the modern Via di S. Teodoro. It appears also quite possible that Dionysius and Livy accommodated their languag to the supposed extent of Rome at the time of which they spoke. The district of th Subura and the Quirinal hill were then unoccupied and nameless, so that the two hill were the only landmarks to which they could refer. 1 Dionys. ii. 50, 66 ; Livy, i. 12, 2 Livy, xxvii. 37 ; xxxiii. 26. The Forum Romanum before Julitis Cczsar. 77 Excavations on the site of the Forum Romanum have shown that it was, at least in the latest times, by no means a regular parallelogram in shape, and that it had streets passing along the north-eastern and south-western edges, which were paved with basaltic lava, while the central area was paved with travertine. The pavement of the streets bounding the north-east side has been discovered by several excavations between the Arch of Septimius and the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. 1 On the opposite side the pavement of basaltic lava bounding the Forum has been traced in front of the Basilica Julia and the Temple of Castor, and was apparently continued in a straight line in front of the Temple of Vesta to the Arch of Fabius, where it joined the Sacra Via. The extent of the Forum towards the south-east has also been ascertained by excavations. Opposite to the Church of S. Cosma e Damiano the foundations and ruins of so large a number of private buildings were found in some excavations made in the time of Alexander VII. as to prove sufficiently that the open area of the Forum did not extend beyond the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. 2 Of the districts and streets which lay round the Forum the most important was the Sacra Via. The historians of Rome derive the name from the sacred league entered into by Romulus and Tatius on the spot where the union took place _ between the Sabine and Roman communities. 3 The limits of the street called the Sacred Way are laid down by Varro and Festus. 4 There were two portions of it, one extending from the Chapel of Strenia to the Arch of Titus, where the top of the rising ground was called the summit of the Sacred Way, and the other from the Arch of Titus to the Citadel on the Capitoline. The Chapel of Strenia stood in the district called Ceroliensis, which was a part of the Carinae, and, as will be seen hereafter, lay on the part of the Esquiline nearest to the Coliseum. 5 The fourth region of Augustus was called by the name of the Sacra Via ; and since both the Temple of Venus and Rome and the Colossus of Nero, the situations of which are known from the remains of their foundations, were included in this region, the Sacra Via probably passed to the south of them. Otherwise they would have been included in the Palatine region. At the highest part of the Sacred Way (Summa Sacra Via), the pavement of which under the Arch of Titus is fifty-three feet above that of the Forum, were a number of toy- shops 6 and apple-stalls. 7 The Sacellum Larum stood close by, on the Palatine side of the street, and also the Temple of Jupiter Stator. 8 The house of the Pontifex Maximus, 1 Bunsen's Le Forum explique, p. 7 ; Ficoroni, Vestigie di Roma Antica, p. 75. 2 Memorie di S. Bartoli, p. 244, in Fea, Miscel, p. 234. Mommsen, however, thinks that the Forum was enlarged so as to reach the Arch of Titus in the time of Julius Caesar, and that the Rostra were removed for that very reason. {Ann. dell' Inst. xvi. p. 290, note.) 3 Festus, p. 290 ; Appian, Frag. Basil, p. 14, 20 ; Bekker : 'S.vvikBovres 'PwfivXos re koX Tdrios is rrjv e£ (Kfivov Upav KaKovfievrjv 686v. So also Dionys. ii. 46. But Plut. Rom. 19 places the meeting on the Co- mitium. 4 Festus, loc. cit.; Varro, L. L. v. § 47. The common order of the words is " Sacra Via," though in a good many passages we find "Via Sacra." See Schnei- dewin's Philologus, 1853, p. 713. 5 Varro, L. L. v. § 47. Strenia was the goddess ot new year's gifts, hence Fr. Etrennes. Aug. Civ. Dei, iv. 16. Nissen, Das Templum, p. 85, thinks that the city was laid out strictly according to the Disciplina gromatica, and that the Sacra Via corresponded to the Decumanus maximus, and the street between the Ccelian and Palatine to the Cardo maximus. He makes the Porta Carmentalis the Decumana, and the Capena the Principalis dextra. He confesses, however, that " Die Ganz unregelmassige Gestalt der Stadt entfernt sich allerdings sehr weit von der gromatischen Grundform." 6 Propert. iii. 17, 14 (ii. 24, 11) ; Ov. Am. i. 8, 99. 7 Varro, R. R. i. 2 ; Ov. Art. Am. ii. 265. 8 Ov. Fast. vi. 791 ; Livy, i. 47. 78 The Forum Romamtm before Julius Ccssar. who succeeded to the priestly functions of the king and to his official residence, was a little further along the Sacred Way. It probably stood on the south of the Sacra Via, close to the Arch of Fabius, and was called the Regia, the Atrium Regium, or the Atrium Vestse. 1 It is clearly proved that this Regia was the house of the Pontifex Maximus, from the fact that the sacred spears of the god Mars, which Gellius affirms to have been kept in the Regia, were kept there, and that Cicero speaks of the Regia as the residence of Julius Csesar, when Pontifex Maximus. 2 Whether the house of the Rex Sacrificulus, another priestly office at Rome, was identical with the Regia or not, is difficult to determine. Some authors seem to separate the two, others to speak of them as identical. 3 At all events the two buildings were not far from each other ; and as the Regia stood close to the Temple of Vesta, we may assume that the house of the Rex Sacrificulus was nearer to the Summa Sacra Via than the Regia. The house of the Kings, or a part of it at least, seems to have previously occupied the same site as the Regia. 4 The Temple of Vesta lay at the back of the Regia, and rather nearer to the south- western corner of the Forum. Hence Horace walking along the Sacred Way from the Summa Sacra Via towards the Forum, when he arrives at the buildings of Vesta, by which the Regia as well as the Temple of Vesta is meant, hopes to leave his troublesome friend behind, as they had then arrived at the Forum, and their roads might possibly diverge. 5 It was to this part of the Sacred Way, between the Summa Sacra Via and the Forum, that the name of Sacer Clivus was applied by Horace, because the ground slopes down from the Summa Sacra Via to the Forum, and at this point the triumphal processions first came into view of the Forum and descended into it. 6 The Velia is supposed to have been the oldest name of this high ground over which the Sacra Via passed. The only proof, however, which can be given of this is that the yEdes Penatium was on the Velia, and that the JEdes Penatium is identical with the Church of S. Cosma e Damiano. 7 The Arch of Fabius also stood over the Sacra Via at the foot of this sloping portion of it. Cicero, in his speech for Plancius, mentions it as if at some distance from the Summa Sacra Via. " When I am jostled in a crowd, as often happens," he says, " I do not blame the man who is at the top of the Sacred Way while I am being pushed along near the Fabian Arch, but the person who actually runs against me and pushes me." 8 The narrow part of the Sacred Way between the Arch of Fabius and the top of the slope would naturally become crowded when a number of people were either entering or leaving the open space of the Forum. The exact course of the Sacra Via through the Forum has not been determined, but it seems probable that before the time of the Emperors it ran straight from the Fafoian Arch along the south-western side of the Forum. Becker supposes that it formed the boundary of the fourth region of Augustus, and he therefore traces it along the north-east side' of the Forum. In the time of the Emperors it probably went through the Arch of Severus, and then turning to the left passed between the Temple of Saturn 1 Fasti, vi. 263 ; Tristia, iii. 1, 30 ; Plut. Num. 14 ; Serv. Ad. ALn. viii. 363. It existed in Trajan's time. Plin. Ep. iv. 1 1. 2 Dion. Cass. xliv. 17 ; Cell. iv. 6 ; Cic. Ad Att. x. 3. 3 Dion. Cass. liv. 27 ; Festus, p. 290 ; Serv. Ad. y£n. viii. 363. 4 Solin. i. 23 ; Livy, i. 41. 5 Hor. Sat. i. 9, 1, 35 ; Dionys. ii. 66. 6 Hor. Epod. vii. 7, Od. iv. 2, 33 ; Mart. i. 70, 5. 7 See further in the chapter on the Palatine Hill. 8 Cic. Pro Plancio, 7, § 17 ; De Orat. ii. 66; Schol. ad Cic. Verr. Act. i. 7. The Forum Romanum before yulius Cczsar. 79 and that of Vespasian, after which it turned to the right and ascended the Intermontium. This part of the Sacra Via was called the Clivus Capitolinus. Along the south-western side of the Forum Valley and immediately under the Palatine hill ran the Nova Via. It has been ingeniously suggested by Cav. Rosa 1 that this street was called Nova from an alteration of its direction after the occupation of the central part of the Palatine by the regal residences, and the drainage 1 ' of the Velabrum. Hence he thinks Ovid speaks of it as now passing parallel to the side of the Forum, whereas it formerly passed over the Palatine Hill. 2 It probably parted from the Sacred Way at the Arch of Titus, and was there called the Summa Nova Via. 3 The Nova Via ran at the back of the Regia and Temple of Vesta, and separated the latter from the Grove of Vesta, near which stood the altar of Aius Loquens. 4 This altar was at the foot of the sloping part of the New Street (Infima Nova Via). 5 The street then turned round the northern angle of the Palatine, passing the Porta Romanula, and led into the Velabrum. The district behind the buildings on the north-eastern side of the Forum was called Argiletum. Between this district and the Forum stood the Temple of Janus, 6 and at a later time the Forum of Nerva and the Temple of Peace occupied a part of it. Some of the booksellers' shops seem to have been situated in it, and Ar S lle ^ um - Martial recommends his friends to go there to purchase his new poems. 7 Books from the booksellers' stalls in this neighbourhood were used by the mob to help in burning the Curia over the dead body of Clodius in the riot which followed his murder by Milo. 8 At the back part of this district, near the passage from it to the Subura, there were some cobblers' shops, 9 and a place called Lautulae, from a warm spring and baths which once existed there. 10 The name Argiletum was popularly derived from a person named Argus, who was said to have entertained designs against the life of Evander while his guest, but was detected and killed on this spot. 11 Varro, however, gives a different derivation of the name, from argilla, and states that clay for the manufacture of pottery was found there, an assertion which is confirmed by Brocchi in his work on the geology of Rome. 12 At the back of the Argiletum, and between the converging points of the Quirinal and Esquiline hills, lay the Subura, a district of ill fame, much abused by the poets and historians of Imperial times. 13 It was one of the most ancient district com- munities (pagi) of Rome, and gave name to one of the four most ancient Subura - regions. 14 Nor was it entirely occupied by the lowest class of people, as might be inferred from the notices of it in Martial and Horace. Julius Caesar is said to have 1 Annali delV Inst. 1865, p. 348. 2 Fasti, vi. 395 : " Qua Nova Romano nunc via juncta foro est." It is more likely that Ovid refers to some much more modern alteration in the course of the Nova Via than that suggested by Rosa. 8 Solinus, i. 24. 4 Cic. De Div. i. 45, ii. 32 ; Livy, v. 32. 5 Gell. xvi. 17. 6 Livy, i. 19. 7 Mart. i. 3, 1 ; i. 117, 8; i. 2, 5. This last epigram was probably inserted in the first book after the completion of the Forum Transitorium. Class. Mus. vol. v. 241. 8 Ascon. Argum. ad Cic. Mil. § 3. 9 Mart. ii. 17, 1. 10 Varro, L. L. v. 32 ; Serv. Ad JEn. viii. 361. 11 Serv. Ad JEn. viii. 345. 12 Varro, L. L. v. 157 ; Brocchi, Suolo di Roma, p. 95. 13 Hor. Epod. v. 58 ; Mart. vi. 66 ; Pers. v. 32 ; Juv. iii. 5. 14 See chap. iii. p. 39. The name is derived from the pagns succusanus by Varro, L. L. v. § 48 ; Festus, P- 3°9 » Quintil. Ins. Or. i. 7. 8o The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. lived in a small house here, 1 and in Martial's time L. Arruntius Stella, the friend of Statius. 2 The Subura seems to have extended completely across the valley between the Esquiline and Quirinal, for on the slope of the Quirinal the Church of S. Agata is still called S. Agata alia Subura, and on the other side a piazza near the end of the modern Via di S. Lucia in Selce retains the same name. The Clivus Suburanus of Martial was the ascent to the Quirinal from the Subura, 3 and the Suburan road of Appian probably the ascent from it to the Esquiline, near S. Pietro in Vincoli. 4 The Subura was a noisy, 5 bustling 6 part of Rome, full of small shops, 7 and disreputable places of various kinds. 8 The Turris Mamilia, to which the head of the October or December sacrificial horse was nailed, I urr !, s when the population of the Subura won the annual contest in the Campus Mamma. 1 1 before alluded to (chap. iii. p. 38), was in the Subura, but of its exact position we have no hint given. 9 On account of the situation of the Subura in a valley, it was probably necessary to have some fortified place to which the inhabitants of the district could retreat in case ot danger. Beyond the Argiletum, at the extreme north-western corner of the Forum, in the neighbourhood of the Church of S. Giuseppe dei Falegnami, there was a district called the Lautumiae. We cannot determine its extent with any accuracy, but an muz. ^ k now that the Basilica Porcia stood in it ; for Livy mentions that Cato the Censor, in the year B.C. 183, bought two courts in this district and four shops as a site for the basilica. 10 A fire which took place in B.C. 210, originating in several places at once, is said to have burnt the shops of the Forum, the Lautumiae, the fish-market, and the Atrium regium. 11 One of the state prisons was in this district, and the name "Lautumiae" may have been derived, as Varro suggests, 12 from the Lautumiae at Syra- cuse, for it is not likely that there was ever any quarry on the spot If the name was borrowed from the Syracusan stone-quarries, which were made use of as prisons, 13 it affords, as Mommsen has remarked, an evidence of the early communication of the Romans with Sicily, which may be supported by other similar facts. The converse appearance of the Latin career in the Sicilian Greek napicapov is singular enough. 14 That this prison was not the same as the older prison in the same neighbourhood, the Mamertine prison, is plain from the narrative of Democritus and his brother, who, with forty-one other ^Etolian men of consequence, were confined there. 15 The old prison was totally inadequate to the reception of such a number of prisoners, and was appropriated to the reception of criminals condemned to death. That there were two is also clearly shown by a passage of Seneca, in which Julius Sabinus is said to have asked to be removed from the Career to the Lautumiae. 16 With 1 Suet. Jul. Caes. § 46. 2 Mart. xii. 3, 9, vi. 21 ; Stat. Silv. i. 2. 3 Mart. v. 22, 5. 4 App. B. C. i. 58. 5 Clamosa, Mart. xii. 18, 2. 6 Fervetts, Juv. xi. 51, 141 ; Juv. iii. 5. 7 Mart. vii. 31, x. 94. 8 Mart. vi. 66, xi. 66 ; Pers. v. 32 ; Hor. Epod. v. 58. 9 Festus, p. 178 ; Paul. Diac. p. 131 ; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 97. 10 Livy, xxxix. 44. 11 Ibid. xxvi. 27. 12 Varro, L. L. v. § 151. Varro does not assert the identity of the Career with the Lautumiae, but men- tions the two prisons together, and gives the deriva- tion of the names of both. 13 Thucyd. vii. 86, 87. 14 Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 167, Eng. trans. 15 Livy, xxxvii. 3. 16 Seneca, Controv. ix. 3 : " Rogavit Julius Sabinus ut in Lautumias transferretur. Non est inquit, quod quenquam vestrum decipiat nomen ipsum, Lautumiae illae minime lauta res est." The Forum Romanum before Juiius Ccesar. 8 1 respect to the old prison, an error appears to have arisen from the attempt to explain the name Tullianum. As the original erection of the Career was attributed to Ancus Martius, 1 so it was conjectured by the etymologists Varro and Festus that the name Tullianum must have been derived from Servius Tullius, and this error was propagated by subsequent historians. 2 The Tullianum was, however, in reality, as its name denotes, 3 the old well-house at the foot of the Capitol, and was only in later times made use of as part of the prison, when a prisoner was doomed to be killed by cold and starvation. Lentulus was strangled here by the orders of Cicero, and the story of Jugurtha is well known, who, stripped of his clothes by the greedy executioners, and thrust into this dungeon, exclaimed, "Hercules! how cold your bath is!" 4 His exclamation refers to the spring of cold water which issues from the ground here, and has been connected by mediaeval miracle-mongers with the ministry of St. Peter at Rome. The whole of the chamber was in ancient times filled with water, and the opening at the top used for drawing it out. The style of construction of this well-house is very old, and points to a date at which the arch was not used in Roman architecture, and is, therefore, possibly antecedent to the time of construction of the Cloaca Maxima. It was roofed by layers of peperino stone, so placed that each overlaps the layers beneath, and it was closed at the top by a broad stone cover. This mode of building is similar to that found in the old treasuries of Mycenae and Orchomenos, and also in the oldest tombs of Etruria. The top of the ancient conical vault is now truncated, and closed by a number of stones fastened together by cramps of iron, which form the floor of the upper chamber. 5 The name Mamertinus, usually applied to the Career, is not classical, but mediaeval. 6 Close to the Career, and between it and the Temple of Concord, r , ^ . , ^iii- r ■ • i , Scales Gemonice. were the Scalae Cremoniae, where the bodies of criminals were exposed after execution. 7 The most important spot in the Forum itself was the Comitium or meeting-place of the primitive assembly of the Roman burgesses. 8 In the early times of the Republic this assembly exercised an oligarchical power in the state, and the Comi- . . . . North-eastern tium was then aristocratic ground. The speakers in the Rostra, which stood side of the upon the Comitium, 9 then turned themselves towards the privileged class Forum assembled within its consecrated limits. But in the later days of the Republic, though the Comitium still remained the most important spot in omitmm. the Forum, yet it was from a different cause. The real power then resided in the Senate, and the great object of every political man was to get a seat in that body by holding the great offices of state. Harangues {condones) addressed by candidates for office or by political agitators to the Roman people then became frequent, and the speakers, turning their backs on the Comitium, addressed themselves to the rabble in the Forum. 10 The 1 Livy, i. 33. 2 Varro, L. L.v. § 151 ; Festus, p. 3 56. 3 " Tullios alii dixerunt rivos alii vehementes pro- jectiones sanguinis." — Ennius. " Sanguine tepido tullii efflantes volant." — Festus, p. 353. 4 Sail. Cat. 55 ; Plutarch, Marius, ch. xii. 5 Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 243 ; Gell. Rome and Vicinity, p. 495, Appendix ; Liibke, Gesch. der Arch. p. 156. 6 Mabillon, Mus. I tel. p. 118 ; Vita Anastas. p. 62. 7 Dion Cass, lviii. 5, of Sejanus ; Val. Max. vi. 9, 13, of Caepio ; Tac. Hist. iii. 74, of Sabinus. 8 Varro, L. L. v. § 155 ; Plut. Rom. 19. 9 Asc. in Cic. pro Mil. v. § 12, p. 43 ; Orelli. 10 C. Licinius Crassus was first guilty of this in M 82 The Forum Romanum before ' Julius Cczsar. exact spot in the Forum where the Comitium lay is so hard to determine that it has become one of the most controverted points of Roman topography. Some writers have placed it on the south-western side of the Forum, near the Temple of Castor, others at the south-eastern end, near the Regia, and others at the north-western corner. The strongest evidence certainly appears to point to the north-western part of the Forum. 1 That the Comitium was close to the Curia Hostilia there can be no doubt, for the statue of Attus Navius, the augur, stood in the Comitium on the steps to the left of the Curia, and the Curia and Comitium are placed together by Livy and Cicero. 2 Now the Curia was on the north side of the Forum, for Pliny distinctly says that the hour of noon was proclaimed by the Consul's marshal when, standing in front of the Curia, he could see the sun between the Grsecostasis and Rostra; and this is hardly possible except from the north-eastern side of the Forum or the north-western end. 3 We are, therefore, certain that the Comitium, since it was close to the Curia, was also on the north-eastern side or at the north-western end. It is also mentioned that the Comitium was under the Vulcanal or Area Vulcani, 4 which was, in fact, the oldest place of meeting. 5 Now some part of the Vulcanal was so near the Forum Julium that the roots of a tree which stood upon it in Pliny's time penetrated to that Forum, 6 the situation of which to the north of the Forum Romanum is tolerably ascertained. We, therefore, have strong reasons for placing the Comitium at the northern corner of the Forum near the Via Bonella. Further, it is stated by the Scholiast on Horace, that the tribunal and rostra were removed by Julius Caesar from their old places at the Comitium, and placed at the south-eastern end of the Forum, showing that they did not stand there originally. 7 The Comitium was a regularly consecrated templum, or space open to the air, and not a covered building, for we read of drops of blood and milk falling upon it from the sky, 8 and of troops passing over it on their way through the Forum. 9 The Ficus Navia, confused by the later Romans with the Ruminal fig-tree which sheltered Romulus and Remus in their infancy, grew upon it. 10 The harangues delivered from the Rostra, which stood between the Comitium and Forum, were delivered to open-air assemblies of the people. 11 In different parts of the Comitium stood the statues of several celebrated persons, ot Hermodorus the Ephesian, interpreter and secretary to the Commission of Ten who drew B. C. 145, Cic. Lael. 25. Plutarch says the same of C. Gracchus, but probably without authority. Plut. C. Gracch. 5. 1 The fairest discussion of this question, and review of all the passages bearing upon it, will be found in Annali deW Inst. vol. xxxii. p. 138, written by M. Detlefsen. 2 Livy, i. 36 ; Plin. xxxiv. 5 ; Cic. Rep. ii. 17 ; Dionys. iii. 71. 3 Plin. Nat. Hist. vii. 60. 4 Livy, ix.46, compared with Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiii. 6 ; Festus, p. 290. 5 Dionys. ii. 50 ; Plut. Rom. 20. 6 Plin. Nat. Hist. xvi. 26. 7 Porphyr. ad Hor. Ep. i. 19 ; Schol. ad Sat. ii. 6, 35. See also Dion Cass, xliii. 49. Mommsen, vol. iii. p. 74, speaks of the removal in B.C. 145 of the place of assembly of the burgesses from the Comi- tium to the Forum, but he gives no authority for this statement. 8 Miiller, Etrusc. ii. 132 ff. ; Livy, xxxiv. 45 ; Julius Obseq. 83, 103. 9 Livy, v. 55. 10 Tac. Ann. xiii. 58 ; Festus, p. 169 ; Dionys. ii. 71,79. By some trick of the augur Navius this tree had been moved from the Lupercal : Plin. Nat. Hist, xv. 18, 20. 11 Livy, iii. 11 ; viii. 33. The Forum Romanum before yiilms Ccesar. 83 up the Laws of the Twelve Tables, of three Sibyls, of Attus Navius the augur, Horatius Codes, and some others. 1 The pavement was of stone, for one of the stones in the pavement, from its funereal blackness, was called the tombstone of Romulus or Faustulus. A stone lion also stood upon it near the Rostra, and was commonly said to have been erected on the spot where Faustulus was killed. 2 At the corners stood the statues of Alcibiades and Pythagoras. 3 There is no evidence to show that the area was enclosed or separated by a barrier from the Forum, but Cicero seems to imply that it was so, 4 < and the Forum is often mentioned as distinct from the Comitium. 5 If the Comitium is to be considered as separated from the Forum by an enclosure of any kind, we must suppose that it was so arranged as not to interfere with a free passage through the Forum along the road called Sub Novis. The Curia Hostilia was originally built by Tullus Hostilius for the accommodation of the Comitia Curiata, who had previously met in the open air upon the Comitium. 6 We may conclude, therefore, that it stood upon the Comitium, and that it was slightly raised above it, and approached by steps. Tarquinius threw Una os lta ' Servius down these steps ; 7 and, as has been already mentioned, the statue of Attus Navius the augur stood upon them. Upon the side wall of the Curia Hostilia was a famous picture, executed by the order of M. Valerius Messalla, in honour of his victory at Messana over the Carthaginians and Hiero, in B.C. 264, which decided the fate of the Carthaginian Empire in Sicily, and made Hiero the firm ally of Rome. 8 This picture was probably on that side of the Curia which adjoined the Basilica Porcia, for Cicero speaks of the neighbourhood of the Valerian picture as a place of business ; 9 and the Basilica Porcia was occupied by bankers' offices, and used for financial transactions. 10 Cicero represents Vatinius, the creature of Caesar, as seizing Bibulus the Consul near the Valerian picture, when he was leaving the Curia at the northern side, to escape the rabble in the Forum on the southern. In order to convey Bibulus into the Forum, which was occupied by Clodius's partisans, Clodius forms a sort of bridge with the wooden tribunals on the Comitium from the Rostra down to the Forum, and so carries off his victim. 11 The Curia Hostilia was rebuilt by Sylla, when dictator, as an emblem of aristocratical power. At the same time he removed the statues of Alcibiades and Pythagoras, the representatives of Hellenic democracy. 12 Sylla's building was burnt in B.C. 54, at the time of the riots excited by the death of Clodius. The words of Cicero on this occasion, in his speech in defence of Milo, plainly show that the Curia was regarded by the Romans of his day as a symbol of aristocratical influence. He calls it the temple of 1 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 5, 1 1, 12 ; Livy, ii. 10 ; Gell. iv. 5. 2 Dionys. i. 87 ; Schol. ad Hor. Epod. xvi. 12. 3 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 5, 12. 4 Cic. De Rep. ii. 17. 5 Cic. Pro Sestio, 35, in Verr. i. 22, and in numerous other passages ; Tac. Agric. 2. 6 Livy, i. 30 ; Cic. De Rep. ii. 17 ; Varro, L. L.. v- § 155 ; Aur. Vict., Vir. 111. 4. 7 Livy, i. 48 ; Dionys. iv. 38 ; Zonaras, vii. 9, 8 Plin. xxxv. 7 ; Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. ii. p. 35, 36, book in, ch. 2. 9 Cic. ad Div. xiv. 2. 10 In the Notitia it is called " Argentaria," Reg. viii. ; Marini, Atti, p. 248; Plaut. Cure. iv. 1, 11 ; Mommsen, Ann. deW Inst. vol. xvi. p. 297. 11 Cic. in Vat. ix. 21. 12 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 6, 12. Cic. De Fin. v. i. refers to this restoration by Sylla the dictator, and not, as most commentators think, to the restoration by Faustus Sylla. M 2 8 4 The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. sanctity, rank, and intelligence, the shrine of national wisdom, the head of the city, the sanctuary of the allies, the harbour of refuge for all nations, the place which the whole Roman world has appropriated to one class of its citizens. 1 Sylla's son Faustus restored the Curia, but his building was again pulled down by Julius Csesar, under pretence of a wish to build a temple to Felicitas, but really in order to abolish the memory of Sylla and the old senatorial party. 2 On another occasion the Curia was dismantled and the roof pulled off by the senatorial party themselves. When Saturninus had been forced to surrender in the Capitol, Marius, who was consul, placed him and his partisans in the Curia, thinking that he would be most secure there from the violence of the senatorial party, who would consider his being placed there an appeal to their forbearance, and would hesitate to attack a building which was considered as the sanctum of nobility. Marius was mistaken, for the Curia was attacked at once, and the wretched Saturninus and his adherents pelted to death with the stones of the roof. 3 To the right of the Senate-house stood the Graecostasis, a stone platform open to the air, raised above the Comitium, 4 and so called because it was originally the place appro- priated to the Greek envoys of Marseilles by the Roman people, and after- Grmcostasis. war(Js tQ the envoys 0 f ot h e r foreign nations, at the public spectacles anciently held in the Forum. The Massiliots were privileged in this way on account of the kindly feeling shown by them to the Roman state after the capture of the city by the Gauls in B.C. 390. 5 The brazen shrine of Concord, erected by Cn. Flavius, Curule vEdile in 303 B.C., in commemoration of his attempt to assert the rights and liberties of the Plebs, is said by Pliny to have been placed on the Graecostasis. Pliny also mentions the removal of the Graecostasis to a different site by some one of the Emperors, and the name seems to have been given to a reception-hall in the Imperial times. 6 The Senaculum was the designation of a place at which the Senate met in the early times of Rome, just as the Curiae met in the Comitium. 7 It was situated, according to Varro, 8 above the Graecostasis, and therefore at the side of the Comitium Smaculum. ^ ^ q{ the Q m i a) and not far f rom the Temple of Concord. The name was afterwards used as the designation of other meeting-places of the Senate. Festus mentions two others, one at the Capenatian Gate, also mentioned by Livy, 9 and another at the Temple of Bellona, near the Circus. 10 In the year 174 B.C. a portico, or cloister, was built, reaching from the Temple of Saturn to the Senaculum, and thence to the Curia. This portico probably occupied the northern side of the Sacra Via, and must have passed in front of the Temple of Concord. 11 The Vulcanal, or, as it is called by Livy, the Area Vulcani, must have been close to the 1 Cic. Pro Mil. 33 ; Phil. vi. 4 ; Dion Cass. xl. 49. 2 Dion Cass. xl. 50 ; xliv. 5; xlvii. 19 ; li. 22. 3 Appian, B. C. i. 32 ; Merivale, Fall of the Roman Republic, ch. 2 ; Mommsen, vol. iii. p. 215. 4 Varro, L. L. v. 155 ; Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiii. 1,6 ; Julius Obseq. 24, 28, 31. 5 Justin, xliii. 5 ; Mommsen, Rom. Hist, book ii. ch. 7, pp. 430, 467. 6 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiii. I, 6. 7 Val. Max. ii. 2, 6. 8 Varro, L. L. v. 156. 9 Festus, p. 347 ; Livy, xxiii. 32. 10 Ov. Fast. vi. 203. 11 Livy, xli. 27. The reading of this passage is un- certain. It would make a more intelligible sense to read "in Capitolio." Mommsen lays too much stress upon the word super, which I take to mean little more than beyond. {Ann. delV Inst. xvi. p., 292.) Detlefsen, in Ann. deW Inst, xxxii. p. 154, thinks that this refers to the Curia Calabra, but such a sup- position is unnecessary. The Forum Romanian before Julius Ccesar. 35 Senaculum, on the slope of the Capitol. 1 It seems to have been originally an open space of some extent, used for public meetings, especially those of the Comitia Tributa, 2 and dedicated to Vulcan. Sacrifices of small fish were offered to Vulcan here, and a temple dedicated to that god stood also here in the earliest times, but it was afterwards, on the enlargement of the pomoerium beyond the Palatine, removed for religious reasons to the Circus Flaminius, and the Vulcanal became simply a con- secrated area. 3 The Temple of Concord was built upon a part of this area, and it was hence called Area Concordiae. 4 Romulus is said to have dedicated a brazen group of statuary representing a four-horse chariot there, and to have planted the lotus tree, the roots of which reached to the Forum Julium. The statues of Horatius Codes and of a gladiator who had been struck by lightning were placed upon it by the advice of the Etruscan augurs. 5 The Rostra, before the time of Julius Caesar, stood somewhere near the middle of the Forum. 6 Julius Caesar built new Rostra at the eastern end. It is not, however, necessary to suppose that the old Rostra were exactly in the middle of the open area of the Forum, but only that they were nearly in the centre of one of the four sides of the Forum. This is shown by the statement of Appian, that Marius's head was placed by Sylla in the middle of the Forum before the Rostra. 7 The shows of gladiators could be best surveyed from thence, and therefore the place must have commanded a view of the widest part of the Forum. 8 Further, an orator speaking from them could turn either to the Comitium or to the Forum as he chose, and they were therefore placed between the two, as has been already remarked, and not far from the Curia Hostilia. The origin of their name is well known. At the end of the great Latin war in B.C. 338 the power of the Latin League was completely destroyed, and their fleet at Antium, which town had taken the lead in the war, fell into the hands of the Romans, who appropriated some of the ships, and burnt others, and decorated the orators' platform with their beaks (rostra)? Upon the Arch of Constantine there is still extant a bas-relief, which represents an orator addressing the people from the Rostra, and a rude picture of them is also given upon a denarius of the Gens Lollia. 10 These representations refer to the later or Julian Rostra, but it is probable that the shape of the old Rostra was similar. Hence it appears that they consisted of a curved platform raised on arches, with a surrounding parapet, and that they somewhat resembled the ambones, or reading-desks, still to be seen in ancient churches, as in S. Clemente and S. Lorenzo at Rome and elsewhere. A great number of statues were placed near the Rostra. Among these are mentioned by name those of the three Sibyls, the earliest bronze statues at Rome, of Camillus and 1 Livy, xxxix. 46 ; Festus, p. 290. 6 Dion Cass, xliii. 49 : Iv jikaa irov rrjs ayopas. 2 Dionys. vi. 67 ; vii. 17 ; xi. 39 ; ii. 50. 7 App. B. C. i. 94. 8 Cic. Phil. ix. 7. 3 Plut. Rom. Qu£Est. 47 ; Cal. Cap. x. Kal. Sept. 9 Livy, viii. 14 ; Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 5, 1 1 ; 4 Livy, xxxix. 56 ; xl. 19; ix. 46. Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. i. pp. 368, 464. 5 Plut. Rom. 24 ; Plin. Nat. Hist. xvi. 44. See 10 See Smith's Diet. Ant. s.v. Rostra ; Spanheim, above, p. 83. Gell, iv. 5 • Festus, p. 290. De Usu Numism. ii. p. 191. 86 The Fortim Romanum before Julius Ccesar. Maenius, of four ambassadors who were killed by the Fidenates in the discharge of their duty, of Cnaeus Octavius, who lost his life as ambassador to King Antiochus, 1 and of Pompey and Sylla. 2 The Fcedus Latinum and the Duodecim Tabulae were also placed there on a brazen column. 3 The curved ridge of brickwork near the Arch of Septimius was, when first found, supposed to be the old Rostra, but it is probably of a later date. Becker thinks that it may prove to be the substructure of the Temple of the Genius of the Roman people mentioned by Dion Cassius. 4 On the Comitium, at least in the early times of the Republic, stood the Praetor's Tribunal. 5 This must not be conceived of as a fixed building, but as a moveable wooden platform and chair. A dictator or consul sometimes also placed Tribunalia. ... his chair of judgment on the Comitium, as at the trial of M. Manlius, 6 and the petition of the Locrensian envoys. 7 The phrase "to ascend the tribunal" shows that it was a raised dais on which the magistrate's chair was placed ; 8 and Cicero speaks of the steps of the Aurelian tribunal, which perhaps was a tribunal erected by Aurelius Cotta, Consul in B.C. 74.° A great variety of lawsuits were tried in the Forum, and there were several tribunals in different parts in the time of Cicero. He speaks of a bridge made by Vatinius from the Rostra to the Forum, by piling up the wooden platforms and benches and chairs of the numerous tribunals, along which Vatinius carried off the unfortunate Consul Bibulus, and also mentions the violent ejection by the same demagogue of the magistrates from their tribunals. 10 The body of Clodius was burnt on a pile made partly of these wooden tribunals, and in the remarkable scene described by Suetonius, at the funeral of Caesar, among other combustibles which the mob collected in order to burn his body in the Forum were the wooden tribunals and benches. 11 There were apparently two Putealia or well-mouths in the Forum. One was opposite to the Curia Hostilia, and on the Comitium, near the statue of the augur Attus Navius, 12 and the other, the Puteal of Libo, was near the Arch of Fabius at the eastern end. 13 Originally the enclosure of a well, puteal came afterwards to signify any enclosure in the shape of a well-mouth, enclosing a spot held to be sacred according to the augural superstitions. Several ancient putealia are preserved in the Italian museums. The most celebrated Temple of Janus, for there were several others in Rome, stood in front of the Curia. 14 It was probably a very small, old-fashioned temple, and did not 1 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 5, 11 ; Cic. Phil. ix. 2. Procop. i. 25 mentions rd rpla (para, which may mean the Sibyls ; and Anastasius, Vit. Honor, i. p. 121, and Vit. Hadrian, i. p. 254, speaks of the churches of S. Adriano, S. Cosma e Damiano, and S. Martina, as " in tribus fatis." Part of the Forum was after- wards, in the eighth century, called " tria fata." See Bunsen's Beschreibung, iii. 2, 124 ; also Cyprian, Epist. xxi. 3, " ad tria fata ascendi'sse." 2 Dion Cass. xlii. 18, xliii. 49 ; Suet. Cses. 75 ; App. B. C. i. 97. 3 Diod. Sic. xii. 26 ; Cic. Pro Balb. xxiii. 53. 4 Dion Cass, xlvii. 2. 5 Gell. xx. 1, § § 11,47 : "Ad prsetorem in comitium." 6 Livy, vi. 15. 7 Ibid. xxix. 16. 8 Cic. in Vat. § 34 ; Livy, xxviii. 26 ; Mart. xi. 98, 17- 9 Cic. Pro Cluent. § 93. See also Pro Flacco, § 66 ; Pro Sestio, § 34. 10 Cic. in Vat. ix. § 21 ; ch. xiv. § 34. 11 Suet. Jul. Caes. 84 ; Dion Cass. xl. 49 ; Asc. Arg. in Mil. 34. 12 Cic. DeDiv. i. 17 ; Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 5, 11 ; Livy, i. 36 ; Dionys. iii. 71. 13 Hor. Ep. i, 19, 18 ; Sat. ii. 6, 35 ; Pers. iv. 49. 14 Dion Cass, lxxiii. 13, 14; Ov. Fast. i. 257; Procop. Goth. i. 25 ; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 292. The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. 87 occupy much space. The double head of this god's image was significant of his peculiar province as god of opening, the most ancient gateways being constructed with two arches and a chamber between them, and the shape of his temple Temple of was probably that of a gateway chamber open at both ends. Hence the word /anus was applied generally in Latin to all archways, and therefore Horace speaks of the highest, central, and lowest jam in the Forum, offices under archways, at which the financial business of the day was carried on. 1 Over some of these archways were chambers occupied by merchants and men of business. The well-known custom of keeping the doors of Janus's Temple open during war, and shut during peace, was usually explained by the story of a repulse inflicted on the Sabines by the god's interference. 2 A deeper meaning may be found in the idea that Janus was the power who presided over the beginning of every act, and who gave his blessing to the troops marching out through the city gate to war. This ceremony of opening the Temple of Janus is recorded for the last time when Gordian III. marched against the Persian army which had invaded Syria. 3 During the later times of the Republican government at Rome, in the second century before the Christian era, after the drain upon the population caused by the great wars had ceased, and wealth and commerce had begun to increase rapidly, 4 the want of more com- modious public buildings for the transaction of business must have been felt, and we find Cato the Censor, in B.C. 184, applying some of the public funds in purchasing the courts of two private houses belonging to Maenius and Titus, situated in the district of the Lautumiae, and also four shops adjoining. Upon this site he built the Basilica Porcia. 5 The north side of the Forum was perhaps selected in accordance Basaka Porcia ' with the opinion mentioned by Vitruvius, 6 that a basilica should be in the warmest situation for the convenience of merchants in cold weather. As many of them were open buildings, without side walls or central roof, this caution was not without considerable meaning. The name of these buildings indicates that their design came from Greece, 7 and it is plain from Cicero's letters that some of the celebrated architects in the sixth and seventh centuries of the city were Greeks. The shape of a basilica may be best learnt from the churches which were built upon the model of basilica?, of which many remain at Rome and Ravenna. 8 A central nave divided by pillars from two side aisles, over which galleries were built, constituted the main part of these public buildings. At one or both ends was a circular apse used for legal trials. The central nave was sometimes covered with a roof, and sometimes open to the air. They were frequented by loiterers as well as by business men, and to take a turn in the basilica with any one to whom you might wish to show a little attention was considered at Rome equivalent to a morning call. 9 Cato's Basilica was placed near the Curia Hostilia, and close to the edge of the Forum, as is shown by the express statement of Plutarch, and also by the fact men- 1 Hor. Ep. i. 1, 54; Sat. ii. 3, 19 ; Cic. De Offic. « Vitruv. v. 1. ii \ 25 ''.™ 1 Vi ; 5 " .. . 2 0v - Fast - 1 26 9- 7 /3a«rtX t ^ error!. See the description of Constat Gibbon, ch. vn. ; Jul. Capit. in Gord. iii. ; Aur. tine's Basilica in chap viii Vict Ca^s. xxvii. ; Oros. vii. 19. s The Basilicas of S. Lorenzo and S. Agnese at On the enormous increase in wealth at this time, Rome, and S. Apollinare in Classe at Ravenna are see Mommsen, vol. ii. p. 382. perhaps the best examples. 5 Liy y,. xxxix. 44- 9 Cic. Pro Murana, ch. xxxiv. 70. 88 The Forum Romanum before Julhis Ccesar. tioned by the Scholiast on Cicero, who says that Msenius, when his house was removed to make room for the basilica, reserved to himself the right of erecting a balcony over one of the columns, from whence he might view the gladiatorial combats in the Forum. 1 In the riot over Clodius's corpse, in which the Curia was burnt, the Basilica Porcia, which was close by, also suffered much damage, and seems never to have been restored under the same name. 2 On the same side of the Forum with the Basilica Porcia stood the Basilica Fulvia et ^Emilia. It was first built in the year B.C. 179, by M. Fulvius Nobilior the Censor, and was placed behind the new silversmiths' shops on the north side of the Basilica Fulvia jr orum- 3 j^e colleague of Fulvius in the Censorship was M. yEmilius et m% l °" . Lepidus, and a descendant of his a century afterwards, when Consul, deco- rated the basilica with the busts or profiles in relief of his ancestors represented on circular shields, a mode of commemoration often adopted at Rome. 4 These were probably placed, like the portraits of the Popes in S. Paolo Fuori le Mura, along the entablature between the upper and lower columns of the sides of the building. A restoration of this basilica took place in B.C. 54, when L. ^Emilius Paullus was ^Edile. He was anxious to gain popularity in order to secure his election to the prsetorship and consul- ship, and among other public works he undertook to beautify and restore the basilica built by his ancestors. At the same time, as appears from a letter of Cicero, he laid out a still larger sum of money upon another basilica, the name of which is not known, but which may have been distinguished from the Basilica Fulvia et yEmilia as the Basilica Paulli. 5 The words of Cicero seem to indicate that the old Basilica Fulvia et yEmilia was in the middle of the north-eastern side of the Forum ; between the Church of S. Adriano and the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. The new Basilica Paulli was possibly an addition to the old one on the south-eastern side. When it Basilica Paulli. ^ burnt in B c ^ the fire endangered the Temple of Vesta, and it was therefore not far from the south-eastern end of the Forum, otherwise the distance from the Temple of Vesta would be too great to justify the language used by Dion Cassius about the conflagration. 6 Again in A.D. 22 this building was restored and decorated by another Paullus yEmilius Lepidus, 7 and its magnificence is afterwards spoken of by Pliny, who 1 Pint. Cat. Maj. 19; Cat. Min. 5 ; Asc. ad Cic. Div. in Case. 16, Pro Mil. Arg. 3. Plaut. Capt. iv. 2, 23 (815), Curculio, iv. 1, n (472), mentions the fish- market as behind a basilica. But both these pas- sages are interpolations of a later date than Plautus, who died in B.C. 183 (Cic. Brutus, xv. \ 60), the year after Cato's censorship, and Livy says (xxvi. 27) that there were no basilicas before Cato's time. The interpolated lines may therefore refer to one of the other basilicas subsequently built. 2 Ascon. Introd. ad Cic. pro Mil. § 3. 3 Livy, xl. 51 ; Varro, L. L. vi. § 4; Cic. Acad. ii. 22. § 70 ; Stat. Silv. i. 30. 4 Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxv. 3, 4. A shield of silver, with a picture or profile of Hasdrubal Barca, was taken in Spain from the Carthaginians, and deposited in the Capitol. (Livy, xxv. 39. See also Tac. Ann. ii. 83 ; Sil. Ital. xvii. 398.) 5 Cic. ad Att. iv. 16, § 14. Four great public works are here alluded to by Cicero. (1) The Basilica /Emilia et Fulvia in the Forum. (2) The Basilica Paulli. (3) The enlargement of the Forum towards the Ouirinal. (4) The Septa Julia. Becker is mistaken in supposing that the money given to Paullus by Cassar as a bribe is alluded to by Cicero, for Cicero's letter was written three years before the consulship of Paullus, during which he received the bribe. (Plut. C. Cass. 29 ; App. B. C. ii. 26.) Cicero is speaking of Paullus as at this time an enemy of Cassar. It was said that Paullus afterwards, when Consul, spent a sum received from Cassar as the price of reconciliation on the Basilica Paulli. " Ingenti mercede," says Suet. Jul. 29. Cic. ad Att. vi. 3, 2. 6 Dion Cass. liv. 24. 7 Tac. Ann. iii. 72. The Forum Romanwn before Julius Ccesctr. 89 especially mentions its columns of Phrygian marble, and classes it with the Circus Maximus, the Forum of Augustus, and the Temple of Peace, as one of the most beautiful buildings in the world. 1 Another basilica is mentioned by Varro as having stood above the Grsecostasis. 2 He calls it the Basilica Opimia, and connects it with the celebrated Temple of Concord, built by L. Opimius B.C. 121, after the death of C. Gracchus Basilica J x Optima. and the triumph of the aristocratical party. 3 This basilica therefore stood near the still remaining foundations of the Temple of Concord, and probably on the north side of them, where the present street ascends to the Ara Cceli. In the same part of the Forum, but nearer to the Comitium, stood the statue or shrine of Venus Cloacina, mentioned by Pliny as situated on the spot where the Romans and Sabines were reconciled. 4 Plautus speaks of the shrine of Cloacina as a well-known place in the Forum, and in the story of Virginia in Livy m S oaana ' it is placed near the New Shops on the north side of the Forum. 5 In Becker's " Handbook of Roman Antiquities " a coin is figured which is supposed to represent this shrine. 6 A column, called the Maenian Column, in honour of C. Maenius the Dictator, who in B.C. 338 had finally put an end to the Latin league by his victories, stood at this end of the Forum. 7 It was when the sun had passed this column and was sinking towards the Career Mamertinus, that the crier in ancient times used to Columna ■ Mcenia. proclaim the last hour of the day, when business was supposed to close. This proclamation was made in the Comitium, 8 and therefore the column stood on the western side of the Comitium. It was also apparently a place of meeting for persons engaged in lawsuits, who wished to secure the aid of counsel. 9 Near the Arch of Severus was found the base of the famous column adorned with the beaks of some Carthaginian ships taken by Duilius, at Mylfe, in B.C. 260. The inscription on it, and a restoration of the column itself by Michael Angelo, is still to be seen in the court of the Palace of the Conservators on the Capitol. 10 As c ^ Ka this column was certainly near the Rostra and Comitium, 11 the discovery of its pedestal near the Arch of Severus confirms the opinion that they were situated in this part of the Forum. Along the north-eastern side of the Forum ran a row of shops called the New Shops. They were in the early times occupied by butchers and schoolmasters, as the story of Virginia shows, but afterwards by silversmiths. 12 They stood in front of the Basilica Fulvia et ^Emilia when it was first built, but were removed 1 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxvi. 15, 24; Varro, L. L. vi. § 4. 2 Varro, L. L. v. § 156; Marini atti dei Frat. Arv. p. 212 ; Cic. Pro Sest. 67. 3 App. B. C. i. 26 ; Plut. C. Gracch. 17 ; Aug. De Civ. Dei, iii. 25. Becker thinks it possible that the line in Plaut. Cure. iv. 1, 24, " Dites damnosos maritos apud Leucadiam Oppiam," may be amended, " apud Concordiam Opimiam." 4 Plin. Nat. Hist. xv. 29, 36, § 119. 5 Livy, iii. 48. 6 Becker, Rom. Alt., Theil i. Tab. 5, No. 4. 7 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 5, 11 ; Livy, viii. 13; Mommsen, Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 368. Livy speaks of an equestrian statue, and not of a column. 8 Plin. Nat. Hist. vii. 60 ; Varro, L. L. vi. § 5. 9 Cic. Div. in Caec. 16; Pro Sest. 58. 10 Canina, For. Rom. p. 301, note. 11 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxix. 5, 11 ; Sil. Ital. vi. 663, nivea moles, of white marble. Quint. Inst. Or. i. 7, " in Rostris." Serv. Ad Georg. iii. 29. 12 See the Rheinisches Museum for 1857, pp. 215 — 223 ; Varro, ap. Non. p. 532 ; Livy, iii. 44, 48. N go The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. in Livy's time. On high festival days the gilded shields which had been taken from the Samnites were exhibited in these shops. 1 A similar row of shops, called the Vetera Qld Sh bordered the south-western side of the Forum area. 2 They were under arcades, somewhat similar to those of Bologna, Turin, many of the modern Italian towns, and the Rows at Chester. Over the arcades were open balconies, called Maeniana, projecting beyond the pillars of the arcades, from which Montana. ^ g ames and gladiatorial spectacles could be conveniently viewed ; and these balconies were painted with various devices. 3 The whole of the balconies on the south- west were painted by Serapion, a famous scene-painter, 4 and a story seems to have been current at Rome about Crassus, the celebrated advocate, who was one day cross-examining a witness at one of the tribunals in the Forum, near the Old Shops. The witness became impatient, and exclaimed, " What you do take me for, sir ? " and Crassus, pointing to the picture, on the wall of the Old Shops, of an idiotic-looking Gaul with his tongue lolling out, replied, " I take you for just such a fellow as that." 5 Cicero relates a similar joke of his own upon an opponent, and adds that the picture he pointed to was that of a Gaul with a hideously-distorted expression, flabby cheeks, and a protruded tongue, painted upon a shield, hung up by Marius after his Cimbric campaign. 6 The modern counter- parts of these pictures are to be seen on the walls in some of the towns of the Southern Tyrol and Italy, but they now generally take the form of saints and angels instead of conquerors and captives. Some incendiary fires caused by petty spite are recorded by Livy as having, in B.C. 210, burnt down parts of the Forum called the Seven Shops, afterwards called the Five Shops, the silversmiths' shops, afterwards called the New Shops, some private houses, part of the Lautumian district, the fish-market, and the Royal Court. The Royal Court (Atrium Regium) stood in front of the Temple of Vesta, which was saved from this fire with difficulty by the courage of thirteen slaves. 7 The restoration of the shops by the Censors, at the public expense, is recorded in B.C. 209, and it may hence be concluded that the shops were State property. 8 At the upper or north-western end of the Forum, besides the Basilica Opimia, which has been already mentioned, and which stood back behind the area called the Senaculum, there were built before the time of Julius Caesar two of the most celebrated North-western , , <-r> iro^ t-i End. temples in Rome— the Temple of Concord and the Temple of Saturn. Ine Temple of situation of the former is described by Plutarch as overlooking the Forum Concord. and Comitium, by Festus as between the Capitol and Forum, and by Dion Cassius as near the prison. Livy also connects the area of Concord with the Vulcanal, which was here as we have seen. 9 These descriptions have been fully confirmed by the 1 Livy, xxvi. 11 ; ix. 40. (Ibid. xxvi. 27). Those on the south side were first 2 Cic. Acad. ii. 22. § 70. rebuilt in A.U.C. 543 (Ibid, xxvii. 11) ; those on the 3 Paul. Diac. p. 135 ; Vitruv. v. 1, ifjaxrrpa. north side were rebuilt about A.U.C. 560 (Festus, p. 4 Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxv. 10, § 113. 230). (Urlichs, Rhein. Mus. v. 157.) After that time 5 ibid. xxxv. 4, 8. they began to be called Veteres and Novae, from the K Cic. De Orat. ii. 66. dates of their respective restorations (Ritschl, Opusc. 7 Lrvy^ xxvi. 27. ii- 387). The butchers' shops were removed into the 8 Ibid, xxvii. 11. The shops were at first butchers' back streets (Livy, xlv. 16). shops (Livy, iii. 48). They were then changed into 9 Plut. Cam. 42 ; Fest. p. 347 ; Dion Cass - lviii - goldsmiths' shops at some time before A.U.C 444 11 ; Livy, xl. 19, xxxix. 56 ; Julius Obseq. 59, 60. See (Ibid. ix. 40). They were all burnt in A.u.C. 542 also Aug. De Civ. Dei. iii. 25 ; Statius, Silv., i. 1, 31. The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. 91 excavations conducted in 1817, 1830, and 1835, when the foundations of a temple were uncovered standing behind the Arch of Severus, and separated from it by a street. Inscriptions were discovered on the spot which proved beyond a doubt that this was the ground-plan of the Temple of Concord. 1 This temple was founded by Camillus in B.C. 367, on the memorable occasion when the Senate, after a long and anxious debate, wisely determined to throw open the consulate to the plebeian order. 2 It was placed above the old meeting-place of the privileged families (gientes), as if constantly to remind them that the newly-established concord of the community was under the special sanction of the gods. We do not distinctly hear of any restoration of this temple until Tiberius rebuilt it in honour of his German campaign of A.D. 6 and 7, and dedicated it in A.D. 10 in the name of his brother and of himself. 3 A considerable enlargement of the temple took place, either at this time or at some other time after the Tabularium was built, since the wall of the temple, the foundations of which are now left, comes quite close to the Tabularium, and would render the ornamentation on its. walls quite invisible. The ornamental architecture of the Tabularium was therefore erected before the temple was enlarged. It seems impossible that the restoration by Tiberius could have been the first, and we may with reason conclude that when the Consul Opimius, on the death of C. Gracchus, was ordered by the Senate to build a temple to Concord, he restored and enlarged the old Temple of Camillus. 4 This temple seems to have been a kind of Pantheon, or museum, for it. was decorated with a great number of statues of various gods, among which were those of Apollo and Juno by Baton, of Latona by Euphranor, of ^Esculapius and Hygsea by Niceratus, and of Mars and Mercury by Piston, and with pictures of the g;od Liber by Nicias, an Athenian artist, and of Marsyas by Zeuxis. The sacristan also exhibited as curiosities four elephants cut in obsidian, presented by Augustus, and the veritable sardonyx which had been set in the ring of Polycrates. 5 On the left-hand side of the remaining foundations of the cella of the temple are two huge pedestals, which probably supported two of the above-mentioned statues. The form of the latest restoration of the Temple of Concord can be traced from its foundations, and presents a singular deviation from the usual plan of a Roman temple. The pronaos is smaller than the cella, and forms a kind of porch to it, and the cella has greater breadth than depth ; the former measuring 82 feet in breadth and 45 in depth, and the latter 147 feet in width by 78 in depth. The lower part was apparently built with rubble, and faced on the outside with travertine and hard tufa stone, which 1 Canina, Indie, p. 285. A coin of Tiberius re- presenting this temple and a fragment of the Capi- toline plan are also mentioned by Reber among the proofs of its identity. (Reber, p. 77.) I have not seen these. 2 Plut. Cam. 42 ; Livy, vi. 42 ; Ov. Fast. i. 641 s 3 Ov. Fast. loc. cit. ; Dion Cass. lv. 8 ; Suet. Tib. 20 ; Verrius in Fast. Prasnest. 4 App. B. C. i. 26 ; Plut. C. Grace. 17 ; Aug. De Civ. Dei, iii. 25. Dr. Dyer, in his article " Roma," in Smith's Diet. Ant., places the Temple of Camillus on the Arx, and supposes that Opimius was the first founder of the sub-Capitoline temple. But he appears to> strain the meaning of ottotttos and prospicere too much. The site near the Forum and Curia, where the quarrels took place, was most appropriate to the temple commemorating their happy termination. (See Merkel on Ov. Fast, p. exxv.) 5 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 8, 19, §§ 73, 78, 80, 89; xxxv. 10, 36, § § 66, 131 ; xxxvi. 26, \ 196 ; xxxvii. I, , \4 N 2 9 2 The Forum Romanum before Julius Cczsar. again were covered with slabs of marble. As the temple stood out from the slope of the Capitoline, this basement is of considerable height in front, and the temple was approached by a flight of steps, the ruins of which remain. 1 Portions of the variegated marbles with which the interior was lined, and in particular the enormous threshold stone of African marble, are still to be seen. The style of the temple was Corinthian, as is shown by a coin of Tiberius which represents it, and had six columns in front, and three figures embracing, as a symbol of concord, at the top. One of the bases of the columns, very richly carved, is preserved in the Capitoline Museum. Canina, with immense labour and pains, fitted together a number of small fragments found on the spot, and thus restored a portion of the frieze, which shows the decorative work to have been of extraordinary beauty. This is now in the corridor of the Tabularium. 2 The manuscript of the anonymous traveller preserved in the library at Einsiedlen gives the inscription, which was still in situ in the ninth century. It is as follows : — " S.P.Q.R. (?) AEDEM CONCORDIAE VETUSTATE CONLAPSAM IN MELIOREM FACIEM OPERE ET CULTU SPLENDIDIORE RESTITUERUNT." 3 The temple is also mentioned as still standing in the " Ordo Romanus," a procession route-book of the twelfth century. 4 The stones were probably carried away for building purposes in the time of Nicholas V. 5 Even before its magnificent restoration by Tiberius, this temple must have been of considerable size, as we find the Senate frequently assembling in it. The most celebrated debates which took place here were those at the time of the Catilinarian conspiracy, and the third Catilinarian oration was probably delivered from the steps of this temple to the assembled people after the most exciting of these debates. Sejanus was here sentenced to death by the Senate, and his body thrown down the steps to the rabble in the Forum. Meetings of the Senate continued to be held here down to a late period of the Empire, in the times of Alexander, Severus, and Probus. 6 It was used not only for the convenience of its situation in criminal cases, as being close to the prison, but also from the pacific political reminiscences and the religious feelings connected with it. Dionysius mentions that there was in his time an old altar dedicated to Cronos at the foot of the hill, on the ascent from the Forum to the Capitol, and that the legend as told by the poet Euxenus and other Italian mythographers was, that the Temple of Epeans from Pisa in Elis, who came over with Hercules to Italy, had Saturn. founded it. 7 This seems, however, to be an attempt to connect the old Italian deity Saturnus with the Hellenic Cronos, and to have arisen in the Philo-Hellenic age of Rome from the same source as the other Hellenic myths in Italy — the desire of proving that all Italian civilization proceeded from Hellas. Dionysius afterwards men- tions the altar again on occasion of the dedication of the temple. The temple, he says, was dedicated in the consulship of A. Sempronius Atratinus and M. Minucius, B.C. 497, though some writers referred its foundation to Titus Lartius, the Consul of the previous 1 Cicero speaks of these steps as "gradus con- Mommsen and others from Sata, as the god of cordiae." (Phil. vii. ch. viii.) sowing. (Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 173. See Festus, p. 2 Reber, Ruinen Roms, p. 76. 325 ; Plut. Q. R. 42 : " Saturnus a sationibus.") The 3 Mabillon, Vet. Analect. vol. iv. p. 506. falx with which he was represented seems to confirm 4 Ibid. Mus. Ital. ii. p. 143. this, but the quantity of the first syllable makes it 5 Reber, Ruinen Roms, p. 80. doubtful. A fig-tree and a statue of Silvanus stood fi Hist. Aug. p. 115 E, and p. 165 E. ed. Salmas. before the Temple of Saturn. (Plin. Nat. Hist. xv. r Dionysius, i. 34. "Saturnus" is derived by 18,20.) The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. 93 year, others to King Tarquin the Proud, and others to Tullus Hostilius, after his victory over the Albans and Sabines. 1 The hill above the temple was called Saturnius before it received the names of Tarpeius and Capitolinus, and the epithet Saturnia is often applied to the whole of Italy. Saturn was one of the most ancient and venerable native gods of the Italian nation, and his festival, the Saturnalia, in December, was always one of the most honoured. 2 Festus and Macrobius also speak of an altar of Saturn as existing together with the temple, and Macrobius places it in front of the Senaculum. 3 The situation of the Temple of Saturn is further determined by other writers. Servius places it in front of the Clivus Capitolinus, Festus at the foot of the Clivus Capitolinus, Varro at the entrance {in fancibiis) of the Capitol, Aurelius Victor under the Clivus Capitolinus, and the inscription of Ancyra places the Basilica Julia between it and the Temple of Castor. 4 Clearly, however, as the indications of its situation here seem to 1 Dionys. vi. i ; Livy, ii. 21 ; Macrob. Sat. i. 8. 2 Livy, xxii. 1. 3 Festus p. 322 ; Macrob. Sat. i. 8. 4 Serv. Ad^En. ii. 116; Festus, loc. cit. ; Varro, L. L. v. 7 ; Zumpt. Mon. Anc. Tab. iv. ; Aur. Vict., De Orig. G. R. c. 3. Nissen, Das Templum (Berlin, 1869), 94 The Forum Romanum before Julius Cczsar. point out the eight columns now standing as the remains of this temple, yet this con- clusion has been impugned. Three arguments are adduced against it. First, Servius speaks of the Temple of Saturn as near (j'uxta) the Temple of Concord ; 1 and, secondly, in the ancient catalogues of the Regionarii, this temple stands next in order of enume- ration to the Temple of Concord. The third argument is drawn from three inscriptions which are quoted by the writer of the anonymous manuscript of Einsiedlen, who copied them from the buildings themselves, as follow : — " S.P.Q.R. INCENDIO CONSUMPTUM RESTITUIT DIVO VESPASIANO AUGUSTO." " S.P.Q.R. IMPP. CAES. SEVERUS ET ANTONINUS PII EELICES AUGG. RESTITUERUNT." " S.P.Q.R. AEDEM CONCORDIAE VETUSTATE CONLAPSAM IN MELIOREM FACIEM OPERE ET CULTU SPLENDIDIORE RESTITUERUNT." These inscriptions doubtless belong to the three temples, the ruins of which have been excavated on the slope of the Capitol towards the Forum. The first part of them, as far as the word "restituit," is still seen upon the temple of which eight pillars remain, and which the passages of classical writers above quoted would lead us to pronounce the Temple of Saturn. Upon the three columns belonging to the temple which stands further up the slope of the hill are the letters " estituer," which plainly belong to the second inscription, and there can be no doubt that the third inscription belongs to the Temple of Concord just described. But what are we to do with the words "divo Vespasiano Augusto " ? Becker would place them at the end of the first inscription, and thus make the temple of the eight pillars the Temple of Vespasian. But there are great difficulties in holding this opinion, for there is an overwhelming weight of authority against it, and scarcely any, except that of Servius and the Notitia, both of which may be explained otherwise, in favour of it. Further, there is no room upon the front of the temple for the words, and Becker is forced to separate them from the first part of the inscription, and place them at the back of the temple, which seems ridiculous. Canina has, therefore, assigned the words " divo Vespasiano Augusto " to the second inscription. And this is in accord- ance with the usual order of the words in dedicatory inscriptions, in which the name of the deity in honour of whom the temple is built almost invariably comes first. A fragment of the Capitoline plan, plainly belonging to the north-western end of Basilica Julia, which was close to the temple of the eight pillars, has the letters "vrni" upon it, which hardly leave a doubt that the building designated by them was the yEdes Saturni. 2 A further confirmation of this opinion, that the temple of the three pillars is the Temple of Vespasian, is found in the fact that the doorway leading down from the Tabularium, which stands behind, is blocked up by it, and the temple must, there- fore, have been built after the Tabularium. But it is certain that the Temple of Saturn was, originally at least, built long before the Tabularium. 3 It must be allowed, however, endeavours to show from the orientation of the tern- vius, iv. 5, gives express directions about the orien- ples that the eight columns belong to the Temple of tation of temples. They are, he says, to look, if Vespasian and the three to the Temple of Saturn, possible, towards the west and setting sun. If not, But the theory of orientation which he announces is they should face the public roads, that the passers-by so ill-proved, and is so inapplicable in some cases, as may salute the gods. in the case of Janus Ouadrifrons, that it cannot be 1 Serv. Ad. y£n. ii. 116. accepted as satisfactory evidence in the teeth of the 2 Canina, Pianta Topografica, fig. xlv. numerous documentary proofs given above. Vitru- 3 Ibid. Bull, dell' Inst. 1841. This doorway The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. 95 that it is possible, though improbable, that the Temple of Saturn may have been enlarged at a later period, so as to block up this entrance to the Tabularium. Several later restorations of the Temple of Saturn are recorded. Gellius the Annalist mentions one in the military tribuneship of L. Furius. As there were several military tribunes of this name, the date cannot be determined. 1 In the reign of Augustus it was again restored by Munatius Plancus, 2 and the present building appears to belong to a restoration of the time of the later Empire, after the transfer of the seat of government to Constantinople and the public recognition of the Christian religion. There is, there- fore, no mention of the god Saturnus or of the Emperor in the inscription. It was the only one of the old pagan temples rebuilt at that time, probably on account of its use as the public treasury. As early as the time of Valerius Publicola, B.C. 500, it was used as the State treasury and as repository-room for State documents. 3 The Signa militaria were also kept there, and the temple was under the control of the officers of the Exchequer, the Quaestors. 4 Up to the fifteenth century in the Middle Ages it had the name of the Mint (Cecha or Zecca), but was afterwards, by a mistake, called Concordia. 5 Some of the vaults which served as treasuries still exist under the basement. The breadth of the basement of this temple, which was laid bare in 1820, is 72 feet, and the length about 130 feet. Part of it is now covered by the modern road leading up to the Piazza del Campidoglio from the Forum. The facing of travertine still remains on the front towards the arch of Septimius Severus, and openings for the narrow stairs which led up to the entrance can be seen between the two central columns. Six columns which compose the front and the next to these on each side are now standing. The shafts of the two side columns are of grey, and those of the front columns of red granite. The capitals of these columns, and also of the entabla- ture, architrave, and frieze surmounting them, are of a late and debased Ionic style, and they have been pieced together in the last restoration of the temple with extraordinary negligence. Unequal spaces are left between the columns, and some are set upon plinths, while others are without them. One of the side columns has been so badly restored that the stones are misplaced, and consequently the diameter of the upper portion is the same as that of the lower. The restored carving on the inner frieze is of the roughest description, and a want of taste and a carelessness are apparent, which show that, whenever the temple was last restored, all regard to architectural beauty was entirely neglected, and the fragments were collected, hurriedly pieced together, and patched with the rudest imitation work. Some steps led up from the Clivus Capitolinus just above the Temple of Saturn to a narrow passage, on the left of which was a row of small chambers called the Schola Xantha. Each of these was isolated from the rest, and had its separate ~. - . r 1 • • -\ r i t r r y Schola XlDltha. entrance. Three of tnem were found entire in the first half of the sixteenth century with a great part of their ornamental fronts, consisting of marble facing with may have been the entrance by which the Vitellian Orig. Gent. Rom. 3; Tac. Ann. iii. 51 ; Suet. Jul. soldiers entered the Capitol. (Tac. Hist. iii. 71.) C?es. 28, Oct. 94; Livy, xxxix. 4 ; Serv. Ad Georg. 1 Macrob. Sat. i. 8. ii. 5° 2 - 2 Suet. Aug. 29 ; Grut. Inscr. 439, 8 ; Orell. 590. 4 Livy, iii. 69. 3 Plut. Publ. 12, Quaest. Rom. 42 ; Aur. Vict., 3 See Reber, Ruinen Roms, p. 95, note. 96 The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. Doric pilasters. 1 On the architrave were two inscriptions, which, with the marble facings, were removed soon after their discovery, but found again near the Arch of Titus. The originals have now disappeared entirely, but copies are preserved in Gruter's " Inscrip- tions" and in Marliani's " Topographia." 2 They record the restoration of the chamber by A. Licinius Troisius, the curator of the building ; Bebryx, a freedman of Drusus ; and A. Fabius Xanthus, who also placed there a brazen tablet, supported by a cornice and seven silver images of gods. The building is called Schola in the " Inscriptions," and it is stated that the chambers were used as offices for the secretaries, clerks, and heralds of the Curule ^Ediles. The name Schola Xantha was taken from the spurious catalogue of buildings in the eighth region bearing the name of Sextus Rufus, and has no real authority except the mention of Xanthus's name in the inscriptions. A passage of Cicero, in which he speaks of the clerks of the Capitoline ascent, who kept the register of Roman burgesses, has been supposed to refer to these offices. 3 After their discovery in the sixteenth century, these chambers seem to have been This area filled up the corner which the bend of the Clivus Capitolinus here made ; and along the two sides of it which lay under the Tabularium and the street forming the Clivus was a row of twelve recessed chambers standing behind a portico. Three of these, which stand parallel to the front of the Tabularium, and five others forming an obtuse angle with them, have been excavated ; the remaining four are covered by the modern Via del Campidoglio. The height of each is about fifteen feet, the depth about ten feet, and the doorways are nearly as broad as the interior, but only nine feet high. The walls are chiefly built of brickwork, apparently of the second or third century, but the back wall, which supported the ascent to the Capitol, is of hard tufa stone. The interiors were faced with marble, traces of which are still left. In the year 1835 ten of the bases of the columns which supported the portico were found, and fragments of the entablature and architrave, containing part of an inscription. These have been now put together, and supplemented with modern restorations. Some of the ancient shafts of the columns were also found ornamented with a peculiar fluting, and also some of the semi-Corinthian capitals, bearing trophies, the helmets of which are of Phrygian style. From the inscription 4 found on the architrave, it appears that Vettius Praetextatus, a prefect of the city in A.D. 367, restored the statues of the Dii Consentes which had stood here from ancient times. Varro mentions the twelve gilded statues of the Gods of the Council as near the Forum, and also speaks of their temple. 5 The portico and chambers, however, of which we are speaking cannot have been a temple, but were plainly clerks' offices, similar to those in the Schola Xantha below, and we must 1 Marliani, lib. ii. c. 10, in Grasvius, Thes. iii. " ad Vortumni signum ;" Varro, L. L. viii. 70, 71. The p. 90. Dii Consentes formed the Senate of Heaven (Seneca, 2 Ibid. loc. cit. See Note A at the end of this N. O. ii. 42), and were Juno, Vesta, Ceres, Diana, chapter. Minerva, Venus, Mars, Mercurius, Jupiter, Neptune. 3 Cic. Phil. ii. 7. Vulcan, Apollo. Varro says that the form " Con- 4 See Note B at the end of this chapter. sentum" was usual in his time, while in the inscrip- 8 Varro, R. R. i. 1, 4, " ad Forum ;" Livy, xliv. 16, tion " Consentium " is written. Area of the Dii Consentes. used as graves during the plagues so frequent in those times. They have now been restored as far as possible, together with the terrace above them, which is called the area of the Dii Consentes. The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccssar. 97 suppose that the statues of the twelve gods were placed in the portico, one opposite to each office. Vettius Prsetextatus was noted for his opposition to the Christian religion, and for his zeal in restoring the ancient heathen cultus. He held several ecclesiastical offices, and the Proconsulship of Achaia under Julian, and probably recommended himself to that Emperor by his attachment to heathenism. 1 In the neighbourhood of the portico of the Dii Consentes there was a narrow alley, at the end of which was a place for the reception of the dirt which was annually, on the 15th of June, swept out of the Temple of Vesta. The „ Porta . 1 stercoraria. receptacle was closed by a door called the Porta Stercoraria. 2 The Tabularium, or public record office, is joined by Virgil with the Forum, 3 and seems to have more connexion with it than with the Capitoline Hill, and therefore, although strictly speaking the Tabularium stood on the Capitol, it will be convenient to describe it as forming a part of the north-western end of the Forum. Tabularmm - There are no very distinct traces of a public record office having existed before B.C. 83 on the spot where the Palace of the Senator now stands. Cicero speaks in several places of the burning of a record office, but gives no clue to the situation of it. 4 Polybius and Livy mention Tabularia in the Temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, the Hall of Liberty, the Temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera, and especially in the Temple of Saturn. 5 There was doubtless a Tabularium in most of the large public buildings and temples at Rome. In B.C. 83, at Sulla's return to Rome, the Capitol was much injured by fire, 6 and had to be rebuilt. At the same time, L. Lutatius Catulus undertook the erection of a public record office, under a decree of the Senate, and two inscriptions recording its dedication in the year of his consulate, B.C. 78, are still preserved. 7 A record of its having been repaired by the Emperor Claudius is preserved in an inscription copied by the author of the Einsiedlen MS., and also printed in Gruter's "Inscriptions." 8 When the Capitol was burnt by the Vitellian soldiers in A.D. 70, the Tabularium probably suffered considerably, for Suetonius mentions the care which Vespasian took to have copies of the contents of 3,000 bronze tablets, which had been destroyed, procured from various quarters and replaced. 9 In the thirteenth century the very name of the building had been forgotten ; and the Palace of the Senator was erected over it, to which Boniface IX. in 1389 added the tower and fortifications. In the time of Nicholas V. it was used as a salt warehouse, and the stone suffered much corrosion from the stores of salt kept there. The old corridor is now put to a worthier use — that of preserving the fragments of the entablatures of the Temples of Vespasian and Concord, which have been most ingeniously fitted together by Canina. Only the lower part of the building is now preserved underneath the Palace of the Senator. A considerable part of the side towards the Forum, measuring about 220 feet in breadth and 50 feet in height, is still standing, 1 Amm. Marc. xxii. 7, xxvii. 9 ; Zosimus, iv. 3 ; Grut. Insc. 1602, 1603. 2 Varro, L. L. vi. § 32 ; Festus, p. 344 ; Paul. Diac. 259. 3 Georg. ii. 502 : " Insanumque forum aut populi tabularia." 4 Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 30 ; Pro Rabir. 3. 5 Polyb. iii. 26 ; Livy, xliii. 16, iii. 55. 6 Dion Cass. Frag. 106, 3, Bekker. 7 See the Inscriptions in Gruter, Insc. p. clxx. 6 ; Nardini, in Graev. Thes. iv. p. 1219, iii. p. 77. 8 Anon. Einsied. in Mabillon Vet. An. vol. iv. p. 506 ; Gruter, p. ccxxxvii. 8. 9 Tac. Hist. iii. 71 ; Suet. Vesp. 8. O 9 8 The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. and forms one of the most interesting ruins of Rome, being one of the very few relics of the Republican times. The large entrance in the Via del Campidoglio was opened in the Middle Ages, probably in the place of a smaller door, and as the wall has been cut through for this purpose, the structure of the building can be best observed here. On the inner side red tufa has been used, and on the outer grey peperino, and the method of construction is the same as in the Servian walls, the blocks being laid alternately length- wise and crosswise with the greatest regularity. A great mass of masonry of this kind, without cement, forms the substruction of the building. Above it runs along the front an arcade, the arches of which were formerly open towards the Forum, and which served as a passage from one summit of the Capitol to the other. A pavement of basaltic lava has been discovered in this, showing that it was probably a public passage. Nicolas V. walled up these arches, and used the building as a fortress, and it has not been found safe to remove the masonry from them on account of the great superincumbent weight of buildings. The architecture is Doric, and the capitals and cornice are of a different stone (travertine) from the rest of the building. It is probable, though not certain, that a second open arcade surmounted the one now remaining. 1 Towards the Career the end of the arcade has been destroyed. The foundations of two more arches were dis- covered in this direction in 185 1, under the Via di S. Pietro in Carcere. 2 The ground-plan of the whole building was in the shape of a trapezium, the longest side of which faced the Forum. The principal entrance lay probably towards the hill, but there were also other entrances from the corridor, at the east end of which a ruined staircase still remains, leading into a large vaulted chamber. Some steps also led from the back of the Temple of Vespasian under the corridor into the inner part of the building to some large chambers. In the Tabularium were preserved not only decrees of the Senate and State treaties and public deeds, but also records of private transactions. These were cut upon wooden or bronze tablets, the number of which in the later times of the Republic and the early Empire must have become enormous. Near to the Temple of Saturn, on the south-western side of the Forum, ran the Vicus Jugarius, which led round the foot of the Capitol to the Porta Carmentalis. 3 Between the The Vicus Jugarius, where it entered the Forum, and the Vicus Tuscus, which South-western en t e red the Forum further towards its south-eastern end, stood the Stde ' . Basilica Sempronia. Livy gives a very clear description of its position. Vum ^*™ s ' He gays that in B c 160, Titus Sempronius, one of the Censors, employed Sempronia. a large sum of money, placed in his hands by the Quaestors, in buying the house of P. Africanus behind the Old Shops near the statue of Vertumnus, and the butchers' stalls and shops which adjoined it, and caused a basilica to be erected, which was afterwards called the Basilica Sempronia. 4 Now the statue of Vertumnus stood in the Tuscan Street, within sight of the Forum, 5 and the position of the Old Shops on the south-western side is well ascertained. 6 As the new basilica stood behind these, it 1 Du Perac. Vest, dell' Ant. di Rom. tav. 1. 6 Asc. in Cic. Verr. i. 59 ; Propert. iv. 2. 2 Ann. deW Inst. vol. xxiii. p. 268. 6 Cic. Acad. ii. 22, § 70, fixes the position of the 3 Livy, xxxv. 21 ; Fest. p. 290 ; Livy, xxvii. 37. Veteres Tabernaj on the south side of the Forum. 4 Livy, xliv. 16. See above, notes on p. 90. The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. 99 must have adjoined the Forum, and probably covered a part of the ground afterwards occupied by the Basilica Julia. Accordingly we find no further notice of this building after the erection of the Basilica Julia. At the entrance of the Vicus Jugarius into the Forum was the Servilian Well (Lacus Servilius), on the spot where M. Agrippa afterwards placed the statue of a Hydra. 1 There was possibly a tribunal usually placed near it, for we find that during -ii i mi i 1 o 1 Lacus Servilius. the proscriptions of Sylla ; the proscribed senators were killed here,- and their heads exhibited; whence Seneca calls it the "Spoliarium proscriptionis Sullanse." 3 COLUMN OF PHOCAS AND TEMPLE OF SATURN. Capitoline Hill, South-west Height. Area of Dii Cousentes. Tabular ium. Temple of Vespasian. Column of Phocas. This was probably the lacus spoken of by Plautus in the " Curculio," as the place- where audacious and malignant characters were to be found, for he places it next to the Old Shops. 4 The Lacus Curtius was probably in the middle of the Forum, and was marked by a puteal or well-mouth, surrounded by a low circular wall. 5 Two of the legends relating to 1 Fcstus, p. 290. 4 Plaut. Cure. iv. 1. 2 Cic. Pro Rose. Am. xxxii. 89. 5 Suet. Aug. 57. 3 Seneca, De Prov. iii. 7. O 2 IOO The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. this lacus have already been alluded to, 1 and a third is spoken of by Varro, to the effect that the place was struck with lightning, and consecrated by the Consul Curtius in B.C. 446. A fig-tree, a vine, and an olive, are also mentioned by Pliny as having grown there, and an altar stood there. 2 Next to the Basilica Sempronia, and between it and the Temple of Vesta, on the south- western side of the Forum, was the Temple of Castor and Pollux. The site is sufficiently determined. Ovid, Valerius Maximus, Martial, and Dionysius place it near Temple oj- ^ e fountain of Tuturna (where the twin brothers made their horses drink Castor. J y after the battle of the Lake Regillus) and the Temple of Vesta ; 3 and Suetonius relates that Caligula broke a passage through the back of the cella of this temple, and made it communicate with the palace on the northern angle of the Palatine, and used to show himself to the Senate between the statues of the twin gods. 4 The temple was first begun in B.C. 494, by the Dictator Aulus Postumius, who vowed it at the battle of the Lake Regillus in the Latin war, and was dedicated by his son in B.C. 484. 5 Two restorations are mentioned ; the first by L. Metellus Dalmaticus, Consul in B.C. 119, 6 the second by Drusus and Tiberius in A.D. 6. 7 Verres, among the other iniquitous proceedings with which he is charged by Cicero, is said to have cheated a minor, P. Junius, who was chargeable with the repairs of this temple, by estimating the dilapidations at an extravagant price; 8 and it appears from Cicero's account of the temple that it was small in his time, for the expense of repairs is estimated by him as very trifling. The Temple of Castor was frequently used for meetings of the Senate, and also for holding courts of law, and harangues were also delivered from its steps to the people in the Forum. 9 Money was also deposited here, as in most other temples, 10 and a register kept of the changes in the value of the Roman coinage, which were so frequent during the sixth and seventh centuries of the city. 11 In the time of Plautus the most notorious money-lenders' offices were at the back of this temple. 12 Since the time when the excavations on the south-west side of the Forum were carried beyond the Basilica Julia, and laid bare the foundations of the temple to which the three Corinthian columns still standing belong, little doubt has been felt among antiquarians that the columns appertained to the Temple of Castor. The substructions of this temple are separated from the Basilica Julia by the breadth of a street only, and there is no room for another building between them. As the Monurnentum Ancyramnn lz places the Basilica Julia between the Temple of Saturn and the Temple of Castor, and the sites of the two first are sufficiently determined, there can be no doubt about the identity of the last with the temple whose substructions lie south-east of the Basilica. This situation agrees perfectly 1 Chap. ii. p. 21. in Verr. i. 59 2 Varro, L. L. v. 148 ; Plin. Nat. Hist. xv. 18, 20; 7 Ov. Fast. i. 705 ; Pont. ii. 2, 85 ; Dion Cass. lv. Ov. Fast. vi. 397. 8, 27 ; Suet. Tib. 20. s Ov. Fast. i. 707 ; Val. Max. i. 8, 1 ; Dionys. vi. 8 Cic. in Verr. i. 49, seqq. 13 ; Plut. Cor. 3 ; Mart. i. 70, 3. The legend shows y Ibid. i. 49, § 129 ; Dion Cass, xxxviii. 6 ; Cic. the early influence of Greece on Roman history. Pro Sest. 15, Pro Dom. 21 ; Gibbon, ch. vii. The Compare Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 2 ; Mommsen, Rom. election of the Gordians took place here by a " Sena- Hist. vol. i. p. 457. tus consultum taciturn." (Jul. Cap. Gord. 12.) 4 Suet. Cal. 22 ; Dion Cass. lix. 28, lx. 6. 10 Juv. xiv. 260. 5 Livy, ii. 20, 42. 11 Cic. Pro Quint. 4. 6 Cic. Pro Scaur. 46. Scaurus's father married 12 Plaut. Cure. iv. 1, 20. Ccecilia, daughter of L. Metellus Dalmaticus. Cic. 13 Monum. Ancyr. tab. iv. ed. Zumpt. The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. 101 with the passages previously quoted, which place the Temple of Castor near the fountain of Juturna and the Temple of Vesta. On the three sides of the substructions which have been hitherto excavated (the eastern still remaining buried) is found the usual poly- TEMPLE OF CASTOR. gonal basaltic pavement. The pavement in front belonged to the part of the Forum called Sub Veteribus, and the street at the back was probably the Via Nova. 1 1 Reber, Ruinen Roms, p. 141, makes the Nova foro est," in order to extract this interpretation. See Via enter the Forum here. He perhaps strains the above, chap. vi. p. 79. words of Ovid, "qua Nova Romano nunc Via juncta 102 The Forum Romanum before Julius Ccesar. The height of the basement upon which the temple stood was considerable, 1 and the flight of steps which led up to it, a part of which is still visible, afforded a convenient place for the delivery of harangues {condones) to the crowds in the Forum. Bibulus, when he tried to oppose Caesar, who was speaking here, was thrown down the steps by the mob, and escaped with difficulty. On account of the height to which the basement of the temple was raised, it commanded the Forum, and was frequently occupied by troops or bodies of insurgents during the Gracchian and Clodian riots. Its position, nearly opposite to the Comitium and Senate House, made it a favourite place from which to annoy the senators. Cicero, in several places, mentions the attacks of Clodius's mob directed against this temple, which they occupied, and tried to convert into a fortress by pulling down the steps. 2 The length and breadth of the basement were also very considerable, the former measuring about sixty-five and the latter thirty-five yards. The sides of the basement are built of hard tufa and travertine, and were faced with marble and supported with buttresses. The three columns now standing belonged to the central part of the south- eastern side. They are of the most elegant shape conceivable, and the capitals, architrave, and frieze which surmount them are ornamented with decorations of the very best period of Graeco-Roman architecture. The work on the entablature is most delicate and perfect, even in the parts which are not easily seen, and well repays a minute examination with a glass. The designs of the cornice and corbels are very chaste, 3 and besides the usual ornamentation there is along the upper edge a row of beautiful lions' heads, through which the rain-water ran off. On the south-west side of the Temple of Castor, after the reign of Domitian, stood the Temple of Minerva, which, as belonging to the later Forum, will be mentioned the Temple of Vesta and the Regia. The neighbourhood of the Temple of Vesta to that of Castor has been already shown. A further proof that this was the site of the buildings dedicated to Vesta is, that in the sixteenth century, as recorded by Andreas Fulvius and Lucius Faunus, 5 near the Church of S. Maria Liberatrice (for- merly called S. Silvestro in Lago, with reference to the Lacus Juturnae,) twelve grave- stones, with inscriptions showing them to have been placed on the graves of Vestal virgins, were discovered. It was near the same spot that the fragments of the Fasti Capitolini, which contain a list of the Consuls, Dictators, Masters of the Horse, and Censors, engraved on marble slabs, were found. These are now preserved in the Palace of the Conservators on the Capitol. They appear, so far as can be discovered from their fragmentary state, to have contained a complete list of these State officers from the 1 Twenty-three feet. Reber, Ruinen Roms, " Hirt remarks, however, that the cornice offends P- 137- against the rule laid down by Vitruvius against the 2 Dion Cass, xxxviii. 6; Cic. Pro Sest. 15, Pro introduction of both modillions and dentelles (Vitruv. Dom. 21 ; in C. Pison. 5, where Cicero calls it "arx iv. 2). 4 See p. 77. civium perditorum, castellum forensis latrocinii ;"and 6 Andr. Fulv. Antiq. Urb. lib. iii. p. 96; Lucius in Pro Sest. 39 , " Captum erat forum sede Castoris Faunus, De Antiq. Urb. Rom. lib. ii. cap. ix. Venet. tanquam arce aliqua a fugitivis occupata." I 549- Temple of Vesta. below. Its site, in the times of the Republic, was probably occupied by private buildings. In the corner of the Forum, where the Sacred Way entered by the Arch of Fabius, stood, as has been before mentioned, 4 The Forum Romanum before Julius Ctesar. 103 foundation of the city to the time of the death of Augustus. 1 That these Fasti were kept in the Regia is not clearly ascertained, but has been thought probable. 2 If this were so, it would furnish another proof of the position of the Regia and the Temple of Vesta here. Search was made again in 1816 and 1817 and 1853 for the remaining fragments of the Fasti, but without much success. 3 The Temple of Vesta was a round building, and was built, according to the Roman antiquarians, in this shape by Numa, in imitation of the spherical shape of the earth, which Vesta was supposed to personify. 4 The round form of construction was also the most natural form for the altar of Vesta as the hearth of the community, and was pecu- liarly Italian. The Temple of Vesta was not an inaugurated spot, though it was of course consecrated ; and it appears that it could not, therefore, be called strictly a Templum, and that decrees of the Senate could not be legally passed in it. This curious distinction between a Templum and an ^Edes is preserved by Gellius among other directions given by Varro to Cn. Pompeius, for the avoiding of informality in holding meetings of the Senate, curiously illustrating the network of superstitious forms and ceremonies which the Roman ecclesiastical aristocracy used when they wished to impede obnoxious measures. 5 The exact position of the Regia, which was also called the Atrium. Regium, the Atrium Vestae, 6 or the Regia Numae, with respect to the Temple of Vesta is not very clear. Prof. Reber places it in front of the temple, because the Regia and not the temple itself is generally mentioned as standing on the Sacra Via ; and Becker comes to the same conclusion, from the fact that when the Atrium Regium was burnt in the fire of B.C. 210, which spread from the end of the Forum under the Capitol, the Temple remained uninjured. 7 Now the Regia could not have been between the Temple of Vesta and that of Castor, or it would be mentioned instead of the temple in the passages which speak of the two temples as adjoining, 8 and it must, therefore, have been in front in order to have caught fire when the Forum was burnt. That the Regia or some part of it lay in the Forum is shown by the account of the burning of Caesar's body by the mob, who, when prevented from taking it into the Temple on the Capitol, are said by Appian to have carried it again to the part of the Forum near the Regia, where they burnt it. 9 Two statues, said to have formerly served as supports of the tent of Alex- ander the Great, stood in front of the Regia in Pliny's time. 10 It has been shown above that the Regia was the official residence of the Pontifex Maximus, who had the control of the College of Vestals, 11 and that the house of the Vestal virgins was close to the Regia until Augustus gave up the Regia itself for their use. 12 In the great fire of Nero, A. D. 65, both the Regia and the Temple of Vesta were burnt. 13 The name of Atrium seems to have been given to the Regia because it stood to the Temple of Vesta and 1 See Fea, Frammenti di Fasti, p. 12 : Roma, 1820. 2 See Reber, p. 135. 3 Annali deW Inst. 1853, pp. 227 — 250. 4 Festus, p. 262 ; Ov. Fasti, vi. 265 ; Plut. Num. 11. 5 Gell. xiv. 7. 6 Ov. Fasti, vi. 264. 7 Livy, xxvi. 27 ; xxvii. 11. 8 Mart. i. 70, 3 ; Dionys. vi. 13. 9 App. Bell. Civ. ii. 148. See also Serv. Ad /En. viii. 363. 10 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 8, 18, § 48. 11 See above, p. 78. 12 Dion Cass. liv. 27. 13 Tac. Ann. xv. 41. The first burning of the Regia of which we have any account was in B.C. 210 (see note 1 ). Yet Roman historians have frequently as- sumed that it was burnt in the Gallic conflagration, and that the Annales Maximi kept in it were de- stroyed at that time. See Lewis, Credibility of Early Roman History, vol. i. p. 158. The Forum, Romanum before jfulius Ccesar. the House of the Vestals in the same relation as the atrium or entrance hall to the inner parts of a private house, or because it formed the front court of the ancient palace of the kings. There was another building forming a part of the Regia called Saaarium. ^ Sacrarium, in which the sacred spears of Mars were kept, and where the Goddess Ops Consiva, the wife of Saturn, was worshipped. It was probably a small chapel attached to the Regia. 1 The south-eastern end of the Forum was narrowed by the convergence of the sides to a breadth of about thirty-five yards, and therefore it afforded but little room for public buildings. The Sacra Via, as has been mentioned above, entered it at the south-western The South-eastern corner, and passed under the Arch of Fabius, near the Regia. 2 The passage End. Q f Ci cero quoted above 3 probably means that this arch stood over the Sacred Arch of Fabius. Way. But still Cicero need not be supposed to indicate by the words " ad Fabium fornicem " anything more definite than the corner of the Forum near the Arch of Fabius, where the crowd pressing out of the Forum would naturally converge. Another passage of Cicero is more to the point, where he speaks of descending into the Forum through the Arch of Fabius, for this would imply that it stood on the Sacra Via, which formed the usual approach to the Forum at this end. De Rossi, in an able paper in the Roman Archaeological Journal, concludes that upon the whole the evidence is in favour of placing the site of Fabius's Arch in the corner of the Forum near the Temple of Vesta and the Regia. 4 One of the scholiasts on Cicero also places the Fabian Arch at the place where after passing the Temple of Castor the Sacra Via was first reached. 5 The Fabian Arch was erected by Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, Consul in B.C. 121, from the spoils of the Allobroges and Arverni. 6 The victory then won completed the subjection of Southern Gaul to the Romans. It was restored by his grandson, who erected statues in front of it, one of himself, and two in honour respectively of Q. yEmilius Paullus and Scipio Africanus. 7 A number of other statues of the Fabii stood upon it. It only remains to notice some objects on the area of the Forum, or on the surrounding buildings, of which no mention has been made above. A pillar at the corner of one of the arcades containing shops was called the Pila Horatia, in memory of the battle of the Horatii and Curiatii in the Alban war. Upon it, according to Dionysius, had been fixed the armour taken by the surviving Horatius P a oratta. f rom vanquished Curiatii. 8 The word pila may either mean the column of the arcade upon which the armour was fixed, or the weapons themselves, and the Latin writers seem to understand it as referring to the latter, 9 while Dionysius translates it by Kn/xiTLcp, Dion Cass, xlvii. 19; ''in comitio," Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxv. 27. The Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius Ccssar. 109 standing near the Temple of Janus, 1 we may in all probability place it next to the Temple of Felicitas, and partly on the site of the old Curia, partly on that of the Basilica Porcia, which was burnt down in B.C. 54, and apparently never restored. 2 Some topographers think that the Basilica Argentaria, mentioned in the list called the Curiosum as situated in the eighth Region, was the name of a restoration of the Porcian Basilica, but there- is nothing to confirm this supposition. THE FORUM ROMANUM, LOOKING TOWARDS THE CAPITOLINE HILL. Porticus of the Dii Consentes. Tabular ium Column of Phocas. Ara Cadi. Temple of Saturn, Temple of Vespasian. Arch of Septimius Seven Floor of Julian Basilica. Augustus placed a trophy of Egyptian spoils and an altar and statue of Victory in the Curia Julia. The statue was brought from Tarentum, and was therefore probably the work of a Greek artist, 3 and was highly venerated by the Emperor, for at his death this statue was carried in his funeral procession. 4 The altar afterwards became famous on account of the disputes in the time of Valcntinian II. and Theodosius, between Ambrose 1 Dion Cass, lxxiii. 13 ; Procop. Bell. Goth. i. 25 ; :! Dion Cass. li. 22 ; Claud, de VI. Cons. Hon Jul. Cap. Pert. 4; Orell. Inscr. 28. 597- • J Asc. Introd. to Cic. Pro Mil. p. 34 ; Orell. 4 Suet. Aug. 100. 1 10 The Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius Ccesar. and Symmachus, about the restoration of the worship of the heathen gods. 1 Heliogabalus, in his fanatical conceit, ordered a statue of himself to be placed over the head of the statue of Victory, in order that he might receive the adoration of the Senate, customary before they proceeded to vote. 2 The Curia therefore existed down to the later times of the Empire, and it is reasonable to believe that, had it stood upon the south-western side of the Forum, as Becker and Mommsen suppose, its foundations would have been discovered. It still remains to be seen whether they will be found when the north-eastern side of the Forum is disinterred. A fire in the reign of Titus destroyed the Curia Julia of Augustus, and it was rebuilt by Domitian. 3 That it had not been burnt in the Neronian fire, as Reber supposes, seems to be proved by the fact that Pliny the elder speaks of the pictures painted on its walls by Augustus as extant in his time. 4 The Temple of Felicitas had been destroyed by the Neronian fire, and this new Senate-house of Domitian may therefore have been built nearer to the old site of the Curia Hostilia. Other fires in the time of Carinus and Numerianus destroyed it again, and it was rebuilt by Diocletian and Maximian. The modern Church of S. Adriano occupies pretty nearly the spot on which these buildings stood. Some further arguments are advanced by Urlichs 5 to support the opinion that the Curia Julia was in this part of the Forum. In the first place, after the death of Commodus a statue of Liberty was erected by the Senate in front of the Curia, 6 and the inscription probably belonging to this statue was found in the Church of S. Martina, which stands very near that of S. Adriano. Further, in two passages of Vopiscus 7 the Curia is called Pompiliana, an appellation evidently connected with the Temple of Janus, founded by Numa, which stood in this neighbourhood, may possibly have been identical with the Curia Julia or Pompiliana. 8 The Templum Fatale, a building which stood near the churches of S. Martina and S. Adriano in the Middle Ages. Lastly, the description of the eighth Region, which begins from the boundary of the fourth Region, and proceeds northwards along the edge of the Forum, mentions the Senatus-/.* Domitian's Curia— in the third place, and therefore not far from the middle of the north-eastern side of the Forum. Attached to the Curia Julia of Augustus was an annexe called the Chalcidicum, 9 the exact nature of which has occasioned a great deal of discussion. By some writers it has Chalcidicum, beGn identified with the Temple of Minerva on the south-western side of the Forum, because the chronologers mention a Minerva Chalcidica among Domitian's buildings. 10 But this idea was suggested by those topographers who place the Comitium and Curia Julia on the south side of the Forum, in order to support their peculiar views, and is directly contradicted by the Monumenturn Ancyranum, which mentions the Chalcidicum as adjoining (continent) the Curia Julia. 11 A passage of Dion Cassius, where he mentions the Athenaeum Chalcidicum apparently 1 See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. xxviii. ink. ; 5 Memorie delP Inst. vol. ii. p. 81 Prudent, lib. 11. init. ; Lardner, Heathen Test. vol. iv. • Herodian, i. 14, 9. P ' 2 3 u* a- 7 Vo P isc - AureL 4i, p. 222, E. ; Tacit. 3, p. 227 B. nerodian y. 5. See Amm _ Marc _ xiy _ 6 « Pompiliana seC uritas." Cassiod. Chron. t. 11. p. 197 ; Hieron. t. i. p. 443, s See p. 86, note K where it is called « Scnatus." 9 M on. Ancyr. Tab. iv. ed. Zumpt. l>hn. Nat. Hist. xxxv. 4, ,o. See also Suet. Tit. 10 Euseb. 01. 217 ; Cat. Imp. Vienn. t. ii p 24.7, 11 ; Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 14. Ronc . n Mon _ Ancyr _ 1qc _ V The Forum Romanwn after the Time of Julius Ccesar. 1 1 1 as a separate building from the Curia Julia, is more difficult to explain. Urlichs supposes that there was a statue of Minerva in the Chalcidicum, and that it was identical with the Atrium Minervae which is placed by the Curiosum next to the Curia Julia in the eighth Region. 1 If so, the words of Dion may refer to the Chalcidicum adjoining the Curia Julia, but it is quite possible that they refer to an entirely different building—the Temple of Minerva on the Aventine, or that near the Porta Capena. A chalcidicum is explained by Vitruvius and the " Glossarium " of Isidorus to be a cloistered court attached as a wing to another building to increase its accommodation, and various inscriptions mention chalcidica both as annexes to other buildings and as separate buildings. 2 In the inscription upon the edifice at Pompeii called by the name of Eumachia, the name of Chalcidicum seems to be applied to the whole building, which is of the nature of a basilica, or exchange. 3 The name also occurs in connexion with a building at Capua, and hence it has been conjectured by Urlichs that the name is derived from the fact that this kind of building was introduced into Italy by the Chal- cidic colonists of Cumae in Campania. Urlichs further endeavours to show that the Chalcidicum of Augustus was an enclosed court with cloisters round it, standing on the left of the Curia Julia, nearly on the spot now occupied by the Church of S. Martina. 4 Connected with the Chalcidicum is another building, the Secretarium Senatus, named on an inscription which once stood upon the apse of S. Martina's church and recorded the building of the Secretarium by Flavianus in A.D. 399, its destruction by fire (perhaps in the sack of the city by Alaric), and its restoration by Epifanius, ^^ZT" Praefect of the city. 5 This Secretarium was perhaps an addition to the Chalcidicum or Curia, intended for the sittings of the council of five senators constituted after A.D. 376 to assist the Praefect of the city in legal business. 6 The place where the above inscription was found certainly affords additional reason for supposing that the Curia Julia stood in this locality, as the Secretarium Senatus would naturally be close to the Senate-house itself. Caesar's intention to destroy the memory of the old oligarchy by changing the appearance of the Forum, was further carried out by the erection of new Rostra at the south-eastern end of the Forum. 7 He thus separated the Rostra from their former connexion with the Senate and Comitia, and indicated that henceforth Rostra Nova or Julia. appeal must be made to the public opinion of the masses, and not to the wishes of a privileged class. The new Rostra were made in the year of Caesar's death, but the other alterations which he planned were not carried out till Augustus had esta- blished his imperial power. It does not appear why he chose the south-eastern end of the Forum, for previously in his disputes with Bibulus he had been accustomed to address the populace from the steps of the Temple of Castor on the south side of the 1 Dion Cass. li. 22. Bekker reads with Zumpt, 2 Vitruv. v. 1, 4 ; Gloss. Isidor. ap. Auct. Ling. to T6 \6r]vaiov to XoKki8ik6v. The common reading Lat. ed. Gothofred. ii. 1622, App. p. 7 ; Orelli, Insc. is rore Adquaiov km to XaA/aStKoV. Reber sup- 1303, 3287, &c. ; Paul. Diac. p. 32. poses the Atrium Minervse to be the north-west 3 Dyer's Pompeii, p. 1 17. part of Nerva's Forum, the ruins of which are still 4 Nuove Memorie, vol. ii. pp. 84, 85. visible in the Via della Croce Bianca. There is no 3 Gruter, Insc. clxx. 5. proof of this given, and it must be taken as a mere 6 Urlichs, Nuove Memorie, loc. cit. conjecture. 7 Dion Cass, xliii. 49. I I 2 The Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius Ccssar. Forum, 1 Nor were the old Rostra destroyed, for Suetonius and Dion Cassius mention that after Augustus's death funeral orations were spoken both from the old and new Rostra. 2 The situation of the Julian Rostra is shown by the account given of the burning of Caesar's body. Appian says that this was done near the Regia, where the temple and altar were afterwards erected to his memory, and Livy adds that it was in front of the Rostra. 3 Now this cannot refer to the old Rostra, which were not near the Regia, and Livy must therefore mean the Julian Rostra. Augustus, when he afterwards built the Heroon or small Temple of Caesar on this spot, arranged that the steps of the temple should form the Rostra, and ornamented them with the beaks of the Juliu^CaLr shi P s taken a t Actium. 4 If the fact that the Heroon stood in front of the Regia did not sufficiently prove that it was at the south-eastern end of the Porum, a strong corroboration might be derived from the words of Ovid, who speaks of the deified Julius as surveying from his temple the Forum and the Capitol, and as a near neighbour of the twin brothers Castor and Pollux. 5 It may also be inferred from its neighbourhood to the Temple of Castor, that it stood not on the edge, but upon the open area of the Forum. The Heroon was built in the style called by Vitruvius Peripterus Pycnostylus, with six columns at each end, and eleven at each side, reckoning in those at the corners, having spaces between them equal to a diameter and a half of one of these columns. 0 An altar and a column of Numidian marble, twenty feet high, were erected at first on the spot where Caesar's body was burnt, but these seem to have been pulled down by Dolabella afterwards ; for we find Cicero and Brutus mentioning their destruction in their letters, in one of which Brutus and Cassius ask M. Antonius whether it is safe for them to return to Rome, as they hear that it is proposed to restore the altar, — " An act which," they say, " can hardly be approved of by any one who wishes us to be safe and to retain the respect of the Romans." Sacrifices were offered, vows made, and oaths sworn for the decision of disputed matters at this Heroon for a long period after Caesar's death. 7 Returning from the Heroon of Caesar, which we have mentioned in this place in order to combine in one view the alterations made by Julius Caesar and Augustus in the group of buildings attached to the Curia, we have to consider the eastern half of the north- eastern side of the Forum. To the east of the spot where the modern Church of S. Adriano stands, a street opened out of the Forum, which led through the centre of Nerva's Forum. To the right of this street the buildings belonged to the fourth Region, named from the Via Sacra, and the most conspicuous of them was the Basilica Paulli. . Basilica Paulli, already mentioned, which, after its restoration by Augustus, was reckoned one of the finest buildings in Rome. It remained standing till the latest Imperial age, but no vestige of it has been brought to light in modern times, nor are any other public buildings known to have existed in this part of the Forum until we come to the extreme north-eastern corner. 1 Dion Cass, xxxviii. 6. 5 Ov. Met. xv. 841 ; Ep. Pont. ii. 2, 83 : " Fra- - Suet. Aug. 100; Dion Cass. lvi. 34. tribus assimilis quos proxima templa tenentes divus :; App. B. C. ii. 148, iii. 2 ; Dion Cass. xliv. 51, xlvii. ab excelsa Julius asde videt." 18 ; Livy, Epit. cxvi. See also Frontinus, De 6 Vitruv. iii. 3. Aquasd. § 129. " Suet. Caes. 85 ; Cic. Phil. i. 2, Ad Att. xiv. 15. 4 Dion Cass. Ii. 19. Ad Div. xi. 2. The Forum Romanum after the Time of jfulius Ccesar. H3 At this corner stood the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, the portico of which is still partially preserved, consisting of six magnificent columns of cipollino or Temple of Carystian marble, 1 with two columns and a pilaster, besides the corner column, Antoninus and on each side. The shafts of these columns are fifty-five feet high, and they are ornamented with Attic bases and Corinthian capitals of white marble. The TEMPLE OF ANTONINUS AND FAUSTINA. remains of the steps leading up to the temple were excavated in 1813, and show that it must, when built, have stood at some height above the level of the Forum, although it is now a considerable depth (sixteen feet) below the level of the surrounding ground. Upon the plain architrave and frieze in the front of the temple the following inscription is cut : — 1 The " undosa carystos " of Stat. Silv. i. 5, 34, from the wavy lines upon it, which resemble the ripple of water. Q ii4 The Forum Romanum after the Time of Jtdius Cczsar. " DIVO ANTONINO ET DIVAE FAUSTINAE EX. S. C." It is evident, from the different size and appearance of the letters, that the first three words of this inscription were not cut at the same time as the latter part, and it is supposed that they were added after the death of the Emperor, the temple having been at first dedicated to Faustina alone. At the sides the frieze is ornamented with a bold and finely-executed relief, representing griffins, with upraised wings, between which elaborately-designed candelabra and vases are carved. A considerable part of the side-walls, built of grey peperino blocks, which were formerly faced with marble, is still standing. The name of Antoninus was deservedly held in great reverence to the latest times of the Empire, and afterwards may have preserved this temple from the destruction to which so many others fell a prey. It is also known that the temple was consecrated as the Church of S. Lorenzo at a very early epoch. Palladio states that there was an oblong court in front of this temple, in the centre of which the bronze equestrian statue of M. Aurelius, now standing in the Piazza del Campidoglio, was found. 1 This is, however, contradicted by the report of the excavators of 1813, and also by the most trustworthy account of the place where the equestrian statue was found, 2 and it is probable that Palladio mistook the foundations of the Heroon of Julius Caesar, or of some other building, for a court in front of this temple. The old Church of S. Lorenzo was pulled down in the first part of the sixteenth century, on occasion of the return of the Emperor Charles V. from Tunis, and a great quantity of valuable relics were then disinterred here. The church lay in ruins for half a century or more, and in 1602 the guild of the Apothecaries, to whom it belonged, restored it, and erected the present building, which forms a strange contrast in the meanness of its style and proportions to the massive grandeur of the grey old ruin which embraces it. 3 Considerable difficulty has been found, notwithstanding the inscription, in determining the persons to whom this temple was dedicated : for both the elder and the younger Faustina died and were deified and had temples erected to them before their husbands the Emperors Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. 4 But there are several arguments in favour of the common opinion that the temple was dedicated to Antoninus Pius and his Empress. In the first place, M. Aurelius would have been described by name more exactly, as is the case in an inscription given by Gruter. 5 It is also related that Heliogabalus appropriated the Temple of M. Aurelius, 6 and it would therefore either have been destroyed after his death, or, if it were preserved, would have retained some traces of his name. Further, a Temple of Antoninus (probably M. Aurelius) is mentioned by the Curiosum, in the ninth Region, where his column also stands. Nor does there appear to be anything to lead us to assign this temple to M. Aurelius, except the passage of Palladio above quoted, which is plainly a mistake. An inscription found near the spot, belonging to a votive tablet erected to M. Aurelius, may in all likelihood have been put up in his mother's temple, and is no proof of the existence of a temple here dedicated to himself. 7 Palladio, Arch. vi. 9, 30 ; Ven. 1570. 2 See Fea, Miscell. pp. lxii. 18. s See Reber, Ruinen Roms, p. 132. 4 Hist. Aug. Ant. Pius, 6 ; Ant. Phil. 26. 6 Gruter, Inscr. p. 259. 6 Hist. Aug. ; Ant. Phil. 26. j The Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius Ctzsar. 1 1 5 On the south-western side of the Forum, between the Temple of Castor and the Vicus Jugarius, lay the Basilica Julia. The ground-plan of this basilica was laid bare by a series of excavations from 18 17 to 1849, and has, more than any other discovery, helped to determine the topography of the Forum Romanum. The front £asUka y ulia measures more than 300 feet in length, and has been entirely cleared, but the breadth is not ascertained, only 60 feet having been as yet uncovered. It may. Q 2 1 1 6 The Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius C&sar. however, be safely concluded that the longer side faced the Forum. The street in front of this building, a continuation of that which in the Imperial times ran in front of the Regia and Temple of Castor, has been also cleared, and is paved with basaltic lava, the travertine pavement of the Forum being separated from it by a slightly raised edge. The marble steps and the drain along the side of the street can be traced, and the brickwork bases of the columns are tolerably easy to distinguish, whence it may be seen that a flight of five or six steps formed the approach, and that the surrounding portico contained three rows of columns. The pavement is wonderfully perfect, and is composed of angular pieces of red, yellow (gialto antico), and grey marble, arranged in regular rows. The preservation of these valuable marbles shows that they must have been buried beneath the ruins of the basilica before the times when the ancient buildings were plundered to build modern Rome. The proofs that these ruins belong to the Basilica Julia are very strong, and amount almost to certainty. First, the Monumentum Aiicyranum x places the Basilica Julia FRAGMENTS OF THE CAPITOLINE PLAN. between the Temple of Saturn and that of Castor ; a description which, it will be seen, corresponds exactly to the spot occupied by the foundations in question. A second proof is derived from two inscriptions found during the excavations, one of which records the repair of the Basilica Julia, and the erection of a statue in it by Gabinius Vettius Probianus, Prsefect of the city in 377 A.D. ; 2 and another the rebuilding of the Basilica Julia under Maxim ian, after the fire which destroyed it in the reign of Carinus and Numerian. 3 Besides these proofs, another has been drawn from two fragments of the Capitoline plan of the city, figured above, which answer pretty accurately to the ground-plan so far as discovered by the excavations, and represent the two ends of the basilica adjoining the Temples of Saturn and Castor. The combination of these two fragments is, however, rendered uncertain by a want of correspondence in size between the letters of the inscription upon them. 4 1 Zurnpt, Monum. Ancyr. Tab. iv. line 12. 2 Gruters Inscr. clxxi. 7. 3 Cat. Imp. Vienn. Roncalli, vol. ii. p. 247. 4 On the Capitoline plan see below, chap. viii. Note A. The Forttm Romamim after the Time of Julius Cczsar. 1 1 7 Whether there was a semicircular apse at the south side of the basilica or not remains uncertain until the excavations are completed. A good deal of legal business was transacted here, as may be seen from the frequent mention of it in Pliny's Epistles. 1 There were four tribunals, and four trials could be carried on at the same time ; but it does not follow from this that there must have been four apses in the building, nor are there any visible upon the fragments of the Capitoline plan. 2 Of the history of this basilica little is known, except what can be learnt from the Monumentum Ancyramim and the inscriptions found on the spot. A late authority places the dedication as early as B.C. 46, in the third consulship of Julius Caesar, when he returned from Numidia, celebrated his four triumphs over Gaul, Egypt, Pharnaces, and Africa, gave the most magnificent entertainments to the Roman people, and dedicated the Forum Julium, the Temple of Venus, and this basilica. 3 The erection of these splendid buildings was a part of the policy by which he was endeavouring to inaugurate the new era of Imperialism at Rome ; and the new basilica occupied the site of, and supplanted, a relic of the old oligarchical government, the Basilica Sempronia. Augustus completed the Basilica Julia, but it was afterwards, during his lifetime, burnt down, and then restored and enlarged by him, and dedicated in the names of his grandsons Caius and Lucius. 4 The inscriptions above quoted show that it was burnt down a second time about A.D. 283, and restored by Maximian, and that a third restoration took place under Valens, Valentinian, and Gratian in A.D. 377. One of Caligula's amusements, we are told by Suetonius, was to stand upon the roof of this basilica and throw money to the mob to scramble for in the Forum. 5 In front of the Basilica Julia three large brick pedestals have been brought to light by the excavators, which, from the style of their masonry, are judged to belong to the time of Constantine, or at least to the later Imperial times. They are built Three pedestals. strongly, as if to support heavy masses of stone, and fragments of enormous granite columns have been found near them. We can only conjecture that they served as the bases of dedicatory pillars similar to that of Phocas. The excavations have also uncovered the substructions of an ancient triumphal arch, which seems to have spanned the street in front of the Basilica Julia just at the point where the Vicus Jugarius and the street leading past the Temple of Saturn to the Clivus Capitolinus diverge. This arch has with much probability ^™ k f . . x lioerius. been identified with the arch mentioned by Tacitus 6 as having been erected B.C. 16, close to the Temple of Saturn, in honour of the recovery of the Roman standards lost by Varus, and retaken by Germanicus under the auspices of Tiberius. A represen- tation of it is supposed to be given in a bas-relief upon the Arch of Constantine, showing the Rostra of the later Empire, with an arch at the side. Close to the above-mentioned three pedestals which have lost their surmounting pillars, stands the Column of Phocas, a fluted shaft of white marble with Column of a Corinthian capital. It is raised upon a pyramidal base with twelve steps, Phocas. composed of fragments taken from other buildings, and has a marble pedestal, upon 1 Plin. Ep. ii. 14, v. 9, vi. 33. Cass, xliii. 22. 2 Quint. Inst. Or. xii. 5, 6. 4 Suet. Aug. 29 ; Mon. Ancyr. Tab. iv. 3 Roncalli, Chron. vol. i. p. 399 ; 01. 183, 5 ; Dion s Suet. Cal. 37. 6 Tac. Ann. ii. 41. n8 The Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius Ccesar. which the inscription is cut, showing that it was erected by Smaragdus, proclaimed for the eleventh time Exarch of Italy. The name of the Emperor in whose honour TEMPLE OF VESPASIAN. Area of Dii Comentes. Tabula num. it was erected is cut out by accident or by the spite of an enemy ; but, as we know that Smaragdus was Exarch of Italy for five years under Mauritius, a.d. 583 — 588, and seven years under Phocas, A.D. 602—609, it follows that the eleventh year of his The Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius Ccesar. 119 exarchate, a.d. 608, fell in the reign of Phocas, and there can be no doubt that the name of Phocas must be restored to the inscription. What irony of Fate has preserved this monument, erected by a cringing courtier to a brutal and effete Emperor, 1 to obtrude itself with its miserable patchwork on the sacred ground of the Roman Forum, while the statues and memorials of heroes which once worthily occupied so world-famous a site are buried and lost in oblivion ? Between the Temple of Castor and the Regia, on the south-western side of the Forum, the Catalogue of the Curiosum mentions a Temple of Minerva. Bunsen identifies it with the chalcidicum spoken of above, and fills up the lacuna in the Monumentum Ancyranum 2, after ad circum curiam cum with the words chalcidico Mincrvce. The insertion of the word Minervce is, however, unnecessary if we take the right view of the situation of the Curia, and Bunsen plainly imagined it for the sake of supporting emp eof his untenable view of that question. It is possible that the Temple of Minerva in question may have been built by Domitian, who, as appears from Dion Cassius, 3 had a great enthusiasm for the worship of that goddess, but nothing is known about it further than the mere mention of the name in the Curiosum. The situation of the Temple of Vespasian, to which the three Corinthian columns still standing under the Tabularium belong, has been already described. Temple of It stood with its front towards the ascent to the Capitol. 4 The remains of Vespasian. the substructions which have been laid bare since 1830 show that it occupied The North- tvcstc f f t Jti. )i d, a space of 107 feet in length, and 71 in breadth, and was approached from the street leading up to the Capitol by a flight of steps, the uppermost of which were placed between the columns, and have been partially restored. The temple was in form, according to the nomenclature of Vitruvius, 5 a " prostylus hexastylus," having six columns in front of the portico and one at each side, but none along the sides of the cella or at the back. The three corner columns on the right-hand side of the portico are the three which now remain. They have fluted shafts and Corinthian capitals, and still support a portion of the entablature, upon the front of which the letters ESTITVER are legible, evidently forming a part of the word " restituerunt." The letters were of metal, according to the common custom, and the holes of the rivets which fastened them are still visible. The architrave and cornice, especially on the side towards the Temple of Concord, are ornamented very richly with the usual mouldings, and there are some most interesting reliefs upon the frieze, representing sacrificial implements and the skulls of oxen. A horse-tail for sprinkling, and a sacrificial knife, with a vase, a patera, an axe, and the mitre (apex) of a high priest (flamen), are plainly distinguishable. Another portion of this entablature may be seen in the corridor of the Tabularium, among the fragments restored by Canina. The walls of the cella were built of blocks of travertine faced with marble. Against the back wall stands a large pedestal, which supported the statue of the deified Emperor. 1 Gibbon, ch. xlvi. vias publicas erunt sedificia Deorum, ita constituan- 5 Zumpt, Mon. Ancyr. Tab. vi. line 34. Zumpt tur uti prsetereuntes possint respicere et in conspectu reads, " Curiam cum Chalcidico, forum Augustum salutationes facere." This fully explains the diffi- basilicam Juliam." 3 Dion Cass. Ixvii. i. culty which Nissen, Das Templum, pp. 205 — 214, 4 The front was turned towards the street in ac- finds in the orientation of the temple, cordance with the rule of Vitruv. iv. 5 : "Si circum 5 Vitruv. lib. iii. cap. 2. 1 20 The Forum Romanum after the Time of jfulius Ccesar We have seen before, 1 in discussing the locality of the Temple of Saturn, that the inscription which was placed upon the Temple of Vespasian, as preserved by the anony- mous writer of Ensiedlen, was as follows : — "DIVO. VESPASIANO. AUGUSTO. S.P.Q.R. IMPP. CAESS. SEVERUS ET ANTONINUS PII FELICES AUG. RESTITUERUNT." The upper line is the original inscription, and the lower records a restoration by Severus and Caracalla. To the arguments in favour of this mode of dividing the three inscriptions given by the anonymous writer, it may be added that, according to Bunsen and Becker's mode of division, we should have for the temple of the three columns the extraordinary inscription " S.P.Q.R. IMPP. CAESS. SEV. ET ANTON. PII FEL. AUG. RESTITUERUNT," where the prefix of "S.P.Q.R." to the Emperors' names is very unusual. Further, the word " restituerunt " stands at the lower edge of the frieze, showing that there was another line above that in which it stood. This upper line was " DIVO. VESP. AUG. S.P.Q.R.," and referred to the original building of the temple, while the lower was "IMPP. CAESS. SEV. ET ANT. PII FEL. AUGG. RESTITUERUNT," and referred to the restoration by Severus and Caracalla. Lastly, we know that the Temple of Saturn was the treasury. Now, the temple of the three columns is too small to have contained the treasures and the archives of the Roman Empire, nor has it, as the temple of the eight columns has, any subterranean vaults in which treasure or records could be stored. The facts known about the history of the Temple of Vespasian are as follow. It was built by Domitian in the Consulship of Asprenas and Clemens, apparently in A.D. 94, 2 in honour of Vespasian, with whom Titus was afterwards associated ; for, though we do not find his name in the inscription, yet the temple is called after him as well as Vespasian in the Catalogue of buildings. 3 A restoration of the temple by Severus and Caracalla is recorded in the second line of the inscription ; but the name of Caracalla's unfortunate brother Geta has probably been erased, and the words " pii felices " inserted instead : for Caracalla, after murdering his brother, caused his name to be cut out of all the inscriptions which bore it, in order to banish the memory of his foul deed. 4 On the Triumphal Arch of Severus and the Arch of the Goldsmiths in the Velabrum, the blank space has not been so skilfully filled up. Much care had evidently been taken in the case of this temple to change the inscription so as to conceal the insertion of fresh words. In front of the ruins of the Temple of Concord stands the Triumphal Arch of Septimius Severus, composed of three archways of Pentelic marble. It now forms one of the most on the side of the Forum, a flight of steps leads up to the two side arches ; and it has A rch of Severus. conspicuous objects in the Forum, and has been excavated completely to its base. As the ground on the side towards the Capitol is higher than 1 See above, p. 94. 2 Cassiod. Chron. Domit. ix. 3 Curiosum Reg. ix. The Forum Romanum after t/ie Time of Julius Ccesar. I 2 I been ascertained by the Italian antiquary, Fea, that this was also the case with the central archway, so that, unless some temporary mode of levelling the road which passed through it was adopted for each occasion, the triumphal processions must have passed through on foot. The side archways are connected with the central archway by small openings in the intervening walls, and the arched interiors of all three are ornamented by square coffers with rosette decorations. On each side stand four columns of Proconnesian marble with composite capitals, on the pedestals of which are bas-reliefs representing barbarians clothed in breeches and with the chlamys and Phrygian cap, led as captives by Roman soldiers wearing the lacerna. 1 Between each pair of outer and inner pillars there are large bas-reliefs, executed in a very confused and tasteless style. The four lower and narrower compartments represent the goddess Roma receiving the homage of the East, which is personified by a woman wearing a tiara. Behind her, in a long train of carts and carriages, come the spoils of the various nations conquered by Severus. Above this bas-relief, which run round the bottom of the four compartments, over the side arches, are four larger bas- 1 See above, chap. ii. p. 27. 122 The Forum Romanum after the Time of fullus Ccrsar. reliefs, representing the sieges and victories of Severus in Parthia, Osrhoene, Aciiabene, and Arabia. The following interpretation of these bas-reliefs is perhaps as nearly right as can be expected, though the exact correctness of the explanations cannot be relied upon, as the monotony and want of distinctness in the execution render it difficult always to distinguish the meaning of the scenes portrayed. The compartment on the left of the observer, looking from the Forum, contains a representation of the raising of the Parthian siege of Nisibis, in Northern Mesopotamia, by Severus, after he had crushed his rivals ^Emilianus and Pescennius Niger in Pontus and Syria (A.D. 195). The taking of the town of Carras, west of Nisibis, and the march from thence against the Osrhoenians and Adiabenians, are also here represented. The compartment on the right hand, looking from the Forum, contains the surrender of Abagarus, the king of Osrhoene, to Severus, and the siege of the town of Hatra on the Tigris. On the other side, towards the Capitol, the second campaign of Severus in the East is portrayed. The right-hand compartment contains the flight of the Parthians from Babylon, the undisturbed entry of the Romans into that city, and a second siege of Hatra (a.d. 199). On the left is the wresting of the towns of Seleucia and Ctesiphon from the Parthians, the flight of their king Artabanus, and the surrender of the Arabians, Avho had joined the Parthian side 2 (A.D. 201, 202). Over the central arch are four Avinged figures of Victory bearing trophies, and underneath them the genii of the four seasons, — Spring with flowers, Summer with sickle and ears of corn, Autumn with grapes, and Winter wrapped up in a cloak. The figures over the smaller arches represent the river-gods of the Euphrates and Tigris, and their tributaries, on which lay the towns of Nisibis and Carrae. The entablature which surmounts these arches is badly proportioned, and the projections over the capitals of the columns are too heavy. Upon the entablature rises an attica, containing four small chambers, to one of which stairs lead from the small entrance door visible at some height above the ground, on the side towards the Temple of Saturn. In the corner pilasters of the attica there are the traces of nails which have fastened some bronze ornaments to the wall ; and from the shape in which these nails are arranged, it has been conjectured that the objects fixed here were Roman military ensigns. The whole middle space of the attica is occupied by an inscription repeated on both sides. The latter, as appears from rivets still left, was inlaid, like that of the Temple of Vespasian, with metal. A coin of Severus, 3 upon which a representation of this arch appears, gives us the further information that a brazen chariot with six horses originally stood upon the top. In the chariot were the figures of Severus, and Victory crowning him, and the two sons of the Emperor, Caracalla and Geta, walked one on each side. Upon the four corners of the attica stood four equestrian statues. The inscription is as follows : — 1 Reber, p. 103. The outlines of the history will he found in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Ammianus Marcellinus, and Herodian. 2 Herodian, iii. 9, 10, 11 ; Hist. Aug. Vit. Sev. 9, 16, 17. 3 Eckhel, part ii. vol. vii. p. 185. The Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius Cccsar. 123 IMP. CAES. LUCIO. SEPTIMIO M. FIL. SEVERO. PIO. PERTINACI. AUG. PATRI. PATRIAE. PARTHICO. ARABICO. ET PARTHICO. ADIAP.ENICO. PONTIFIC. MAXIMO. TRIBUNIC. POTEST. XI IMP. XI. COS. Ill PROCOS. ET IMP. CAES. M. AURELIO. L. FIL. ANTONINO. AUG. PIO. FELICI. TRIBUNIC. POTEST. VI COS. PROCOS. P. P. OPTIMIS FORTISSIMISQUE PRINCIPIBUS OB REMPUBLICAM RESTITUTAM IMPERIUMQUE POPULI ROMANI PROPAGATUM INSIGNIBUS VIRTUTIBUS EORUM DOMI FORISQUE. S.P.Q.R. From the inscription we find that the arch was built in the eleventh year of the reign of Severus, and the sixth consulship of Caracalla, here called M. Aurelius Antoninus ; that is to say, in A.D. 203. The repetition of the title Parthicus twice points to the two campaigns of Severus against the Parthians. 1 In the fourth line the name of Geta and his titles have been erased, and the words " optimis fortissimisque principibus" inserted in their place. A similar erasion was also made in the inscription on the Goldsmiths' Arch in the Velabrum and on the Temple of Vespasian. In the Middle Ages the tower of the Church of S. Sergio e Bacco was built upon the top of this arch, but was removed on occasion of the entry of Charles V. in 1536, by command of the Pope Paul III. The columns of the arch were replaced and restored to a considerable extent at the end of the seventeenth century, and the rubbish has been gradually cleared away from the base. Between the Arch of Septimius Severus just described, and the substructions which we have assigned to the Arch of Tiberius, the ruins of a curved platform or terrace about thirty-two yards long, with the convexity of the curve towards the Forum, i 1 1 • 1 t>i 1 i r i • -i • 111/- Gi'cecostadium. nave been discovered, lhe level 01 this terrace is about nine and a half feet above the Forum. It seems to have been surrounded with a marble edge with bronze railings, the holes for which are still to be seen in the stones. The greater part is, however, now covered by the modern road, and invisible. Now the Catalogue contained in the Curiosum mentions a place in the eighth Region, between the Vicus Jugarius and the Basilica Julia, called the Graecostadium, and the situation of this terrace corresponds sufficiently to this description, if by the Vicus Jugarius we understand the continuation of that street past the Temple of Saturn. It is plain that we cannot place the Graeco- stadium, as it is placed in many plans of the Forum, between the Vicus Jugarius and the north-western end of the Basilica, for the excavations show that there is no room left between them, and it therefore seems likely that we must recognise in these ruins the remains of the Graecostadium catalogued in the Curiosum. The name Graecostadium may be taken as identical with Graecostasis, but it cannot be supposed that this is the old Graecostasis, which, as we have seen, stood near the Curia Hostilia, on the north- eastern side of the Forum. We are therefore naturally led to the conclusion that this is the Graecostasis built after the destruction of the old Curia and the erection of the new Rostra by Julius Caesar. Pliny the elder speaks of the Graecostasis as having formerly stood on the Comitium, 2 whence we may conclude that it had been removed before his time ; and as Julius Caesar altered the arrangements of the Forum so completely in other respects, it seems most probable that the Graecostasis was placed here by him. The 1 Hist. Aug. Vit. Sev. 9, 16. 2 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiii. 1, 6. R 2 124 T.he Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius Ccesar. Graecostadium is also mentioned among the buildings of the Forum as having suffered by a fire in the reign of Carinus and Numerianus. 1 At the northern end of the terrace which has been identified with the Graecostasis of the Imperial times, and close to the Arch of Septimius Severus, stands a round brickwork pedestal. This has been considered with great probability to be Aureum. t ^ le ^ase °^ t ^ ie Milliarium Aureum, a milestone erected by Augustus B. c. 28, bearing a bronze-gilt tablet, where the distances to which the various Roman roads of Italy reached from the metropolis were recorded. 2 The Milliarium is mentioned by Pliny as standing at the head of the Forum, 3 and Tacitus and Suetonius both describe it as near the Temple of Saturn. Otho chose it as the spot where he appointed a meeting with the soldiers who were to proclaim him Emperor and dethrone Galba, probably because it was the most public place on the road between the palace and the Praetorian camp. 4 In the Catalogue of the Curiosum it is mentioned in the eighth Region in connexion with the Graecostadium and the Temples of Concord, Vespasian, and Saturn; and in the list of places given in the anonymous MS. of Einsiedlen it is called the Umbilicus Romae, and placed near the Church of S. Sergio e Bacco, which, as we have seen, stood upon the Arch of Septimius Severus. There can be little doubt, therefore, that the Milliarium Aureum was in this spot, or not far from it ; and that this round pedestal belonged to it is rendered likely from the fact that the masonry is evidently not intended to support any great weight, such as that of a memorial column or statue, but some smaller and lighter object. The pedestals which supported columns have always been found to contain a massive base of blocks of travertine, while this is entirely com- posed of brickwork. 5 A cylindrical piece of marble found near this spot has been supposed to be a fragment of the milestone itself. It has holes in it drilled for the metal rivets of a tablet, Avhich may have contained the inscription. I have already mentioned 6 that the miles along the Roman road were measured from the gates of the Servian Wall, and not from this Milliarium Aureum, so that the inscription did not record the length of the roads from the milestone, but from the gates. It is probable that the bronze tablet was removed before the time of the writer of the Einsiedlen MS., who visited Rome in the ninth century ; and this may account for the change of name, as given by him, into Umbilicus Romae, instead of Milliarium Aureum. A somewhat similar round pedestal stands at the other end of the terrace, and a piece of the marble facing of this may be seen in the archway under the modern road near the Temple of Saturn, but it is not known what this latter pedestal supported. In front of the curved platform supposed to be the Graecostadium, some substructions have been discovered, assigned by Bunsen to the Milliarium Aureum, but by Reber, with greater probability, to the Rostra of the later Empire. 7 They consist of a later * Empire row of blocks °f peperino, about fifteen feet broad, lying along the edge of the Graecostadium, and it does not appear likely that they can be, as is commonly supposed, the remains of a projection in front of the Graecostasis intended for statues. To 1 Roncalli, Script. Vet. Chron. vol. ii. p. 247. 6 Above, chap. iv. p. 49. See Graav. Thes. Ant. 2 Dion Cass. liv. 8. 3 Plin. Nat. Hist. iii. 5, 9, § 66. Rom. vol. iv. p. 1805. 4 Tac. Hist. i. 27 ; Suet. Otho, 6 ; Plut. Galba, 24. 7 Bunsen, Beschreibung, vol. iii. p. 101 j Reber, 5 Reber, Ruinen Roms, p. 101. Ruinen Roms, p. 98. The Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius Ccesar. 125 what building, then, can they be most probably assigned ? Reber makes the following conjecture. The Catalogue of the Curio sum names three Rostra in the Forum, and we have as yet only discovered two, — the Rostra Vetera on the north side, and the Rostra Julia at the eastern end. The third Rostra must then be of later date, and may be supposed to have stood in this part of the Forum, as there is no room for them else- where. This view receives confirmation from a bas-relief on the side of the Arch of Constantine towards the Coliseum, which represents Constantine, surrounded by his court, addressing the people from the Rostra. At the sides of the Rostra are two sitting statues, and in front a lattice-work railing, supported by posts shaped like the common statues of Hermes. The three arches on the right may be supposed to be the Triumphal Arch of Septimius Severus, and the single arch on the left that of Tiberius, to the left of which the Basilica Julia is seen. Behind the Rostra are represented five statues mounted on high pedestals. It was possibly upon these Rostra that Aurelian placed his golden statue of the Genius of the Roman people, 1 for in Dion Cassius the shrine of the Genius is placed near the Temple of Concord, and in the Curiosum it is mentioned next to the Rostra, in the eighth Region. 2 At the further end of the narrow space between the foundations of the Temple of Concord and that of the Temple of Vespasian, close under the Tabularium, a small brick chapel was discovered in 1829, with an inscription upon a small pedestal re- cording its erection in honour of Faustina, the deified Empress. To which of Faustina the two Faustinas it was dedicated, whether to the Empress of Antoninus Pius or of Marcus Aurelius, is not known. The builder was a bailiff (viator), employed by the treasurer of the Empress. The chapel is extremely small, the breadth of the whole being only 8 feet, and the depth 13 feet. It appears from the remains that the walls were covered with plaster and painted, and the approach to it was paved with fiat paving-stones of travertine. A triumphal arch in honour of Augustus is spoken of by Dion Cassius as having been placed in the Forum by command of the Senate, after the victory at Actium; 3 and an anonymous interpreter of Virgil, published by Maijrom a Verona palimpsest, mentions an arch built by Augustus, near the Temple of Julius Csesar, in the Augustus. Forum, in commemoration of the recovery of the Roman standards lost by Crassus from the Parthians. 4 These two can hardly be identical unless the erection of the arch spoken of by Dion was delayed till after the Parthian war. It is well known from the first poem in Statius' Silvce, that an equestrian statue of Domitian stood Equestrian at the north-western end of the Forum looking towards the other end. It stahteof was a triumphal statue erected in honour of Domitian's campaigns against omihan. the Catti and Daci. 5 The poet describes its position very accurately, mentioning the Heroon of Julius Caesar which faced it, the Basilica Julia on the right, the Basilica Paulli on the left, and the Temples of Vespasian and Concord behind. He also alludes to some other principal objects in the Forum, the Temple of Vesta, the Temple of Castor, and the statue of Curtius, and concludes with prophesying that time will be unable to injure so 1 Roncalli, Vet. Chron. p. 246. 2 Dion Cass, xlvii. 1, 2, 8 ; Curiosum Reg. viii. ap. Becker, Handbuch, vol. i. p. 712. 3 Dion Cass. li. 19. 4 Lion. Interp. ad Virg. vol. ii. p. 319. 5 Suet. Dom. 6, 15. i^TMifr^iiirfritfihrftiiiirt- -urn 126 The Forum Romanum after the Time of Julius Cessar. noble a statue, and that it will outlast the Eternal City itself. Unfortunately this prophecy- has not been fulfilled. No vestige even of the Sterna crepido now remains, much less of the horse or its Imperial rider, which were probably melted down by the Goths and Vandals centuries ago. The lines of Statius are so important and exact a description of the north-western end of the Forum, and so beautiful in themselves, that I give them at length : — " An te Palladiae talem, Germanice, nobis Effinxere manus, qualem modo frena tenentem Rhenus et attoniti vidit domus ardua Daci. Par operi sedes, hinc obvia limina pandit Qui fessus bellis adscitae munere prolis, Primus iter nostris ostendit in asthera Divis. At laterum passus hinc Julia tecta tuentur, 1 1 line belligeri sublimis regia Paulli. Terga pater, blandoque videt Concordia vultu. Ipse autem puro celsum caput aere sasptus Templa superfulges, et prospectare videris An nova contemptis surgant palatia flammis Pulchrius, an tacLta vigilet face Troicus ignis, Atque exploratas jam laudet Vesta ministras. At sonipes, habitus animosque imitatus equestrc: Acrius attollit vultus, cursumque minatur, Hunc pavet aspiciens Ledasus ab aede propinqua Cyllarus, hie domini nunquam mutabit habenas Perpetuus frenis, atque uni serviet astro. Cedat equus Latiae qui contra templa Diones Cassarei stat sede fori, vix lumine fesso Explores, quam longus in hunc despectus ab illo. Non hoc imbriferas hiemes opus, aut Jovis ignem Tergeminum, ./Eolii non agmina carceris horret Annorumque moras, stabit dum terra polusque Dum Romana dies." 1 1 Stat. Silv. i. i, 5—7, 22—24, 29—36, 46, 47, 53—55, 84—88, 91—94. Eoctcuvb rains ■^a(MMHM l ^| Probable, sites a □ a a a □ p Modem streets — Back of Foldout Not Imaged CHAPTER VII. THE FORA OF THE EMPERORS. INCREASE OF PUBLIC BUSINESS AT ROME REQUIRED LARGER PUBLIC BUILDINGS — CHARACTERISTICS OF IMPERIAL FORA — SITE OF THE FORUM OF JULIUS C/ESAR — TEMPLE OF VENUS GENETRIX — FORUM OF AUGUSTUS AND TEMPLE OF MARS ULTOR — EXTERIOR WALL — ARCO DEI PANTANI— STATUES IN THE FORUM AUGUSTI — FORUM OF NERVA — COLONNACCE — TEMPLE O'F MINERVA — TEMPLE OF JANUS — HISTORY UF TEMPLE OF MINERVA — FORUM OF VESPASIAN TEMPLUM PACIS — CONTAINED A LARGE COLLECTION OF WORKS OF ART — LIBRARY — FIRE IN THE TIME OF COMMODUS— FORUM OF TRAJAN — FORUM PROPER — TRIUMPHAL ARCH — BASILICA ULPIA — GREEK AND LATIN LIBRARIES — COLUMN OF TRAJAN — DESCRIPTION OF THE BAS-RELIEFS — TEMPLE OF TRAJAN — LATER HISTORY OF THE FORUM TRAJANUM — REMAINS FOUND ON THE SITE— INSCRIPTIONS. " P'ercensere labor densis decora al'ta trophans Ut si quis Stellas pernivraerare velit. Confunduntque vagos delubra micantia visus Ipsos crediderim sic habitasse Deos." Rutilius Numantius, Itin. i. " Circumscriptiones, furta, fraudes, infTtiationes quibus trina non sufficiunt Fora." — Seneca, De Ira, ii. 9, 4. ROME had possessed until the end of the civil war few public buildings, except the temples of the gods. The Tabularium at the north-western end of the Forum, and beneath it the offices of the notaries, the Basilicae of Cato, Sempronius, and yEmilius, were almost the only edifices which could be used for secular busi- extension of ness. But with the re-organization of the government, the settlement of con- public build- fiicting claims, and the changes in financial arrangements which began with Vlgs at ° m< " the Sulla n constitution, an immense tide of public business must have set in, which required far more space than the small area of the Forum Romanum, with its annexed basilicae, could possibly accommodate. Fortunes were rapidly made, and splendid private houses, such as those of Crassus 1 and Lucullus, Servilius and Sallust, rose in various parts of the city. The Campagna and coasts of the Mediterranean were covered with vast and luxurious country seats. 2 These would have indicated, even had history been silent, the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of an oligarchy, who cared little to establish a systematic national government, who crushed all national organization, and whose chief care was to. satisfy the hungry mob by distributions of grain or magnificent festivals. The aspect of Rome reflected this state of her affairs very faithfully. The most magnificent 1 The house of Crassus was valued at 6^000,000 2 Lucullus paid 23,600/; for a villa at Misenum. sesterces, 6 1,-500/. (Mommsen, vol. iii. p.. 416.) (Morarnsen, vol.. iii. p. 416.) 128 The Fora of the Emperors. buildings in the first century before the Christian era were not those which belonged to the nation, but the houses of the rich nobles. Even the temples of the gods had been neg- lected, and their statues blackened with the smoke of frequent conflagrations. 1 The Forum Romanum had remained within its original limits ; the Temples of Saturn, Castor, and Vesta, the Career and the Curia, had been almost unchanged since the time of the kings ; and though separate market-places for cattle, vegetables, and fish had been established in the Forum Boarium, Olitorium, and Piscarium, 2 yet the vast and complicated business of the Empire had to be conducted in a ridiculously narrow space, and in a few confined buildings. But with the change from an oligarchy to an Imperial government, a corresponding change necessarily began to show itself in the buildings of Rome. An Emperor could not with safety neglect the regular administration of public business, or allow the national religion to decay. Sulla and Pompey, who were in reality if not in name the first Emperors of Rome, felt this, and began the work by the restoration of the Curia and the Temple of Jupiter, and by erecting the Pompeian theatre, and the public buildings of the Campus. Julius Caesar, as we have already seen, partly from political motives, and partly from personal ambition, altered the arrangement of the Forum, and laid the plan of a basilica on a far more extensive scale than had hitherto been contemplated. But he was not con- tent with this. His favourite scheme, which he did not, however, live to see accomplished, was the opening of a new Forum on the north-east of the Forum Romanum. Augustus not only carried out this design of his uncle, but added to it another similar group of public buildings, and the subsequent Emperors vied with each other in the costly splendour of their Fora. Vespasian, Domitian, and Nerva successively covered nearly the whole space between the Forum Romanum and the Subura with cloistered courts and stately temples ; and Trajan and Hadrian, those mighty masters in the art of combining colossal size with beauty of proportion, crowned this series of marvellous buildings with a group which became the wonder and envy of their successors. Although these buildings of the Emperors were called Fora, yet they were in no respect similar in their arrangement to the old Forum. Each had its temple in the centre of a walled court surrounded with porticoes, and resembled a Greek temple Peculiar . features of the Wlt " lts sacred enclosure, more than an open market-place with buildings Imperial 0 f different kinds standing round it. The Piazza of St. Peter at Rome, the Piazza of St. Mark at Venice, and the Largo del Palazzo at Naples, resemble in some respects the Imperial Fora. In all we have the central temple and the lateral arcades ; and in the Piazza of St. Peter's and the Largo at Naples, also a similarity to the Forum Augusti in shape. The best ancient example still extant of such a group of buildings is the Forum at Pompeii, though the Temple of Jupiter there does not cover so much of the area as the temples of the Roman Fora did. The arrangement of these Fora may perhaps be traced partly to the influences of Greek architects, and partly to a politic wish on the part of the Emperors to maintain the old Roman custom of conducting public business under the sanction and in the immediate presence of the gods. The tribunals were placed, and the courts of justice held, either in the temples or in the semicircular apses which, if we may conjecture from the remains of the Forum Augusti, 1 Hon Carm. iii. 6. 2 See Jordan in Hermes, ii. p. 93. The Fora of the Emperors. i 29 projected from the outer wall ; and the offices of business for bankers, notaries, Government officials, or merchants, were under the arcades which ran round the court. There was but little open space, for the central temple with its basement filled the greater part of the area. Nor was it desirable in a hot sunny climate like that of Rome to have an open square in which to transact business. Shade and coolness were wanted, and well provided for in the arcades and temple-porticoes of the Imperial Fora. The Forum of Trajan differed from the others in this respect. It was not merely the court of a temple, but was surrounded with various public buildings arranged in symme- trical order, and contained a basilica, two libraries, and the column which still bears his name. Hadrian added to this a colossal temple with a court dedicated to his deified predecessor. The whole area of these noble buildings of the early Emperors extended over a space nearly three times the size of the Forum Romanum, even if we include in that expression the tabularium, the basilicae, and the adjacent temples, and occupied the whole of the valley included by the Capitoline, Quirinal, and Palatine Hills, and by a line drawn across from the Arco dei Pantani to the Basilica of Constantine. The ancient authorities which enable us to determine the position of the Forum of Julius Caesar are unfortunately very scanty. Much praise is lavished upon its beauty, and the rare treasures of art which it contained, but the only passage which can be said to fix its site at all definitely is the curious account given by Pliny of F ° rum °f Julius Casar. a lotos-tree which grew on the Vulcanal, and the roots of which extended to its position the Forum Julium. 1 As it is tolerably certain that the Vulcanal was on the north-eastern side of the Forum at the part nearest the Capitol, we must conclude that the Forum Julium adjoined the buildings of this part of the Forum Romanum. Again, Ovid speaks of the Temple of Janus as "juncta duobus foris," 2 and we have seen that the Temple of Janus was near the Curia. It is probable, therefore, that by the two fora Ovid means the Forum Romanum and the Forum Julium ; and the expression, if taken in this sense, confirms the notice of Pliny with respect to the site of the Forum Julium. The order in which the name of this Forum occurs in the Catalogue of the Curiosum is also in favour of this supposition. 3 It is there placed between the Atrium Minervae, or Chalcidicum, which probably adjoined the Curia, and the Forum Augusti, which is known to have been between the Arco dei Pantani and the Forum Romanum. The ruins of two portions only of the Forum Julium have been discovered in modern times. The first is a considerable part of the outer wall, standing in the court of the house No. 18, in the Via del Ghetarello, a small street which opens out of the Via di Marforio, near the Career and the Church of SS. Martina e Luca. This ruined wall has three arches built into it, composed of large blocks of peperino and travertine skilfully cut, and joined without mortar, and underbuilt by another arch, as if in order to enable the wall to bear a great weight. The length of the fragment of wall is about 50 feet, and the highest point about 30 feet. More fragments of massive walls of the same construction are to be seen in the adjoining cellars. 4 The other relic of Caesar's Forum is now no longer visible. We 1 Plin. Nat. Hist. xvi. 44, 86. 2 Ov. Fast. i. 257. 3 Curiosum Reg. viii. ; Becker, Handbuch, vol. i. P- 713- 4 These walls have been lately assigned by Mr. Parker to the dungeons of the Career Mamertinus and to the wall of Servius Tullius. But there is not sufficient proof of this to justify an abandonment of the usual opinion about them. 1 30 The Fora of the Emperors. obtain our information about it from Palladio, the architect, who relates that about the middle of the sixteenth century, while he was at Rome, the ground-plan of a temple was uncovered in digging the foundations of a house between the Salita di Marforio and the Temple of Mars Ultor, a description which points plainly to the block of houses behind SS. Martina e Luca. 1 There was a peculiarity in the intercolumniations of this temple which Palladio particularly remarked. The distance between the columns, he says, was the eleventh part of the diameter of a column less than a diameter and a half. This description agrees exactly with Vitruvius' account of the Temple of Venus Genetrix, which stood in the Forum Julium. 2 It was of the style called pycnostylos, with the spaces between the columns equal to a diameter and a half of a column ; ^Gmdrix* 11 " anc ^ as tn ' s s tyl e was rare m temples of the Ionic and Corinthian orders, and it is not likely that there should have been two in this style so near together, it seems tolerably certain that Palladio is describing the foundations of the Temple of Venus. The position, moreover, of these foundations corresponds to that of the wall above mentioned in the Via del Ghetarello, if we suppose that wall to have formed a part of the outer enclosure of the temple court, and there is no mention of any other temple of such size and importance in this neighbourhood. Fragments of the ornamental work with which the temple was decorated were found at the time of the excavation of its foundations. They contained representations of dolphins and tridents, and Palladio therefore assumed that the temple was dedicated to Neptune. But these ornaments are sufficiently accounted for by an allusion found in Ovid to some artificial waterworks near the Temple of Venus in the Forum Julium. 3 Julius Caesar bought the site of the Forum Julium with the money produced by the sale of the spoils in the Gallic wars, and he began to clear the ground and to build in B.C. 49. The price of the site according to Suetonius and Pliny was a hundred million sesterces, 4 and doubtless it was to this vast expenditure that Pompey chiefly alluded when he said that Caesar was obliged to create a civil war in order to pay for his public works. Pompey had chosen a much cheaper site for his public buildings in the Campus Martius. At the battle of Pharsalus, in 48 B.C., Caesar made a vow to build a temple to the goddess patroness of his family, Venus Genetrix, and after his victory he proceeded to fulfil this vow in the most magnificent manner. 5 His original intention had probably been to leave the central area of the Forum open like that of the Forum Romanum, but he now filled the greater part of the open space with the new temple. The erection of this must have been very much hastened, for he celebrated the dedication of it two years afterwards, in B.C. 46, at the time of his triumphal entry into Rome. The temple was at that time scarcely completed, and in particular we are told that the statue of the goddess which was to be executed by Arcesilaus, the best sculptor of the day, was not finished, and that the clay model only was placed in the temple for the occasion. By the side of this statue was afterwards placed another of Cleopatra. 0 On the last day of the triumphal festival Caesar entered the Forum, says Dion Cassius, after dinner, crowned with a wreath Palladio, Architettura, Venet. 1642, lib. iv. p. aqueduct, placed round the fountain. 128. a Vitruv. iii. 3. 4 Suet. Caes. 26; Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxvi. 15, 26 3 Ov. Ar. Am. lib. i. 81, iii. 451 ; Rem. Am. 660. § 103. 8 Appian, B. C. ii. 102. The Appiades are statues of nymphs of the Appian 6 Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxv. 12, 45, § 156. The Fora of the Emperors. of various flowers, and with slippers on his feet, and he was thence escorted home by nearly the whole population of Rome, the procession being lighted by a number of elephants carrying torches. 1 It was also in this temple that Caesar gave the deepest offence to the Roman nobility by a slight they never forgave, and for which he atoned by his death. He was sitting in the portico while a meeting of the Senate was being held, that he might not seem to exercise any undue control over them ; and when the Senators came to announce to him the extravagant decrees which they had just passed in his honour, he received them without rising from his seat. 2 Though his friends tried to excuse him on the ground of indisposition, yet their efforts were in vain, and from that moment his enemies had an easy task before them, the whole nation being disgusted with his overweening pride. The Forum or re/ievo*? of the temple was designed for legal business especially, and not for merchants. The whole work was not quite completed at Caesar's death, and Augustus finished it. 3 The temple was sometimes used for meetings of the Senate, and was adorned with works of art, many of which became celebrated at Rome. In particular, Pliny speaks of the pictures of Medea and Ajax, by Timomachus, for which Caesar gave eighty talents. 4 Other curiosities were also shown there — a cuirass ornamented with British pearls, esteemed, not for their beauty, for they are small and discoloured, but for their rarity in those times, and six cabinets of gems dedicated by Julius Caesar. 5 The strange story of Caesar's horse with human feet, which is repeated by Suetonius, and Pliny, may have originated from the fact that its statue, which was placed in front of the Temple of Venus, had griffon or sphinx-like fore-feet. 6 Statius mentions the tradition that this statue was originally made by Lysippus to represent Bucephalus, the war-horse of Alexander, but this must be a poetical fiction, or Pliny would hardly have omitted to mention it. The statue was apparently gilt. 7 Of the subsequent history of the temple and forum but little is known. In the great fire at the time of Carinus this part of the city suffered considerably, and was after- wards restored by Diocletian. 8 In the twelfth century the route of a procession from St. Peter's to the Lateran passes through the Arch of Severus and then turns to the north- east between the Temple of Concord and the Temple of the Fates, 9 and passes between the Forum Julium and the Forum of Trajan, after which it goes on to the Forum Nervae. This notice affords additional evidence that the site which has been here assigned to the Forum Julium is the right one. The almost universal opinion of Roman topographers now is, that the three Corinthian columns on the left-hand side of the Via Bonella, and the massive arch which leads from it into the Via di Tor di Conti, are the remains of the Temple of Mars Ultor, i • i a «t • t • x-> Forum of which Augustus built in his Forum, and of the north-eastern portion of the Augusts. enclosing wall. This opinion was already held by Palladio in the sixteenth Temple of Mar century, 10 but the Italian antiquaries since his time have adopted the most Ulior ' various hypotheses on the subject. There is, it is true, no actual proof that this was 1 App. loc. cit. ; Dion Cass, xliii. 22. 5 Plin. Nat. Hist. ix. 35, § 116 ; xxxvii. 1, 5, § 11. s Dion Cass. xliv. 8 ; Plat. Ctes. 60 ; Suet. Jul. 78. 6 Suet. Cees. 61 ; Plin. Nat. Hist. viii. 42, § 155. 3 See Monum. Ancyr. Tab. iv. prim, a dext. 7 Stat. Silv. i. 1, 86. 4 Tac. Ann. xvi. 27 ; Plin. Nat. Hist. vii. § 126, 8 Roncalli, vol. ii. p. 247. xxxv. 4, § 26. 9 See above, ch. vi. 10 Palladio, Arch. iv. p. 1 5. S 2 132 The Fora of the Emperors. the Temple of Mars Ultor, but there is strong presumptive evidence that it was so. The Catalogue of the Curiosum places that temple next to the Forum Julium in the Eighth Region. Now, the Eighth Region was bounded on the east in this neighbourhood by the Via del Sole, or a street a little to the east of it, behind the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, and we are tolerably sure that the Forum Transitorium filled up a great TEMPLE OF MARS ULTOR AND ARCO DEI PANTANI. space between the Temple of Mars Ultor and the above-mentioned street, and that the Forum Julium intervened between that temple and the Forum Romanum, while the Forum Trajani limits the space to the north-westward within which we can suppose the Forum Augusti to have been. Thus the only space left in the Eighth Region within The Fora of the Emperors. 133 which the Forum of Augustus can be supposed to have been contained is bounded by the Via della Croce Bianca, the Via del Priorato, and the Via di Tor di Conti. The ruins of the temple consist of three lofty fluted Corinthian columns and a pilaster of white Carrara marble, a part of the surmounting architrave, and the corresponding wall of the cella of the temple. Antiquarians are of opinion that the purity of style and elegance of these columns and their ornamentation forms a strong proof that they were designed and executed in the best times of Roman architectural art, and cannot belong to a period later than that of Augustus. The richest decorative work is to be seen under the roof of the portico between the columns and the wall of the cella. These three columns stood at the left side of the temple, which abutted on the exterior wall of the Forum, as the ruins show. A large portion of this wall Extcrior WaU is still standing on each side of the Arco dei Pantani. The arch itself is built of travertine, the wall of peperino blocks laid alternately with the Arco dei A 1 m Pantani. longer and shorter sides outwards, as in the masonry of the Tabularium. In the Middle Ages a door was fitted to this archway and a portion of the stone cut away on the west side, which has injured its architectural beauty very much. It has also been stripped of the marble facing with which it was probably cased ; and, being now half buried in the rubbish of ages, it presents a somewhat mean and rough appearance. This archway formed one of the entrances to the Forum Augusti from the east. The wall of the enclosure can be traced for a considerable distance on each side of it, but there are no other archways now open. The monotonous appearance of so high a wall is relieved by rustic-work, so that each block stands out separately, and the lower part of the wall is divided into two stages and its upper into three stages by projecting rims of travertine. It is said that the blocks of stone in this masonry are fastened with wooden bolts made in the shape of double swallow-tails, and that some of these have been found completely petrified. 1 When the Forum was first designed Augustus encountered great opposition from the owners of private house property, and through fear of the unpopularity which wholesale evictions might have caused, he accommodated the shape of the external walls to that of the ground he could occupy. 2 Hence arose the irregular line of the exterior, which was, however, reduced to a symmetrical form inside by secondary walls. The general shape of the interior area of the enclosure was that of a broad oblong piazza, with two large semicircular side extensions or wings (somewhat like those in the Piazza S. Pietro), opposite to and corresponding to . each other. The area was large, for the horse-races and games in honour of Mars were held here once when the Tiber had overflowed the circus. 3 The temple stood at the northern end, between these two side extensions, and occupied about one-sixth of the whole space. Tribunals were placed in the hemicycles, and courts of law held there. Some portions of these semicircular recesses are still extant, by which their plan may be traced, but the outer wall is in no part preserved entire except at the back and sides of the temple. Its height at the back of the temple is 120 feet, and over the Arco dei Pantani 100 feet, which we must suppose 1 Flam. Vacca, in Fea's Miscell. p. 91, No. 89: 2 Suet. Aug. 56 : " Forum angustius fecit, nonausus " Spranghe di legno da ogni banda fatte a coda di extorquere possessoribus domos." Zumpt. Mon. rondine." Ancyr. Tab. iv. 3 Dion Cass. lvi. 27. 1 34 The For a of the Emperors. to have been the normal height of the rest of the enclosure. These enormous walls served as a defence against fire, not less than to exclude the traffic and noise of the streets. 1 Although it is possible that Augustus may have entertained the design of erecting a new group of public buildings as a means of gaining distinction and popularity before the battle of Philippi, which established his power, yet, so far as we know, the Temple of Mars Ultor and the Forum Augusti owed their existence to a vow made by the Emperor immediately before the decisive battle of Philippi, B.C. 42, to build, if victorious, a temple to Mars, as the avenger of his adopted father. 2 The dedication of the temple took place in B.C. 2, accompanied with most magnificent shows of gladiators and splendid sham sea-fights. 3 The Forum had been previously opened to public business, and separate parts of it had been assigned by the Emperor for the process of selecting juries by lot, and for the session of the courts. 4 The Emperor himself sat here sometimes in the tribunal. 5 The growing complications of legal business and the increase of the population of Rome had rendered it imperatively necessary to open this third Forum as soon as possible, but it was delayed from time to time, in consequence of more pressing business, for so long that Augustus grew very impatient, and is said to have facetiously remarked, that he wished that Cassius, an unsuccessful accuser, the objects of whose attacks were always acquitted (absoluti), would accuse his Forum (ut absolveretur)^ The Temple and Forum of Augustus, the Basilica Paulli, and the Temple of Peace were considered the finest buildings in Rome in Pliny's time. 7 In the porticoes which sur- statu ■ th r ° Unded the P iazza were piaced the statues, in triumphal robes and standing fJuZ S Augusti. m chariots > of a11 the Roman generals who had enlarged the territory of the Empire, beginning from ^Fneas and Romulus down to triumphal heroes of the day, including Augustus himself, with inscriptions recording their victories and titles. Among these Scipio ^Emilianus is particularly mentioned by Pliny. A statue of Nero was ordered by the Senate to be placed in the temple in the first year of his reign, of the same size as that of the god Mars himself. 8 It has been supposed that the names and inscriptions of these statues may have furnished the basis of the lives of illus- trious Romans written by Aurelius Victor, 9 and Bunsen endeavours to show that the number of niches in the semicircular wings of the Forum answers to the number of triumphaiores in that work. In the temple itself a statue of Venus was placed, as well as that of Mars Ultor. 10 The other works of art of which we have especial mention as contained in Augustus' forum are an ivory statue of Apollo, 11 some iron bowls, 12 two pictures painted by Apelles (one representing Castor and Pollux with Victory and Alexander the Great, and the other War personified, with his hands bound, riding in a triumphal chariot with Alexander 13 ). \ J &c - Ann - xv - 38. s Suet Aug> 3I . Plin NaL Hist xxii< 6 . Djon - Suet. Aug. 29; Ov. Fast. v. 569. The temple Cass. lv. 10; Gell. ix. 11 ; Veil. Paterc. ii. 39 ; Ov. mentioned in Dion Cass. liv. 8 and Ov. Fast. v. 579 Fast. v. 549, seq. ; Hist. Aug. Alex. Sev. 28 ; Tac. is a different one, built after the recovery of the Ann. xiii. 8. Roman standards from the Parthian king Phraates, 9 Niebuhr, Hist. Rom. vol. iii. p. 68, note 122 ; and was placed on the Capitol. Zumpt, in Mon. Ancyr. Becker, Handbuch, vol. i. p. 56 ; Bunsen, Beschreib- Tab - 1V - 3 Veil. Paterc. ii. 100, 2. ung, vol. iii. 2, p. 151. "> Ov. Fast. ii. 295. Mart. vu. 51 ; Suet. Aug. 29. u Plin , Nat< Hist vii ^ § ^ Dion Cass. Ixviii. 10. 6 Macrob. Sat. ii. 4. 12 Ibid, xxxiv. 14, 40, § 141. ' Phn. Nat. Hist, xxxvi. 15, 24. « ibid. xxxv. 10, 36, § 93 ; xxxv. 4, 10, § 27. The Fora of the Emperors. 135 Claudius afterwards had the face of Augustus substituted for that of Alexander in these pictures. There were also two statues in front of the temple which are said to have served as supports to the tent of Alexander the Great, and to have been fellows to those placed before the Regia. 1 On each side of the temple, where the Forum opened out into semicircular wings, Tiberius afterwards placed two triumphal arches, Statues m & ' r r # the Forum with statues of Drusus and Germanicus. 2 Augustus laid down with great Augusti. care the uses to which this temple was to be put. The Imperial princes were to celebrate their coming of age here {togam virilem sumere) ; the governors of provinces were to make their formal departure from Rome hence ; the Senate were to assemble here when they discussed the question of granting triumphal honours, that they might be reminded by the surrounding statues not to make the honour too cheap ; the triumphant generals were to dedicate their crowns and sceptres here to Mars ; all standards recovered from an enemy were to be laid up here ; the nails marking the years were to be driven here by the Censors ; and, as in the case of the Temples of Apollo and the Capitoline Jupiter, senators were to be allowed to contract for the repairs of the temple, and the supply of horses for the equestrian games in honour of the god. 3 The Forum was restored by Hadrian, 4 but nothing more is known of its subsequent fate until, at the end of the fifth or beginning of the sixth century, the Church of S. Basil was built by Pope Symmachus I. upon the ruins of the temple, and out of its materials, 5 and the bell tower of the adjoining monastery of the Annunziata was afterwards erected on the three remaining columns. This rubbish was cleared away from the wall and columns in 1820. The space to the south-east of the Forum of Augustus now traversed by the Via della Croce Bianca was occupied in the Imperial period by the Forum of Nerva, also called the Forum Transitorium and Pervium, because it was built in order to unite the Forum of Augustus with the Forum Pacis of Vespasian which lay to the F °M^a south-east of it, and also because the road from the Forum Romanum to the Subura passed through it. 6 The catalogue called the Curioswn Urbis Romce Regionmn places it in the Fourth Region, between the Basilica ^Emilia, the Temple of Faustina, and the Subura ; 7 and Martial speaks of it under the name of Palladium Forum, as near the Forum Pacis. 8 The name Palladium was, as we shall see, given to it on account of the Temple of Minerva which it contained. The Ordo Romanns, also, a ritual book of the twelfth century, in describing the route of an Easter procession from St. Peter's to the Lateran, makes it pass between the Forum Julium and Forum Trajani, and thence through the Arch of Nervia, between the temple of that goddess and the Temple of Janus, and thence along the Sacred Way to the Temple of Romulus (S. Cosma e Damiano). 9 According to this somewhat obscure description, the Forum of Nerva plainly lay to the east of the Forum Augusti, and between it and the Church of S. Cosma e Damiano. The Temple of Nervia seems to be a confusion between the Forum of Nerva and the Temple of 1 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 8, 1 8, § 48. 6 Lamprid. Hist. Aug. Alex. Sev. 28; Aur. Vict. 2 Tac. Ann. ii. 64. Cses. 12 ; Eutrop. vii. 23. 3 Dion Cass. lv. 10. 4 Spart. Had. 19. 7 Curiosum Reg. iv. ; Becker, Handbucb, vol. i. 5 Mabillon, Mus. Ital. ii. p. 143; Blond. Flav. p. 713. Rom. Inst. lib. iii. § 61 ; Donat. De Urb. ii. 23, in 8 Mart. lib. i. 2, 8. Graev. Thes. vol. iii. 9 Mabillon, Mus. Ital. ii. p. 1 36 The For a of the Emperoi's. Minerva, and it will be shown that there was a Temple of Janus in the Forum of Nerva, to which the Ordo Romanus here alludes. From the above notices we are led to place the Forum Nervse in the district through which the Via della Croce Bianca passes, and to connect it with the ruin commonly called PORTION OF THE PERIBOLUS OF NERVA'S FORUM : COLONNACCE. the Temple of Minerva, still standing on the right-hand side of that street, where it is crossed by the Via Alessandrina. Two columns are there to be seen, now called the Colonnacce, half buried in the earth, surmounted by an entablature and an attica. The Fora of the Emperors. 137 The wall behind the columns is built of blocks of peperino of unequal size, and is in a style of masonry inferior to the walls of the Forum of Augustus. In it may be seen the traces of an arch which has been filled up with the same stone as that of which the wall is built. The columns, which are of fluted marble, stand out in front of the wall ; but, as in the Arch of Severus, the entablature does not lie between them, but projects from the wall over the capitals, and unites them with the wall. The edges of the architrave are richly decorated, and the frieze contains an elaborately carved bas-relief, which, though unfortunately much disfigured, can be partially understood by the help of old engravings taken before it was reduced to its present lamentable state. From these it appears that the figures represent various attributes of Minerva as the patroness of household management. Some of them are drawing water, others weaving or spinning, and others dyeing, washing, holding scales and purses, as if bargaining. The design is incomplete, and was probably carried round the rest of the frieze of the enclosure. On the cornices, both upper and lower, the ornamentation is very rich, but not so chaste as the work of the Augustan period. In the centre of the attica stands a figure of Minerva in alto relievo, with spear, helmet, and shield. That this beautiful ruin, which is one of the most picturesque in Rome, belonged to the outer wall of Nerva's Forum, is rendered certain by the old views of the sixteenth century, 1 which represent it as part of the inner side of the wall enclosing a splendid temple which stood to the north-west of it. Seven of the columns of this ^fervf. temple were still standing in the fifteenth century, belonging to the left-hand side of the portico, and a considerable part also of the walls of the cella, with the pilasters of the portico. The cella of the temple adjoined the semicircular part of Augustus's Forum on one side, and, as will be seen by the plan, the wall of the enclosure met it on the other, so that only the portico of the temple projected into the open space of the Forum. On the front were the words — probably the last line of a longer inscription — " Imp. Nerva, Caesar, Aug. Pont. Maxim. Trib. pot. II. Imp. II. Procos.," showing that the temple was dedicated by Nerva. 2 There can be but little doubt that this was the Temple of Minerva begun, together with the Forum, by Domitian, and finished by Nerva. 3 It is true that there is no actual mention in any of the ancient writers of a Temple of Minerva here, but the assertion of Dion Cassius that Domitian had a particular reverence for Minerva and Janus, 4 and the character of the designs and statue of Minerva found upon the ruined part of the enclosure already described, leave little doubt on the subject. The name of Palladium, given to the Forum by Martial, also agrees with this supposition. 5 A Temple of Janus also stood in this Forum. It is mentioned in the above-quoted passage of the Ordo Romanus, and also in Johannes Lydus and Servius, who describe it as having four arches (quadifrons). 6 The fact that it differed janus from the old Temple of Janus, which was in the shape of a single arch, while this new one, built by Domitian, had four arches, is alluded to by Martial, who, speaking 1 Alexandro Donato, De Urb. Rom. ii. 23, in 3 Suet. Dom. 5. 4 Dion Cass, lxvii. 1. Grasv. Thes. vol. iii. ; Du Perac, Vestigj di Roma. s Mart. Ep. i. 2, 8. 2 Lucio Fauno, Antichita di Roma, lib. ii. p. 72 ; 6 Mabillon, Mus. Ital. vol. ii. p. 143 ; Joh. Lydus, Gamucci, Ant. lib. i. p. 52 ; Roma, 1569. De Mensibus, iv. 1 ; Serv. Ad y£n. vii. 607. 138 The Fora of the Emperors. of the four Fora of the day, congratulates Janus on having now as many faces as there are Fora. 1 It is at once evident that this Temple of Janus Quadrifrons had reference to the fact that the Forum formed a passage {transitorium) in one direction between the Forum Romanum and the Subura, and, in the other, between the Forum Augusti and the Forum Pacis. An explanation is thus also given of the Catalogue contained in the Curiosum, which mentions the Forum Nervae in the eighth region, and a Forum Transitorium in the fourth. For the important street corresponding to the modern Via della Croce Bianca, which passed through this Forum from the Forum Romanum to the Subura, formed the boundary line of the two regions ; and thus half of the Forum was in one region and half FORUM OK NERVA, AS IT APPEARED IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. {From Du ferae.) in the other. The reason why the arch near the Temple of Minerva is represented in Du Perac's views as so large, is that one of the chief thoroughfares of Rome passed through it. 2 The breadth of the streets, which crossed each other at right angles at the Temple of Janus, and the colossal statues, some of them equestrian, which Alexander Severus placed in the Forum in honour of his canonized predecessors, attaching to them brazen columns, in imitation of those upon the statues in the Forum of Augustus, upon which were recorded the. deeds of each Emperor, 3 must have left but little space for shops or offices ; so that this Forum was not so much a place of business as a connecting link between the important centres of Roman life in the adjoining districts. In the twelfth century, the Or do Romanus, as we have seen, mentions the Temple of Janus and the Temple of Minerva as still standing. The former seems to have been known 1 Mart. x. 28, 6. See also Statius (Silv. iv. 3, 9), a Mommsen, Ann. deW Inst. vol. xvi. p. 314. who distinctly attributes the commencement of the a Lamprid. Hist. Aug. Alex Sev. 28. Forum (coronat, in the present tense) to Domitian. The Fora of the Emperors. 139 in the Middle Ages as Noah's Ark, 1 a name which, in the ignorance of those times, might be given to any old building of unusual shape, such as this Temple of Janus. A complete description of a square temple, the ruins of which are said to have been found between S. Adriano and the Temple of Antoninus, is given by Labacco in his work on Architecture. 2 It seems, however, that, as Reber suggests, Labacco's description is an instance of ex pede Herculem, for the actual remains appear to have been but small. Nevertheless, the fact that the temple discovered was square in form, and that its position corresponded to the south-western end of Nerva's Forum, where we should, according to the authorities, place the Temple of Janus, cannot be doubted. The ruins were not near enough to the Forum Romanum to identify them, as Becker does, with one of the Jani of the Forum ; nor can they be supposed to have belonged to the old Temple of Janus, which was to the north-west of the Church of S. Adriano. The fate of the Temple of Minerva is better known than that of most of the ancient temples in Rome. In the History of the time of Pope Pius V. (1566—1572) the building of a new quarter of the city 0 f-Mnerua. was begun in this district. The streets Via Alessandrina and Via Bonella were laid out, and as the new quarter grew the ruins of the old temple became an impedi- ment to its progress, for which reason Paul V, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, . ordered them to be removed and to be applied to the construction of the Chapel of St. Paul in the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore and the Fontana Paolo, upon the Janiculum. The great gateway which stood at the end of the Via della Croce Bianca was suffered to remain for a century longer, but is now quite gone. With the exception of some ruins of a wall of peperino now standing in the court of the Franciscan Monastery behind the Church of S. Cosma e Damiano, not a stone is left of the Forum of Vespasian. Its position is, however, tolerably certain. Martial, in the passage already quoted, speaks of it, under the name of Forum oj Forum Pacis, as near the Forum of Nerva f and Suetonius says that it Forum' Pads. adjoined the Forum Romanum. 4 In Roncalli's collection of ancient chrono- logical works, the warehouses of Eastern spice are spoken of as near the Forum Pacis and the Basilica of Constantine, the ruins of the latter of which buildings are well known ; : ' so that we may conclude that these two buildings were close together. The site must, therefore, be placed in the district between the ruin called the Colonacce, the Church of S. Cosma e Damiano, and the Basilica of Constantine. Strictly speaking, this group of buildings could hardly be called a Forum. We have no reason for thinking that it was used for legal business, though the mention of spice warehouses seems to show that trade was carried on there. 6 The temple was the central and principal part of the group of buildings, and the name of Forum seems to have been given to the enclosure surrounding it from the resemblance it bore to the other Imperial Fora. Vespasian dedicated the temple in A.D. 75, four years after the triumph he celebrated 1 Lucio Fauno, Antichita di Roma, p. 72 ; Ga- Polonus and the Mirabilia Romas also place the mucci, lib. i. p. 52. Templum Pacis behind S. Cosma e Damiano, but very 2 Antonio Labacco, Libro appartenente a lArchi- little weight can be allowed to the maunderings of tettura. Roma, 1558, pp. 17, 18. these wretched mediaeval scribblers. Montfaucon. 3 Mart. i. 2, 8. 4 Suet. Vesp. 9. Diar. Ital. p. 294. 5 Roncalli, Vet. Chron. vol. ii. p. 243. Martinus l! Dion Cass, lxxii. 24. [' 2 140 The For a of the Emperors. in commemoration of the capture of Jerusalem, on which occasion the building had been begun. 1 Josephus gives a detailed account of the triumphal procession, and adds that the temple surpassed all expectation in magnificence. Money Templum was lavished without stint upon it, and it was adorned with the finest contained a ancient works of art. All the wonders for the sake of seeing which men large collection formerly travelled into distant lands might here be viewed in one building. of works of art, The golden table of shewbread, weighing many talents, and the golden and trophies. ° 00^ <-> candlestick from the Temple at Jerusalem were deposited in it. 2 This description of Josephus may seem extravagant, but it is corroborated by Pliny and Herodian. Pliny ranks this Temple of Peace with the Basilica Paulli and the Forum of Augustus, as the three most splendid buildings in the world before the Forum of Trajan was built ; and Herodian calls it the greatest and most beautiful ornament of Rome, and the richest of all temples. 3 We have, unfortunately, but little information about the particular works of art here collected. A recumbent statue of the river-god Nilus, made of lapis basanites, a very hard Egyptian stone of ferruginous colour, was among the most celebrated, and is the more interesting because the description of it given by Pliny exactly answers to the statue which was discovered in the time of Leo X. (15 13— 1522), and is now placed in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican Museum. The Nile is represented as a colossal recumbent figure, holding a cornucopia, and surrounded by sixteen children (said by Pliny to represent the sixteen cubits height to which the Nile rose in the highest inundation ever known), and by a crocodile, ichneumon, and hippopotamus. 4 The Nile group discovered in the sixteenth century is an ancient copy in marble of this older group in basanites, and was found in the ruins of a Temple of Isis, the Egyptian goddess, near Sta. Maria Sopra Minerva. The modern copy in the Garden of the Tuileries at Paris is well known. A statue of Gany- mede in this temple seems also to have been famous in Juvenal's time as a place for assignations ; 5 and a statue of Cheimon, an Argive wrestler, and victor in the Olympian games, the work of the sculptor Naucydes of Argos, was much admired. 6 The Temple of Peace also contained a fine collection of pictures, among which " The Hero," by Timanthes, was considered to be the most perfect model of a manly figure. The chef-d'oeuvre of Protogenes, his picture of Talyrus, the Rhodian hero, was also here, durino- the execution of which the artist is said to have lived on boiled beans, in order that the delicacy of his sense of beauty might not be impaired by rich food. Pliny states that Protogenes painted this picture with four coats of paint, in order that it might last the longer, and that one of the most curious parts of the picture was an exquisite repre- sentation of foam at the mouth of a dog, accidentally produced by dabbing the sponge upon the place in despair, after many fruitless attempts. 7 A picture of Scylla, by Nicomachus, is also mentioned as kept in this temple. 8 There was a library there, and literary discussions were held in it. A curious instance of 1 Dion Cass. lxvi. 15. 2 Joseph. Bell. Jud. vii. 5, 7. 3 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxvi. 15, § 102; Herodian, i. 14. See also Amm. Marc. xvi. 10. 4 Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxvi. 7, § 58. B Juvenal, Sat. ix. 22. 6 Pausanias, vi. 9, 3 ; Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 8, § 19- 7 Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxv. 10, § 102. 8 Ibid. xxxv. 10, § 109. The Fora of the Emperors. 141 the influence of the critics of the Temple of Peace has been preserved by Trebellius Pollio the biographer, who lived in the time of Constantine. In his " Lives of the Emperors," popularly called the Thirty Tyrants, he makes an apology at the end of his book for having included two queens among the number, Zenobia and Victoria; and in order to avoid, as he says, the severe remarks which would be made upon him in the Temple of Peace for having done so, he begs to be allowed to introduce two tyrants from a different period, Titus and Censorinus, to make up the number. 1 The public library is also mentioned by Gellius, who speaks of searching for books there. 2 In the time of Commodus a great fire injured this temple and the adjoining spice warehouses. 3 Herodian and Galen both speak as if it had burnt the whole group of buildings down ; 4 but the library, as we have seen, was extant in the time of Constantine, since it is mentioned by Trebellius Pollio, in the passage above quoted, and the Forum is spoken of as retaining its grandeur at the time of the visit of Constantius to Rome: 5 so that we must suppose that the injury done by the fire was not very serious. During the regency of Amalasontha, the daughter of Theodoric the Great (522—534^, the Temple of Peace is mentioned as lying in ruins, having been struck by lightning. There were still at that time a large number of statues by the greatest of Greek sculptors, Phidias and Lysippus, remaining in the adjoining Forum, among which was that, of the bull standing over a fountain, said to have been mistaken for a real animal by a passing bullock, and the heifer of Myson, one of the most celebrated of ancient sculptures. 6 The name Forum Pacis appears to have been applied to the ruins till the beginning of the sixth century, and the name Forum Vespasiani at a still later period ; 7 but, though some of the ruins must have survived the Middle Ages, we do not find any mention or description of them. The immense group of public buildings which, under the name of the Forum of Trajan, filled the whole space between the Capitoline and Quirinal Hills from the modern Via del Priorato to the southern end of the Piazza di SS. Apostoli, F ^Zn comprehended not only a spacious open Forum adjoining the Forum of Augustus, but also a basilica, a cloistered court surrounding the celebrated column which bears Trajan's name, two libraries, and a splendid temple with its enclosure. The Forum Proper, which Gellius calls the Area Fori, 8 and Ammianus the Atrium, 9 was a large rectangular court, surrounded with porticoes, having a double row of columns, and occupying the space between the Capitoline and Quirinal Hills where they approach each other most nearly. On the sides which lay under the Capitoline and Quirinal Hills respectively it had enormous semicircular extensions, similar to those already described in the Forum of Augustus. One of these is fortunately still preserved so far uninjured that we can plainly trace its plan and extent. The name commonly given to it is the Baths of Paullus ^milius, and from this mistaken idea the street which adjoins it is called the Via Magnanapoli (Balnea Paulli or Magnanimi Paulli). By entering the court of the house No. 6, in the Via della Salita del Grillo, the ruins of 1 Treb. Poll. Hist. Aug. Tyr. Trig. 31. 2 Gell. v. 21, 9 ; xvi. 8, 2. 3 Dion Cass, lxxii. 24. 4 Herodian, i. 14 ; Galen, De Comp. Med. i. 1. 5 Amm. Marc. xvi. 10. 6 Procop. Goth. iv. 21 ; Auson. Epig. 58. 7 Procop. loc. cit. ; Roncalli, vol. ii. pp. 243, 277. 8 Gell. xiii. 25, 2. 9 Amm. Marc. xvi. 10. 142 The Fora of the Emperors. the northern hemicycle of the Forum of Trajan will be best seen. Half of them are still unfortunately covered with rubbish, and used as a garden ; but the other half, the curve of which is about forty-five paces in length, gives us a fair idea of what the building was shops in trajan's forum. originally. The pavement was apparently composed of the usual polygonal blocks of basalt, and the buildings which remain are of brick, with the exception of the jambs of the doors, the bases and capitals of the pilasters, and a low basement, all of which are made The Fora of the Emperors. r 43 of travertine. Upon this basement a brick building of two stories rises, containing in the lower story small rooms, measuring about ten feet square, probably shops or offices for notaries and lawyer's clerks. The interior of three of the rooms is covered with plaster, and painted roughly with red and yellow stripes. The floors were covered with mosaic pavement of a common description, a good deal of which is still remaining in situ. In the upper story above these rooms, which is reached by three staircases, runs a corridor with arched windows, at the back of which a row of large and high chambers opens, resting not on any lower story, but upon the natural tufa of the Quirinal Hill, which rises behind. These were probably the rooms in which the shopkeepers or notaries lived. The front of this upper story is ornamented with brick pilasters, standing on a basement of travertine. The entablature over them is also of brick, and the style of the whole is that mixture of Doric and Ionic so often seen in Roman buildings of the Imperial age. These buildings were laid open by excavations in 1824 and 1825. The older engravings of the front of the ruins show that there formerly were pediments over the windows, alternately of truncated, triangular, and circular forms in the Roman-Greek style. 1 On the opposite side of the Forum there was probably a similar semicircular range of buildings, but this is now entirely covered by the block of houses between the Via de Chiavi d'Oro and the Via di Marforio. Canina gives an account in the Annali delf- Institute of some traces supposed to belong to this western hemicycle which were found in the cellars of that district. 2 The south-eastern side of the Forum is also completely hidden under the houses of the modern town. If we may suppose that the Forum of Augustus adjoined it, then the Via del Priorato will limit its extent, and the principal entrance may be placed in the centre of that side. It is probable that over the entrance stood the Triumphal Arch of Trajan, mentioned by Dion Cassius and represented on the coin No. 12 in the plate at the end of Becker's Handbook. 3 This arch had only one passage through it, on either side of which stood six columns. Between the shafts are four niches for statues, Trajan's and between the capitals four medallions. The attica is divided into seven r ™mj>hal compartments ; the central one intended for an inscription, and the six side ones probably for reliefs. On the top stands a triumphal chariot with six horses, and six statues of warriors. 4 From this arch the medallions and some of the reliefs now to be seen upon the Arch of Constantine were taken, an act of Vandalism which bears most striking testimony to the rapid decline of art which took place during the two hundred years which intervened between Trajan and Constantine. If the latter Emperor had wished to triumph over the downfall of the art of sculpture, he could not have done it in a more striking way than by placing as he did these beautifully-executed reliefs, robbed from Trajan's Arch, side by side with the miserable productions of his own age. The porticoes which ran round the sides of the Forum Trajanum must have contained offices, and perhaps shops of various kinds. Upon the entablature which surmounted 1 See Desgodetz, Edifices Antiques de Rome, p. Roma, p. 152. 138; Dureau de la Malle in Mem. de l'Acad. des 2 Canina, Ami. dell' Inst, xxiii. 1851, p. 131. Inscript. t. xii. p. 285, where plans and elevations of 3 Becker, Handbook, vol. i. plate 5, No. 12: these ruins are given ; Venuti, Antichita di Roma, Dion Cass. Ixviii. 29. vol. i. p. 100 ; Du Perac, Vestigj ; Gamucci, Ant. di 4 See Pellegrini, in Bulletin? delV Inst. 1863, p. 78. 144 The Fora of the Emperors. them, and the pediments of the surrounding buildings, stood gilded statues of horses and military ensigns. 1 In the centre of the area stood the equestrian statute of Trajan, which gave rise to the often-repeated story told by Ammianus of the Emperor Constantius, who, on his visit to Rome, after expressing his unbounded astonishment at the magnificence of the city, and in particular of the colossal buildings in Trajan's Forum, declared his despair of ever being able to rival them, and added that the only thing he saw which he thought he could and would imitate was the equestrian statue of Trajan. Thereupon the Persian Prince Hormisda, who was attending him, exclaimed, " Your Majesty must first build, if you can, a stable like this, in which to stall the horse you propose to make, if he is to be properly lodged." 2 Other statues in great numbers of triumphatores and other celebrities stood in different parts of the Forum. Marcus Antoninus Philosophus erected here statues of all the officers of noble birth who had fallen in the Marcomannic war. 3 The north-western side of the Forum was formed by a splendid basilica, to the sides of which the two double rows of columns standing upon the bases now to be seen in the Piazza Trajana belonged. Canina has most ingeniously restored the Basilica Uipia. g rQun( j Q f basilica from two fragments of the Capitoline plan, one of which contains the letters BASIL, and the other VLPIA. 4 The basilica was called Ulpia, from the family name of Trajan, and this name is given to it on several ancient medals ; but it also bore the name Trajani. 5 According to the Capitoline plan, then, as restored by Canina, and the excavated foundations, the building was divided into a central nave and four side aisles by rows of columns, and had at each end a tribune or apse of the usual semicircular shape. One of these tribunes bears upon the Capitoline plan the name LIBERTATIS, and Canina, in order to explain this, has not without probability adduced the fact that the ceremony of manumission was performed in one of the tribunals of the Basilica Ulpia. 6 He further suggests that this part of the basilica may have been built upon the site of the former Libertatis Atrium, mentioned by Cicero as the point to which it was originally intended to extend the Forum Julium. 7 A great part of the central area of this basilica is now uncovered, and numerous frag- ments of columns and pavement which have been there discovered show the costly character of the work. The columns dividing the nave were probably of the richest marbles, such as pavonazetto and giallo antico, of which many fragments have been found, and the floor was of variously coloured marbles, while the outer columns, exposed to the air, were of grey granite. A mistake has been made in setting up these granite columns on the bases of the columns of the interior of the basilica, to which they do not answer in size. 8 1 Sidon. Apoll. Carm. viii. 8 ; Gell. xiii. 25, 1. 2 Amm. Marc. xvi. 10. 3 Jul. Cap. in Hist. Aug. M. Ant. Phil. 22. 4 Canina, Indie, p. 259. The only objection I can see to this restoration of Canina's is the apparent difference between the arrangement of the columns at the corner of the Forum next to the basilica as shown upon the plan, and as shown by the excavated founda- tions. But the plan of the excavated foundations has not been clearly enough made out at this point to entitle such an objection to the weight it would otherwise have. 5 Lamprid. Comm. Hist. Aug. p. 46 B. 6 Claud, in Eutrop. i. 310 ; Sidon. Apoll. Carm. ii. 545 ; Claud. De Sext. Cons. Honor. 646. 7 Cic. Ad. Att. iv. 16, § 14. 8 It is very unlikely that the granite columns now placed upon the bases stood there originally. They probably belonged to the external pillars only and the interior columns were of marble. The T'ora of the Emperors. *45 Two medals are extant, one of which is figured in Becker's Handbook, 1 representing the outside of this basilica. In one of them, which appears to belong to the side fronting the Forum, three projecting porticoes with columns are seen, which formed the grand entrance. TRAJAN'S COLUMN, WITH THE BASES OF THE COLUMNS OF THE BASILICA IJ LIMA AND THE CHURCH OF NOME DI MARIA. [The rising ground on the right is a part of the Quirinal Hill.] and on the roof of the attica above them are statues of men and horses. The excavations show that there were three doors on the side towards the Forum, but only one on the north side. The roof appears to have been of bronze, for Pausanias, in enumerating the buildings 1 Becker, Plate 5, No. 13. Some of the details of restored in the Monumenti delV Inst. Arch. vol. v. the decorative architecture of this basilica have been tav. 39. See Ann. deW Inst. 185 1, p. 131. U 146 The Fora of the Emperors. of Trajan, speaks of the Forum built at Rome by that Emperor, which was remarkable especially for its roof of bronze. Now this roof must have belonged to the basilica, for the Forum was of course open to the air. 1 It is to be observed that, upon the fragment of the Capitoline plan which contains the outline of the Basilica Ulpia, another rectangular building is represented as standing to the north of the eastern tribune, with a row of columns round the interior. Now although indisputable authority cannot be claimed for this portion of the Capitoline plan, because it is evidently one of the later restorations; 2 yet as it exactly agrees with the C ' "'librarkf'' 1 P^ ace usually assigned to a part of the Ulpian library, we have here a con- firmation of the general opinion of topographers, that the library was placed in two buildings situated on either side of the court in which the column stood. One of the two library buildings was devoted to Latin and another to Greek books. 3 Gellius speaks of reading the edicts of the ancient praetors there, so that State papers must have been included among the documents. 4 The books were at one time removed to the baths of Diocletian., 5 but appear to have been replaced again, for at the end of the seventh century we still find the library used for literary discussions and poetical recitations. 6 The great pillar, with its well-known spiral bas-reliefs, perhaps the most interesting and instructive monument of antiquity in Rome, was surrounded, when the buildings round it were complete, with a narrow court not more than forty feet square. The Column oj sou \h s id e of this was formed by the basilica, the eastern and western bv the 1 rajan. J - ' J libraries, and on the north there was probably an open colonnade, the line of which can be traced to the enclosure beyond, in which stood the temple dedicated to Trajan. Thus we discover a fact, which seems at first somewhat surprising, that the pillar could not be viewed in its full height from any side, and that the upper part of it alone was visible from the Forum over the roof of the basilica. That it was intentionally thus enclosed is evident, for had the Greek architect Apollodorus of Damascus, 7 who designed the Forum, wished it to be where the full colossal proportions could be seen, there was the open space of the Forum close at hand, in the centre of which it might have been placed. But it is not unlikely that the sight of a column was almost inseparable, in the Greek architectural ideas, from an entablature and pediment. The Greeks did not place their statues on the tops of columns, 8 and probably had this reason for it, that a single column cannot form a whole by itself, and wears a forsaken and deserted aspect when viewed from a distance. An obelisk conveys a different meaning, and the use of a single column cannot be justified by it. The obelisk tapers upwards and completes itself, but a column instantly conveys the idea of something heavy to be supported. Obelisks, moreover, were never used singly by the Egyptians, but always placed in pairs at the gateways of their temples. The intention of the architect was not that the column should be viewed, as we now view it, as a whole, but that the colossal statue of the Emperor should be raised on high above his splendid 1 Pausanias, v. 12, 6 ; x. 5, 11 ; Roncalli, Vet. Chron. 5 Vopisc. Hist. Aug. Prob. 2. p. 204. 6 Venant. Fort. lib. iii. 23, 7 ; Sidon. Apoll. loc. cit. 2 See note on the Capitoline plan at the end of quoted by Nibby, Roma nell' Anno 1838. chap. viii. 7 Dion Cass. lxix. 4. 3 Sidon. Apoll. Ep. ix. 16 ; Carm. xxvii. seq. ; Dion 8 The passage quoted by Merivale, vol. vii. p. 246, Cass. Ixviii. 16. from Plin. xxxiv. 6, 12, relates to statues only, and 4 Cell. xi. 17, 1. not to columns with statues upon them. The Fora of the Emperors. 147 group of buildings, and also that the bas-reliefs should be conveniently viewed from the surrounding galleries. 1 The height of the column is 124 feet from the pavement to the foot of the statue. 2 It is usually considered to belong to the Tuscan order of architecture as described by Vitruvius, and to be, with the exception of its sister column in the Piazza Colonna, the only specimen of that order in Rome. It stands upon a pedestal of marble 18 feet high, base of trajan's column. ornamented on three sides with highly interesting bas-reliefs, representing trophies of Roman and Dacian armour of various kinds, the Roman labarum and the Dacian dragon, coats of mail made of scale or chain armour, helmets, curved and straight swords, axes, clubs, bows, quivers, arrows, lances, trumpets, and several kinds of military tools. On the fourth side two genii bear the tablet, on which is the inscription : — SENATVS 1 See Fergusson's Principles of Art, p. 494. feet high, inclusive of base and capital. Annali 2 See chap. xiii. The shaft is exactly 100 Roman dell' Inst. 1852, p. 255. U 2 148 The Fora of the Emperors. POPVLVSQVE ROMANVS IMP. CAESARI DIVI NERVAE F. NERVAE TRAJANO AVG. GERM. DACICO PONTIF. MAXIMO TRIB. POT. XII IMP VI PP AD DECLARANDUM QUANTAE ALTITVDINLS MONS ET LOCUS TANTpS operi] BUS SIT EGESTVS. The last words of this inscription are illustrated by a passage of Dion Cassius, who says that Trajan placed a colossal pillar in his Forum to be his own tomb, and also to show the amount of labour expended upon the Forum, the slope of the hill which previously occupied the site having been dug away so as to afford a level space for the Forum. 1 There is no need to interpret this, as some writers have done, to mean that the ground on the spot where the column stands had previously been as high as the top of the column. Such an interpretation seems highly improbable. The view taken by Becker and Brocchi, as mentioned above, is more tenable, that the words allude to the cutting away of the Ouirinal hill, which was steep and inaccessible before, but was sloped away to a point on the side of the hill as high as the top of the column. Brocchi's geological observations have made it almost certain that the ground has not been cut away to any great depth between these two hills. 2 In the base of the column the ashes of Trajan were deposited in a golden urn. 3 Sixtus' V. had the chamber in which this urn was deposited opened, but found it empty, and it has now been walled up. 4 Above the pedestal are two flat stones ornamented with garlands of oak leaves, and upon them rests a round base carved in the shape of a laurel wreath. The shaft, which stands immediately upon this, is composed of twenty-three cylindrical blocks of marble, on the outside of which a spiral band of beautifully-executed bas-reliefs winds from bottom to top, covering the whole shaft. The capital is a single ring of egg-shaped ornaments, with arrow-heads between them, and a simple border below. On a pedestal above it stood originally the colossal bronze-gilt statue of Trajan. This statue and pedestal were pro- bably carried off during the robberies committed at Rome by the Byzantine Emperors A.D. 663. 5 Sixtus V. replaced it by a modern cylindrical pedestal and a statue of St. Peter. The ancient winding staircase, hewn in the solid blocks of marble and lighted by narrow openings, still leads to the top. From thence it may be seen how difficult it is to suppose that the ground ever rose to such a height between the Capitol and Ouirinal as has been imagined by many historians and topographers. 6 The magnificent wreath of bas-reliefs which winds round the shaft may be best studied by means of the model to be seen in the French Academy on the Pincian hill. It contains tne history of two campaigns against the Dacians, and has been inereniouslv Bas-reliefs re- 0 J presently scenes and minutely interpreted by several writers. A complete account of this intheDaciau marble history of the Dacian wars, with a discussion of all the historical and antiquarian points connected with it, would occupy several volumes, and we wars. 1 Dion Cass, lxviii. 16. the Ouirinal. 2 Becker, Handbuch note 737 ; Brocchi, Suolo di 3 Dion Cass, lxviii. 16, lxix. 2 ; Aur. Vict. Epit. ii. Roma, p. 133. The top of the column is only six Eutrop. viii. 5. feet lower than the level of the Villa Aldobrandini on 4 Becker, Handbuch, p. 384. the top of the Ouirinal, and two feet higher than the 5 Anastas. Vit. Pont. vol. i. p. 132. Piazza di Ara Cceli. If, therefore, at any time the 6 Merivale's expressions (vol. i. p. 2, and vol. vii. ground on the site of Trajan's Forum was as high p. 243) seem to me much too strong. He allows as the column, it must have formed a ridge higher however, in his note, that the common interpreta- tion the Capitoline and very nearly as high as tion of the inscription is very hard to accept. The For a of the Emperors. 149 must therefore content ourselves with noticing the general character of the work, and some few of the more interesting portions. Two campaigns are represented. The first of these took place in the year 101, and during it Trajan's army passed down the river Save, and crossed the Danube in two divisions, — at Kastolatz and at the confluence of the Tjerna. The two divisions effected a junction at the pass of the Bistra, called the Iron Gate, which Trajan's first they forced, and then attacked and took the royal city Zermizegethusa. C " "nZfa. ^ Trajan was not satisfied with this success, but pushed on into the heart of the enemy's country, and gained a great victory at Tapae, after which Decebalus, the Dacian king, sued for peace. The bas-relief begins at the base by a representation of the banks of the Save, down which the Roman army passed, and shows military storehouses, piles of wood, stacks of hay, and wooden huts. Then follow forts with soldiers on guard, and boats carrying barrels of provisions. The river-god Danube then appears, and looks on with astonishment at the bridge of boats over which the Roman army is passing. 1 The baggage of the soldiers on the march, tied to the top of the vallum or palisade which they carry, and the different military standards, are very distinctly shown. Many of the men are without covering on their heads, but some wear lions' skins. 2 The Emperor and his staff are then introduced. He is sitting upon a suggestus, or platform, and Lucius, the Praetorian Prefect, sits beside him. 3 The Suovetaurilia, a grand sacrificial celebration, is the next scene, with priests in the cinctus gabinus, and trumpeters. 4 After this the Emperor is seen making an harangue to the troops ; and a little further on the building of a stone encampment enclosing huts is being carried on with great vigour, and bridges are being thrown across a river, over which cavalry are crossing. 5 A battle seems then to take place, and the heads of two enemies are being brought to the Emperor. The Dacian army, with the dragon ensign and the Dacian cap, the symbol of superior rank, seen upon the statues of the Dacian prisoners on the Arch of Constantine, appears; 6 Jupiter gives the victory to the Romans, the Dacian camp is burnt, and the Dacians fly. 7 Numerous representations of forts, boats, different kinds of troops, skirmishes, and sieges follow, ending with the surrender of Decebalus, and the return of Trajan to Rome, where a great festival is celebrated. The arrival at Rome, and the crowds of Romans going to meet the great conqueror, are very vividly drawn. An immense number of bulls for sacrifice, altars, camilli, and half-naked popae are introduced into the triumphal rejoicings, and the first campaign ends with the figure of Trajan offering incense at the altar of Jupiter Capitolinus. 8 A somewhat similar series of scenes is represented in the sculptures which depict the second campaign. Perhaps the most interesting is that of the great bridge over the Danube, 9 1 Fabretti, Colonna Trajana, No. 40. - Ibid. No. 43. 3 Ibid. No. 65. 4 Ibid. Nos. 78 — 80. Compare the bas-reliefs now on the Arch of Constantine taken from Trajan's arch. 5 Fabretti, Nos. 87 — 120. 6 Dion Cass, lxviii. 9. 7 Fabretti, Nos. 131, 132 — 138. 8 Ibid. Nos. 221, 237, 242. 9 Ibid. No. 260. The bridge is described in Dion Cass, lxviii. 13 ; Merivale, vol. vii. p. 235 ; Francke, Gesch. Trajans, pp. 128, 129. The Fora of the Emperors. made of wood, supported on stone piers, the foundations of which may still be seen in the bed of the river. Apollodorus, Trajan's architect, designed this immense work, which crossed the Danube at a spot where it is not less than 1,300 yards wide, Trajan s second near fa e y[[[ a gQ G f Gieli. 1 A permanent road into Dacia and secure com- campaign in ... Dacia. munication with his basis of operations having thus been secured, Trajan gradually advanced from post to post, driving the Dacians into the mountainous parts of the country. The sculptures represent a number of skirmishes and assaults upon fortified places, but no regular pitched battle. At last the ghastly spectacle of the head and hands of Decebalus severed from his body is exhibited on a board by two soldiers in front of the Praetorium. This disgusting scene is followed by a representation of the storming of the last strongholds of the enemy in the mountains ; and a mournful pro- cession of fugitives, carrying away their goods and driving their cattle into exile, forms the close of the sculptured history of the Dacian campaigns of Trajan. 2 In these curious bas-reliefs we have a treasury of information on the religion, the mili- tary science, the habits, and dress of the Romans of the Empire far more valuable than ten thousand pages of descriptive writing. The lover of Roman antiquities will learn more by studying Fabretti's engravings of these reliefs, or the casts at the French Academy at Rome, than by endless book-labour. The descriptions of Livy and Polybius, Caesar and Tacitus, receive life and movement and interest as we look at the actual figures (ocidis subjecta ftdelibus) of the general and his staff, the Praetorian guards marked by their belts over the left shoulder, the fierce-looking standard-bearers and centurions, with their heads covered with wolves' skins and the shaggy manes of lions streaming down their backs, the rank and file carrying enormous stakes, the master-masons, sappers, and pioneers, with their axes and crowbars, the lancers, heavy and light cavalry, and royal chargers, the Sarmatian horsemen, clothed, riders and steeds, in complete scale armour, and the Moorish cavalry, riding without reins. Bridges being constructed, Roman causeways laid, forts attacked with all kinds of military engines, the charge of cavalry, the rout and confusion of a defeated army, are all most vividly depicted. Trajan in person traverses the ranks on foot, or mounts the suggestus and harangues his men, or receives with simple dignity the submission of the enemy, or marches, with all the pomp of a Roman procession, under the triumphal arch. The soldier-like simplicity and bonhomie of the great military Emperor are strikingly portrayed. There is no silken tent, or richly-decorated chariot, or throne or canopy of state to be seen. His colonel of the guards sits beside him as an equal on the suggestus ; in the midst of a battle the Emperor tears up his robe to bind the wounds of his soldiers ; 3 he is present everywhere, wearing a sword and fighting in person. Nothing could be more illustrative of the state of Roman affairs in that iron age when, as in the olden times, rough and unlettered warriors, fresh from the camp, swayed the destinies of the Empire. In this vast spiral relief there are said to be more than 2,500 sculptured figures of men, and the higher they are placed on the column the larger are their dimensions, showing the care that was taken to counteract the effects of the increased distance from the eye. The whole of the carving, from base to summit, is executed with equally minute care, though the 1 Procop. /Edif. iv. 6. 2 Fabretti, Nos. 313, 320. 3 Dion Cass. Ixviii. 8. The Fora of the Emperors. upper part can never have been easily visible except from the windows or roofs of the basilica and the libraries, which, as we have seen, were placed very near. The opinion which prevailed for some time, that the figures had been coloured, 1 is incorrect, as the more minute examination since made has proved that the colours thought to be artificial are the natural results of the decay of the stone and oxidization of the metallic parts of the structure under the effects of the rain, sun, and dust. 2 Close to the Greek and Latin libraries lay the temple which Hadrian dedicated to his predecessor. We have no description of this temple left us, but its mention in conjunction with the column by Gellius, Spartianus, and the Catalogue called Curiosum shows beyond a doubt that it was placed to the north of Trajan" the small court surrounding the column. 3 This is the only place in which it could have been situated without destroying the symmetry of the plan of Trajan's Forum. A considerable number of granite columns, supposed to have belonged to this building, have been found in digging the foundations of houses to the north-west of the Piazza of Trajan, and from the colossal size of these it may be concluded that the temple was of very large dimensions. A medal figured in Becker has been supposed to represent the front of this temple, but Reber has shown 4 that the date borne by it (103 A.D.), fourteen years before Trajan's death, renders this supposition impossible, and that it probably represents a temple dedi- cated to Nerva by Trajan himself. 5 The only difficulty is contained in the title, " Optimo principi," on the medal, which has generally been considered as given to Trajan alone among the Roman Emperors. In the absence of positive proof, all that can be said is, that Nerva, of all the other Emperors who preceded Trajan, would be most likely to have received this title. Thus the whole group of buildings called by the name of Trajan's Forum extended from the Via del Priorato to the Piazza dei SS. Apostoli, and at the northern end adjoined some of the great public buildings of the Campus Martius. Of the subsequent history of this magnificent monument of Trajan's reign a few notices may be gleaned here and there. At the end of the fifth century the library seems still to have been a place of literary resort, for the statue of Forum Sidonius Apollinaris, the poet, was placed there, as he himself mentions, in Trajanum. the piazza between the two libraries. 6 In the time of Charlemagne, five centuries after the Dacian victories, Paulus Diaconus, in his " Life of St. Gregory the Great," speaks of the still remaining beauty of the Forum of Trajan, having occasion to mention it in relating the wonderful delivery of the soul of " the best of Emperors " from purgatory. 7 Rome had, however, before this time been robbed by the Byzantine Emperors of all the bronze and other metals which her public buildings contained, and the roof of Trajan's basilica had doubtless suffered with 1 Merivale speaks of the column as " shining in 3 Gell. xi. 17, 1 ; Spart. Hist. Aug. Hadr. 19 ; every volute and moulding with gold and pigments," Curios. Reg. viii. vol. vii. p. 246. Considering that it is a simple Tus- 4 Becker, Handbnch, p. 381, and PI. 5, No. 11 ; can column without volutes or mouldings of any Reber, Ruinen Roms, p. 191. 5 Plin. Panegr. 10. marked kind, and that it never was painted or gilt, 6 Sid. Apoll. lib. ix. 16 ; Carm. 25. this description is far too poetical. 7 Paul. Diac. in Vit. Greg. 17 ; Merivale, vol. vii. s Bull dell' Inst. 1836, p. 39. p. 250. The Fora of the Emperors. the rest. 1 It is a significant fact, that, of all the bronze-gilt statues and ornaments which this Forum is known to have contained, not a single one has been dug up in the course of the extensive excavations which have been made. In the terrible convulsions which tore Rome to pieces in the tenth century during the riots between the Burgundians, Alberic, and Pope John XII., 2 the Forum of Trajan was probably destroyed, for we find a garden growing round the great pillar in the year 1003, and the Church of S. Nicolas was already built there in 1032. 3 In the succeeding centuries of ignorance and misery the names of Campus Kaloleonis and Palatium Hadriani were given to the ruins, and the Forum of Nerva was wrongly supposed to be the Forum of Trajan. 4 The preservation of the column itself is probably due to an order issued in the twelfth century, forbidding any one to injure it on pain of death. 5 Gradually the ruins around it became levelled, gardens were made there, and then the city began to grow again in this direction, until, as has been above mentioned, the new streets, the Via Alessandrina and the Via Bonella, were laid out by Pius V. A small piazza was built round the column, but Sixtus V. caused this to be cleared away, and the base of the pedestal to be laid bare, when he placed the statue of St. Peter upon the summit. But the greatest credit is due to the French, who, when they occupied Rome in 18 12, excavated, under the orders of Napoleon I., the greater part of the ruins of the basilica and part of the Forum. A vast number of fragments of columns, of inscriptions, and of architectural orna- ments have been dug up at various times on the site of Trajan's Forum. The great granite columns which now lie near the base of the pillar were on the site. found in laying the foundations of the Church of S. Maria di Loreto, by the architect, the elder San Gallo, and are mentioned as lying near that church in the middle of the sixteenth century. 6 The equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius in the Piazza del Campidoglio stands upon a pedestal made by Michael Angelo out of an immense fragment of entablature found on the site of Trajan's Forum. The following account is given by Flaminio Vacca, in his " Memorie " (1594), of a discovery of a number of bas-reliefs and sculptures : — " I remember that near the Pillar of Trajan, at the spot called Spolia Christi (so called from a picture in the Church of S. Salvadore, representing the stripping of our Saviour), the remains of a triumphal arch were found, with many pieces of historical sculpture, which are now in the house of Signor Prospero Boccapadullo, who was then Inspector of Roads. Among these was one of Trajan, mounted on a horse and crossing a river, and some statues of prisoners similar to those now standing on the arch called by Constantine's name. I observed these very carefully, and am certain that they are in the same style and by the same master-hand as those upon the Pillar." 7 In 1765, in digging the foundations of a house near the Church of S. Maria di Loreto, six columns of grey granite were found, eight palms and a half in diameter; but they remained in situ, because no one could be found to bear the expense of removing them. An enormous portion of the cornice of a portico was also found 1 Anastas. Vit. Pont. vol. i. p. 132. See below, chap. xiii. 2 Gibbon, chap. xlix. 3 See Reber, p. 193, note 4. 4 Mabillon, Mus. Ital. vol. ii. pp. 132, 143, 161. 5 Galletti, Primicero, p. 232 seq. quoted by Nibby, Roma nell' Anno 1838, parte ii. Antica, p. 213. 6 Reber, p. 194. Nibby, loc. cit. 7 Flaminio Vacca, Memorie, 9. The Fora of the Emperors. 153 there, which Cardinal Alessandro Albani removed, and placed in his villa outside the Porta Salaria. 1 The statues of prisoners mentioned by Flaminio Vacca were undoubtedly the fellows to the statues of Dacian prisoners which are now to be seen in front of the attica of Constantine's Arch. More statues of the same design, but smaller dimensions, were found by the French excavators in 18 13, in the middle of the ruins of the basilica. 2 These probably belonged to a different part of the buildings from the larger ones mentioned by Flaminio Vacca. The granite columns found near S. Maria were possibly a part of the Temple of Trajan or its enclosure. Besides these, there have been found in various excavations on the site a number of pedestals of statues, with inscriptions ranging from the time of Trajan to the end of the Empire. The antiquary Fea mentions three pedestals discovered in 18 13 which had supported statues of Trajan, all having the same inscription, stating that they were erected in his sixth consulship, which answers to the year A.D. 112, and commemorating his services to the State both at home and abroad. 3 Another inscription, which is now built into the wall on the north of the pillar, commemorates the remission of all debts to the Emperor's private purse (fiscus) by Hadrian, a fact which we find also mentioned in Dion Cassius and Spartianus. The latter writer adds that it was in the Forum of Trajan that Hadrian publicly burnt the list of debtors, and the inscription was no doubt intended to mark the spot of this act of liberality or bribery. 4 A large number of statues were erected in the Ulpian Forum by M. Aurelius during the course of his German campaigns, in memory of the Roman nobles who fell- in those wars. 5 Pedestals have also been found with inscriptions in honour of the Praetorian Prefects Eugenius, who lived in the time of Constans, and Merobaudus, a noted general of Celtic extraction, and a literary character in Gratran's time, some of whose works are still extant. The absurdly verbose and bombastic style of these inscriptions of the later Empire contrasts strongly with the laconic simplicity of those of an earlier date. The virtues of one Nicomachus Flavius, of the time of Theodosius and Valentinian, are cele- brated in language which can only find a parallel in some of the English epitaphs of the last century, or in the modern Papal encyclicals. 6 The statue of Sidonius Apollinaris has already been mentioned, and another poet, Claudian, also had the honour of a place in this Forum. The inscription belonging to his statue was found in the fifteenth century in the house of Pomponius Lsetus. 7 Besides these, we find in Gruter's " Inscriptions " the following mentioned to whom statues were erected in this Forum : — Fl. Anicius Petronius Maximus, Prefect of the city in the year 420 ; Anicius Anchemius Bassus, Prefect in 383 ; L. Aurelius Avianus Symmachus, Prefect in the year 377 ; Anicius Paulinus, Consul in 334; and Bassseus Rufus and M. Pontius Latianus Larcius Sabinus, contemporary with M. Aurelius. 8 1 Fea, Misc. pp. 56, 57, note c. 2 Ibid. Inscrizioni di Monumenti ; Roma, 1813, P- 13. 3 Ibid. p. 12. 4 Gruter, p. x. No. 6 ; Dion Cass. lxix. 8 ; Spart. Hist. Aug. Hadr. ch. 7. X 5 Hist. Aug. M. Ant. Phil. 22. 6 See De Rossi, in Ann. dell' Inst. vol. xxi.; Fea, Inscrizioni, p. 10. 7 Claud. Bell. Get. praef. 7 ; Gibbon, chap. xxx. ; Gruter, Inscr. ccclxxv. 1. 8 Gruter, Inscr. cccclvii. 3 ; cccliii. 4 ; ccclxx. 3. CHAPTER VIIL PART I. THE PALATINE, GERM ALUS, AND VELIA. NATURAL FEATURES OF THE HILL— NAME PALATIUM — GERMALUS— '-LUPERCAL — CASA ROMULI — FICUS RUMINALIS — SCALS CACI — CORNUS SACRA — RUINS AT THE NORTH-WEST CORNER — TEMPLE OF MAGNA MATER — TEMPLE OF JUNO SOSPITA— AUGURATORIUM — DOMUS TIBERIANA — DOMUS CALIGUL/E — TEMPLE OF AUGUSTUS — GATEWAY AT NORTH-EAST CORNER — TEMPLE OF VICTORY — HOUSES OF WEALTHY ROMANS — CICERO'S HOUSE — HOUSE OF CATULUS HOUSE OF CLODIUS — SPLENDOUR OF PALATINE HOUSES — PORTA MUGIONIS — TEMPLE OF JUPITER STATOR — PALACE OF TARQUINIUS AND ANCUS — SACELLUM LARUM — VELIA — ,ED£S PENATIUM — HOUSES OF TULLUS AND PUBLICOLA — MARBLE PLAN OF THE CITY — NERONIAN FIRE — DOMUS AUREA— COLOSSUS OF NERO — TEMPLE OF PEACE— BASILICA OF CONSTANTINE — ARCH OF TITUS — TEMPLE OF VENUS AND ROME — META SUDANS — ARCH OF CONSTANTINE — SUBSTRUCTIONS ON THE SOUTH-EAST SIDE OF THE HILL — PALACE OF AUGUSTUS — TEMPLE OF VESTA TEMPLE OF APOLLO— LIBRARY — ROMA QUADRATA IN AREA APOLLINIS — SDES PUBLICS- ATRIUM — LARARIUM— BASILICA — PERISTYLIUM — TRICLINIUM — NYMPH/EUM — PORTICO — LIBRARY — ACADEMIA — TEMPLE OF JUPITER VICTOR — PALACE OF THE CAESARS — TERRACE — AQUEDUCT — STADIUM — SEPTIZONIUM— TEMPLE OF HELIOGABALUS— ALEXANDER SEVERUS— BATHS OF MAXENTIUS— TEMPLE OF VICTORIA — FORTUNA RESPICIENS— CURIA SALIORUM— ARA FEBRIS — SACELLUM DEjE VIRIPLAC/E — DOMUS FLAMINIS DIALIS— TEMPLE OF BACCHUS — 'A.